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Black History Month

February is Black History Month, and this year we will focus on the first significant civil rights gains of blacks in America. The history of how these civil rights became reality will shock many.
The Earliest Civil Rights Efforts

Of course, from the time that the Dutch sailed the first shipload of slaves
up the James River in Virginia in 1619,1
the history of the first African-Americans was characterized by a denial of
civil rights. Regrettably, slavery soon spread from Virginia to all the other
Colonies, despite the valiant efforts of many. (For example, the Pilgrims and
the Puritans led opposition to slavery in Massachusetts; when the first slave
trader brought his ship to Massachusetts, he was arrested and his slaves were
returned to Africa;2 and when Georgia was founded in 1732, its founder, James
Oglethorpe, also prohibited slavery.3 )

Significantly, the first opponents of slavery and the chief advocates for racial
equal rights were the churches (the Quakers,4 Presbyterians,5 Methodists,6 etc.).
Furthermore, religious leaders such as Quaker Anthony Benezet were the leading
spokesmen against slavery,7 and evangelical leaders such as Presbyterian signer
of the Declaration Benjamin Rush were the founders of the nation’s first abolition
societies.8

So great was the effect of these early civil rights pioneers that prior to 1774, two of the thirteen colonies actively sought to abolish slavery or the
slave trade, and other colonies were rapidly moving in that direction.9 As Benjamin
Franklin explained:

A [desire] to abolish slavery prevails in North America, many of the Pennsylvanians have set their slaves at liberty, and [Virginia legislators] have petitioned the King for permission to make a law for preventing the importation of more [slaves] into that colony. This request, however, will probably not be granted, as their former laws of that kind have always been repealed.10

Indeed, King George III vetoed all colonial laws abolishing
slavery or ending the slave trade.11 His actions actually caused many American
political leaders to become involved in the move to separate from Great Britain.
These leaders were quite open in their denunciation of slavery:

Slavery is repugnant to the principles of Christianity. . . . It is rebellion
against the authority of a common Father. It is a practical denial of the
[effect] of the death of a common Savior. It is [encroaching on the authority]
of the great Sovereign of the universe who has solemnly claimed an exclusive
property in the souls of men.12 BENJAMIN RUSH, SIGNER OF THE DECLARATION,
DIRECTOR OF THE U. S. MINT

Christianity, by introducing into Europe the truest principles of humanity,
universal benevolence, and brotherly love, had happily abolished civil slavery.
Let us who profess the same religion practice its precepts by agreeing to
[abolish slavery in America].13 RICHARD HENRY LEE, SIGNER OF THE DECLARATION,
FRAMER OF THE BILL OF RIGHTS

Justice and humanity require it [the end of slavery] – Christianity commands
it. Let [us] pray for the glorious period when the last slave who fights for
freedom shall be restored to . . . that right.14 NOAH WEBSTER, REVOLUTIONARY
SOLDIER, “SCHOOLMASTER TO AMERICA”

I hope we shall at last – and if it so please God I hope it may be during
my lifetime – see [slavery removed]. . . . I shall always be prompt to contribute
my assistance towards effecting so desireable an event.15 WILLIAM LIVINGSTON,
REVOLUTIONARY GENERAL, SIGNER OF THE CONSTITUTION

Honored will that State be in the annals of history which shall first abolish
this violation of the rights of mankind.16 JOSEPH REED, REVOLUTIONARY
OFFICER, GOVERNOR OF PENNSYLVANIA

Following America’s separation from Great Britain in 1776, several States moved
towards abolishing slavery, including Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Connecticut,
Rhode Island, Vermont, New Hampshire, New York, etc.17
Moving in the Wrong Direction

In 1783, six States voted to end slavery nationwide,18 but the States that supported
slavery worked to ensure that the newly formed federal Constitution would remain
silent on the issue. It was thus left to each State individually either to abolish
or to preserve slavery. Trying to achieve as much as possible within the limitations
placed on the new national government, in 1789 President George Washington signed
a law prohibiting slavery in any federal territory.19 The belief was that with
these federal territories forming new anti-slave States (e.g., Ohio, Illinois,
Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, etc.), the slave-holding States would soon be
outnumbered and would be pressured to abandon that evil.

