Sermon – Election – 1789, Massachusetts


Josiah Bridge (1739-1801) graduated from Harvard in 1758. He was pastor of a church in Sudbury (1761-1801). The following election sermon was preached by Bridge in Massachusetts on May 27, 1789.


sermon-election-1789-massachusetts

A

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency JOHN HANCOCK, Esq.

GOVERNOUR;

His Honor BENJAMIN LINCOLN, Esq.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOUR;

The Honourable The

COUNCIL, SENATE AND HOUSE OF

REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF

MASSACHUSETTS

MAY 27, 1789.

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By JOSIAH BRIDGE, A. M.
Pastor of the church in East-Sudbury.

 

Commonwealth of MASSACHUSETTS.
In SENATE, May 27, 1789.

ORDERED, That Ebenezer Bridge, Cotton Tufts, and Benjamin Austin, jun. Esq’rs. Be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Josiah Bridge, and thank him in the name of the Senate, for the SERMON delivered by him this day, before his Excellency the Governour, the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and also to request of him a copy thereof for the Press.

Attest.
SAMUEL COOPER, Clerk.

 

AN

Election SERMON.

PSALM LXXXII. VERSE I.

GOD STANDETH IN THE Congregation of the Mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.

This passage of inspired scripture may well possess the minds of this numerous and respectable audience, with reverence and a sacred awe, before him, who is greatly to be feared in the assembly of his saints; and who will be sanctified in all them that come nigh him: It is particularly adapted to arrest the most serious attention of our honoured Rulers; at whose invitation we are assembled in the House of God on this auspicious anniversary,–to supplicate the Divine Presence with them, and his smiles and blessing upon the special business of the day; and their administration of government the ensuing year; and to enquire of him from his word, agreeable to the laudable practice of our pious Progenitors, from the first settlement of the country, to the present period.

Our text has a primary reference to the Rulers of God’s ancient covenant people. But as this passage of scripture is of no private interpretation, it will as fitly apply to our civil fathers now before God, as to the Jewish Sanhedrim of old.

The words before us, will naturally lead us—‘To make some brief and general observations on government.’—The propriety and usefulness of an assembly, for conducting the important affairs of it.—The sublime characters rulers sustain.—The Supreme Ruler present with them, as an observer, and judge; ready for their assistance and support, when acting up to their character; and carefully noticing whenever they lose sight of the great end of their appointment: And the powerful influence, the consideration of his presence and inspection must have, to engage them in a conscientious discharge of the duties of their exalted stations. May I be indulged your serious and candid attention, while I attempt to dilate a little, upon these several particulars; all obviously contained in, or easily deducible from our text. GOD standeth in the Congregation of the Mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.

That our text applies to the supreme government of a community, and involves the various departments of it, is readily seen by looking into the Psalm before us; where we find this congregation of the mighty, reproved for the improper use of their power, and a different mode of conduct enjoined upon them. “How long will ye judge unjustly, and accept the persons of the wicked? Defend the poor and fatherless: Do justice to the afflicted and needy: Deliver the poor and needy, rid them out of the hand of the wicked.”

Civil government is both a dictate of nature, and revelation; and is accordingly indifferently denominated, the ordinance of God, and the ordinance of man. Man was originally formed for society, and furnished with faculties adapted thereto: Faculties for the improvement of which social intercourse is indispensably necessary. Some of the most important duties, and refined delights of human life are of the social kind.

In order to obtain the benefits of society, civil rule is essentially requisite. Those lusts of men, from whence come wars and fightings, are so prevalent in this apostate world, that they are obliged to form compacts and combinations, for mutual assistance and support. And there is perhaps no people no earth, however uncultivated and barbarous, but who have adopted some kind of civil polity.

The light and law of nature, which uniformly urges to this mode of procedure, may well be accepted, as an expression of the divine will: For God addresses the human mind in divers manners; and he does it by the voice of reason, as well as revelation.

The providence of God is particularly concerned, in elevating man to post of honour and dignity; and giving them a seat among the congregation of the mighty. “For4 a promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the judge: He putteth down one, and sitteth up another.” “By me (says wisdom, or that glorious Being who is the wisdom of God) by me kings reign, and princes decree justice. By me princes rule and nobles, even all the judges of the earth.” And in the New-Testament, we have the same idea held up, in terms equally express. “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power, but of God. The powers that be, are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake; whether it be to the King, as supreme, or unto Governors, as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of God.”

These declarations apply to civil government in general, which is indispensably necessary to social felicity and safety. But they are by no means to be extended to every mode of government that has obtained among mankind. Not certainly to a despotic and lawless domination. This is not the ordinance of God. Nor indeed any other government, but such as protects the subjects in the peaceable possession of their just rights, properties and privileges.

The particular form of government and mode of administration, that shall obtain among the various nations of the world, heaven has not seen fit to prescribe. This seems to be referred to the wisdom of each community to determine for themselves. And a great variety has in this respect, actually taken place; in consequence of the different genius, sentiments and situation, of different people, in different ages and climes.

In some constitutions, the supreme authority hath been vested in one man. In others, a few are selected for the purpose. Others still have submitted it to many. The particular mode of government that has obtained the preference with the people of this land, directs our attention to the latter of these three. And so does our text. The congregation of the mighty.

There seems an evident propriety in committing the management of the interesting and important affairs of government, to a number selected from the whole.

Power is of an intoxicating quality; and for a single individual to be vested with foreign rule, is subjecting him to a temptation too strong for human virtue. A desire of pre-eminence is natural passion, and when properly restrained, may prove highly beneficial to society. But when it has a full free course, and attains the summit of its wish, and feels itself without control; the subject of this undue elevation, is apt to be puffed up with pride, to become intolerably supercilious and tyrannical; and to trample upon those rights of the community, and individuals, which it is the prime design of government to protect.

Wherever the will of a despot is the supreme law, the great end of government is usually perverted. This is sufficiently attested by facts: And it is no other than what might justly be expected from the nature of man.

There are, it is true, advantages arising from vesting the administration in the hands of one man, or a few; when they are well furnished with wisdom and fidelity; advantages from the decision and dispatch, with which affairs of State may be transacted; and which in particular emergencies, may be peculiarly beneficial. But they are so counterbalanced by the ills that result from arbitrary rule, on the one hand, and the safety that arises from good advice on the other, that there seems a manifest propriety that a number should be selected for the business.

“Where no council is (says the wise Solomon) the people fall: But in the multitude of counselors there is safety.” So limited is the human mind in all its perceptions and operations, and so diffuse, difficult, and many times perplexed are human affairs, especially the important ones of government, that they elude the comprehension of an individual; and demand the combined wisdom of a number, to conduct them with propriety. In free and judicious debates, there is frequently much light reflected upon intricate subjects. What escapes the observation, or recollection of one, may occur to another; and the minds of all be ripened for a result, by means of the light mutually reflected in their consultations. Affairs of State, thus carefully canvassed, may doubtless be conducted with greater propriety, by an assembly of the wisest and best men in a community, than by a single individual, however improved and judicious he might be.

Such further is the immense weight of government, that it is too heavy for the shoulders of an individual: A congregation of the mighty, will find the burden equal to their united strength. Thoughtless and inconsiderate people, may fondly conceive, that the business of a Ruler is as easy as the character is honourable. But those who know the circle of their duty, and the various difficulties that attend it, are fully sensible, that it is an office, laborious, extensive, and greatly exercising to all the powers of the body and mind.

Whatever refers to the public safety and happiness, demands their attention. The good and wholesome laws, that are in being, are faithfully to be executed; and proper persons sought out to carry them into effect. Laws unexecuted, however good in themselves, and beneficial in their tendency, answer no valuable purpose; and may really prove injurious, by lowering the general influence of authority. If men may violate one law without any animadversion; why not another? There is nothing inspires the public mind with so general a veneration of government, as an undoubted expectation, that every penalty incurred, shall be inflicted. New laws are from time to time to be framed, accommodated to the temper, genius and circumstances of a people, and the exigencies of state: And to be so framed that it may not be easy to elude their meaning, or evade their force. Justice, distributive, penal, and commutative, must have a free uninterrupted course in a community: This seems to be the very corner stone of its happy existence. Useful literature is to be encouraged, that youth may be trained up in knowledge and virtue, and fitted to serve God, and their generation, according to his will. Religion pure and undefiled, before God and the Father, so indispensably necessary to secure the favour and blessing of heaven, is particularly to be patronized. They must guard with a vigilant eye, against the numerous evils which threaten the body politic, whether from external violence, or internal convulsions; and attend to whatever serves to promote public prosperity. The commerce, agriculture, and manufactures of a people should particularly be put under the most judicious regulations; to encourage honesty industry, and banish idleness: The former as beneficial, as the latter is baneful. The one, continually prompting to vice and sedition; the other engaging to a quiet and peaceable life.

Great and arduous is the labor requisite for so extensive a sphere of action as this; some outlines of which, we have but hinted at. And the difficulties of it are sometimes greatly enhanced, by the peculiar embarrassments in which a people are involved. The cumbrance of a great community is hard to be borne; but their strifes render the burden still more grievous.

When Jethro, that wise Prince, and priest of Midian, observed Moses attending this duty from morning to evening, he makes this just remark.—“The thing that thou doest is not good: Thou wilt surely wear away: This thing is too heavy for thee: Thou art not able to perform it thyself alone.” And the excessive labour and fatigue, and various vexations of the service, effectually convinced Moses of the propriety of his observation. Though he was eminently furnished with every qualification requisite for a good ruler, and successful administration;–such as learning, wisdom, meekness, patience, and the most perfect patriotism; yet worn down with painful services, and ready to sink under the burden, we find him pouring out his complaint to God, in these expressive terms,–“Wherefore hast thou afflicted thy servant? And wherefore have I not found favour in thy sight, that thou layest the burden of all this people upon me? Have I conceived all this people? Have I begotten them, that thou shoudst say unto me,–carry them in thy bosom as a nursing father carrieth the sucking child.—I am not able to bear all this people alone, because it is too heavy for me.”

Upon this earnest application to heaven, God was pleased to alter their form of government. Moses is directed to select out of all the people, seventy men of their first characters: Men known and noted as such, to be joined with him in the administration. These composed the great Sanhedrin, and are that Congregation of the Mighty,–those earthly Gods, to whom our text most probably hath a primary reference.

It is a divinely glorious character they sustain. The mighty, and according to the Hebrew dialect, Gods. These terms express their dignity, and point out the necessity of suitable qualifications for the discharge of the duties of their station.

The dignity of rulers, has by some been improved, as a subject of flattery; and their minds have been immoderately puffed up, by the high strained compliments of fawning sycophants; till they have conceived themselves something above human. But they bear the image of God’s authority, and are illustrious by the rays of his majesty, for a very different purpose:–That they might imitate the justice and beneficence of that glorious Being they represent; and exercise the authority with which they are vested in providence, to the great and good ends, for which they are raised above their brethren. When the public good engrosses their attention, and engages their unwearied exertions: When they lay themselves out for the encouragement of whatever is virtuous, commendable and praise worthy, and for the suppression of everything of a contrary nature and tendency: When they improve all the powers of their minds, and all the advantages of their preferment to these ends:–Then do they act up to their honourable character; they fill with dignity their exalted stations, and may be fitly denominated Gods, and workers together with God.

To be equal to this important character and employ, it is necessary that they be persons of good natural abilities, and acquired accomplishments. The former of our bodies and the father of our spirits, has been pleased to exercise, both his “wisdom and sovereignty in the different make of men. To some he giveth wisdom and understanding exceeding much; and largeness of heart, even as the sand that is on the sea shore,” whereby they are able to discern both time and judgment, and are ready for every emergency. The powers of others seem formed upon a lesser scale, and evidently point them to a lower line of duty. Education serves to keep up the natural diversity in the human composition. The situation and circumstances of some, in the course of providence, is peculiarly favourable for improvements in those useful sciences which enlarge and ennoble the mind, and qualify it for extensive usefulness. While others are necessarily destitute of those advantages, and consequent improvements. Providence, as with a sun-beam, points out the former of these, as persons proper to be vested with ruling powers, in preference to the latter. Their qualifications bespeak it; the public good demands it; and the word of God directs to it. “Provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness, and place such over them.” Able men—men possessed of wisdom and knowledge; of sense and substance, or fortitude and firmness; neither enervated by debauchery, or effeminated by dissipations, equal to the cares, fatigues and burden of government; and of “attending continually on this very thing.” Their religious and moral qualifications are directly subjoined, and are equally desirable in those who rule over men. Such as fear God, are really religious, in principle and practice; Men of truth—of inviolable integrity; who maintain a sacred regard to their engagements: Hating covetousness; not only free from that turbid source of corruption; but detesting the low principle that centers wholly in itself.

Such characters collected from a large community, for the purpose of conducting its important public concerns, compose a truly respectable assembly: A Congregation of the Mighty: God’s vicegerents. They exhibit a faint resemblance and representation of the source of all power; and are ministers of the providential government of the great Supreme.

Our text represents the great Jehovah as present with them; and taking cognizance of their conduct. God standeth in the Congregation of the Mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.

Infidel minds, and those who by their conduct, have made it for their interest, either that there should be no God, or that he should be regardless of their behavior; have sometime flatly denied his superintending human affairs. At other times endeavoured to argue themselves into skepticism upon the subject. The ancients of Israel, in the days of Ezekiel, had the confidence to assert, that “The Lord had forsaken the earth.” Others of a still more ancient date are represented as querying—“Is not God in the height of heaven? And behold the height of the stars, how high they are—How doth God know? Can he judge through the dark cloud? Thick clouds are a covering to him, that he seeth not, and he walketh in the circuit of heaven.” Others still have said in their hearts, secretly whispered to themselves, when rebuked by their consciences for their criminal conduct; not daring to utter aloud the impious thought: “God hath forgotten, he hideth his face; he will never see it.”

Our inward feelings revolt at such blasphemous suggestions, and assertions. And the word of God throughout, reprobates the shocking imagination; and represents it, as the fruitful source of all the over-flowings of impiety and immorality, which prevail, in the most degenerate places and periods of time.

The most high God, the possessor of Heaven and Earth, is uniformly revealed in his word, as an immense, an infinite Being; omnipresent and omniscient. His universal presence and inspection, are necessary to the administration of his providential government now; and to a righteous distribution of rewards and punishments, in the judgment of the great day.

He is present in the Congregation of the Mighty as an attentive observer:–A powerful assistant: A righteous Judge.

Though he has given the earth to the children of men, and imparted of his authority to his Vice-gerents below; yet he still holds the reins in his own hands, and hath the government on his shoulders; and critically observes the conduct of those, who by being exalted to rule, are brought especially nigh to himself.

He beholds with approbation those wise and faithful servants who conform to the moral character of the Supreme Ruler, and make his administration the pattern and standard of theirs. He observes their unwearied endeavours to possess their minds with political wisdom, that they may fully comprehend the duties of their station; and their uncorrupted fidelity for the discharge of them; their careful attention for the removal of every needless burden, and the redress of every real grievance. He sees their solicitude to remove whatever obstructs the free course of justice; their assiduous endeavours, that it may be impartially administered, to all of every rank, and in every part of the community. He observes the firmness and fortitude with which they oppose themselves against evil doers, and the workers of iniquity; with what zeal and ardour, they labour for the suppression of vice and immorality, so utterly ruinous, both from its natural tendency, and the righteous judgment of God. He regards their meekness, self-denial and patience, their prudence, paternal affection and public spirit; and that philanthropy and God-like benevolence which animates to the noblest exertions for the public good.

He particularly notices the serious reference they cultivate to his all seeing eye; and the habitual influence this has upon the temper of their hearts, as well as the discharge of the duties of their exalted stations.

A lively sense of an ever present God, must powerfully arrest every mind that is the subject of it; and beget that fear of the Lord, which is the beginning of wisdom: Which is so essential and important a branch of religion, as to be frequently substituted for the whole of it. This important principle is indispensably necessary, for every man, who wishes to approve himself to God. It is the greatest ornament to a Christian Ruler; and of the happiest influence to the uniform discharge of every incumbent duty. Whenever it exists and exerts itself, Heaven regards it with approbation. It renders the services and sacrifices of all who possess it acceptable, and well pleasing in his sight. The Congregation of the Mighty thus qualified, disposed and employed; will secure and enjoy the approbation of the Supreme Ruler.

But the great God not only takes notice of all their exertions for the honour of his name, and the good of society; but is present with them for their assistance and support.

Civil Rulers are honoured as ministers and instruments of his providential government; and they are favoured with his providential presence, that the ordinance of Heaven in this respect, might not be rendered void; but that they may accomplish that which the Supreme Ruler pleases; and prosper in the station which he has assigned them.

When God has such a favour for his people, as to afford their Rulers his gracious presence; his right hand and the light of his countenance will do great things for them, and cause all things to go well with them.

Are they involved in darkness, or embarrassed with difficulties? The fountain of light, will illuminate their minds, and irradiate their paths, and make their duty plain before them.

Are they beset with threatening dangers? He that is with them, is more, and mightier, than all that are against them; and can easily deliver from the strivings of the people within; and external violence from abroad.

The presence of the Supreme Ruler, in the congregation of the mighty, as a sun and a shield for their direction and defence, is at all times desirable; and upon some emergencies of the highest importance. Such difficulties may perplex their minds, and embarrass their paths, as that they may really not know what to do. But the Father of light, if graciously present with them, can easily point out to them, the path of duty and safety. He has an immediate access to the human mind, and an entire command of it. As the rivers of water, he turneth it which way soever it pleaseth him. He can suggest such a train of thought, and mode of conduct, as shall lead them out of the labyrinth, set their feet upon a rock, and establish their goings.

Does a spirit of sedition arise, and the contagion catch from breast to breast; do the clouds collect and blacken, the clamor wax louder and louder, and direct its course, against the constitution and guardians of the State: Is it ready to burst out in contention, confusion, and every evil work? Oh how desirable is the gracious presence and powerful influence of the Supreme Ruler, at such a period, with those who act under him.

Such seasons of danger and distress are not ideal. They have been realized under every form of government; though more frequently perhaps under those of the most liberal complexion. It is not the best system of civil rule; or the most faithful and judicious administration, that is a certain security from such evils.

Under the , where God himself condescended to be their King; enacted their laws, civil as well as sacred; resided among them, exhibiting continually, a visible appearance of his presence; conducting the affairs both of Church and State, by the ministry of Moses;–of whose appointment to office by Heaven, his qualifications for it, and fidelity in it, they had the most undeniable proofs. Yet under all these advantages for a quiet administration, and obligations to a due submission; Korah and company, had the address to effect a most dangerous insurrection. They first attach to their interest, a number of leading characters; then raise their posse, and prepare their charge.

But what charge could hold, against so eminent a Ruler as Moses? Whom has he defrauded, or oppressed? Not a single individual. He declares before the heart-searching God, he had not. “Respect them not (says he, in his solemn address to the Deity) I have not taken one ass from them, neither have I hurt one of them.”

What is the terrible grievance, or pretended grievance, that enables these sons of sedition, to raise the whole Congregation against Moses and Aaron? It is pride and imperiousness. Strange that this of all things, should be the charge, when we are assured, from sacred record, that “the man Moses, was very meek, above all men which were upon the face of the earth.” But what of that? The charge takes, and that answers the purpose. “Ye take too much upon you, (they complain) seeing all the Congregation are holy, every one of them: Wherefore then lift ye up yourselves above the Congregation of the Lord?

This daring rebellion was severely rebuked by the righteous Governour of the World. The authors of it, and leaders in it, were partly consumed by fire from the Lord: And for the rest, the earth opened her mouth, and they went down quick into the pit.

But such a malignant effect had this insurrection upon the minds of the people, that even this awful interposition of the great God of Heaven, was not sufficient to quell it. The very next day there is a fresh rising, and a new charge exhibited. Moses and Aaron are impeached with killing the people of the Lord.

Gracious Heaven! Is it possible, that when those sinners against their own souls, were cut off by the hand of God, in the open view of thousands and ten thousand witnesses; and by his creating a new thing too; causing “the earth to open and swallow them up, with all that appertained to them,” that the whole Congregation should directly charge Moses and Aaron, with the murder of those pious good people?

This was too much for infinite patience to endure. “Get ye up from this congregation (says the Lord to Moses, prostrate before him as an humble fervent intercessor for them) that I may consume them in a moment.” And though Moses and Aaron stood in the gap, and at length turned away the anger of God: Yet it was not till fourteen thousand seven hundred, were made monuments of the divine displeasure; besides them that died about the matter of Korah.

These things happened to Israel of old for ensamples; and they are written for our admonition on whom the ends of the world are come, and they admit of a profitable improvement. We do not indeed in the present age expect miraculous interpositions; yet when God is graciously present with his servants, he does sometimes by a surprising coincidence of events, work out their salvation: So that “whoever is wise and observes them, may understand the loving kindness of the Lord.” To proceed with our subject.