This plan never came to fruition, however, for in 1820, shortly after the death
of most of the Founding Fathers, Congress changed the rules in the so-called
Missouri Compromise; this change permitted the admission of the same number
of new slave States as new non-slave States.20 From this point forward, pro-slavery
forces achieved a steady progression of legislative victories.

A New Political Party with a New Vision

In 1850, the Fugitive Slave Law was passed. This law encouraged the hunting
and kidnapping of runaway slaves, and severely penalized those who hid or rescued
a slave.21 (Recall that the Bible in Exodus 21:16 pronounced the death penalty for those who kidnapped for purposes of slavery – a Scripture expressly violated
by this immoral law.) In 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska Act passed, allowing slavery
to be introduced into a new vast part of American territory.22 Following this
series of legislative setbacks, a number of abolitionists in Congress revolted
against the Democrats then in charge of Congress and started the Republican
party.23

The most obvious difference between the Republican and the Democrat parties
was their stands on slavery. For example, nearly every plank in the original
1856 Republican platform called for the abolition of slavery and the granting
of civil rights to African-Americans.24 However, the Democrat platform declared:

All efforts of the abolitionists, or others, made to induce Congress to interfere
with questions of slavery, or to take incipient [to initiate] steps in relation
thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences,
and all such efforts have the inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness
of the people.25

The 1860 Republican platform repeated its anti-slavery positions,26 while the
Democrat platform declared its support for the Supreme Court’s infamous Dred
Scott decision27 (that African-Americans were not people but property). The Democrat
platform also praised the Fugitive Slave Law and condemned those who opposed
it:

The enactments of State legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of
the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution,
and revolutionary in their effect.28

American voters in 1860 looked at the difference in the two parties and chose
Abraham Lincoln as President; they also gave him a Republican Congress. The
following year, many Democrats from the Southern States left Congress to serve
in the Confederate legislature, thus increasing the Republican majority in the
federal Congress. In 1863, President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation
Proclamation proclaiming freedom to slaves held by the Southern States in rebellion
against the United States.29 However, it was doubted whether the President had
the constitutional authority to issue this order, so in 1865 Congress passed
the 13th Amendment to abolish slavery. (Significantly, the wording for that
Amendment was taken from the 1789 anti-slavery law passed under George Washington.)

True Partisanship

The Amendment abolishing slavery passed the House by a margin of 119 to 56
in a vote almost completely along partisan lines. Of the 88 Republicans in the
House, all (100%) voted to end slavery; of the 66 Democrats, only
16 (22%) voted to end slavery; and of the 21 third-party representatives (Whigs,
Unionists, Emancipationists, etc.), 15 (71%) voted to end that institution.30

In the Senate, the Amendment passed 38 to 6. Of the 30 Republican Senators,
all (100%) voted to end slavery; of the 8 Democrats, only 3 (38%)
voted to do so; and of the 6 third-party Senators, 5 (83%) voted to end slavery.31
(President Lincoln was so pleased with the abolition of slavery that he personally
signed the 13th Amendment. The Constitution does not require the approval of
the President for the passage of an Amendment, and the 13th Amendment is the
only one of the 27 Amendments to be signed by a President. Lincoln’s signature
was indicative both of his strong opposition to slavery and of his joy at the
ending of that evil.)

A Landmark Event – And A Landmark Sermon

The 13th Amendment had passed Congress on January 31, 1865, and to commemorate
that important event, the House invited an African American minister, the Rev.
Henry Highland Garnet, to preach a sermon in the House Chambers. Significantly,
the Democrats in the House did not join in inviting the Rev. Garnet to speak
in the House, so the invitation was extended almost solely by Republicans.32 Rev.
Garnet’s church, the Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church of Washington, D.
C., was so pleased with this honor bestowed on their pastor that they passed
the following resolution:

Whereas, The adoption by Congress of an amendment to the Constitution
of the United States abolishing slavery forever throughout our land is an
event so important and fraught with so much interest to the nation as to call
forth our profoundest gratitude to God, and
Whereas, The Chaplain of the House of Representatives, Rev. Wm. H.
Channing, together with a number of the Republican members of the House, believing
that it would be eminently wise and proper to have some public religious service
to commemorate such an auspicious event, requested our pastor, Rev. Henry
Highland Garnet, to deliver a memorial discourse on the second Sabbath of
February, 1865. Therefore
Resolved, That the thanks of the congregation be tendered to those
members of the Senate and House of Representatives who voted for said amendment.33