The great Governor of the world, is not only present with those in authority, as an observer of all the good they do for his people; and to afford every assistance and support, as circumstances require:–But as a righteous judge, who critically observes the deportment of the whole, and of each individual, and takes cognizance whenever they lose sight of the great end of their appointment. He judgeth among the Gods.

That all-piercing eye which pervades the universe, and penetrates every disguise, sees who constitute the Congregation of the Mighty. He perfectly knows the various views they have; and the different improvement they make of their talents and opportunities. They are raised above their brethren; not that they may shine in affluence, and fare sumptuously every day; much less, that they may indulge to inglorious ease and sloth; and least of all, that they should pervert judgment and justice; but that having a more extended circle of duty, they may be more extensively useful. If however there are any who neglect the business of their station, who permit their talents to lie by them useless, as though folded up in a napkin, if content with the honors or profits of preferment, they leave the duties to be performed by others: He who stands in the midst of their assembly observes it. If through their delinquency, “judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off: If truth falleth in the street, and equity cannot enter,” the Lord sees it. “If they forbear to deliver them that are drawn unto death, and those that are ready to perish; if they say, behold we knew it not: Doth not He that pondereth the heart consider it? And He that keepeth their soul, doth He not know it? And shall He not render to every man according to his works?”

Whatever pleas any may substitute for the neglect of their duty, every omission is noticed by the righteous Judge; and noted down in the book of his remembrance. The abuse of their trust, exposes them to the just resentments of those, who have confided their interests to their care; and to the present rebukes of that God who judgeth in the earth. But whether they fall under the effects of these now, or not—a severe reckoning and an awful doom awaits them at the great day: “Cast ye the unprofitable servant into outer darkness, there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth.”

And if mere indolence and inattention to duty, be thus resented by the Supreme Ruler; those who are chargeable with direct and positive breaches of their trust, will not escape his observation. If they judge unjustly, and accept the persons of the wicked: If mischief be framed by a law, in effect and constructively, however covertly done, and men are turned aside from their right—He who is higher than the highest regardeth such violent perversion of judgment and justice. When this is the case, “all the foundations of the earth or land, are out of course,” as it is expressed in our context: For when justice is perverted, what good can be expected? “The omniscient God sees, and shall he not avenge such injustice as this? Hear that declaration of our blessed Lord, which will apply to the point, and deserves the serious attention of those who abuse their trust; “But if that evil servant shall say in his heart, my Lord delayeth his coming; and shall begin to smite his fellow-servants, and to eat and drink with the drunken; the Lord of that servant shall come, in a day when he looketh not for him, and in an hour that he is not aware of, and shall cut him asunder, and appoint him his portion with the hypocrites.”

And now will not the consideration of the divine presence in the assembly of political rulers, most powerfully engage them to a conscientious discharge of the duties of their exalted station? If their minds are possessed with a lively sense of his immediate inspection; they will, they must attend to the important affairs that come before them, with great solemnity of spirit.—Every matter that is suggested, or submitted to their consideration, will be impartially examined; and nothing suffered to pass merely upon the account of its plausible appearance. In every debate the enquiry will be, not what measure will most contribute to my popularity; to secure my present station; or advance me to an higher? Nor, what will be most for my personal interest, or the advantage of those with whom I am particularly connected? But what is fit, and right in itself, and in the view of my most calm and retired thoughts, divested as much as possible of passion and prejudice? What will stand the awful trial of the Supreme Governour, and meet his final approbation?

A lively sense of an ever present God, habitually impressed upon the mind, will happily influence the general temper and conduct; and it will prove peculiarly beneficial in pressing public emergencies: It will raise above that fear of man which bringeth a snare; and lessen, if not utterly destroy the force of temptation, from whatever quarter it originates. It will make them stedfast, immovable, abounding in the work of the Lord. It will expand the human heart, and inspire with a laudible ambition, to secure his sacred sanction. In short it will form a principle of action, which viewed in its proper connexion and extent, is one of the noblest and best that can possess the Ruler’s breast.

There are it is true, other principles that have their use, and are often improved by Providence to produce good effects: Such as a benevolent disposition:–A quick sense of honor:–ambition of being distinguished as of consequence in the State; and the like. But the influence of all these lower principles, is very uncertain, especially in times of great trial and temptation. If present interest, and present duty interfere, as they sometimes may, what is there but a serious reference to the invisible God, that will enable the ruler to hold fast his integrity? This indeed will engage him to go through honor and dishonor, good report, and evil report; resolutely to surmount, or charge through every difficulty and opposition that he meets with in the line of duty. The testimony of his own conscience affords him a constant support, a continual feast. “The work of righteousness shall be peace; and the effect of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever.”

Faithful Rulers, acting uniformly under the influence of this most excellent principle, have the fairest prospect of securing the acceptance and approbation of their fellow-citizens; and thereby of protracting the period, and enlarging the sphere of their usefulness. But whatever returns are made them, by an ungrateful world or perverse generation; God is not unrighteous to forget their work and labour of love. That peace of his which passeth all understanding, shall possess their hearts, and prove their support under every present pressure. And in the nearest views of dissolution, the testimony of their consciences, that they have walked before God, with a perfect heart, and have done that which was right in his sight, will inspire a hope sure and stedfast. And great shall be their reward in Heaven.

Will not the subject, thus considered, naturally lead us to reflect, with the most pleasing sensations, and sincerest gratitude to Heaven, upon our own happy constitution of civil government. Emancipated from British domination, freed from that exorbitant claim to a right to bind us in all cases whatever; which like a horrid vortex threatened to swallow up all that was dear and sacred in our view; and to reduce us to a state of absolute servility: Freed from these evils, we have had the singular privilege of forming and establishing a frame of government for ourselves: And, to render it the more perfect, of availing ourselves of the examples and maxims of the sacred writings, as well as the wisdom of all preceding ages. The thought that it is our own is a pleasing recommendation. The treasure and the blood we have been obliged to expend in order to its acquisition, must enhance its value. But especially the broad basis it lays for equal liberty, civil and religious; the security it gives to all our rights as men, and Christians; the favourable aspect it has upon our peace and prosperity in this life; and the advantages if affords of securing a good foundation against the time to come; all conspire to raise our esteem even to veneration. Strangers are not permitted to rule over us. “Our nobles are of ourselves: And our Governour proceeds from the midst of us.” Our best characters, it is our privilege and our duty to select, out of all the people, and from every part of the Commonwealth, to conduct our interesting affairs: And, not by will or caprice, but fixed fundamental rules, which they are under the oath of God to maintain sacred and inviolable. And if experience should convince us that amendments or alterations, are eligible, or necessary; a constitutional mode is pointed out, in which they may be effected, without exposing us to those intestine jars and convulsions, which usually attend alterations, and especially revolutions in other States. Happy, thrice happy people, have we but wisdom to know, and virtue to improve, so excellent a system.

What thanks should we render to God most high, to God who performeth all things for us, for the favourable dispositions of his providence, which opened the way for, and has enabled us to secure so excellent a constitution! Our present situation is by no means the result of chance. The revolution that introduced it was replete with brilliant events; such as engaged the attention and admiration of distant nations; and will shine with distinguished lustre in the faithful page of history. The hand of Heaven has been conspicuous, in raising up eminent characters for council and war, in uniting so extensive a territory in a common cause; in giving us favour in the eyes of foreign powers, and influencing them to afford us essential aid; and especially in a variety of marvelous interpositions of his providence, in periods of greatest perplexity, darkness and danger. How did the Supreme Ruler ride forth upon the Heavens for our help; and in his Excellency upon the skies! How often did he make bare his arm on our behalf, and exert the saving strength of his own right hand, till we obtained the completion of our wishes; peace with established independence; upon terms too, as honorable to America, as they were humiliating to Britain.

To hint at these interesting events, will not be deemed improper at this time, as it serves to touch the secret springs of gratitude, and draw forth our whole souls in love to him, to whom we are so infinitely indebted. And at the same time, may remind our civil Fathers of the confidence the community repose in them, by committing the Supreme powers of the constitution, both Legislative and Executive, to their care: And the sacred obligations they lay themselves under by accepting the trust.

His Excellency will consider his renewed call to the first seat of government in this Commonwealth, by the voice of the people, as a decided proof of their continued attachment to his person, and grateful acceptance of his past services: And the confidence they still repose in his abilities and disposition for future exertions in their favour.

His Honor the Lieutenant-Governour elect: The Honourable the Senate, and the Honourable House of Representatives, advanced to their respective important stations by the suffrages of their fellow-citizens, have now an happy opportunity of improving the large share of public confidence they possess, in contributing to the peace, order and felicity of the whole community. To this great end, they will direct their united attention and exertions.

In filling up the vacancies in the Legislature, and furnishing out a Council, for the Supreme Executive, their eyes will be upon the faithful in the land, upon men of known and tried abilities.

In all the business that comes before our Honoured Rulers, they will keep in view the public good, as the great end of their appointment to office. By a strict conformity to the principles of the constitution, they will if possible, cut off all occasion for murmuring and complaint: And where any really exists, effectually and expeditiously remove it.

They will keep a vigilant eye upon those restless spirits, who either from an aversion to the necessary restraints of government, discontent at their own situation, or embarrassments in their personal interest, through their own folly, extravagance or unsuccessful speculations, are continually plotting mischief, exciting the fears and jealousies of honest people, insinuating that their liberties and privileges, are invaded, or in danger, &c. Such men are the pests of society: They should be narrowly observed, and whenever their factious disposition discovers itself by overt acts, seasonably and severely animadverted upon; that others may avoid their crimes as they would their fate. Inattention to evils of this kind in their rise is dangerous, and may prove fatal.

To contribute to public happiness our civil Fathers will give every encouragement to industry, so indispensably necessary to bring forward to our aid, the numerous resources with which our country is blessed. By good laws and proper encouragements, they will endeavour to improve our agriculture, fisheries, commerce, arts and manufactures. These extensive fields will furnish out full, and profitable employ for all parts of the community. And industry in the improvement of these advantages, attended with proper economy, would enable us to emerge from our embarrassments, discharge our debts, feel our independence, and appear to advantage upon the great Theatre of the world.

To answer the great end of their appointment, our Rulers will patronize learning and the liberal arts. They will encourage our Schools and Academies, and especially our University, so illustrious for the renowned characters it has already produced: And to which the Commonwealth will still direct her eye for “strong rods for the scepter of them that bare rule;” to her own sons nurtured in that seat of learning, will she look for prophets, and to her young men for Nazarites, to take her by the hand, and lead her in the way she ought to go.

They will moreover endeavour the impartial distribution of justice and judgment. “The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spoke: He that ruleth over men, must be just.” Would they approve themselves to the Supreme Ruler or answer the prime design of government; they must conscientiously attend to this cardinal virtue. All their acts and laws must be founded upon this sure basis. And all their promises and engagements, held sacred and inviolable.

Their promises, their plighted faith for the payment of the public debt, does in a particular manner solicit their most serious attention. The creditors of the public, attached to the interest of their country, in the most critical juncture, cheerfully stepped forward, and exposed both their persons, and their fortunes, to the most threatening dangers, on her behalf. While some jeoparded their lives in the high places of the field, and endured all the fatigues of a severe and long continued war; through various perils, many times in cold and nakedness, hunger and thirst, yea “in deaths oft.” Others risked their interest at the earnest call of their country, in the support of the common cause, relying upon the public faith. Have they forfeited their right to their interests, either from loan, or services performed? Britain perhaps, had her arms been successful, might determine they had; for their treasonable attempts against her authority. And those among ourselves, who have been uniformly inimical to the American cause, may be pleased with the cruel mortification to which they see them subjected. But is there an individual friendly to the revolution, and possessed of the most moderate share of judgment and integrity, who does not view them as highly meritorious?

The decided part they took in favour of their much injured country, and in periods too of its utmost perplexity and danger, is greatly to their honor. They asserted her rights and supported her cause, not by a mere profusion and flourish of words; but by actions, which admitted of no duplicity of sense or meaning. They risked their dear-earned interest, and their still dearer lives for the freedom of their country. Heaven directed and assisted the noble exertions, and crowned the arduous attempt with glorious success. Had they not a right to expect, that government would honor themselves, by paying a sacred regard to their engagements? Did not sound policy, justice, honor, gratitude and every ingenuous principle which actuates the human mind, urge to this? Can specious promises, under the names of certificates, indents, facilities, due-bills, &c. couched in the fairest terms, while covering the grossest deception, be considered as an honorable discharge of the public engagements? Is this class of citizens, to look and expect till their eyes and hearts fail them with waiting? Have not many already been as effectually ruined by their dependence upon the public faith, as if their substance had been consumed by the flames? Have not many, urged by sad necessity, been obliged to part with their public securities, for a very trifling consideration? And must not more directly share their severe fate, unless the justice of government interpose? Some appear averse to this interposition, because it must now come too late with respect to many. But if through the delinquency or delay of the public, many of her faithful and tried friends, who have rendered her the most essential service, are ruined; is this a good reason why they should make thorough work, and dispatch the whole body of them?

“To turn away a man from his right, or subvert him in his cause, the Lord approveth not,” in any case whatever. But are there not in the case before us some circumstances, which give a peculiar colouring to the injustice done, to a part at least, of the public creditors, by withholding their due?

When David while in the strong hold, exclaimed,–“O that one would give me water to drink out of the well of Bethlehem; and three of the thirty chief, break through the host of the Philistines, and drew it, and brought it to him; he would not drink of it. My God forbid it me, that I should do this thing (says he.) Shall I drink the blood of these men, that have put their lives in jeopardy? For with the jeopardy of their lives they brought it.” In this view of the case, and as far as it will fairly apply to our army,–is there an individual, who would withhold from them their due; and deprive them of that bread they have acquired a righteous claim to, at the peril of their lives? Again.

The aged and helpless, and particularly widows and orphans, may be viewed as another class of public creditors. These, incapable of vindicating their rights, have a special claim to the patronage and protection of authority. Injustice offered to these, and especially to the latter, is ever considered as greatly aggravated. And some of the most pointed threatnings in the whole book of God, are directly leveled against this sin. Says the Supreme Ruler of the universe,–Ye shall not afflict any widow, or fatherless child. If thou afflict them in anywise, and they cry at all unto me; I will surely hear their cry, and my wrath shall wax hot, and I will kill you with the sword, and your wives shall be widows, and your children fatherless.”

There is other property, of which the community have availed themselves in the late contest, the with-holding of which, and especially the perversion of it, from its original design, is perhaps carrying injustice to its highest pitch. I mean that which has been devoted to God: Consecrated to charitable uses: The pious donations to our University: The funds for the benefit of Churches, and other societies: The provision made in one place and another, for the relief of the aged and necessitous, the widow and orphan. What is an invasion of this kind of property, but down-right sacrilege? A crime that scarce admits of excuse or extenuation. “If one man sin against another, the Judges shall judge him: But if a man sin against the Lord, who shall plead for him?”

Shall these claims upon the public be still suspended to give scope for speculation? Shall they be vacated, or in any degree mutilated, because the discharge of them is not to be effected, without laying a burden upon the community? And this when we are assured, they are entirely competent to the annual discharge of the interest, and lowering the principal, with a tax no heavier in proportion to the present number, than was commonly paid before the war? Would such pleas avail between man and man? Would they with good men and true, in a Court of Justice? Should an individual endeavour to get rid of his debts by such means, would it not consign his character to perpetual infamy? Can any plead for it then in a community; especially when the example it exhibits is so detestable in itself, and so destructive in its tendency, and abominable in the eyes of a righteous God, who declares, “I hate robbery for burnt sacrifice.”

Permit me only to add here, Our honoured Rulers among all their other exertions for the good of the Commonwealth, will pay a particular attention to the interest of Religion. Is it their governing aim to approve themselves to God? They must personally think of, and practice, the graces and virtues of the Christian character, without which it is not possible to please God. If they have the interest of religion at heart, they will give it their determined support: Not by instituting articles of faith, or forms of worship, or in any manner infringing the rights of conscience; but by promoting none to places of power and trust, but persons of good moral characters; by countenancing and encouraging the ministers of religion; by a faithful execution of the laws for the suppression of profaneness, immorality and impiety; and especially by an exemplary attendance upon public worship, and gospel institutions. Examples, and particularly of those in higher life, have a prevailing victorious force; and by them good Rulers may eminently subserve the interests of piety and virtue.

“Godliness is profitable to all things; having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.” It ensures the favour and blessing of heaven. It contributes to public happiness, by engaging all orders of men to an upright discharge of their several duties. Rulers possessed of religious principles, will approve themselves “Ministers of God for good,” to their people. And subjects under similar influences, will yield due obedience; not merely for wrath, or through fear of punishment; but from a far nobler principle,–“for conscience sake.” Religion in this view is so far from being a vain thing, that it is our life.

To these articles, and indeed to the whole circle of the duties of their elevated stations, our honoured civil Fathers will view themselves as under sacred obligations to attend. It is fit and reasonable in itself, that you do so. Heaven requires it of you; and the public good, in which your own private happiness, and that of your dearest connections is involved, demands it. But there is no consideration can have a more commanding force, than that which our text holds up to view. May you all feel its fullest effect. God standeth in the Congregation of the Mighty. The Supreme Ruler, before whom the most exalted intelligences of the upper world, prostrate with veiled faces, is present with you. He knows you all by name. Your principles, your views and the inmost recesses of your souls, are all naked and open to his inspection. He is at hand for your assistance. If you devoutly implore it, he will graciously afford it. And if you have it, and improve it; we may hope for clear evidence, from your happy and successful administration, that He is with you of a truth.—He judgeth among the Gods. He carefully notices your conduct, with a view to a righteous retribution. “Though you are called Gods, yet you must die like men;” and like your brethren of the dust appear before his dread tribunal, without any remains of your present civil distinctions. Actuated by this solemn thought; conducting with serious reference to the broad eye of heaven, and the recompence of reward; you will have the fairest prospect of acquitting yourselves with honour, of being approved of God, and accepted by the multitude of your brethren. Yea, it will give you boldness in the day of Christ Jesus. Having been faithful in a few things, he will make you rulers over many; and admit you to the joy of your Lord.

How solicitously concerned does it become us all to be, that we avail ourselves to the utmost of our present inestimable advantages; and especially that we do not forfeit and forego them, by our own folly and perverseness!

Our advantages are much every way. The lines are fallen to us in pleasant places; and we have a goodly heritage. The land we possess, like the chosen residence of God’s favourite people of old, is “a land of hills and vallies, and drinketh water of the rain of heaven. The eyes of the Lord our God are always upon it, from the beginning of the year even unto the end of the year.” It amply repays the toils of the industrious husbandman; yielding a rich supply of the necessaries, and most substantial articles of life; and a good surplusage for the purposes of commerce. Our fields, the uncultivated wilderness, the fisheries, the trade, and numerous arts and manufactures, offer business and bread, to every industrious individual; business suited to every different genius; and a decent support, and what in other countries would be called luxurious living.

Our land is a “valley of vision.” We are blest with the bright beams of gospel light and grace, which afford the highest advantages, for securing an inheritance in a better, in a heavenly country, when our connections with this are over.

The establishment of the new federal system, so favourable to a firm, and at the same time free government; so well adapted to brace the nerves of civil authority, through the whole frame; “to establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty for ourselves and our posterity:” The consideration which our firm bond of union will give us among the nations of the earth: The bright and pleasing prospect of enjoying the fruits of all our exertions and expense for liberty and independence, under the wise councils, and judicious regulations, of those eminent patriots, from the various parts of the union, which compose our national government: and especially under the presidency of that illustrious Chief, in whom we all concenter our views with an unanimity as desirable, as it is unexampled.

These advantages we now possess, are great in a separate view; but combined, are they not singular, and unparalleled, by any part of the whole habitable world? May I not with the utmost propriety, as well as warmest emotions, congratulate our honoured Rulers, this respectable audience, and our whole land, upon our present promising situation? More particularly upon the new era so happily, so auspiciously commenced. The tranquil easy advance to this new stage of political existence; and all the pleasing scenes which providence is opening to our view. Have we not the most flattering presages of realizing all that felicity so beautifully pictured out by the sweet Psalmist of Israel? “That our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as corner-stones, polished after the similitude of a palace; that our garners may be full, affording all manner of store; that our sheep may bring forth thousands and ten thousands in our streets; that our oxen may be strong to labour; that there be no breaking in or going out; no complaining in our streets.” Happy is the people that is in such a case; yea happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

Says an ingenious foreigner with respect to these United States;–“It is impossible not to wish ardently, that this people may attain to all the prosperity of which they are capable. They are the hope of the world. They may become a model to it. They may prove the fact, that men can be free, and yet tranquil. They may exhibit an example of political liberty, of religious liberty, of commercial liberty, and of industry. The asylum they open to the oppressed of all nations, should console the earth. The ease with which the injured may escape from oppressive governments, will compel Princes to become just and cautious. And the rest of the world will gradually open their eyes upon the empty illusions with which they have been hitherto cheated by politicians.”

With all these advantages, greater perhaps than providence has ever committed to any one people “since the transgression of the first pair;” with all our own raised expectations, and that of others; should we through our folly and perverseness, miscarry, alas how contemptible shall we appear! How criminal and wretched hall we be!

And is there not really danger sufficient to suggest the idea? To put us upon our guard, if not to alarm our fears? Virtue is justly represented, as the spirit of a republican government. Have we a sufficiency to animate ours? If the spirit be departed the form will be of but little worth. Had the people of these States, in fact, possessed those measures of public and private virtue, which the confederation gave them credit for; that might have proved a foundation for many generations. Experience has given the most unequivocal proofs, that it did not possess energy sufficient for us. And though we promise ourselves much from the National Constitution, so happily effected, organized and commenced; yet we may by no means expect to be happy under it, without our own consent and co-operation too.

If we are not prudent and cautious in our elections to important public offices: If we are impatient of the necessary restraints and expense of good government: If we indulge to mean groundless jealousies and suspicions of those in authority; and give a loose rein to the vices too prevalent in the present day; and especially if we get beyond the restraints of religion, and bid adieu to the fear of God: Have we not every reason to expect, that our most pleasing prospects will soon be closed, and succeeded by the deepest gloom?

May we unite in guarding against this danger; and exert ourselves for the support of order, peace and good government; which is really no other than our own support, and that of our nearest and dearest interests. Let us endeavour to derive a blessing upon the administration of government, by addressing ardent prayers, supplications, intercessions and thanksgiving, to the throne of Grace, for all who are in authority. Let us cultivate a condescending, benevolent, pacific and public spirit: And especially by repentance and reformation, and a careful practice of the various graces which constitute the Christian character; let us strive to conciliate the favor of Heaven. This will have the happiest aspect upon our tranquility. “If God giveth quietness, who then can make trouble? But if he hideth his face, who can behold him, whether it be done against a Nation or a man only?”

To conclude, let us all of every character, seriously remember, that the all-seeing eye of the Supreme Governor and Righteous Judge of the world, is not confined to the congregation of the Mighty. It runs to and fro through the whole earth, beholding the evil and the good. It critically observes the temper of our hearts, and the tenor of our lives: how we conduct in our several stations; whether we improve, or neglect, the talents committed to our trust; whether we make his approbation our governing principle, or live as without God in the world. We have each our station and work assigned us by our common Lord; and are under a sacred injunction to occupy till he comes. Come he most certainly will; and every eye shall behold him: And everyone receive an irreversible award from his mouth, according to the deeds done in the body. Let this solemn awful thought have its due weight on all our hearts, and it will have the best effect. It will make us such manner of persons as we ought to be in all holy conversation and godliness. Thus may we pass with improvement the varying scenes of this mortal life; and finally be admitted to a kingdom that cannot be moved; to a city that hath foundations whose maker and builder is GOD.

AMEN.

Sermon – Election – 1789, Connecticut


Ammi Robbins (1740-1813), brother of Chandler Robbins, graduated from Yale in 1760. He was pastor to a Congregational church in Norfolk, CT (1761-1813) and served as chaplain to General Philip Schuyler’s brigade at Albany (1776). Robbins preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 14, 1789.


sermon-election-1789-connecticut

The Empires and Dominions of this World, made
Subservient to the Kingdom of CHRIST; who
ruleth over all.

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED IN PRESENCE OF

HIS EXCELLENCY

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. L.L.D.,

GOVERNOR,

And the Honorable the General Assembly of the

State of Connecticut,

Convned at Hartford, on the Day of the

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION.

May 14th, 1789.

By AMMI R. ROBBINS, A. M.

Pastor of the Church in Norfolk.

“And the kingdom and dominion, and the greatness of the
kingdom, under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people
of the saints of the Most High, whose kingdom is an everlasting
kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and obey him.”

Dan. vii. 27

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the Second Thursday of May, A. D. 1789.

ORDERED, That Dudley Humphry and Giles Pettibone, Esquires, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Ammi R. Robbins, for his Sermon delivered at the General Election, on the 14th Day of May, A. D. 1789, and request a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
George Wyllys, Sec.

 

An ELECTION SERMON.
 

D A N I E L, ii. 44.

In the days of these Kings, shall the God of Heaven set up a kingdom which shall never be destroyed; and the kingdom shall not be left to other people; but it shall break in pieces, and consume all these kingdoms, and it shall stand forever.

WHEN our Lord Jesus was about to ascend from earth to heaven, having finished the glorious work for which he came, he gave in charge to his immediate followers, to go forth and disciple all nations. This commission he was pleased to preface with these words: “All power in heaven and in earth, is given unto me.”

This same divine person many ages before, appeared to Moses, the Hebrew law-giver, and spake from the burning bush, when he gave him commission to go for the redemption of his people from their severe bondage, by the name of “I AM THAT I AM:” And told him to say “I AM” hath sent me. It was HE also who, many years after, appeared to Joshua, the commander in chief of the Hebrew bands, by the name of the “Captain of the Lord’s host.”

In the Proverbs of king Solomon, divinely dictated, under the name of Wisdom, this same divine Being makes no hesitation to declare, “By ME kings reign and princes decree justice; by ME princes rule, and nobles, even all the judges of the earth.”

His holy apostle declares that “God hath exalted him far above all principality and power, and might and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come:” that “all things are put under his feet,” and that “he is given to be head over all things to the church.”

From all which we safely conclude, that absolute DOMINION belongs to the Lord Jesus Christ. And that all the limited authority, dominion and power, to be found among men, is, either mediately or immediately derived from him.

“The power of those who are exalted to seats of government,” said a venerable father on a like occasion, almost a century past 1 is from HIM. Whatever the particular instruments or means of conveying this power, and vesting it in these and those particular persons, may be: yet the power itself is from God, a ray of His. In elective states where persons are advanced by the suffrages of others, to places of rule, and vested with civil power; the persons chusing, give not the power, but God. They are but the instruments of conveyance, and do but design, i.e. nominate, the persons that shall receive it from Him.”

Hence it is HE, who in his holy providence, putteth down one, and setteth up another. He exalted even heathen princes—raised up a Pharaoh, called Nebuchadnezzar his servant, and Cyrus his shepherd and his anointed.

This divine Immanuel was pleased, in the visions of the night, to give to an heathen despot, some intimations of the glory and success of HIS KINGDOM on earth.

It is hoped it will not be thought unseasonable, if the speaker humbly invite the attention of this very respectable auditory for a few minutes, to that KING and KINGDOM which hath no end. Especially when it is remembered that it is his duty and business, to study its laws and maxims, to endeavor to proclaim its beauties, and to persuade his fellow-men, to seek first its righteousness, prosperity and glory.

The context, it is presumed, is so well remembered by all who consult the sacred pages, that it precludes the necessity of any rehearsal. The image that appeared to stand before the astonished prince, is so particularly described and so minutely interpreted, as renders a repetition needless. Great numbers in this auditory have, no doubt, received profitable instruction, as well as pleasing entertainment, in reading in ancient history, a more full account of the prophet’s prediction, of which this chapter contains only the out-lines.

We may observe therefore, from the text, that a glorious kingdom is to be set up; and that it is to be set up, in the midst of the changes and overturnings of earthly dominion and greatness. Agreeably to the prophet Ezekiel, who was contemporary with the one who gave us our text. “I will overturn, overturn, overturn it, i.e. dominion, and it shall be no more.”

Thus the Chaldean dominion was transferred into the hands of the Persians; thence into the hands of the Grecian conqueror, and from the Greeks to the Romans. This last empire arriving at the highest pinnacle of earthly glory: HE, whose right it is, even the Lord from heaven—the Lord Jesus appeared to lay the foundation of this kingdom spoken of in our text.

Be pleased further to observe, that this kingdom shall never be destroyed. While the formidable empires and mighty kingdoms of this world, in their turn, rise and fall, yea, become extinct and forgotten; this kingdom shall abide and remain—shall out live and be an attendant on the funeral of all the short-lived dominions of the earth. Moreover, that it shall brake in pieces and consume all those that are in opposition to it; or bring into it, crowns and scepters—absorb all earthly powers, and make them contribute to its progress, advancement and glory.

I have now to ask your attention, to the supreme RULER in this kingdom—The nature of its laws and maxims—and the character of its subjects.

The supreme ruler in this kingdom is none other than the Lord Jesus Christ. He who made all things, and by whom all things consist. He who thought it not robbery to be equal with God: but made himself of no reputation, and became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross. And this, that he might erect a kingdom on earth, and with such subjects as a lapsed world is composed of; even sinners and transgressors against their God.

For this, it was necessary that he should purchase and redeem them, and that with the price of his own blood—That he should assert the rectitude of the divine administration, the equity and goodness of his LAW; which could not be, but by his obedience and sacrifice. This therefore he cheerfully undertook. “Behold I come, in the volume of the book it is written of me, to do thy will, O God.” In order for the accomplishment of which, he appeared meek and lowly; submitted to the reproaches and indignities of wicked men—to be accounted mean and contemptible, and when he was reviled, reviled not again. He was full of philanthropy, went about doing good, and was emphatically the sinner’s friend.

His obedience in his threefold character, as a Man, a Jew and a Redeemer, was perfect and persevering; his sufferings and death meritorious, and his resurrection and ascension, certain and triumphant.

This divine Ruler is possessed of every perfection suited to be the great head of this kingdom. He is now continually operating in the course of his all-governing providence, with such wisdom, power and goodness, as to make all things subservient to his grand design, in bringing glory to God, and happiness to the system of intelligence. “He maketh his angels spirits, and his ministers a flame of fire.” He conducts the affairs of this world in such a manner, as is best calculated to promote, and most wisely adapted to advance, the interests of this kingdom on earth. When “the heathen rage and the people imagine a vain thing:” He sitteth in the heavens and laugheth at their folly. When the kings and potentates of the earth take counsel together, and set themselves against him; “He dasheth them in pieces like a potter’s vessel.”

From the earliest ages, He hath so ordered the events of time, that the rise and fall of nations—the revolutions and changes which have come to pass, among the generations of men; have all contributed to bring forward the mediarorial plan, and will, in issue, produce a large revenue of glory to the Lord Jesus Christ.

Nor is this kingdom propagated by fire and sword, or by the arts and stratagems of war; by which indeed most of the kingdoms of this world have been set up and established: but by the still small voice of the Divine Spirit — by heavenly influence on the minds of men; without noise, pomp and magnificence: For “this kingdom cometh not with observation.”

This supreme King of Zion, not only disappoints and confounds the devices of those who are in opposition to his kingdom; but rules in the hearts of his people by love. As his administrations are all wise, just and good; so the laws, precepts and maxims by which he governs, are excellent and divine. To these then in the next place, I am to ask your attention.

This is the only absolute monarchy we know of, that is without its faults. Monarchical government, we may, perhaps, be allowed to say, is the best in the universe, provided the monarch be wise, just and good. But such are the imperfections and corruptions attendant on lapsed degenerate men, that it is exceedingly dangerous to erect such a government in our world; lest oppression and violence should stalk uncontrouled, and misery and wretchedness be still more accumulated among the children of men.

The history of past ages exhibits a hideous portrait of the dismal effects of absolute despotic government. “What mighty blessings to mankind,” remarks a worthy divine 2 on a similar occasion, “were the famous Ninus, Nebuchadnezzar, Alexander, yea even Caesar, and later heroes of the sort; who have been celebrated in the records of fame? What did they ever do, but butcher mankind? Ravage, rob and plunder millions better than themselves? And to what other end, but to serve their own lawless and unbridled lusts? What were their most celebrated virtues, but the wonderful generosity of giving those riches, honors and privileges to some of their slaves, which they had first unrighteously gotten into their power, and taken from others?”

But in the government we are contemplating, although it is absolute monarchy, it is, nevertheless, the most wise, equitable and mild. The laws in this kingdom are, indeed, calculated to bring glory and dignity to the prince—to exalt the sovereign: yet also to secure the liberty and felicity of the subject.

A FUNDAMENTAL law in this kingdom is Love. “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and thy neighbor as thyself.” On this, all the rules, statutes and maxims of this kingdom are founded.

As the glorious Ruler himself was full of love to God, and benevolence to mankind, so he requireth the exercise of this capital virtue, in all his subjects. This constitutes order and peace, and lays a foundation for a most agreeable and happy society.

JUSTICE, integrity and uprightness, are urged, as most essential requisites for the conduct of all the subjects of this kingdom. It is a most important maxim given and insisted on, by the glorious Legislator, “As ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise.” This is that which the Lord requireth, “to do justly and love mercy.”

It is an important direction in this kingdom to render to all their dues. Various are the relations and different the offices to be sustained in social connection, whether in civil or religious life. And hence different duties and obligations arise; according to the various stations among men, in which, by divine Providence, they are placed. Hence rules are prescribed. He that ruleth is required to rule “with diligence.” And to “be just, ruling in the fear of God.” To be a “terror to evil-doers, and a praise to such as do well.” He is to consider himself as “God’s minister,” attending continually on this very thing.

Or subjects it is also required, that they submit to the ordinances of men”—and “be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake.” And of him that teacheth, it is required “that he wait on teaching”—and give himself wholly to these things, that his profiting may appear.” In a word, the rule is, “let every man abide in the calling wherein he is called”—and “render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due, honor to whom honor, and fear to whom fear.

BENEFICENCE is also required of the subjects of Christ’s kingdom. Not only that benevolent affection be exercised; but that it be expressed in beneficent actions and conduct towards our fellow-men. The rule adopted is, “look not every man at his own things, but every man also, at the things of others.” In opposition to that narrow and contracted selfishness, which is so incompatible with all moral and social virtue.

TRUTH and sincerity, in opposition to hypocrisy, and artful dissimulation is strongly urged, as a necessary regulation for the conduct of the subjects of this dominion. An open and honest frankness in communication, with “yea, yea, nay, nay,” inasmuch as “whatsoever is more that this, cometh of evil.” To these may be added, sobriety, temperance and charity, as distinguishing ornaments of those who belong to a kingdom which is never to have an end.

I only add here, that cheerful, uniform and persevering obedience to these, and all the commands of Christ Jesus, is strictly enjoined: For it is “he that endureth to the end, that shall be saved.” But the bare mention of all the laws and maxims of this kingdom, would be to copy a considerable part of the New-Testament. Give me leave to suggest one thought more, under this head of discourse and it shall be dismissed: and that is, that as the laws in this kingdom are all founded in consummate wisdom; so they are not too many, nor too few—they need no amendments, nor do they ever require any repeal. Such is the imperfection that attends the human-kind, that the wisest constitution that can be formed by men, and laws and statutes thence arising, may, and often are, attended with mischievous and unhappy effects. Nor is it possible to foresee, with precision, their operation, so as to prevent them. Hence ariseth the necessity of alteration and change, in legislation, and consequently in administering upon it. But instability in government, ever disposes to discontent and faction. These things are in a greater or less degree, necessary attendants on this imperfect state—such is the situation of our world. But in the kingdom of the Redeemer, the constitution is perfect—the laws and rules consummately wise, and the administration, of consequence, perfectly equitable and just.

I have now in the last place, to request your attention to the character of the subjects of this dominion, of which we have been speaking. And if in doing this, we find the principal outlines of the truly virtuous and godly man—the chief characteristics of the real Christian; it is hoped, it will not be deemed a misspending the time. For I may presume to assert, that it is our highest honor, and will be our greatest felicity to be truly religious—to be real Christians; whatever be our stations and employments in this uncertain world. The speaker would be understood therefore, by delineating the character, humbly to recommend it.

The subjects of this kingdom partake of the same spirit and temper of their glorious Ruler and Lord—and they walk in some measure even as he walked. They are endued with a principle of real virtue, being born from above. This lays a foundation for virtuous conduct, and holy practice, both towards God, themselves, and mankind. They exercise “Repentance toward God, and Faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. Sensible they are sinners, and of consequence, under a forfeiture of the divine favour: they look to the free mercy of God, through the atonement of Christ, for pardon and acceptance unto eternal life. They are (acting in character, and in this view it is intended to consider them) strongly attached to their Prince. They are voluntary in his service—are not subjects by constraint; but find that in being obedient, and in “keeping his “commands there is a great reward”—and that “his yoke is easy and his burden light.”

Such is their love and attachment to their Sovereign and Lord, that they have a tender concern for his honor and interest, and his glory ever lies near their hearts: For when they “behold the transgressors they are grieved.” As they love God, so they love mankind—they are disposed, as they have opportunity, to do good to all. They love not only their friends, but their enemies. Their benevolent affection is not bounded by their peculiar connections, nor circumscribed with their own community or nation: but their philanthropy extends to all mankind.

Another characteristic of the subjects of this kingdom is, they are solicitous to approve themselves faithful in their stations. Agreeably to the rule given: “Let every man abide in the same calling wherein he is called.” And are diligent in improving the talents committed to them, be they more or less; feeling the weight of that charge, “Occupy until I come.”—They keep in mind, that they are amenable to their glorious Lord, for the privileges they enjoy, and betrustments [entrustments] committed to them. They fear the doom of the slothful servant, and are anxious to obtain the blessed Euge pronounced on the faithful ones.

Moreover the subjects of this kingdom are quiet and peaceable members of the community, to which the providence of God hath joined them. They are disposed not to be factious, turbulent and boisterous; but rather to feel the influence and obligation of true patriotism—to seek the real prosperity and good of their country. Hence they feel bound by the precepts and example of their Lord, to discharge the duties they owe to their country, and in whose protection they share a part. From this consideration they will not murmur, much less refuse, to contribute their proportion for its security and defense: remembering that their blessed Lord, even after he had proved an exemption, ye wrought a miracle to pay his poll-tax.

I add, the subjects of this kingdom are men of prayer; and entertain a sacred regard for the Christian institutions. Whether in more exalted, or in humbler stations, they are not ashamed of Jesus and the cross of Christ. They love his Sabbaths, they attend on his worship and ordinances, and set a greater estimate on the light of his countenance and the communication of his grace and love, than they do on gold, yea than much fine gold.

In fine, they endeavor to keep a conscience void of offence, both toward God, and toward man. They are influenced, from a sacred regard to their God and their Saviour, to live soberly, righteously and godly in the world”—And in their habitual conduct, they are disposed to act as in sight of the solemn judgment to come—and with a serious view to the glorious and awful retributions of eternity.

Thus having an unshaken trust and confidence in God, and abiding under the shadow of his wings; they can be calm and sedate, in the midst of the boisterous tumults, and shaking perplexities of a tempestuous world—soar above its frowns—despise its flatteries—look with becoming indifference on its sublunary vanities—wait for a comfortable dismission from its vexations and evils—and hope and look, through grace, for the approbation of their Lord, and an open and abundant entrance into his kingdom of glory.

With pleasing contemplation we remark; how glorious is the King of Zion. Who will not fear, who will not love, this supreme Ruler. How glorious his person, how exalted his kingdom, how excellent his laws—how wise his administrations, and how happy his subjects. Is all power in heaven and earth given unto Him? Is it by Him, kings reign and princes decree justice? By Him, do princes rule, and nobles, even all the judges of the earth—and doth his kingdom extend over and absorb all others?—Then it is easy and natural to conclude, that all authority and power, short of Him, when viewed on a large scale, is only executive. By Him, and under Him they rule and govern, are executing his purposes, and bringing about the infinitely benevolent designs of his heart.

The Christian ruler, the really virtuous, who are in authority, will rejoice to subserve the interests of his kingdom. They will contribute all in their power, to promote the greatest good—the honor of the Redeemer and the best good of mankind. They will feel that it is a privilege, as well as an honor, to be by Him furnished with superior abilities, and placed in circumstances, so imitate their divine Lord in doing good—in seeking to diffuse happiness around them. And thus the Lord Jesus makes them happy instruments to promote his glorious purposes.

And indeed, this divine Ruler, in the course of his wise providence, doth so dispose and order events, that those who are not virtuous rulers, not friendly to his kingdom; but rather seek to oppose and hinder its progress, shall yet be under his control; so that they shall subserve his pleasure. For “the wrath of man shall praise him, and the remainder of wrath will he restrain.”

Not the most bloody tyrant that ever swayed a scepter, or disgraced a diadem, can go a step beyond his divine permission: nor a wicked Hazael be king over Syria, but by his designation. How animating the thought that the Lord Jesus reigns—that he hath a kingdom which shall know no end—and that he is gathering subjects into it, all around our world!