On February 12, 1865, Rev. Garnet preached his sermon, becoming the first African-American
ever to speak in the U. S. House Chambers. Rev. Garnet began that address with
a recollection of his own experiences:

What is slavery? Too well do I know what it is. I will present to you a bird’s-eye
view of it; and it shall be no fancy picture but one that is sketched by painful
experience. I was born among the cherished institutions of slavery. My earliest
recollections of parents, friends, and the home of my childhood are clouded
with its wrongs. The first sight that met my eyes was my Christian mother
enslaved.34

He then reviewed the prominent leaders of both church and state who had strongly
opposed slavery:

Augustine, Constantine, Ignatius, Polycarp, Maximus, and the most illustrious
lights of the ancient church denounced the sin of slave-holding.
Thomas Jefferson said, at a period of his life when his judgment was matured
and his experience was ripe, “There is preparing, I hope, under the auspices
of heaven, a way for a total emancipation.”

The sainted Washington said, near the close of his mortal career and when
the light of eternity was beaming upon him, “It is among my first wishes
to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country shall be abolished
by law. I know of but one way by which this can be done, and that is by legislative
action, and so far as my vote can go, it shall not be wanting.”. . .35

Patrick Henry said, “We should transmit to posterity our abhorrence of
slavery.” So also thought the Thirty-Eighth Congress.
Lafayette proclaimed these words: “Slavery is a dark spot on the face
of the nation.” God be praised, that stain will soon be wiped out. .
. .36

Moses, the greatest of all lawgivers and legislators, said, while his face
was yet radiant with the light of Sinai: “Whoso stealeth a man and selleth
him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death”
[Exodus 21:16]. The destroying angel has gone forth through this land to execute
the fearful penalties of God’s broken law.37

The other day, when the light of Liberty streamed through this marble pile,
and the hearts of the noble band of patriotic statesmen leaped for joy, and
this our national capitol shook from foundation to dome with the shouts of
a ransomed people, then methinks the spirits of Washington, Jefferson, the
Jays, the Adamses, and Franklin, and Lafayette, and Giddings, and Lovejoy,
and those of all the mighty and glorious dead remembered by history because
they were faithful to truth, justice, and liberty, were hovering over the
august assembly. Though unseen by mortal eyes, doubtless they joined the angelic
choir, and said, Amen. . . .38

Rev. Garnet then called on the States to ratify the Amendment:

Let the verdict of death which has been brought in against slavery by the
Thirty-Eighth Congress be affirmed and executed by the people. Let the gigantic
monster perish. Yes, Perish now, and perish forever! . . . Let slavery die.
It has had a long and fair trial. God Himself has pleaded against it. The
enlightened nations of the earth have condemned it. Its death warrant is signed
by God and man. Do not commute its sentence. Give it no respite, but let it
be ignominiously executed.39

Rev. Garnet concluded by praising the leaders who had finally brought slavery
in America to an end:

Honorable Senators and Representatives! Illustrious rulers of this great
nation! I cannot refrain this day from invoking upon you, in God’s name, the
blessings of millions who were ready to perish but to whom a new and better
life has been opened by your humanity, justice, and patriotism. You have said,
“Let the Constitution of the country be so amended that slavery and involuntary
servitude shall no longer exist in the United States except in punishment
for crime.” Surely an act so sublime could not escape Divine notice;
and doubtless the deed has been recorded in the archives of Heaven.40

Additional Civil Rights Protections

While Congress had passed the Amendment, some voices in the South bitterly
protested the abolition of slavery and vowed to withhold from former slaves
the rights belonging to other citizens in their State.