Notwithstanding all the opposition that hath taken place, and the many efforts which have been made to overthrow this kingdom, it still abides. It hath withstood the shock of its enemies for ages, and will still withstand them.

Great indeed, hath been the opposition to this kingdom in the world. Besides the pagan darkness which hath, for ages, brooded over the greater part of the earth—besides the awful delusion of that grand Impostor, the false prophet in the East—besides the tyranny and superstitions of the Roman Pontiff and his zealous votaries: there have been swarms of errors, wild enthusiasm and superstition, with a kind of religious frenzy and madness, which have prevailed in many parts of this more enlightened country. All which seem to promote increasing infidelity, and to obstruct the cause of the Redeemer, and the apparent progress of his kingdom: yet, blessed be God, great is the truth and will prevail.” This kingdom shall rise higher and higher, shall spread more and more, dispelling the clouds of darkness, and mists of delusion, before the glorious “sun of righteousness,” until it shall prevail over all the earth. “For the Gentiles shall come to his light, and Kings to the brightness of his rising.”

We also remark, The absolute necessity, and great blessing of good civil government. Wherever true Christianity, and the cause and interest of the Redeemer extends; there also civil government extends. Where the latter is now, but anarchy prevails, “there is confusion and every evil work:” to the total exclusion of the mild and benevolent maxims of the Prince of Peace. O! what gratitude becometh those, whom God is pleased to bless with good civil government?

“Inconsiderate men,” 3 as one observes, are apt to think government rather a burden, than a blessing; rather as what some persons have invented for their own particular advantage; than what God hath instituted for the good of all. This is, under him, the great guard and security of men’s property, peace, religion, lives; of everything here, for which it is worthwhile to live.”

And when we see men impatient under proper government, disposed to discontent and faction, to disseminate a spirit of contention—to “speak evil of dignities,” and despise their rulers: if the character of the subjects of Christ’s kingdom hath been justly drawn; it is indeed difficult, if not impossible to reconciled this character, with that of a real Christian; let their professions and pretensions be what they may.

“Tyranny and anarchy,” said another of our fathers, many years past, 4 “like fire and frost, though contrary in their natures, are, in many instances, much alike in their effects. A factious and ungovernable disposition in the people, does as effectually destroy the public happiness, as tyranny in the rulers. And a man has no more security of his life, or any of the enjoyments of it, when the execution of the laws is prevented by a mutinous temper of the people; than he would have if the laws were suspended by the arbitrary will of tyrannical governors.”

The maxims of the religion of Jesus, abundantly teach and inculcate, nay strictly enjoin, cheerful and ready subjection to civil government; and under its happy influence and protection they may hope and expect “to lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.”

In a view of the glory of the kingdom of the Redeemer, and the certainty of its spread and progress in the world; permit me once more to remark—The importance of this new and extended dominion to which we belong—and which covers no inconsiderable part of this western continent.

May we not anticipate the joy that shall arise in every truly virtuous and pious mind, from a consideration that this shall be the Theatre on which, angels and men, shall behold the displays of the Redeemer’s grace, and the glorious enlargement of his kingdom?

It is a just remark of a truly great man, that the visible kingdom of Christ, from its first rise, is making its progress towards the West. A vast, an immense, yea in great part, an unknown territory lies before us in that direction. And, so far as it hath been explored, for fruitfulness of soil, mildness of climate, and superior advantages of inland navigation, equals, if not surpasses any other part of the globe. Hitherto it hath been occupied, by little more than savage beasts and savage men. Shall this be all; until it shall be consumed with the rest of the burning world? Surely not.

The special agency of Heaven was so visibly manifest, in the late American Revolution, as forced the acknowledgment of it, even from the inattentive as well as the attentive mind—from the profane and impious, as well as the virtuous and sober.

The Supreme Ruler, whose province it is, to tread out empires, and give them birth; hath, in his holy providence, laid the foundation of this new and extended empire. Nor is his hand less conspicuous, in the opening such a fruitful world before us; sufficient for the support of many millions of inhabitants; than also in inspiring such a remarkable spirit of emigration to the west. And this, not only from amongst us on the eastern shore of this continent: But also from various parts of the other. Hardy adventurous souls, quitting the narrow and barren limits that gave them birth, to go and dwell in a more goodly land. And thus lay the foundations for immense population and increase; and open the way for the progress of this kingdom, and spread the praises of the great Redeemer, in that land of darkness and “shadow of death.”

He must be very contracted in his views, who imagines that all these preparations, in Providence, are only for men to act over the busy scenes of a short life, in pleasure, voluptuousness and sensuality: or that earthly parade and show, is all that is intended. No, surely. ‘Tis no enthusiasm, ‘tis no utopian chimera, to hope and believe, that this kingdom shall there spread and prevail, and the Lord Jesus get to himself a name and a praise in those ends of the earth.

But I may not dwell, any longer on the pleasing contemplation. The important business of the day forbids; and requires that the discourse be shut up with the usual addresses.

I congratulate my friends, and brethren of this Commonwealth, on the joyful return of this pleasing anniversary. Great and distinguishing have been the mercies of the God of heaven to our nation and infant empire. And when we were in imminent danger of such internal convulsions and divisions, as, had they not been checked, portended our overthrow and speedy ruin; and this notwithstanding the infinite expence of toil, treasure and blood: Behold it hath pleased Him, by whose special providence, our empire was founded, to unite a great people, in strengthening the bands of union, in forming and adopting a Constitution, in a manner unequalled by, nay without a precedent among the nations of the earth.

With ineffable pleasure, the citizens of the United States, may once more behold HIM who is justly esteemed the Father of his country, and, under God, the Saviour of a great people; from the toils of war, tasting the sweets of his beloved retirement and domestic tranquility for a short season—at the united solicitations of a grateful and feeling people; again step forth, and though reluctant, take the Presidents’ Chair: to head, not the gallant heroes and veteran soldiers in the field; but the sage councilors in the cabinet—the august legislature of America.

With equal satisfaction, we also view that distinguished Patriot, whose invincible attachment to his country from early life, hath called forth his great exertions, not only by his instructive pen; but also in person, from Court to Court, as our Ambassador abroad: now, as a tribute of gratitude from his country, at their call, is pleased to take the Chair of Vice-President.

With no less joy we view the venerable Senators and Representatives of our nation, in general Congress assembled; with deliberation and firmness, unitedly exerting their wisdom, integrity and zeal, to heal the wounds, and cure the disorders of their distressed country, and render their fellow citizens both happy at home, and respectable abroad. Was the resolution and the establishment of our Independence, the “Lord’s doings?”—Surely this not less.

Great and distinguishing have been the mercies of God to this State in particular: and this day is a witness, of the patience and goodness of the God of our Fathers, towards us their children; in continuing to us, our civil and religious privileges of such inestimable worth.—We behold our fathers and brethren, who are constituted by the suffrages of a free people, the pillars and supporters of this state—the guardians of our precious immunities. And when in General Assembly met, as soon as formed, we view them resorting together, to the house of God, unitedly to look up to the great Fountain of Wisdom, “the Father of Lights,” and to implore his presence and direction with them. The weighty concerns before them call for it, virtuous citizens, will attend them.

Nor is it a small part of the joy that appears in the countenances of this numerous throng,–May it please your Excellency; for to you, Sir, I beg leave, with filial confidence, yet humble deference, more particularly to direct my discourse.—It is not one of the least felicities of this people, to behold you, Sir, at the head of your numerous brethren and citizens of this commonwealth. Especially when we consider you as one born and educated among us—as one who hath given early and continued assurances of your steady attachment to the best interests of your citizens, by a long series of public and unremitting labors both at home and abroad.

Shall we repeat our expressions of gratitude, for the eminent services you have rendered to this State, and to the United States? Although this may be acceptable, yet a consciousness of your own integrity and fidelity in your various important offices, I know, must afford you much greater satisfaction. You will permit me, Sir, as one of the ministers of the Lord Jesus, to request you often to reflect, that the eyes of God, and this people, are upon you—that as your office is high and honorable, so the duties of it are arduous and difficult. That you are accountable to Him, by whose providence, you are raised to your exalted station: and that “where much is given much is also required.”

You will often contemplate, with divine pleasure, the glory and importance of that King and Kingdom, which hath been the theme of the foregoing discourse. Nor will you be ashamed to be, and continue to be, a faithful subject of the Prince of Peace. To Him you will still repair, and on his grace you will rely, in all your trials, whether official or personal—even to Him who hath said, “My grace is sufficient for you.”

A becoming sense of your own insufficiency without divine aid—the sweets of an approving conscience, and the approbation of your Judge at last; will often bring you, with a spirit of humble dependence, to the throne of grace, with that petition which proceeded from one5 who presided over a greater people than your Excellency now doth.—“Give, therefore, thy servant an understanding heart, to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad: for who is able to judge this thy so great people.”

Your Excellency, will suffer me to remind you, that as the Lord Jesus, who is the head of all power, hath, in his holy providence, furnished you with ability, and placed you in circumstances, to be eminently useful; so He will, one day, call you to render an account to Him your glorious Master.—Before whose tribunal, shall you and we stand, divested of every official distinction and titles of honor, which are peculiar to this world.

And now, That your Excellency may still possess the fullest confidence, and the warmest affection of a grateful people—a long and successful administration—the testimony of an approving conscience—the supports of religion through life—the consolations of divine grace at death—and the final approbation of your Supreme Judge; is our devout wish and ardent prayer.

Such, my indulgent auditors, is the imperfection that attends the wisest and best men, that they may sometimes, even in the great affairs of legislation, and in the appointment of executive authority, do that, which on further inspection, they are convinced is not wisest and best. For it is a received maxim, “Humanum est errare.” Therefore we find by experience that two different boards in the great representation of the people, is exceedingly useful and necessary: For “he that is first in his own cause seemeth just; but his neighbor cometh and searcheth him”—And “two are better than one.”

In such a government as ours, that there should be a check upon the great body in General Assembly, is found to be peculiarly salutary and beneficial.

The upper board of this great representation, in conjunction with his Excellency, and his Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, we consider as the representation of the people at large: and being promoted to that dignified station by the suffrages of the people through all parts of the State; they will, of course, be free from partial and local feelings, and consider themselves equally concerned for the whole body of their constituents.

You will suffer me then, May it please your Honor, and you Honorable Counsellors, just to remind you that, great is the confidence this people repose in you, when you are selected out from the many thousands in this commonwealth, to compose the circle around the council-board. Peculiar deference, esteem and honor is due from us to you, in your high stations: as also fatherly care, love and faithful exertion from you, honored Gentlemen, to us. The many proofs you have given of your ready discernment of, and regard for the real interests of the people, are not altogether unknown or wholly unnoticed. We request your Honors, still to exert your patriotic zeal and abilities for our good, and wish you at all times that “wisdom which is profitable to direct.”

You will indulge the freedom of a Christian minister, when he exhorts you among all the weighty concerns to which you are called; also to attend to that King and Kingdom of which we have been speaking. By His providence, you are raised to places of distinguished honor and trust. By Him you “Nobles and Judges rule,” as well as “all the Judges of the earth.”

You will remember, venerable Fathers, that you have not only to be, and do, that which is right in the sight of men; but especially to see that you approve yourselves to your own consciences and to the Lord Jesus, to whom you are accountable. And that it is your highest honor, and will be your greatest felicity, to be found at last, the faithful subjects of that kingdom which shall outlive all others. Cultivating the spirit and temper with which that Supreme Ruler was possessed; will expand your hearts with philanthropy, and dispose you to exert yourselves in the improvement of the talents which by your accomplishments and situations, God hath committed to you. Nor will the dazzle of earthly honors make you forget, that though you are stiled God’s on earth, you must die like men; and be called to render an account of your stewardship.

And the weight of this serious truth, you will the more sensibly feel, when you reflect that one of your number hath been called away from your Board and from our world, the year past. Although for a series of years, he adorned his seat at the Council-Board—he was not suffered to continue by reason of death.

His ability, integrity and zeal, for his country’s welfare—his fidelity and perseverance, in the duties of his civil, social and religious life, could not prevent the Honorable JOSEPH SPENER, Esquire, from a dismission from his useful offices and employments here: but having served his generation, “he is gathered to his fathers.”

But that I be not tedious, we wish you, honored Senators, and those Gentlemen, who may, this day, be invited, by the providence of God and the voice of the freemen, to join your circle, and supply the place of him who has slept in death; and any or all, the seats of those worthy members of your body who are called away to attend on the interesting concerns of the federal government in our national Congress: We wish you, revered Fathers, heavenly wisdom and understanding in all your consultations and decrees. And that you may be so happy as that having served your generation faithfully by the will of God, you may be gathered to your fathers in peace, meet the approbation of your own consciences and of your final Judge; and by Him, through grace, be admitted to the rewards of the faithful.

How great is the privilege, my candid hearers, that when our numbers and local circumstances will not admit of the great body of the people to meet together, to consult the general good, and give themselves law, or enact statutes by which to be governed: that we may detach a number of our brethren from every part of the community, to represent us in General Assembly. That they should here convene, and mutually communicate and receive, the feelings, the wants, the maladies and complaints of the great whole. But alas, how difficult, how arduous, how embarrassed oft times and perplexed, is their situation? Though their stations are respectable, and demand our esteem and reverence; yet their situation requires our prayers, our best wishes and every friendly aid.

It is not one of the least of our precious privileges, Gentlemen Fathers and Representatives of this whole Corporation, that you, and such as from time to time sustain your offices, may meet twice a year, and oftner if the public exigencies require; to look over every part of the community and carefully to see; not only “ne quid Refpublica detrimenti caperet” as the Roman phrase was; not only, left the commonwealth receive any detriment; but also studiously to exert yourselves, as fathers of the people you represent, to build them up—promote their tranquility—cement their union, and do all in your power, to advance the public weal.

It belongs not to me, Gentlemen, to dictate to you how to rule—what must be done, or what not be done, in your legislative or executive departments. Ye yourselves know what are the exigencies of, and what the necessary provisions for the commonwealth, and to you, a particular attention to this duty belongs. You will therefore make the general welfare your grand object, in all your consultations and resolves.

Indulge me, honored Gentlemen, the freedom to entreat you all to become the willing subjects of that kingdom, which shall flourish when all earthly power and authority, shall no more be needed. And to make the laws and maxims of that Supreme Ruler, whose character we have described, the measure of your conduct, in your political as well as private capacities. I may not doubt, honored Sirs, you will bear in mind, that you are accountable to him, and that his eye is ever upon you.

You are, when in Assembly met, acting in a legislative capacity, and many, if not most of you, when dispersed, are called to act in judicial and executive departments. In each and in every character you sustain; if you “fear God” like Joseph of old, you will indeed be pillars and supporters of our republic. Should you keep in mind that you are, not only amenable to the public; but that you must give an account to that Supreme Judge, whose eye beholds the secret springs and motives of every heart; and let this be uppermost in your minds; you will then hardly do amiss: But, destitute of benevolence and virtuous principle, as the great Pole-star to influence and guide you; although your knowledge and abilities may be great; you will be in danger of ship-wreck—of bringing ruin on yourselves and those who are embarked with you.

Worthy Gentlemen, we ardently desire and devoutly wish you the divine guidance, the gracious presence, and blessing of the Supreme Ruler—the Lord Jesus Christ—and that by wise and judicious precept, and faithful correspondent example, you may be great blessings in life, and, through grace, accepted at death, and made happy when your places shall no more be found in this uncertain world.

Although the business of the day doth not call for the special attention of the Ministers of the Gospel, any farther than that they shew themselves friendly and solicitous to promote in their line, the general good; and meet in convention to cultivate harmony, and strengthen and assist one another, in the important business in which they are called to act: yet the subject of the foregoing discourse, exhibiting the nature and importance of that divine and glorious kingdom, in which they are called more immediately to labour; will allow a word from one who esteems it a privilege to be accounted one of their brethren.

The consideration, My Reverend Fathers and dear Brethren, that the kingdom of the divine Redeemer shall survive all others, and that by His providence, others shall be made subservient to its interests—The consideration also, of the utility and importance of civil government to promote the interests of this kingdom; should fill our hearts with joy and gladness, and animate us to a diligent and laborious attention to the work, whereunto we are called.

To us, blessed be God, even to us, is this grace given, to preach among our fellow-men, our fellow-sinners, “the unsearchable riches of Christ.”—To exhibit the character of the Redeemer—to unfold, explain, and enforce the laws and maxims of his kingdom, and to beseech lapsed men “in Christ’s stead, to be reconciled to God.”

If this employment as the ancient divines used to say, is “formidable to the shoulders of angels;” what must it be in our view, when we consider ourselves, equally involved in the apostacy, guilt and ruin of our fellow-men?

Should we not ever entertain an abiding sense of our own insufficiency, and continually look to Jesus our divine Master, for needful grace and aid, to enable us to the faithful discharge of our important trusts. And while we are favored with the protection and countenance of our civil father, we are under better advantages to do good among our people for both worlds. They will readily tell us, that by faithfully attending to the duties of our office—by public and private precept and exhortation, enforced by proper and becoming example; we may do much towards the peace and order of society, and good of the commonwealth. This, then should be a powerful stimulus to faithful and laborious exertion in our profession. But when we reflect on the exalted glory of the Redeemer—the infinite importance of the spread of his kingdom—the glorious things spoken for the city of our God—the perishing condition mankind are in by sin—the door of mercy opened in the gospel, and the solemn account we shall soon be required to render of our ministry. When we reflect on these things, surely we shall be humble, prayerful, watchful, zealous and engaged in every branch of our arduous work. We shall strive together in love for the faith of the gospel, and the promotion of hat dear cause which we have espoused. We shall abound in love to our common Lord, in love to one another, and tender benevolence to mankind. And when one and another of our fathers and brethren are summoned off, from the wall of our Jerusalem, calling on us as they go; to make haste—to finish our ministry and follow them; shall we not hear—shall we not feel!—shall we not be all attention, and look and wait for the coming of our Lord?—“Blessed is that servant whom, his Lord when he cometh, shall find so doing.”

I will detain this numerous auditory no longer, than only to beseech your attention, My Brethren and Fellow-Citizens, to that glorious Ruler and that blessed Kingdom, which hath been briefly described. Suffer me to ask you, my friends, what think you of Christ—what think you of his kingdom—what think you of the final happy condition of his subjects? Permit me to exhort and charge you all, to become the faithful and loyal subjects of this Prince of Peace.—In his own words, to “seek first the kingdom of God.” Your peace and quiet in this world; but especially your comfort in death, and your happiness in the world to come, depends on your speedy compliance with this, his exhortation.

The day and age in which we lie is evil. The preachers have been wont on these most public occasions, to shew to our Israel “their transgressions.” And may not he who now speaketh be allowed to bear a testimony against the prevailing evils which threaten our ruin—which presage the lawful displays of divine indignation, and call for the uplifting hand of a sin-revenging God. When he dares to make mention of them, he feels the more undaunted, from a conscious persuasion that he hath the favor and countenance, not only of his Excellency who hath commanded him to speak this day, and the honorable legislative body—together with the concurrence of his brethren of the sacred character and all serious men: but also the approbation of his God. He dares then to say, O Connecticut, how art thou fallen! Once famous for benevolence, righteousness and the fear of God—for the belief and practice of religion—even the religion of Jesus, which alone brings sinners to heaven. Now abounding with impenitence, infidelity and all manner of impieties.—The precious word of God disregarded.—The holy Sabbath treated with growing neglect.—The sacred institutions of the Lord Jesus, by many despised.—Family-prayer awfully out of fashion. And of consequence, all manner of violations of the duties we owe to one another. Injustice, fraud, violence, profanes, debauchery, intemperance, deceit, falsehood, and covetousness—these and many more evils which are the genuine offspring of these; too much mark our towns and communities. Meanwhile the God of our Fathers in anger withdrawn, and the necessary influences of the blessed spirit withheld!—Is it not time to stop in our career, and enquire—where are we—and what must we expect? Hath not the Most High given us a gentle rebuke in cutting short, both the harvests in the year past, and thereby caused the cries of the poor to be more than usually heard for bread.

We have heretofore, felt the rod of the Almighty, in the desolations of war, and in the destructions of the pestilence that walketh in darkness: but have, as yet, God be thanked, been strangers to the horrors of famine. Have we not reason to tremble, and be “afraid of his righteous judgments?” General and open impieties, are followed with public and sore judgments. Let us open our eyes and see—receive conviction, repent and reform.

Brethren, the time is short. Religion is a reality. Gospel truths all-important. The concerns of eternity weighty and momentous. The retributions of the last great day, glorious and awful. To leave the paths of sin—to forsake the ways of the destroyer—to become friends to the Lord Jesus, and lovers of mankind: this will secure the favor of God—will make us a happy people. This will make us good citizens and good subjects. This will make it easy to rule, and to be ruled; each one attending to the duties of his own proper station. Then shall we strive together to promote the general good. So shall we behold our Jerusalem built up—this, a land of light, liberty and religion—our country grow and increase—our empire enlarge and extend—and that divine kingdom, which shall absorb all others, spread and prevail, “till the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the glory of the Lord.” Then “violence shall no more he heard in thy land, wasting and destruction within thy borders: But thou shalt call thy walls salvation, and thy gates praise.”

 


Endnotes

1. Rev. Mr. Bulkley’s Election Sermon.

2. Rev. Dr. Williams, of Lebanon.

3. Rev. Dr. Mayhew.

4. Rev. Mr. Hobart, in his Election Sermon.

5. King Solomon.

Sermon – Christmas – 1788

James Dana (1735-1812) graduated from Harvard in 1753. He was ordained as a minister in 1758. His first congregation was in Wallingford, CT, and later was minister at the first church in Haven (1789). Dana was a vocal supporter of the American Revolution, preaching sermons in New Haven, CT during the legislative session. Below is his 1788 sermon on the Natvity of Christ.


sermon-christmas-1788

The N A T I V I T Y of C H R I S T:

A DISCOURSE delivered in Christ-Church,
Wallingford, December 25, 1788; and in
the City of New-Haven, on Lord’s-day,
January 4, 1789.

To which is subjoined (by particular Desire) a
PRAYER after the Sermon when delivered
at Wallingford.

By J A M E S D A N A, D. D.
Senior Pastor of the First Church in Wallingford.

 

L U K E II. 14.
Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men.

The entrance of Emmanuel into our world was first announced by an angel to some humble shepherds. “I bring you,” said the heavenly herald, “good tidings of great joy, which shall be to all people. For this day is born, in the city of David, a Saviour which is Christ the Lord—And suddenly there was with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host, praising God, and saying, Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men1

We will consider, FIRST, the subject matter of this acclamation of the heavenly host.

Secondly, The foundation laid by the advent of the Saviour for the united acknowledgments of men and angels.

Thirdly, Recommend the spirit of his religion, the prevalence of which would be most happy for mankind on earth, and bring glory to God on high.

First, Of the subject matter of this acclamation.

Here we may take a general survey of the Christian institution, as a promulgation of peace to mankind in a state of apostacy. They are represented as alienated, and enemies in their mind, without strength, children of disobedience, and consequently of wrath. They therefore need reconciliation to God.—Nor less to one another. For unrenewed nature is thus described: Living in malice and envy, hateful, and hating one another; full of all unrighteousness, malignity, and deceit. The old man, in distinction from such as are renewed in the spirit of their mind, is known by pride, jealousy, malice, revenge, and other unfriendly passions, the bane of society, the source of private animosities and national wars. And even those who have put off the old, and put on the new man, having remains of human depravity, experience and manifest more or less of the carnal mind, which is enmity. “All have gone out of the way. There is not a just man who doth good, and sinneth not.”

The existence of the above alienation hath been, and is manifest over all the earth: It is supposed in all those scriptures which speak of reconciliation for iniquity, and represent Jesus Christ as our peace, coming into the world, and enduring the cross to restore peace on earth. God made man upright. He hath fallen from original rectitude. His glory is departed from him.

The peace celebrated by angels, as in the text, denotes, first, peace with God. He is reconciling the world to himself, not imputing their trespasses. He proclaimeth peace through Jesus Christ, who knew no sin, and whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation for it, that we might be made the righteousness of God in him. It is to the glory of God’s grace, that he maketh us accepted in the beloved. He first loved us, or no mediator would have been provided. Hence the ransom Jesus paid is the effect, not the cause of the love of God. In this greatest gift of the Father’s love, grace super abounds where sin abounded.

In the parable of the prodigal son, the father met the profligate while a great way off; fell on his neck, and kissed him; put the best robe on him, and a ring on his finger, and shoes on his feet, receiving him with every mark of paternal affection and joy. Such is the divine condescension and compassion to wandering, perishing sinners. “He that spared not his own Son, but delivered him up for us all, how shall he not with him also freely give us all things?” Let the glory of his grace be celebrated by heaven and earth. For if God be for us, who shall be against us? No temptation can happen to us above that we are able. All things shall work together for good. Should any injure us in our outward in work together for good. Should any injure us in our outward interest, it will not be in their power to deprive us of the special protection and smiles of a reconciled God. If not reconciled to him, what power can deliver us from his hand who is able to destroy soul and body? Whom then would you fear? With whom would you be at peace?

Further: The sacrifice of Jesus was a voluntary one. The Messiah, having a body prepared for him, “gave himself an offering and sacrifice to God, and put away sin by the sacrifice of himself. Lo, I come—I delight to do thy will, O my God. There is one Mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus, who gave himself a ransom for all.” How wonderful his friendship! “Though he was rich, for our sakes he became poor, that we through his poverty might be rich. Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends. But “when we were enemies, we were reconciled to God by the death of his son.”

Consider how great HE was who undertook our redemption, and you cannot doubt but he was able to heal the breach the apostacy had made. Call to mind on this occasion the character given of him in prophecy. “Unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given, and the government shall be upon his shoulders: And his name shall be called, Wonderful, Counselor, The mighty God, The everlasting Father, The Prince of peace.” He who was “set up from everlasting, by whom all things were made and consist,” whose “glory was that of the only begotten of the Father, HE was made flesh. The word, who was God,” became incarnate: God was manifest in the flesh—This is a plain declaration of his divinity and humanity. Thus the prophet who foretold his miraculous conception: “Behold, a virgin shall conceive, and bear a son, and shall call his name Emmanuel.” If such is the character of our redeemer, who will question but he is mighty to save?

Further: The peace here proclaimed includes peace and good will among men. The example of our heavenly Father instructs us to love our enemies, bless them that curse us, and do good to them that hate us. Our own forgiveness is expressly suspended on our imitation of the divine example. As a motive to such imitation, a comparison is made of our offences against God with those of our fellow-men against us. The former are said to be to the latter as ten thousand talents to an hundred pence. The example of the author of our faith is a further motive to the exercise of forgiveness. These are examples which can never be paralleled. Were we “followers of God as dear children;” did we “walk in love as Christ hath loved us,” we should “put away all bitterness, and wrath, and anger, and clamour, and evil-speaking, with all malice, and be kind one to another, tender-hearted, forgiving one another.” The peculiar characteristics of the wisdom from above are these: “First, pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be intreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy.” Those whom the Saviour pronounceth blessed, are, the poor in spirit, the meek, the merciful, the peacemakers, such as can bear to be reviled and persecuted for righteousness’ sake; such as forgive injuries to seventy times seven;–who do not wait till the injurious ask reconciliation, but prevent them by unsolicited proposals of it, in imitation of the divine example. Did the principles and maxims of benevolence, inculcated by our religion, rule in men’s hearts, all unworthy emulations, all animosities and bitterness would cease. The members of a family, neighbourhood, civil or religious community would be of one heart and soul. The spirit of Christianity “beareth, hopeth, believeth all things, thinketh no evil, seeketh not her own, envieth not, vaunteth not itself, is not puffed up.” It worketh no ill to its neighbor; doth good to all as it hath opportunity; and, if possible, lives peaceably with all men.

This may be impossible. For some men would wrest from others the liberty of judging and acting for themselves, in a matter wherein every one must stand or fall to his own master, being accountable only to the searcher of hearts. When men make their own sentiments the terms of salvation, it may be impossible to be on good terms with them, and yet have peace with God and their own consciences.

There doubtless are real Christians in all communions, whether different communions acknowledge it, or not. In the exercise of Christian charity the question is not to what class of professors a person belongs, but whether he is a real member of that kingdom which is righteousness and peace. Professors may agree by love to serve one another, and unite their interest for the advancement of the kingdom of their common master, while they are best edified by a diversity of forms, have different views of some revealed truths, and different apprehensions as to some of the ways whereby Christianity may be best advanced. If, on account of such differences, or any of a like nature, they separate each other from the body of Christ, they know not what they do.

The church of Christ, in its extensive boundaries, needs the gifts of all the parts into which it is divided, and of every individual of each denomination, as the natural body needs the concurrence of all its members, in order to its beauty, health and growth. “For as the body is one, and hath many members, and all members have not the same office, so also is Christ.” Hence it ill becomes any denomination of Christians to assume the whole honour of supporting Christianity, or the reformation, even suppose they may be viewed as eminent defenders of both. And it would as ill become any denomination to suppose their own weight and influence so inconsiderable, that it is of little consequence how they demean themselves. Various denominations should consider themselves, and treat each other, as severally and jointly subservient to the cause of the same Lord. They should excite each other to a laudable emulation, that through their united influence the gospel may have free course.

“Let every man be fully persuaded in his own mind. Why dost thou judge thy brother?” Had this advice been followed, the religion of the prince of peace would never have been improved as an instrument of discord and war. This was a consequence, an undersigned consequence, of its establishment. As its author foretold, it separated nearest friends, and proved an occasion of the sharpest contests. This came to pass, however, through the ignorance, prejudices and lusts of men: It was not the consequence of a right understanding of the gospel, or of men’s having the spirit it inculcates; but the reverse. Peace on earth, good will among men, are the legitimate fruits of this religion. Under its influence the state of this world would be that which we are taught to expect when “the knowledge of the Lord shall fill the earth: They shall not hurt nor destroy in all God’s holy mountain.”

RELIGION must be maintained under some form. This is indispensible to the welfare of communities. In this view it will be the care of the magistrate who seeks the good of his people: At the same time it is the unalienable right of every individual to choose his own way of worship. Particular forms do not open the kingdom of heaven to men, nor shut that kingdom against them. “If any man have not the spirit of Christ, he is none of his.” Whoever hath this spirit, is an heir of salvation. Shame to the charity of such as will not allow it!—

We have but one rule by which to judge whether men are Christians, viz. by their fruits. And the fruits of Christianity are “love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentleness, goodness, faith, meekness, temperance.” Perfect unity in sentiment among the professors of the same religion is impossible. They may yet be one in affection—may “keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace,” as the disciples of one Lord, who are called in one hope.

Those who have such confidence in their own construction of the scriptures as to make it necessary to all Christians, have much occasion to consider our Lord’s words respecting such as said, “Lo, here is Christ; or lo, he is there;” that is, here or there only. Our Lord said, “Go not after them; nor follow them.” Hence we infer, either that they had not his presence with them; or if they had, they yet knew not what spirit they were of in denying this presence to be with others: Herein at lest they may not be imitated. This is a distinguishing mark of the Romish church; and it is doubtful whether infallibility itself can support the exclusive claim. For if her infallibility be not proved and known to others as well as herself, are others obliged to admit her faith? What effect hath it on that peace and good will which Christianity inculcates? On brotherly kindness and charity? Compare Saul of Tarsus, making havoc of the church, with Paul the meek and humble apostle of Jesus, going everywhere in the fullness of the blessing of the gospel of peace. Thus the gospel, thro’ divine operation, takes from men the spirit of self-sufficiency, and gives them a better mind.

Our Lord rebuked the spirit of the disciples who would have called for fire from heaven on the Samaritan village. The Samaritans would not receive him, because he was going to Jerusalem. The disciples wished that the Samaritans might be instantly consumed. In both there was doubtless a mixture of an old national enmity. But Jesus came not to destroy, but to save. Nor may his disciples consign one another over to the divine wrath, because they have not attained to think alike. By sentiments of mutual respect, by imitating the virtues of their master, they would adorn the doctrine of our Saviour.

It must give one who hath the spirit of Christianity an exalted pleasure to be able to reflect, that his best endeavours have been used to promote the great end of the incarnation of Christ. Compare the pleasures of Christian benevolence, which thinks and hopes the best of all men, is kindly affectioned, and, with brotherly love, in honor preferreth others, while all within its reach are the better for it—compare the satisfaction such an one hath in himself, with the spirit of bigotry and suspicion—the spirit which absolves or retains men’s sins according as they do or do not conform to us—the spirit which loves, and doth good to those only of one denomination. The former are perfect as our Father in Heaven. The latter, whatever they imagine, have much reason to ask, whether their love is anything more than the interest of a party. Their own assurance, their trusting in themselves, and despising others, is no circumstance in their favour. Error has usually more confident and zealous advocates than the truth. The disciple of Jesus “receiveth the Kingdom of God as a little child.”

Lastly, the peace our subject mentions includes peace in our consciences. The disciple of Jesus hath “joy and peace in believing, and aboundeth in hope by the power of the Holy Ghost.” This is called “the love of God shed abroad in the heart”—“the witness of the spirit of God with theirs, that they are children of God”—“the earnest of the spirit in their hearts.” Hence their “fellowship is with the Father and Son.” This “peace which passeth understanding,” is doubtless comprehended in the peace for which the angelic hosts celebrated the praise of the MOST HIGH at the nativity of Christ. “Because ye are sons, God hath sent forth the Spirit of his Son into your hearts, crying, Abba, Father.” To accomplish the end of his death, Jesus sent the Spirit after his return to heaven, for the conviction and conversion of unbelievers, and the confirmation and joy of believers unto life, that they might go on to perfection. The design of the dispensation of grace thro’ a Mediator is thus expressed: “The loftiness of man shall be bowed down, and the haughtiness of men shall be made low: and the Lord alone shall be exalted in that day.” When this design is effected, through the power of the Spirit with the word, the alienation of the sinner is destroyed. He commenceth an object of the special love of God, an heir of salvation. He “hath put off the old, and put on the new man.” In the eternal counsel of peace it pleased the Father to reconcile all things to himself by Jesus Christ. The covenant of peace was between them. The chastisement of our peace was upon him. God now condescends to beseech sinners to accept reconciliation in Christ. The sum of our ministry is this: “Be ye reconciled to God.” Angels minister to men for this end. And the eternal Spirit operates with the means of grace. Hence “the weapons of our warfare are mighty to the pulling down of strong holds.” Not by human exertions; “but by my Spirit, saith the Lord.” The excellency of the power is of God, that no flesh should glory in his presence. “What is man, that thou art mindful of him? And the son of man, that thou visitest him?”

We proceed to remark, Secondly, the foundation laid, by the advent of a Saviour, for the united acknowledgments of men and angels.

The subject of the united adoration and gratitude of the heavenly host at the nativity of Christ was this: Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men. Let the earth join with heaven in this acclamation. Join in it this day, ye who observe the present solemnity in commemoration of the birth of Christ. Ye who believe it to be the birth-day of your eternal hopes. So illustrious a personage was never born into our world—one so worthy to be remembered—one whom all men are commanded to honour, even as they honour the Father.

Whether other worlds have fallen, and had a Redeemer provided? Or how far the angelic host, who here celebrate the birth of the Redeemer of mankind, are interested in his redemption? Are questions which do not affect the present subject, nor do at all belong to us. It is sufficient that we know there is peace on earth through the interposition of the Saviour, Christ the Lord—that superior intelligences give glory to God in the highest for this, and interest themselves in what so nearly concerns us. They were never alienated from God. They have always done his will with alacrity and zeal. Perfect harmony and love have reigned among them. They rejoice that peace is proclaimed to our fallen race, and desire to look into the scheme of man’s redemption: It is the subject of their adoration. There is joy among these benevolent spirits at the conversion of every sinner on earth. They cheerfully minister for this purpose, that rebels may be reclaimed; and recovered sinners trained up to join them in the exercises and enjoyments of the world of perfect purity and love.

Shall heaven be full of joy and praise, that God hath sent his Son to our redemption? And shall rebels and apostates be indifferent to the proclamation of pardon, peace and glory? Is God propitious? Will he accept repentance? Has he laid help on one that is mighty? Are the glad tidings published to us? Doth the offended majesty of heaven offer us full pardon unsolicited; and even entreat us to lay down our weapons of rebellion? Is he long-suffering, not willing that any should perish? Is the proclamation of peace unlimited, so that whosoever will may share in it? What shall we say? “Bless the Lord, O our souls! And all that is within us, bless his holy name.” For he hath remembered us in our low estate. “The day spring from on high hath visited us, and the sun of righteousness risen upon us, to guide our feet in the way of peace. Sing, O ye heavens, for the Lord hath done it; shout ye lower parts of the earth: break forth into singing ye mountains, O forest, and every tree therein: for the Lord hath redeemed Jacob, and glorified himself in Israel. Blessed are the people who know the joyful sound: They shall walk, O Lord, in the light of thy countenance. In thy name shall they rejoice all the day; and in thy righteousness shall they be exalted.”

But redemption should be imprinted on our hearts, as well as celebrated with our tongues. What would be our obligations for deliverance from formidable outward enemies; from slavery, prison and death; and restoration to freedom and eligible circumstances? From the abundance of our hearts we should seek opportunities to te4stify our gratitude to our deliverer, and endeavour, by every means to secure his friendship. Are our obligations less for deliverance from the slavery of sin, from the hosts and prison of hell; restoration to the glorious liberty of the sons of God? Are our obligations less for eternal redemption? Had not messages of salvation been brought from heaven to earth by the Son of God in our nature, must we not have joined with sinning angels, “Farthest from God is best.” How beautiful, then, upon the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings, that publisheth peace, that bringeth good tidings of good, that publisheth salvation, that saith unto Zion, thy God reigneth.”

If it be asked. What evidence have we that there was such a person as Jesus born in the city of David, at the time we suppose; who taught, lived, and performed such works as never man did, died on the cross, and rose to immortal life? Our answer is, the same evidence as we have for the existence of any conspicuous characters in ancient history. Yea, more, if possible: For besides the testimonies of Christian, Jewish and Pagan historians to the life of Jesus, the accomplishment of his prophecies in all ages since, and before the face of all people, undeniably proves, not only that there was such an illustrious character at that time, but also that he was sent of God.

The temple and city of Jerusalem were laid in ruins about seventeen hundred years ago, and have never been rebuilt, though Jews and heathen have united their efforts to defeat the prophecy of this desolation. The chosen people have ever since been scattered over the face of the earth, and yet preserved as a distinct people; alike distinguished by universal approbrium, and by their malignity to the author of Christianity. Consider their state at present, and ever since their desolation. Were these things foretold, and have they come to pass, without the determinate counsel and providence of God? Hath this unexampled chastisement befallen them, because they added to their other crimes this above all, that they crucified the Lord of Glory? Let such in the present age as deny the Lord that bought them, be warned. Let them seek refuge in that Saviour whom they have pierced by their infidelity and other crimes. For there is no more sacrifice for sin.

If the whole history of Jesus is denied, let them shew in what age, in what country, and by whom his religion was first introduced—and by what means it was established.

Thirdly, It was proposed to recommend the benevolent spirit of Christianity, the prevalence of which would be most happy for mankind on earth, and bring glory to God on high.

St. Paul inculcates Christian union on the primitive converts by such considerations as these. 2

All professions are alike entitled to, and bound to exercise, private judgment. Those who have the most improved knowledge in Christianity should bear with the prejudices of such as are less informed, and not please themselves. All being accountable at the tribunal of God, all should beware lest they invade his prerogative, by excluding their fellow-disciples from his mercy, because of different opinions on unimportant points. A contention for forms should never be so maintained as to bring into neglect and reproach things commendable, and even essential to all Christians. For the most specious professors are nothing, if they have not charity, Hence a regard to the common cause of Christianity, the purity and extension of it, the union and edification of its disciples, should govern all who assume the profession. For no man liveth to himself. By such considerations as these doth the apostle exhort to brotherly love—to peace with all men, and holiness. On what other terms can we enjoy the God of peace, or the society above who are made perfect in love.

The unexampled instance of humility and charity exhibited by the Lord of glory, when he took our nature upon him, inculcates on all his followers the most unfeigned and fervent love to one another, and to mankind of every nation. This spirit renders the righteous man more excellent than his neighbor. Those especially have engaged to cultivate and display it, who have fellowship in breaking of bread and prayer, in that institution which is the body and blood of Christ. Different denominations of professors, under the influence of this spirit, will unite their endeavours for the purity and extension of the Christian religion, rejoicing in each other’s gifts, and in the peace of the church.

Is this mind in us? Then our good wishes and earnest prayers embrace men of every communion, nation and character; at the same time we feel a peculiar complacence in such as appear to have the spirit of Christ, whether they are of our persuasion or now; whether near or remote; our own countrymen or foreigners. With all such we shall most cheerfully unite in the propagation of the Gospel.

St. Paul has given us a particular description of charity, I Cor. XIII. This is the more excellent way mentioned at the conclusion of chapter XII. Whoever compares the two chapters will plainly see, that schism is the opposite to charity. The schismatic divides the body of Christ: The spirit of charity unites it. Schismatics establish this rule for the excision of members:–We ourselves are always right: They who differ from us are wrong; and therefore to be excluded from the communion of saints.