Republicans in Congress addressed this problem over the next several years
by passing a series of seven civil rights bills. (Unfortunately, most of these
laws were eventually struck down by the Supreme Court, including the 1875 Republican
law prohibiting segregation – overturned by the Court in Plessey v. Ferguson.
It was not until 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education that the Court reversed
itself and upheld that Republican law. In fact, the resurrection of civil rights
in the famous 1968 Civil Rights Act was based largely upon the Reconstruction
Civil Rights Acts passed by Republicans a century earlier.) In 1868, Congress
passed the 14th Amendment to ensure that freed slaves and other African-Americans
would enjoy all the privileges and rights conveyed by being a citizen either
of the State or the nation.

Ratification of both the 13th and 14th Amendments became a requisite for the
readmission of the seceded Southern States back into the Union. But most of
those States, at that time still controlled by Democrat State legislatures,
refused to ratify the Amendments. As a result, Republicans briefly took control
of those southern legislatures and ratified the Amendments, thereby achieving
the readmission of those States into the Union.

The Democrats lashed out fiercely against the Republican civil rights measures
– as, for example, in the 1868 Democrat platform:

Instead of restoring the Union, it [the Republican Party] has, so far as
in its power, dissolved it, and subjected ten States, in time of profound
peace, to military despotism and Negro supremacy.41
We demand the abolition of the Freedman’s Bureau and all political instrumentalities
designed to secure Negro supremacy.42

More Partisanship

The passage of the 14th Amendment, much like the 13th Amendment, was also along
partisan lines. In the House, it passed 138 to 36. Of the 134 Republicans in
the House, 128 (96%) voted to provide civil rights to former slaves; of the
36 Democrats, none (0%) voted to give civil rights to African
Americans; and of the 11 third-party representatives, 10 (91%) voted in favor
of racial civil rights.43

In the Senate, the vote was 33 to 11. Of the 32 Republican Senators, 30 (94%)
voted for the measure; of the 6 Democrats, none (0%) voted for
civil rights; and of the 6 others, 3 (50%) voted for racial civil rights.44

As the civil rights secured on the federal level began to move forward across
the nation, Democrats worked hard at the State level to regain control of the
State legislatures and halt the progress made by blacks and Republicans. To
support this effort, a Democrat constituency group was formed to fight both
blacks and Republicans. The name of this group? The Ku Klux Klan.45 In fact, extensive
hearings held by the U. S. Congress in 1868 document the role of the KKK in
working with southern Democrats to halt voting by blacks.

(As an aside, during those congressional hearings, witness Robert Flournoy
testified to a fact unknown by many today: “I am a considerable sort of
a Negro man and talk with the Negroes wherever I go. I have never met in all
my intercourse with the Negroes of Mississippi but one single Negro who professed
to be a Democrat, and that was in the town of Oxford. He was a waiter in a hotel,
and he informed me that he was a Democrat. I tried to convert him and failed,
and left him a Democrat.”)46

In response to the efforts of the KKK and of Democrats in the Southern States,
the 15th Amendment – the final of the three post-Civil War civil rights amendments
– was passed in 1870 to guarantee to African-American males the right to vote
(the first ever expansion in federal voting rights). And just like the two previous
civil rights Amendments, the 15th also passed along partisan lines.47

A New Color of Congressional Leadership

These three civil rights amendments to the Constitution – the basis of all
current racial civil rights – were initiated and passed by Republicans over
the strong opposition of Democrats. African-Americans immediately experienced
the benefits of these amendments as scores of blacks were elected to the State
and federal legislatures, and all of these black leaders were
elected as Republicans. For example, 42 African-Americans were elected to the
legislature in Texas,48 50 in South Carolina,49 127 in Louisiana,50 etc.

On the federal level, Hiram Rhodes Revels from Mississippi became the first
African-American Senator in Congress, filling the seat previously held by Confederate
President Jefferson Davis;51 and Republican Joseph H. Rainey from South Carolina
became the first African-American member of the U. S. House of Representatives.52
(Several other blacks were also elected to the U. S. Congress from Southern
States during that era – always as Republicans.53 )

The abolition of slavery and the securing of the first national civil rights
for African-Americans is a significant chapter in America’s history. Regrettably,
too many Americans today know nothing of how these rights were secured. While
today’s politically-correct revisionist historians regularly misportray the
struggle for these civil rights, the public records and the official documents
nevertheless record the truth.