Our Lord forewarned his disciples, that they would meet with like treatment as he had, and by his own behavior taught them a proper temper under it. “Who did no sin, neither was guile found in his mouth: Who when he was reviled, reviled not again; when he suffered, he threatened not; but committed himself to him that judgeth righteously. Leaving us an example, that ye should follow his steps. If ye were of the world, the world would love his own; but because ye are not of the world, therefore the world hateth you.” The Christian therefore must lay his account to suffer wrongfully from the world. He forfeits his character, if he doth not arm himself with the same mind as was in Christ Jesus, who endured the contradiction of sinners. A true disciple will shew much condescension for the Gospel’s sake, that others may partake of its blessings with him. He will be patient in tribulation. He will walk in wisdom towards them that are without. He will take care that there be no occasion of stumbling in him. Is this attended to by those who are pertinacious and obstinate about meat and drink—the peculiarities of any one denomination; while righteousness and peace, the essentials of Christianity, are sacrificed?

The Christian will indeed obey God rather than men, though men should persecute him for obeying the dictates of his conscience. At the same time he will endeavour to recommend his profession to all men, by shewing them, that Love, divine and social, is more than whole burnt-offerings and sacrifices—that faith worketh by love. Under the commanding influence of this spirit, a fondness for discriminating terms would be forgotten in a common concern for Christianity, and a common exertion against its foes. Thus our Lord prayed for his disciples. “That they all may be one, as thou, Father, art in me, and I in thee; that they also may be one in us: that the world may believe that thou hast sent me.” There would be no jar in families, no schism in churches, no tumults in the state, were the spirit of Christianity imbibed. Domestic tranquility and love would bless every house, alleviating every care, consoling under every sorrow, giving a relish to every enjoyment. Kindred would e knit together, as David and Jonathan. Neighbours would be as brethren. It would be with kingdoms as in the natural body, in which “the members have the same care one of another.” Numerous as they are, and however various their office, “the eye doth no say to the hand, I have no need of thee; nor the head to the feet, I have no need of you. Those members which seem to be more feeble are necessary.” Under the influence of this spirit, nations would learn war no more. All would be content with their own rights, and fulfill their duty to others. Whatever different apprehensions there might be, any ill effects therefrom would be prevented. Yea, these would but display the Christian spirit to better advantage. The earth would be like heaven. What glory would be brought to God on high from the universal prevalence of this spirit! What shall we say more to recommend it?

How much then is it to be lamented, that the spirit of Christianity has been departed from in all times and places, by those who have professed a zeal for it? What cause have we to lay our hand upon our heart, and be deeply humbled that we are so prone to animadvert with severity on every mistake and trespass of our brethren; while God in Christ is ever ready to bury in eternal oblivion our numberless and aggravated offences, and proclaimeth peace to all mankind? Dare we indulge hatred against another, while we glory in this, that the Son of the blessed was born into our world, and endured the cross, to make reconciliation for our iniquities? Shall we look for mercy from God, and yet suffer one sun after another to go down upon our wrath against our brother? Yea, one year after another to roll over, and our resentment to continue unabated? Those of whom this may be said, do not surely give the best evidence that they themselves are reconciled to God. In the day of judgment we shall all have infinite need of mercy. Our hope that we shall then find it, depends much on our loving mercy. The merciful shall obtain mercy. Why then has peace been taken from the church and world, under pretence of contending for the faith? The consequence of obedience to the faith would be, as we have seen, peace on earth, and good will among men. To this end Christ was born and came into the world. To this end he both died and revived.

Many rejoiced at the birth of John, because he prepared the way of the Lord. But the birth of Christ is matter of highest joy to all people. For all the blessings of time and eternity are the purchase of his being made flesh, and placing his delights with the sons of men. “Bless the Lord, ye his angels, that excel in strength; ye ministers of his that do his pleasure”—But why call on the angels? They cease not day and night from celebrating the Redeemer. Unto you, therefore, O men! I call; and my voice is unto the sons of men. With God there is plenteous redemption. He that is mighty hath done great things for our ruined race. He hath not withheld his own Son from us. The Son of the blessed “is our peace, having reconciled Jews and Gentiles unto God by the cross, having slain the enmity thereby. Through him we have access by one Spirit unto the Father.” Joy to the world that Jesus reigns! May each of our hearts be his throne. We his ambassadors pray you in his stead, be ye reconciled to God.

Every intelligent and serious Christian will distinguish between a religious commemoration of the birth of Christ, and such excesses as have been common on this occasion. The Christian’s joy in outward things is regulated by the rules of morality, and the superior rules of sobriety and heavenly-mindedness inculcated by the precepts and life of Jesus. He hath not forbid us to rejoice with our friends—to take our portion. But to rejoice in his salvation is to see our own necessities and his fullness; and to come to him as he inviteth all that labour and are heavy-laden, that we may find rest to our souls. In him we shall have peace, if we take his yoke upon us and learn of him. May no light or extravagant joy stain the joy of this day.

Were his religion well understood and universally practiced, all nations would be blessed in abundance of peace. Would we be useful to society or ornaments in the church, would we enjoy ourselves and have peace with God, let us cordially embrace the faith of Christ, and live by it. So shall we rejoice and be glad all our days. It comes recommended to all ages, and to all orders. It is alike adapted to public and private stations, to high and low, rich and poor. Under its influence men will be faithful in little and much; will possess the confidence of each other, the approbation of their own minds, and of him with whom they have to do. It ends in glory honor and immortality. Would to God that such sentiments, and correspondent resolutions, might be taken up on the present occasion by old and young, and middle aged. How few the years of man’s rapid race! We are hastening to the grave. Our fathers where are they? Yea, where are many of our cotemporaries? How many that were younger than we, are gone to the house appointed for all living? In the year past some of us have been bereaved of tender connections. It is not with me as it once was 3

Instead of presuming on years to come, let us determine to improve the present to the glory of God on high, and the good of men. Let us lay up in store a good foundation against the time to come, by abiding in our callings, walking as God hath variously distributed to us. He that teacheth, let him attend continually on this thing. He that ruleth, let it be with diligence, and as the minister of God for good. And let not those who occupy a lower room, say, Because I am not the eye or the head, I am not of the body. Let love be without dissimulation. Not slothful in business; fervent in spirit; serving the Lord.

When the devout Simeon, who waited for the consolation of Israel, saw the infant Saviour, he said, “Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace.” It will be the consolation of every dark hour thro’ life, and especially of our last moments, if we love the Savior whom we have not seen—if we can assuredly say, I know whom I have believed, and that he is able to keep what I have committed to him against that day, when he shall come in his kingdom.

 

Substance of a PRAYER offered up after Sermon, December 25, 1788. Published by particular Desire.ALMIGHTY GOD, of whom the whole family in heaven and earth is named! Angels and men have one Father. We joy in thee as the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. With the host of heaven we give glory to the most high God, that thou hast raised up an horn of salvation for us, in the house of thy servant David. Great is the mystery of godliness: God was manifest in the flesh, justified in the Spirit, seen of angels, preached unto the Gentiles, believed on in the world, received up into glory. The glad tidings of great joy to all people, proclaimed at the Saviour’s birth, have reached our ears, through the tender mercy of our God. Blessed are the people who know the joyful sound.

Impress on our minds what we have heard concerning the Lord Jesus Christ, the Prince of Peace, through whom pardon, grace and glory are published to a world of apostates. All the angels of God worship him. They are employed by him as ministering spirits for the heirs of salvation. We would honour him even as we honour the Father.

May professors of different denominations unite in their endeavours to advance that kingdom which is not meat and drink, but righteousness, and peace, and joy in the holy Ghost. To this end may they be like-minded one towards another, according to Christ Jesus; that with one mind and one mouth they may glorify God. Christ is not divided. There is one body, and one spirit, even as we are called in one hope. We have all one Father, even God; and one master, even Christ; and all we are brethren. May ministers and churches of every denomination adorn the doctrine of our Saviour by a conversation becoming the gospel, not seeking their own things, but hose of Jesus Christ; above all things putting on charity, which is the bond of perfectness; rejoicing in the gifts, and contributing to the proficiency and usefulness of one another, and to the edification of the universal Church. By caring for each other as members of one body, by keeping the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace, and a common concern for the honour of the great head of the church, may they fulfill their duty to him, and one another, and the whole church, that there may be no schism in the body. The faith of our Lord Jesus, the Lord of glory, is without respect to persons, or forms of profession. Grant, O Father, that all in every place, who call on his name, may stand fast in one spirit, with one mind, striving together for the faith of the gospel. According to the Saviour’s prayer for his disciples, may they all be one—that the world may know that thou hast sent him.

Revive the languishing spirit of Christianity among all who make profession of it, and make known thy saving health to all nations. Root out of thy church every plant which thou our heavenly Father hast not planted.

May grace and peace from God our Father, and from the Lord Jesus Christ, be multiplied to the flock of God who usually worship in this Sanctuary. May they remember how they have received the messages of salvation from their late worthy pastor, 4 and hold fast, and repent. We commend him and his family to the grace of God. Grant him more perfect and confirmed health. Protract his life and usefulness. May the wilderness and solitary place be glad for the good tidings he may bring; and welcome him, saying, Blessed be he that cometh in the name of the Lord. Send labourers into that part of thine harvest, who may go forth in the fullness of the blessing of the gospel of peace.

May the rules of Christian sobriety regulate the joy of this day, in this place and elsewhere. May nothing take place unbecoming the occasion.

Teach us to rejoice in the Lord always. May our moderation be known to all men. The Lord is at hand. May the peace of God which passeth all understanding, keep our hearts and minds through Jesus Christ; to whom with the Father and Holy Ghost be glory from all on earth and in heaven for evermore. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1 When this sermon was preached at New-Haven, the general distribution of the subject was thus introduced: “The substance of what will be offered to your consideration, was delivered a few days since to an Episcopal congregation, on occasion of the celebration of the nativity of Christ. But it is equally applicable to the present occasion, (the holy Communion) and to professors of all denominations.

2 Rom. XIV. Passim, and chap. XV, 1-7.

3 The author’s youngest son, Mr. Eleutheros Dana, died July 10, 1788, etat. 27.

4 The Rev. Samuel Andrews, missionary at Wallingford, from the society for the propagation of the gospel, twenty-five years; removed to St. Andrews, New-Brunswick, A. D. 1787.

Sermon – Election – 1788, Massachusetts

sermon-election-1788-massachusetts

David Parsons was an influential pastor from New Hampshire. He was born in Amherst in 1749. Parsons attended Harvard and graduated in 1771; he later received a Doctorate of Divinity from Brown University in 1800. Rev. Parsons pastored the Amherst Congregational church from 1782 until 1819, and was a proficient scholar. He was offered the divinity chair at Yale in 1795 but declined the honor. He did however, become a principle backer for Amherst College, donating the land for the college and serving as board president (Noah Webster also played a significant role in the founding and establishment of Amherst College). David Parsons died in May of 1823 at the age of 74. In this election sermon, Rev. Parsons continues the century-old tradition of American ministers giving a sermon before newly-elected government leaders. Parsons’ sermon, given before John Hancock and both chambers of the Massachusetts Legislature, describes the importance of virtuous civil rulers and characterizes good government from a Biblical standpoint.


A
Sermon
Preached Before His Excellency
John Hancock, Esq.
Governor;
The Honorable the Council,
and the Honorable the Senate,
and House of Representatives, 1
of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts,
May 28, 1788.
Being the Day of
General Election

By David Parsons, A.M. Pastor of A Church in Amherst.

Proverbs 29:2
When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.

The preacher considers it to be the special design of our present meeting in this place (according to common usage, and the laudable example of our pious Ancestors) to seek the divine influence and direction in the important concerns of the day to express our grateful and devout praises for the inestimable blessings of government – to implore the divine blessing upon our civil magistrates in the discharge of the duties of their several departments – and to meditate on such suggestions from the oracles of truth, as may be pertinent to such an occasion.

Therefore he shall hope to have acquitted himself to the satisfaction of this numerous and respectable assembly in the part assigned him, if pursuant to the line of his own ministerial character, he shall offer such religious considerations, as may be thought proper for the business of the day; though he should avoid political disquisitions – though he should not decide in matters of controversy; or dictate in matters of state, or attempt to give instructions to politicians who are furnished with much better means or knowledge, and must be presumed to be already well informed, respecting the proper duties of their station.

Waving therefore whatever might favor of impertinency upon such subjects, I would observe, that the sentiment contained in the words under consideration, is clearly this, that the subjects or every government, however depraved, or insensible they may be to some purposes, have usually an ability to discern the virtues or defects of their rulers – that they quickly feel the advantages or embarrassments of a virtuous or vicious administration, and usually discover their internal sentiments, by exhibiting external demonstrations of sorrow or joy.

The words seem also to carry with them this further implication, that righteousness (which in the scriptures is used to signify sincere piety, or the fear of God) makes an important part of the character of a ruler. Yet there are many professors of Christianity, who, (not much to the honor of their profession) will strenuously maintain, that between religion and politics, there ought to be little or no connection – that an Infidel or an Atheist out to stand as fair a candidate for the suffrages of a people, as the pious man, or the exemplary Christian. Indeed it must not be disputed that persons of ability and accomplishments, who act from no higher motives than those of honor, popularity or ambition, are often improved by Divine Providence, to render very essential services to a community. But after all, must it not be allowed, that sincere piety, the true fear of God, refines and exalts the character of the ruler? Doth not this firm and unshaken principle which ever directs his actions, and give him a better foundation for the people’s confidence? He acts from the purest motives – he meditates the noblest actions -prompted by so divine a principle, his salutary influence, like the beams of the morning sun, disperseth the gloomy horrors of vice, tyranny and oppression; and diffuseth over the whole community, the blessings of light, joy, liberty and peace. Thus are the words of inspiration, “the spirit of the Lord spake by me, and his word was in my tongue; the God of Israel said; the rock of Israel spake to me, he that ruleth over men; must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be like the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.”

Our subject naturally resolves itself into the two following propositions by way of inquiry, viz.

I. What evidence may be reasonably expected from rulers, that they possess those virtues which are the source of joy to the people?

II. When a people may reasonably express their grief on account of the corruption or ill administration of rulers?

Joy and grief are human passions, which are readily excited, and often very strongly expressed: and they are to be commended or blamed, according to the various causes whereby they are produced, and the measure to which they extend. The body of a people, may not always judge right respecting the qualifications of their rulers; yet with proper means of information, they generally form a just opinion; and the opinion which they form, is not to be holden in contempt: For no wise and good magistrate will wish to hide his character from the view of the people, or reduce to give them the best possible evidence of his integrity and virtue.

Ruler’s therefore in the legislative department, ought to enact laws which are well calculated to suppress vice; and punish the transgressor. The laws of men have often a more immediate influence upon mankind, than the laws of God; because human penalties, though not more certain, yet are expected to be more immediately inflicted. This makes it necessary that rulers should pay the utmost attention to the enacting good laws; for without these the community can never be safe; vice must reign and triumph, virtue be unprotected and depressed.

Rulers in the executive department, ought to see that good laws be well executed; for to what purpose doth it prove to enact the most excellent laws, with the proper penalties, when these penalties are never to be inflicted, nor the laws carried into execution? When the boldest transgressors may bid defiance to the laws of justice, and flatter themselves with impunity? To indulge the violators of law, with frequent instance’s of impunity – to make it easy for them to evade public justice, has always a tendency to destroy the influence of the magistrate, and bring government itself, into a state of contempt. When the guilty escape, the number of offenders is quickly found to increase: But when the laws are held sacred, and their penalties inflicted, the authority of the magistrate is established, his person respected, and the government revered.

Rulers are obliged to do justice, not only in respect to the laws, but in respect to the subjects; and they are to enforce the execution of them, (unless where some particular reasons of state may require a suspension, or omission) in order to make the best compensation that may be, for the injury of the offense. The neglect of punishment justly merited, is often the cause of God’s heavy judgments upon a people. The Benjamites refused to do justice upon the man who had occasioned the death of the Levite’s Concubine; multitudes of them were slain in battle, their cities were laid in ashes, and their whole tribe almost extinguished. To punish great and notorious acts of injustice, is called in scripture, “to put away evil from the land;” because to this purpose the sword is put into the hands of rulers; and they bear the sword in vain who refuse to protect their people. I am speaking in general of the neglect to put good and wholesome laws into execution, without having reference to particular instances; for surely not to punish an offense, is to encourage it, unless, as was said before, the indemnity is justified by particular reasons of state; by the neglect of the government to punish or suppress it. And it is certain that the impunity of the offender, is a spring of universal mischief – it is not owing to the public magistrate, if the best man in the community is not as vicious as the worst. A law had better be annihilated, than to exist with universal contempt. And no good magistrate will be an unconcerned spectator, and see the righteous laws of the State openly violated; but recollecting the duty of his office, will endeavor to bring offenders to their merited punishment.

Rulers ought to furnish the people with this further evidence of their virtue, that they are friendly to religion among their people, and use their influence and authority to uphold and promote it. Religious worship and order maintained among a people, hath a most salutary effect upon their morals; it promotes vital piety, and due obedience to the laws of God and man. Rulers therefore should, by their example and authority, encourage the worship of God, and see that it is maintained with dignity and reputation. For in this the glory of the great Supreme, and the best interest of men are jointly concerned, which are the great designs of the providential government of God in the world. It is by no means beneath the dignity of the greatest magistrate or monarch on earth, to yield the most profound subjection to God, and pay homage to the Redeemer of men; nor to consecrate themselves, to their power and authority, to his service. God requires that they cooperate with him in his designs to effect the best interest of his people – that they should be hearty friends to religion – devout worshipers of God – afford protection and encouragement to his servants – that they should be patrons, and nursing Fathers to the church of Christ; and use their utmost endeavors to advance his kingdom. All which they may do without binding the rights of conscience, or exerting their authority to impose articles of faith, or modes of worship; or enforcing these by penalties. Indeed such an exercise of power in a ruler would be to extend his commission beyond its limits and to defeat its design, which was to protect and preserve the rights of conscience. The authority of rulers may be exercised in matters of religion, so far as to tolerate, encourage and support the worship of God in some form or other. The pleas of conscience are frequently made to cover a design, and with intent only to form an excuse from contributing to the support of religion, or upholding any form of social worship. In this case the constitutional power of government ought to be employed to disappoint the dissemblers, and enforce the rights of religion.

Righteous rulers will also attend to the morals of their people. Morality is an essential part of religion, and intimately affects the very being of society: and the magistrate bears the sword in vain, who pays no attention to a matter which so much concerns the peace of society. He forgets the designs of his commission, which is “to be a terror to evil doers, a praise to such as do well.” A proper use of the authority vested in civil rulers is commonly effectual to check the rapid growth of impiety, to curb and refrain the vicious inclination of men. The profanation of God’s sacred name and worship, as well as other enormous crimes against the laws of God and the community, will be duly noticed and punished by the vigilant magistrate. The happy effects produced by the vigilant care of rulers in promoting religion and virtue – and by their attention to the morals of the people – by their exertions for the establishment of schools and seminaries of instruction, to form the morals of youth to virtue and religion, are hardly to be described. The community have had large experience of these salutary influences of the magistrate; and it is ardently to be wished that the sense of their importance, might produce a still greater degree of attention.

A people may reasonably expect to find in their rulers a love and esteem for virtuous men; and a disposition to advance those of that character to places of honor and truth. Thus the royal Psalmist, “Mine eyes shall be upon the faithful of the Land, that they may dwell with me;” “he that walketh in a perfect way, shall serve me.”

Surely a man ought not to be advanced to a station of honor merely because he has a high sense of his own merit – nor because he requires very great respect to be paid him – or because he is able to flatter, and willing to do any thing for preferment – nor perhaps because he may be used as an instrument to effect a particular purpose – nor because he is indigent, yet scorns to submit to the duties of his proper calling – or because he hath important friends to solicit for him. Therefore good rulers will regard the safety and true interest of the public, and will let those share their favors who best deserve them; having regard both to their accomplishments and virtues. They will commit no trust to a man devoid of principle, sensible that he would be likely to oppose every good purpose, as he who hates to be reformed, will hinder reformation. The unprincipled person is never to be trusted; for the most trifling consideration he will betray his trust, and make use of his power and influence to subvert the government that gave them. The frequent instances of this nature which have happened, furnish matter of caution to every government, respecting the servants they employ, and what characters they trust, with such powers as they have a constitutional right to confer. Those who are strangers to a principle of virtue and conscience, and who contemn the laws of God, will not hesitate to trample upon the laws of men, whenever it answers any sinister purpose of their own. But the man of virtue will be ready to sacrifice every private consideration, that he may promote the interest of his country, and discharge the duties of his trust with fidelity and success. He will hazard both reputation and life, as the case may be, in support of the dignity of government, and the honor of the laws. Such an one will be proof against the evil insinuations of the designing and crafty; and both in public and private will bear testimony against faction, sedition, and every evil work. Such characters therefore, will be in great estimation with righteous rulers.

It is not degrading the character of righteous rulers to pay a decent and candid attention to the complaints of their subjects, expressed in a decent manner; but it is such an evidence of their virtue as may excite a people’s joy. Rulers derive their authority from the people, and they cannot suppose themselves elevated beyond the reach of their addresses or applications. They hold their offices for a short term, after which, they must stand upon a level with their subjects. Those who are worthy of the honor, and who accept their election with proper views, will be desirous to know the particular state and circumstances of their subjects, that they may be under the greater advantage to sub-serve their interest. They will therefore pay a particular regard to their complaints, and as far as they can (consistently with the interest, reputation and safety of the Commonwealth) afford them relief; or assign a satisfactory reason why supposed grievances are not redressed; and convince the people that their want of success in their applications to government, is not owing to want of sympathy and affection; but because their petitions are incompatible with the interest of the state. Such attention paid to the supposed grievances of subjects, naturally procures affection and confidence, and seldom fails of establishing such rulers’ interest in the hearts of a grateful people. It disposeth their subjects to pay to them all due subjection and honor, according to the inspired Apostle, “not for wrath, but for conscience sake;” and to do it from interest, inclination and choice. Thus will they become the joy of their subjects, and the terror of their foes. As the wise man asserts, “when the righteous are in authority the people rejoice.” They will enjoy peculiar satisfaction to see persons of known virtue and integrity promoted in the government, and the administration put to the hands of such, as both understand in what manner to use their power; and are disposed to use it with equity and moderation. This will have a tendency to conciliate the esteem, and procure the veneration of the people; one and all will be ready to unite their influence to render their administration easy and happy.

Let us now attend to the second question, viz. When a people may reasonably express their grief on account of the corruption or ill administration of rulers?

By contrasting the former character, we have the answer. For if a people have reason to rejoice when their rulers give the most plenary evidence of a righteous and faithful administration, by suppressing and punishing vice, encouraging virtue protecting the virtuous, and religious, promoting such to office, and cherishing a fellow feeling of the distresses of the community at large, they cannot forbear to mourn and weep when they observe in their rulers, a reverse of this excellent character. For as we have before remarked, mankind have not lost all sense of the Excellency of virtue they retain such an idea of goodness, that they are willing to see it exemplified in the character of their rulers, even when they find it not in themselves. They have an exalted opinion of it in others, however averse they may be from admitting its influence in their own practice.

Nothing occasions more grief to a people than to find their rulers like Omri, the Israelitish king, making ungodly statutes – when mischief is established by laws, and the people enjoined to enforce them under sever penalties. God has often times permitted the rulers of a people to be so devoid of all sense of justice and equity, as to frame the most pernicious statutes, which in their operation, have been productive of infinite mischiefs: and which, with tolerable discernment, might have been easily foreseen. When therefore a people have the extreme misfortune to have rulers of such a description, they can expect nothing from them; but such administration as will be the occasion of sorrow and mourning as long as it shall continue.

And hence originates that dishonor and contempt in which the rulers of a people are sometimes holden by their subjects. When a people despise their magistrates, contemn their government, profane the worship of God, and insult the ministers of religion, we are ready to consider such conduct as the effect of some weakness in government, or want of virtue in the magistrate. But when a people discover a disposition in their rulers, to subvert the principles of natural justice, and injure them of their just rights under color of law; is it matter of surprise, in the present state of human nature and passions, to see them meditating to reform government, and to procure deliverance from such intolerable oppression?

Add to this, when the great political characters who ought to be the most exemplary persons, are without a sense of religion shew no proper reverence of authority, or regard for the church of Christ; do not act under the influence of conscience, or the fear of God; this is a sufficient cause for public mourning and lamentation! As such persons are greater in power influence, so much greater is the calamity of the people; for they are not only unhappy by natural and immediate consequences, but are thereby exposed to the more severe judgments of God, which will undoubtedly succeed. When iniquity or irreligion is “framed into a law,” and God must be dishonored, or the rights of his people invaded, this surely is a source of grief to every good man.

No injury so great, no iniquity so much to he abhorred as a wicked law, therefore it concerns every state to see that their laws are righteous and just. And whenever any Legislature, find on a review, that laws have been passed, though perhaps by inadvertency, which deserve that description, justice to God and man, and demands that they be instantly repealed. That rulers should frame laws notoriously unjust, deprive innocent citizens of their liberty, subject them to grievous penalties, for no cause but to gratify their own evil passions, is such a direct violation of the laws of God, and the rights of men, as must fill every sensible heart with grief and horror. Every citizen of every description, as he contributes an equal share towards the support of government, hath a right to expect equal justice and protection; unless by some crime or errors in his conduct, he hath forfeited that right; and when the right is denied, unless on account of some defect of his own, he hath certainly a good cause to complain. And when causes of complaint, by the administration of unprincipled and tyrannical magistrates, become general, and perhaps almost universal, the effects will also be as extensive as the causes; little besides expressions of lamentation and sorrow, will be seen or heard through the whole community.

The people have equal reason to mourn when wicked men are preferred by their rulers, and distinguished by their special favors. In times of confusion and degeneracy, wicked and designing men, obtain promotion; and of times such persons are entrusted with the more important concerns of the public, who were never possessed of virtue and economy, sufficient to transact their own. Hence the public are deprived of the abilities of such in the Commonwealth, who are persons of the best understanding, and the greatest wisdom. This is a sure consequence of the promotion of wicked men, that many of the most valuable characters, retire into obscurity, and decline any part in government. As Solomon observes, “when the wicked rise, men hide themselves, but when they perish the righteous increase.” Flatterers and parasites are the men who find favor with a wicked administration, but such as govern their lives by the maxims of religion, and the laws of virtue, if not wholly neglected, will commonly be disposed to excuse themselves. If they are possessed of large property, they will soon find that their exertions in favor of virtue, will render their property insecure – have they great talents and abilities, they will soon find that to use them in favor of virtue, will be to expose them to the depredations and persecutions of a wicked, lawless power – do they exert themselves in favor of the public interest, and to deliver their country from embarrassments and distresses, they find that their virtuous efforts, do but expose them to the fury of a wicked administration.

Happy is it for a land, when good men increase, and more happy when their talents are exercised for the good of the community. “But when the wicked rise, a man is hidden.” They who are void of principle, detest every thing which is sacred, as far as they have power they thrust good men into obscurity, and they are forced to abscond for their own safety. Those who are lost to all sense of virtue, duty or moral obligation, will improve their power to the worst purposes; and by this means they debase their character in the elimination of the people, who feel themselves truly miserable under their oppressive administration. They cannot but mourn to see their rulers so devoid of the principles of virtue, while they behold the melancholy effects of their wickedness, wherever they turn their eyes – they cannot but mourn when they anticipate the event of such unrighteous measures of government, and the miserable consequences which must necessarily be produced. Sad indeed is the condition of that people, who have just occasion for such complaints! They cannot but give their attestation to the truth of the observation, in the text, “when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn.”

IMPROVEMENT.
A very natural reflection, which may be made upon the subject is this, viz. That virtue is honorable, and adds an eminent luster to the reputation of a ruler. And in this view particularly that it is praised and admired by those that love it not, that it is honored by the followers and family of vice – that it forces glory out of shame, honor from contempt – that it reconciles men to the fountain of honor, the Almighty God, “who will ever honor those that honor him.” Certain it is, that religion sub serves even our temporal purposes; no great end of state, can be well attained without it; even ambition itself often seeks to derive its support from a pretense of religion. “If a new opinion be commenced, and the author would make a party, and draw disciples after him, at least he must be thought to be religious.” This is a demonstration how great an instrument or means of reputation, piety and religion are. Now if only the pretense will do us such good offices amongst men, the reality will do us much more, besides the advantages we may hope to receive from the divine benediction. The power of godliness, will certainly do more than the form alone.

No one it is presumed, can infer from any thing which hath been suggested, that obedience is not due to rulers from their subjects, although they might have reason to be suspicious of their moral character, and although there be many things in their administration, which might be a just cause of grief and mourning. The obedience we owe to magistrates, differs essentially from that which we owe to God. We ought to obey God with our understanding, and will, that is, we ought to obey him intelligently and freely; our obedience resulting from a sense of the rectitude of his precepts. But such obedience to human laws is not always required; for we may sometimes doubt of the fitness or equity of them. For so long as magistrates are liable to error, though it be highly necessary, considering ourselves as members of society, that we conform our own actions to their laws; yet it is not always our duty to believe that their laws are most salutary or convenient, because human laws may be sometimes otherwise. But our social obligations require us to be subject to laws which we may think very inconvenient, provided they be not sinful in themselves. It would be happy if inferiors would not employ themselves too much in disputing the policy and prudence of their rulers, and the propriety of their laws. We are not to obey laws, which cannot be obeyed without conscience; but an action may be wrong in respect of the person commanding it, and yet innocent in respect of the person who executes the command.

In the case of wars between nations or States, the subjects cannot be a competent judge of the equity of the dispute, yet perhaps he must bear arms, i. e. he must pay due obedience to the powers of the State. And in the case of executing an unjust sentence on a supposed criminal; not the executioner, but the judge is commonly considered as the author of the injury. He who serves his Prince in an unjust war, is but the executioner of an unjust sentence. It is generally true, that subjects are obliged to yield obedience to the laws of the State, without questioning the policy of them, if they are not apparently repugnant to the laws of God: Whereas to oppose the ruler, on any other principle than this, tends to introduce confusion into society; weakens the bands of government; destroys the authority and influence of rulers, and is in danger to issue in the subversion of the State.

Human government is of divine ordination, and our understandings are impressed, at first view, with the necessity of it. Every one must feel and acknowledge the propriety and utility of that subordination in society, which is required by the divine constitution. And he who is ever ready to impeach the conduct of rulers, reproach their administration, and dispute the wisdom, propriety or policy of their laws, obstructs their usefulness, weakens their influence, and exposeth himself to the displeasure of him, whose servants or vicegerents they are: He doth all in his power to bring the wisdom and power of the magistrate into contempt, and plunge the State into confusion and disorder. Suffer me to add, that he who is confident of his own understanding (and who is more so than he who thinks himself wiser than the laws?) needs no other tempter, than himself, to pride and vanity, which are the natural parents of disobedience. The laws ready to impeach the conduct of rulers, reproach their administration, and dispute the wisdom, propriety or policy of their laws, obstructs their usefulness, weakens their influence, and exposeth himself to the displeasure of him, whose servants or vicegerents they are: He doth all in his power to bring the wisdom and power of the magistrate into contempt, and plunge the State into confusion and disorder. Suffer me to add, that he who is confident of his own understanding (and who is more so than he who thinks himself wiser than the laws?) needs no other tempter, than himself, to pride and vanity, which are the natural parents of disobedience. The laws which are enacted by wise and just legislators, are not dictated by an arbitrary will, but result from the principles of reason and justice. They are reasonable and good in themselves; they are calculated not to sub-serve any sinister purposes, or private views, but to advance and secure the happiness of men. Whenever it happens otherwise, the legislators are tyrannical, and the government oppressive: Statutes contradictory and inconsistent are to be expected, and even such as might invert the order of things, and substitute vice, in the room of virtue. From the rotations of subjects to rulers, obligation to rulers, and duties upon those obligations, do necessarily result. Subjection to laws being considered the first and most essential of those duties, ought to be cheerfully yielded by the good subject, though in some cases it may be apprehended that the laws are not the most salutary to the interest of the people. Every citizen cannot be supposed to be able to determine absolutely on a subject of so great importance. But it must be his duty to persevere in his subjection and allegiance, till his rulers may perhaps be convinced that their measures ought to be changed; which conviction, if there be real foundation, they may quickly receive from the complaints of the people, and from such regular remonstrances, as will proceed from the most loyal and virtuous citizens.

Let us all endeavor to cultivate within our sphere, a reverence for authority, and a due submission to laws and government. Lifting up our desires to God that he would ever favor this Commonwealth with righteous rulers, who shall not feel indifferent to the rejoicings, or complaints of their subjects. And that under their wise and prudent administration, “the people may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.”

The usual addresses on such occasions as the present, will close the subject.

And as decency and propriety dictate, I would address my subject to his Excellency the Governor and Commander in Chief of this Commonwealth.

May it please your Excellency, God in his good providence hath conferred a signal honor upon you in repeatedly placing you in the highest seat in government, and entrusting you with the principal management of the most important concerns of this Commonwealth. It cannot, Honored Sir, but excite in your breast the most pleasing sensation, to find your character thus revered, and your person holden in such high estimation by so numerous and respectable a people as compose this State; and to see the evidence which it gives that your administration is of a similar complexion with that mentioned in our text, which is ever a source of general joy.

And however gloomy and difficult the day is in which you preside, your administration being of the description above, you may look for and expect all needed aid from him “who giveth wisdom to the wise, and knowledge to them that know understanding.”

Your Excellency’s early and intimate acquaintance with the situation of the Commonwealth, and a thorough knowledge of the constitution particularly, render you a more able instrument in the hands of Providence, and give you peculiar advantages for guiding our public affairs with a skillful hand. An uncommon share of knowledge, prudence and wisdom in a Governor is specially necessary in such an important and critical day as the present; to steer the helm of government with discretion – to afford light to a people enveloped in darkness and doubtful expectation – to relieve them of unnecessary burdens – and to protect their liberties from any encroachments. Your Excellency will find occasion for the improvement and exercise of all your peculiar talents in directing and regulating the public affairs of government, so as to preserve the rights of conscience, and give satisfaction to all your citizens. The popular account is very uncertain; and though the important services rendered to your country in the most hazardous transactions, have raised your Excellency’s reputation, and enrolled your name among the patriotic heroes of the age, yet such is the uncertainty of human things, that is possible that some inconsiderable circumstance, which might counteract the wishes of a misguided people, might sully the luster of all your former glories.

If your Excellency had no higher spring of action, and were not actuated by the noblest, and most disinterested motives, in your arduous and unwearied endeavors to promote to promote the lasting reputation, interest and peace of your citizens, your situation might expose you to the severest mortification. But we flatter ourselves that you have a more stable foundation of security and honor from a conscience witnessing your integrity; and your sincere endeavors that righteousness shall mark all the steps of your administration; that the present and future joy of your citizens may not be interrupted or diminished.

As your Excellency’s character stands high in the estimation of this people, it gives you a greater advantage, and should be no less a motive with you to study, and invariably to pursue their best interest and happiness. In seeking the common good and welfare of your people, you will secure your interest in their affections, and live in their hearts; which must afford the greatest satisfaction to a good magistrate. You will doubtless think it your duty to discover a becoming zeal in promoting and maintaining that righteousness among the people “which exalteth a nation;” and for the want of which, the basis of the happiest governments, in other respects, have been wholly subverted.

Your example and influence will not be wanting to the support of religion and religious order that the worship of God be upheld – the Sabbath duly sanctified-the ministers of Christ encouraged and supported – that schools of learning be duly maintained, according to the true spirit and intent of the good laws of our Land, and the pious examples of our ancestors.

But especially will your Excellency be disposed to use the influence of your dignified and exalted station, to bring vice and irreligion into disrepute, the rapid growth of which, is truly alarming! As the minister of God you cannot be an unconcerned spectator, while his enemies are profaning his sacred name, degrading his worship, contemning his Sabbaths, and treating his faithful servants with scorn. Your pious indignation in this case, will be roused, and with zeal will you countenance and support the arm of the proper magistrate, in executing the laws of the land, against bold transgressors, that they may flee or fall before them. In this way, Honored Sir, you will mightily sub serve the cause of reformation, and lay a restraint upon vice, which will in the final issue of things, be branded with eternal infamy.

In every part of your Excellency’s administration, your reverence for God and zeal for his cause, will induce you to make his revealed will, that unerring standard of truth and righteousness, the basis of your conduct: Not unmindful that this is not only the rule by which your administration is to be regulated; but whereby Deity itself will be guided in the final decisions of the last day; in which the greatest Potentate will be equally interested with the meanest peasant. A suggestion which your Excellency will not judge unreasonable, from the recent instance of the death of your worthy, pious and truly excellent contemporary in office, 2 since the last anniversary Election: Whose virtuous character, and unwearied endeavors to promote the true interest and reputation of his country, will render his memory dear, and lasting, with all the sons of freedom.

That you Excellency may long live the joy and ornament of this great people; that your health may be confirmed, and your usefulness protracted – that your administration may be productive of still greater rejoicing with the people of this Commonwealth; and when filled with days and replete with grace, you shall be discharged from further services here, that you may share the honors of the heavenly world, will be the unceasing prayers of the virtuous and good.

Our subject is next addressed with due humility to the Honorable the Senate, and House of Representatives.

Honored and respectable Gentleman, The sovereign powers of this Commonwealth vested in you, by the united voice of this large people, give high importance to your character, and entitle you to their respect and confidence. And that you may not disappoint their most sanguine expectations, you will make religion and righteousness the basis of your administration and rule of your proceedings. That all your laws shall favor of piety and a sacred regard for the honor of God, and the best good of your constituents.

This was the original design of the institution of civil government, and so far as you should deviate there from, you would defeat the end of your promotion.

There is no positive certainty, indeed, that the best rulers will wholly escape the invectives of disappointed individuals, but integrity and uprightness will be sure to establish the approbation and esteem of all that are truly virtuous. Such persons are not unapprised of the difficulties and embarrassments with which all public business is attended – and they very well know that great allowances are to be made for the seeming inconsistencies that are many times discoverable in governmental matters; and are more likely to be found in republican governments, where it is so peculiarly necessary to comply with the humors and conform to the wishes of the people. When rulers make it evident that they are governed by principles of integrity; and there is no appearance of injustice in any of their acts, the judicious part of the community will revere their authority and obey the laws, even when they may not be exactly conformed to their own political sentiments. The public are in no danger from its virtuous citizens; for they never will be found to lessen the influence of authority, or unhinge the bands of government, even though they should consider the operation of some particular laws as being unjust, oppressive, and severe, if at the same time, they considered their legislators as honest men, who had no intention to oppress.

Rulers therefore should study to approve themselves to God, to their own consciences, and to the virtuous among their people, if they would be desirous to be useful, and increase the joy of their citizens. Envious and disappointed individuals will be able to make but a feeble opposition to the measures of government, if the character and conduct of rulers justly command a general reverence with the virtuous and good in the Commonwealth. These will feel themselves constrained from a love of order, from a respect to real merit, from a sense of interest, from a regard to the morals of the people, and from the more important conviction of duty to God’s institution, to exert their influence in favor of established government.

If then, Gentlemen, you would answer the end of your delegation, and would “be a terror to evil doers, and a praise and encouragement to them who do well,” it will be a principal object of your attention to rule in righteousness. And in order to rule well, it will be equally necessary that you should exhibit an example of virtue, that religion and piety may not only be discovered in your laws, but in your conversation, “rendering you conspicuous for piety and mercy, justice and sobriety;” in this way will your authority be strengthened, and your administration supported. Your constituents will be induced to take their measures and example from you. And they will be encouragers of peace or licentiousness, in some measure, as they shall find countenance or encouragement from your conversation and example.

The eyes of the people are upon their rulers, and upon you, Gentlemen, in particular, to hear your sentiments in the most critical cases, and disputable subjects; and may expect from you such things as do not fall within your department. In such a case, Gentlemen, you will doubtless recollect the powers vested in you by your commission, and keep within its limits.

However, Gentlemen, I would not presume to go out of my line, to dictate to you any measures of a civil or political nature; your wisdom and good sense do not require this from me.

Permit me to say, that as magistracy is of God’s ordination, you have a right to expect and demand due respect and obedience from your subjects. And we “ought for ever to consider it as a peculiar favor of Heaven, that Christians are promoted to be rulers and judges among Christians.”

It belongs to your department, Gentlemen, not only to enact righteous laws, but according to your constitutional department, to judge righteous judgment – to plead the cause of the oppressed; to relieve the fatherless and widow, and him that hath no helper; to render to every one according to the justice of his cause which shall be brought before you. You will remember, gentlemen, that you commission is limited by God. He who has dignified you above your brethren, hath limited your powers by his holy word. You are not authorized to obey the dictates of passion or arbitrary will, but to act agreeably to the revealed will of God. When Joshua was appointed chief magistrate, God installed him in his powers, and put the law into his hand saying, “this book of the law shall not depart our of thy mouth.” Look then gentlemen upon the copy that is before you, then upon the commission which is given you. And as you are God’s vicegerents to carry on the affairs of his kingdom on earth, you will take your directions from his word, and imbibe his spirit.