[For more information on the struggle for African American
Civil Rights see our Setting the Record Straight resource (in DVD,
VHS,
and Book
format); we have also cataloged our Black History resources here]

Endnotes

1. Benson Lossing, Harper’s Encyclopedia
of United States History
(New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1974),
Vol. VIII, “Slavery”; see also W. O. Blake, The History of Slavery
and the Slave Trade
(Columbus: J. & H. Miller, 1858), p. 98.
2. W.E. Burghardt DuBois, The Suppression of the African
Slave-Trade to the United States of America
(New York: Social Science Press,
1954), p. 30; see also Thomas R.R. Cobb, An Inquiry into the Law of Negro
Slavery
(Philadelphia: T. & J. W. Johnson & Co., 1858), Vol. I,
pp. cxlvii-cxlviii; and W. O. Blake, The History of Slavery and the Slave
Trade
(Columbus: J. & H. Miller, 1858), pp. 370-371.
3. Charles C. Jones, The History of Georgia (Boston:
Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1883), p. 110.
4. W. O. Blake, The History of Slavery and the Slave Trade
(Columbus: J. & H. Miller, 1858), pp. 169-172.
5. W. D. Weatherford, American Churches and the Negro
(Boston: The Christopher Publishing House, 1957), pp. 171-174.
6. W. D. Weatherford, American Churches and the Negro
(Boston: The Christopher Publishing House, 1957), pp. 85-86.
7. W. O. Blake, The History of Slavery and the Slave Trade
(Columbus: J. & H. Miller, 1858), pp. 172-175.
8. W. O. Blake, The History of Slavery and the Slave Trade
(Columbus: J. & H. Miller, 1858), p. 178.
9. Jared Sparks, The Works of Benjamin Franklin (Boston:
Tappan, Whittemore, and Mason, 1839), Vol. VIII, p. 42; see also W. O. Blake,
The History of Slavery and the Slave Trade (Columbus: J. & H. Miller,
1858), p. 178; and Benson Lossing, Harper’s Encyclopedia of United States
History
(New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1974), Vol. VIII, “Slavery.”
10. Jared Sparks, The Works of Benjamin Franklin (Boston:
Tappan, Whittemore, and Mason, 1839), Vol. VIII, p. 42.
11. W. O. Blake, The History of Slavery and the Slave
Trade
(Columbus: J. & H. Miller, 1858), p. 177.
12. Minutes of the Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates
from the Abolition Societies
, (Philadelphia: Zachariah Poulson, 1794), p.
24.
13. Richard Henry Lee, Memoir of the Life of Richard Henry
Lee and His Correspondence
(Philadelphia: William Brown, 1825), p. 19.
14. Noah Webster, Effect of Slavery on Morals and Industry
(Hartford: Hudson and Goodwin, 1793), p. 48.
15. William Livingston, The Papers of William Livingston,
Carl E. Pince, Mary Lou Lustig, David William Voorhees, eds. (New Brunswick:
Rutgers University Press, 1988), Vol. 5, p. 358.
16. William C. Armor, Lives of the Governors of Pennsylvania
(Philadelphia: James K. Simon, 1872), p. 223.
17. Frank A. Flower, History of the Republican Party
(Springfield: Union Publishing Company, 1884), p. 16.
18. W. O. Blake, The History of Slavery and the Slave
Trade
(Columbus: J. & H. Miller, 1858), pp. 391-392.
19. United States Statutes at Large, 1st Congress,
1st Session, “August 7, 1789” pp. 50-53.
20. The World Book Encyclopedia (Chicago: Field Enterprises
Educational Corporation, 1960), Vol. 12, page 560.
21. The World Book Encyclopedia (Chicago: Field Enterprises
Educational Corporation, 1960), Vol. 6, page 479, see also Dictionary of
American History
, James Truslow Adams, ed. (New York: Charles Scribner’s
Sons, 1940), Vol. II, p. 354.
22. The World Book Encyclopedia (Chicago: Field Enterprises
Educational Corporation, 1960), Vol. 10, pp. 198-199.
23. Frank A. Flower, History of the Republican Party
(Springfield: Union Publishing Company, 1884), pp. 18, 58, 149, 154, 156, 160,
164-167, 173, 176-180.
24. Thomas Hudson McKee, The National Conventions And
Platforms Of All Political Parties 1789 to 1905
(New York: Burt Franklin,
1971), pp. 97-99.
25. Thomas Hudson McKee, The National Conventions And
Platforms Of All Political Parties 1789 to 1905
(New York: Burt Franklin,
1971), p. 91.
26. Thomas Hudson McKee, The National Conventions And
Platforms Of All Political Parties 1789 to 1905
(New York: Burt Franklin,
1971), pp. 113-116.
27. Thomas Hudson McKee, The National Conventions And
Platforms Of All Political Parties 1789 to 1905
(New York: Burt Franklin,
1971), p. 108.
28. Thomas Hudson McKee, The National Conventions And
Platforms Of All Political Parties 1789 to 1905
(New York: Burt Franklin,
1971), p. 109.
29.James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages
and Papers of the Presidents
(Published by Authority of Congress, 1899),
Vol. VI, pp. 157-159.
30. Journal of the House of Representatives of the United
States of America
, Vol. 62, “January 31, 1865” pp. 170-171.
31. Journal of the Senate of the United States of America,
Vol. 56, “April 11, 1864” p. 313.
32.Henry Highland Garnet, Memorial Discourse (Philadelphia: Joseph M. Wilson, 1865), pp. 16, 65.
33.Henry Highland Garnet, Memorial Discourse (Philadelphia: Joseph M. Wilson, 1865), p. 16.
34.Henry Highland Garnet, Memorial Discourse (Philadelphia: Joseph M. Wilson, 1865), p. 73.
35.Henry Highland Garnet, Memorial Discourse (Philadelphia: Joseph M. Wilson, 1865), p. 80.
36.Henry Highland Garnet, Memorial Discourse (Philadelphia: Joseph M. Wilson, 1865), p. 81.
37.Henry Highland Garnet, Memorial Discourse (Philadelphia: Joseph M. Wilson, 1865), p. 82.
38.Henry Highland Garnet, Memorial Discourse (Philadelphia: Joseph M. Wilson, 1865), pp. 80-81.
39.Henry Highland Garnet, Memorial Discourse (Philadelphia: Joseph M. Wilson, 1865), pp. 85, 88.
40.Henry Highland Garnet, Memorial Discourse (Philadelphia: Joseph M. Wilson, 1865), pp. 88-89.
41. Thomas Hudson McKee, The National Conventions And
Platforms Of All Political Parties 1789 to 1905
(New York: Burt Franklin,
1971), p. 134.
42. Thomas Hudson McKee, The National Conventions And
Platforms Of All Political Parties 1789 to 1905
(New York: Burt Franklin,
1971), p. 133.
43. Journal of the House of Representatives of the United
States of America
, Vol. 63, “June 13, 1866” pp. 833-834.
44. Journal of the Senate of the United States of America,
Vol. 58, “June 8, 1866” p. 505.
45. Eugene V. Smalley, A Brief History of the Republican
Party
(New York: John B. Alden, 1885), pp. 49-50.
46. House of Representatives Mis. Doc. No. 53, “Condition of Affairs in Mississippi” Evidence Taken By The Committee on Reconstruction, 40th Congress, 3rd Session, December 15, 1868.
47. Journal of the House of Representatives of the United
States of America
, Vol. 67, “February 26, 1869” pp. 449-450; Journal
of the Senate of the United States of America
, Vol. 62, “February 26,
1869” p. 361.
48. The Handbook of Texas Online, “African Americans
and Politics,” (http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/handbook/online/articles/print/AA/wmafr.html).

49. Langston Hughes, Milton Meltzer, and C. Eric Lincoln,
A Pictorial History of Blackamericans (New York: Crown Publishers, 1983),
p. 204.
50. Langston Hughes, Milton Meltzer, and C. Eric Lincoln,
A Pictorial History of Blackamericans (New York: Crown Publishers, 1983),
p. 205.
51. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress,
“Revels, Hiram Rhodes,” (http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=R000166).

52. Biographical Directory of the United States Congress,
“Rainey, Joseph Hayne,” (http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=R000016).

53. Congressional Black Caucus, “Interactive Historical
Listing of African-American Members of Congress,” (http://www.house.gov/ebjohnson/cbcformermembers.htm).

 


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