We being sensible, gentlemen, that your wok is difficult, and that you have an arduous task to cure all the disorders of the political body, restore harmony and peace, and to unite the jarring interests of parties, and fix them to one common center, do most sincerely commend you to that God, “who giveth wisdom to the wise, and understanding to the prudent”. Ye yourselves cannot but be sensible of your need of divine aid and direction: “In all your ways then acknowledge God, and he shall direct you paths.” Let a consciousness of human weakness prompt you, to repair to the fountain of light and knowledge, and may you improve them, when obtained, to the honor of God and the good of your constituents. And may you obtain the divine presence and blessing in the faithful discharge of the duties of your department during your whole administration. And as a reward for your services, may you be honored as the political saviors of this people, and meet their most cordial approbation with great rejoicing. And more especially may you reap the effects of a serene and acquitting conscience. And having served your generation according to the will of God, may you participate the joys of the blessed forever.

This whole assembly of God’s people will permit me to make the suggestion, that virtue in rulers is not more necessary than in the body of the citizen’s collectively. The more virtuous the community, the less is the occasion for the exercise of the gifts and graces of those in authority, and the less is the danger of injury from rulers if they were ill disposed. When we are tempted to complain of our rulers and feel anxious least they should betray their trust, and expose the people to the loss of their liberties, we may recollect that a virtuous people cannot be enslaved, and that it would be impracticable for rulers to involve their citizens in calamities that are grievous and mournful, if there were not a large proportion of abandoned and unprincipled men to give countenance to, and aid them in their evil designs. And if a community are so lost to a sense of their own interest, and so regardless of their obligations to God and each other, as justly to expose themselves to the most fatal injuries, who can declare that their calamity is unmerited?

That the administration of civil rulers may be such as may occasion rejoicing, it becomes us not only to solicit God’s presence with them and his blessing upon them; but to demean ourselves as good citizens, and remove all the embarrassments which may render it excessively difficult, if not wholly impracticable, to do equal justice in all cases.

It cannot be denied but that a people may have sometimes a mighty influence upon a righteous administration, and procure such measures to be adopted as are fraught with matter for grief and mourning. But this evil ought not to be palmed upon our rulers. We ought, in such cases, as honest men, to reprobate our own conduct, and keep within our own province. There is not a greater mischief which can befall a people, than to be divided into sects and parties, either in respect to religion or civil policy. The consequences are fatal to peace, harmony and order; and it is this, my friends, which renders our present situation very threatening.

On all accounts it is our interest, and we are bound in honor and conscience faithfully to adhere to, and vigorously to pursue the same glorious cause. We are bound to unite our influence that religion and righteousness may spread and prevail – that practical piety and holiness may be more visible in our lives, and that the worship of God in private and public, may ornament our society, and that our own hearts especially, may become a fit habitation for the Holy Spirit.

True Piety in the hearts of men, will render them the best citizens. And both rulers and people are under the same divine laws, are subject to the same authority, encouraged and animated by the same motives, and favored with the same example. It would be happy if their object might be the same; and they were equally studious to promote the honor and glory of their common Lord.

Let us not forget that the same rules that will teach, and the same grace and integrity, that will dispose rulers to discharge the duties of their office faithfully, are equally necessary and ought to be equally regarded by those whom God hath made subject to them:

And that all opposition to lawful authority, “is resisting the ordinance of God,” who hath made it our duty to be “subject not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.”

And let me suggest, that as we make our religious character our boast, and have so oft made our appeal to Heaven, that we are God’s people, and our cause the cause of God, we ought strenuously to endeavor to make the sincerity of this profession, more evident to the world; otherwise we shall justly deserve the imputation of having our hearts and tongues at the greatest remove from each other.

If declarations entitled us to credit abroad, and even with Deity itself, our deserts could hardly be compensated. But let us deal faithfully with ourselves, and confess our personal and national unworthiness, if we expect God’s forgiveness and blessing. And let us cultivate a principle of justice, of public spirit, and benevolence in the community; and live as the grace of God teacheth. Let us be sensible of the invaluable blessings, which indulgent Heaven bestows – and particularly, that we enjoy the great advantage of civil government, by the continuance and support of which, we are, for the present, secure in our persons and properties. And while we all affect to seek a mild and equal government, may we unite our influence to support the same, that “in the peace thereof, we may have peace.”

And though we might be apprehensive that there were grievances which ought to be redressed, yet ought we to let a manly firmness and resolution be discovered in pursuing the paths of virtue till the object be obtained.

A people may be as criminal in adopting means of relief, as they can suppose those to be, who originated the cause of complaint. And while our conduct is such as it ought to be towards our rulers, and we suitably address them upon the subject of public burdens, let us encourage ourselves that they will feel our distresses, and ease our complaints.

Let us resume courage and hope for better times – when peace and good order shall be established upon a proper basis – when justice shall be impartially administered – when friendship, brotherly love, and Christian fellowship, shall be universal. When it shall be reckoned an honor to be sincerely religious, and to be subjected to the rules of righteousness in all our transactions with men. When none but the virtuous shall rule and judge the people of God, the administration of whom shall greatly increase their joy and gladness.

Then truly “blessed is the people that know the joyful sound; they shall walk, 0 Lord, in light of thy countenance. In thy name shall they rejoice all the day, and in thy righteousness shall they be exalted. For thou art the glory of their strength; and in thy favor our horn shall be exalted. For the Lord is our defense, and the holy one of Israel is our King.”

AMEN


NOTES

[1] Ordered, that Mr. Cooley, Mr. Carnes, and Mr. Parsons, be a Committee to wait on the Reverend David Parsons, and thank him, in the name of the House, for the Sermon delivered by him, this day, before His Excellency the Governor, the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and also to request of him a copy thereof for the press.

[2] His Honor Thomas Cushing, the first Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth, who died February 28, 1788.

Sermon – Election – 1788, Connecticut


Josiah Whitney (1731-1824) preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 8, 1788.


sermon-election-1788-connecticut

The essential requisites to form the good Ruler’s
Character, illustrated and urged.

A

S E R M O N,

Preached in the Audience of His Excellency

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. L.L.D.

Governor and Commander in Chief;

His Honor

OLIVER WOLCOTT, Esq.

Lieutenant-Governor,

And the Honourable The

Counsellors and House of Representatives

Of the

STATE of CONNECTICUT,

At Hartford, on the Day of the

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

May 8th 1788.

By JOSIAH WHITNEY, A. M.
Pastor of the first Church of Christ in Brooklyn.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday, of May, 1788.

ORDERED, That the Hon. William Williams, Esq. and Capt. Ebenezer Scarborough, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Josiah Whitney, for his Sermon, delivered before the Assembly on the 8th Instant, and request a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined, by

George Wyllys, Sec’ry.

 

An ELECTION SERMON.
 

EXODUS, xviii. 21.

Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them.

THAT there is a living, intelligent author of universal nature, a Being called God, is a truth, which shines gloriously in the splendor of the sun — vegitates in every plant — lives in every animal, and diffuses itself throughout all nature.

That this glorious Being does according to his will, in the army of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth; and that his dominion is absolute, yet wise and reasonable, are also truths agreeable both to natural and revealed religion.

Absolute dominion, doing according to will and pleasure belongs only to him.

Men are not fit for it. When any have assumed it, their government has ordinarily soon become tyrannical and intolerable.

The stock of corruption in men, discovers itself as soon as there are objects to call it forth: hence none ought to be trusted with absolute power, because it gives vicious inclinations their full play, which before were cramped, and confined within narrow bounds.

Men do not mistrust themselves, because they are ignorant of what is in them.

Many who would say in a private station as Hazael did; What is thy servant a dog, that he should do this great thing? Yet like him, have done the very thing when raised to sovereignty, which before they were shocked with the tho’ts of.

There is but one Being in the universe fit for absolute rule: This one is God, in whom all perfections to meet as to form the most perfect character.

Though he is an absolute sovereign, yet his perfections prescribe the measures of his providence, so as most to promote the welfare and happiness of his creatures.

In his providential government, there is a great variety, so great that we cannot fully comprehend it, nor reduce it to rules and measures.

Hence some who suppose it a reflection on their understandings, not to be able to solve all difficulties, and account for everything, are ready to think, that the course of things is without a wise, intelligent direction.

But wiser are they, who when they feel their inability, to investigate some of the ways of Providence, believe that all are guided and issued by a divine hand.

Often when particular events take place, we cannot at first tell, whether they are the effects of the favour, or displeasure of the world’s great Ruler: Time, the great expositer of events can only satisfy us—Nay perhaps we never shall have satisfaction as to some: Yet from a belief of a supreme providential guidance, we rest assured that things are ordered, or permitted in such a manner, as that in the issue, all will see and own God to be an infinitely wise, just and good governor.

Striking instances there are in every age, of a superintending Providence: human affairs are conducted thereby to their proper periods; all which to minds enlightened and enlarged from on high, are full of harmony and beauty.

That God influences and directs human affairs, is most evident from the sacred writings; these declare, That the kingdom is the Lord’s—That he is the governor among the nations—That he judges the people righteously, and governs the nations upon earth.—The living may know that the MOST HIGH ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will.—The heavens do rule. But how does God govern the world?—By instruments? Or by his own immediate influence? It may be a sufficient answer, to say, that though the scriptures just quoted speak of none but God, as governing the world, and though he needs not the aid of any of his creatures, yet to keep them busy and active, he has assigned them work, according to the talents given them. Some he wills should move in higher, and others in lower spheres—Some are to govern; others are to be governed. He raised up Moses and Aaron to give law to Israel—lead them out of Egypt, and guide them towards the land of promise. This indeed is attributed to God, but not without the instrumentality of these his dignified servants. Thou leadest thy people like a flock, by the hand of Moses and Aaron.

Moses, in our text was directed by his father-in-law, the priest, or prince of Midian, to appoint some under him, to be rulers over the people. Should it be said this was not divine, but human counsel, therefore not obligatory: it may pertinently be replied, that it was counsel which probably wanted not a divine sanction. Jethro was sensible that God’s approbation was necessary, in order to Moses’s following his advice; therefore said, If thou shalt do this thing, and God command thee so. The government the Israelites were under, was a Theocracy; and it cannot be reasonably, supposed that Moses would have made so considerable an alteration in it, without divine leave. No doubt God directed him to follow the advice. Nay, may we not add, that it is advice so evidently reasonable, that there lies an appeal to common sense, that it must be agreeable to the will of God.

In our text we have several requisites, necessary to from the character of good magistrates. These will be distinctly considered, after premising a few things, which it is hoped, will be neither foreign to the subject, nor unacceptable to the audience.

Society is necessary, to the comfortable subsistence of mankind, in the present state.

Man is evidently formed for society. When God made the first man, he saw it was not good for him to be alone; therefore made an helpmeet for him. He formed him for society, and disposed him to enter into it.

Should we suppose one placed in Paradise, where were all outward good things, in the greatest variety and plenty, but without social intercourse with his fellow creatures—could he be happy? No, misery would be his portion.

Man alone is insufficient for his happiness—Alone, he is liable to innumerable evils, which he can neither prevent nor redress—full of wants, which he cannot supply.

Hence may be argued, the expediency and necessity of uniting in society, for mutual delight, help and defense.

To speak in the language of inspiration—Two are better than one, because they have a good reward for their labour; if they fall, one will lift up his fellow: But woe to him that is alone when he falleth; for he hath not another to lift him up. If one prevail against him, two shall withstand him, and a threefold cord is not easily broken. Mankind in every age have been so sensible of the necessity of civil combinations, that they have formed kingdoms, commonwealths, counties, towns and the like, for their mutual convenience, and for the preservation of their lives, liberties and properties.

Let it be further premised, that civil government is absolutely necessary to the support and well being of society.

As society is necessary to the well being of mankind; so government is no less necessary to the support of society. Nay, good government is the very life and soul of society.

Should a number lie together without government, and every one do what is right in his own eyes, what must the consequence be in such a lapsed, disordered world as this? Why, they would soon prey upon, and devour each other. Neither life nor property could be secure. The earth would be filled with violence. Rather would a considerate person fly to the wilderness, where he might be in safety, though alone, than remain with sons of rapine and violence.

Not a few of mankind are impatient under the restraints of government: They abhor it and the necessary expenses for its support. They ardently wish to be rid of both.

Wickedness, shocking to relate, prevailed in Israel when there was no government there, and everyone did that which seemed good to him. So would it be with others, left destitute of government as they were. They would soon disband and crumble to pieces.

It is sad to have a bad government, but a government in some, nay many respects bad, is better than none. It is impossible for things to go well where there is none.

Hence, we ought further to premise, that it is the will of God, that some form of civil government should be established among mankind.

What the particular form shall be, whether monarchical, republican, or aristocratical, he has not told us.

Nations or states are left to choose and adopt such as are most agreeable to their genius and circumstances.

Some natural rights are to be given up into the hands of one, or more, for the preservation of the rest.

One form may be best for one people, and a different one for another. In general, that ought to have the preference, which best secures the lives, liberties, and properties of men.

But some form, God wills every people should have to promote, and establish the interest of society, which is the great, and sole end of government.

His will it is also, that there should be some persons vested with authority, and placed over a people. And when properly designated to places of trust, and confidence, they are to be considered as ordained of God to their office, they receive not their commission immediately from him, but mediately. They who have the right of electing them to places of rule, and vesting them with civil power, are the instruments by which God conveys the power to them; and when they are thus vested with it, they are his ministers, and are to be acknowledged as such, as long as they do his will, and well discharge the duties of their place. While they do so they are entitled to respect, and should be obeyed.

But should they cease to be ministers of God for good — should they do evil, neglect the public interest, and have no higher, better object than the gratification of pride, ambition, and selfish regard, then the obligation upon people to respect, and obey them, also ceases.

Indeed no small degree of implicit confidence ought to be placed in rulers, a trust being committed to them, implies it.

They who call them to places of trust, should consider them as fallible, liable to do wrong in some instances. Errors they expect will be found in their administration, because these attend the best; hence they should make proper allowances for human frailty. They must be more than men, who err not. Judicious persons consider unreasonable jealousy of rulers, as mean and mischievous: therefore carefully guard against it themselves, and use their influence that others might not be troubled with this evil disease, which makes all under its dominion cruel as the grave.

But should rulers abuse their power and authority, turn oppressors and tyrants—Should they subvert the public welfare; then their right to command ceases: And it is not only lawful to oppose them, but depose them.

No government is to be submitted to, at the expence of that, which is the sole end of all government, viz. the common good and safety of society. Neither reason nor religion require submission to those who subvert this end: they ought to be discarded and hissed out of their places.

The title ministers of God, only belongs to them while they do the will of God, by exercising a just and reasonable authority, and ruling for the good of men.

These remarks are agreeable to reason, and revelation.

It might be affrontive to this respectable, enlightened audience, to intimate a suspicion, that they disbelieve them, or consume the time in a labored proof of things so level to common sense.

The requisites to form the character of good rulers, mentioned in our text, will now be attended to.

Moses was advised to provide out of all the people, able men, for rulers.

Ability is an essential requisite in the character of good rulers. “Able men, i.e. as a learned expositor says, men able to endure labour;–or men who are not needy, but rich and wealthy;–or men of parts;–or men of courage; for it may refer to any of these, especially the last, such as did not fear potent persons, but God alone.” According to this, they should be men of such health and strength as to be capable of bearing the burdens and fatigues of their office.—They should be men of so much interest or wealth, as shall raise them above the temptation of transgressing for a piece of bread.—Men of parts, of such natural and acquired accomplishments, as to understand well the constitution and laws of their country; as well as the duties of the place to which they are raised. The want of these would expose them to the artifices of party tools, and render them dupes to men of intrigue. Meanness of character, strangely lessens the dignity of rulers.

As ability which respects the faculty is necessary, so is courage, the proper and vigorous application of it to public duties.—Without this the best abilities will be useless. Rulers who know not their duty, or who have not resolution enough to do it well, will never have that respect, which is paid to well exercised authority—they will be despised by the giddy and thoughtless, while the reflecting good citizen, will drop a tear over prostrate authority, knowing that the consequence of its being trampled upon, will be faction, and every evil work, all which may be presented by rulers, who know their duty, and with a steady even hand dare to do it.

Thus essential is ability, to persons clothed with authority. Yet unless it is well directed, it may be injurious to society.

Therefore that able men may be useful men, our text nextly directs, that they should be such as fear God, i.e. religious persons.

Religion is often expressed in the sacred writings, by some eminent grace, or exercise of it, either by faith in God — or by the love of God — or by the fear of God, as in our text and many other places. Such as fear God in the sense of our text, are men truly religious; who make a profession of religion, and pay a practical regard to its laws and duties.

That rulers should fear God, is evident from scripture. — The man who was raised up on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob, and the sweet psalmist of Israel, with an inspired soul tells us, what God said to him.—The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake unto me, he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

Jehoshaphat, a pious king gave the following charge to persons, who were designated to places of trust, Take heed what ye do, for ye judge not for man, but for the Lord; wherefore let the fear of God be before you.—Nehemiah, a devout governor gave Hananiah charge over Jerusalem, because he was a faithful man, and feared God above many. These things which were written aforetime, were written for our learning, that we should have our eyes upon men of religion, in the choice of rulers.

We cannot find in the Bible, a ruler characterized as good, but who shewed a regard to God, and the things of God.

We cannot certainly determine who are truly religious, the internal character of others is out of our sight. But they who profess religion, and are visibly governed by its laws, are to be treated and confided in as religious. Rulers never should be ashamed of honouring God, by an explicit dedication of themselves to him, and by a personal and constant attendance upon his public worship, and ordinances.—Can they who do not thus honour God, reasonably expect to be raised to places of trust?—or if raised thereto, can they with equal reason expect to be honoured, and obeyed by a religious people, as religious rulers can? I trow not.

Good natural abilities, improved, and polished by education, and rightly directed, make persons publicly and extensively useful; but would not these enlarged, and aided by religious motives, make them much more so?

Irreligious rulers are not so likely to be extensively useful, as the religious—The examples of the latter will have an happier influence upon mankind,–Even their public devotions, may not only be acts of homage to the Deity, but of utility to men, as examples of piety.

Dominion is not founded in grace, nor is every religious man fit for a ruler; yet such a man, (other things being equal) is better qualified for public trust, than the irreligious.

The religion which rulers should have, and by which their lives and conduct should be governed, is the religion of Jesus, which eminently teaches the fear of God.

The gospel of Christ invites all to behold him, seated on the right hand of the majesty on high, exalted far above principalities and powers, and to believe that he will come the second time, to judge the world in righteousness. The government is on his shoulder—dominion and fear are with him—His voice is full of majesty to the rulers of this world—Be wise now,–be instructed—kiss the son, lest he be angry—serve the Lord with fear.

The temper which his religion recommends, wrought in the soul, by the divine spirit, restores it, to its primitive rectitude—directs its actions to the best ends—and extends its views, far beyond the limits of time, even, to the city which hath foundations whose builder and maker is God.

This discovered in rulers, demands reverence to their persons—attention to their counsels—and obedience to their laws.

Happy are such rulers, and happy they who are under their rule. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice.

The next requisite is truth, men of truth, i.e. honest upright men, above the meanness of deceit themselves, and careful to detect, and punish it in others—their words may be taken and relied upon with unsuspecting confidence—they neither violate truth by their words nor actions; their words are the true interpreters of their minds.—They punctually perform every private, and official engagement, unless unavoidably prevented, as may sometimes be the case.—The public faith they consider as sacred, and they mean to maintain it, notwithstanding the menaces of the mighty, or the murmurings of the multitude.—They abhor artifice and dissimilation—ambiguity in their discourse, whereby others might be imposed upon, they carefully avoid.

When called to judge in doubtful matters, they diligently search out the cause which at first they knew not, and having found the truth, are resolved to support it.

The last requisite to form the character of good rulers, mentioned in our text, is hating covetousness.

Which means a noble, and generous contempt of the world, and intimates that rulers should “not be greedy of money” but abhor bribery, and every dirty method of gain.

Covetousness, is an ill-looking vice, odious in itself, and pernicious in its effects. No vice perhaps more eradicates every virtuous, and social quality.

When it leads to riches, for no other end, than to look upon them, or to answer the demands of luxury, in both cases the true end of riches is defeated, and the consequence is, a forfeiture of integrity.—It leads the rich to oppress—the poor to great and petty larceny,–It hardens the parent against his offspring, makes the master cruel to his servant, and disturbes the peace of families, and communities.

A person under its dominion, is a stranger to the fervours, and pleasures of devotion, and to aspirations for Heaven, its refined, exalted delights, he has no taste for; if he was there, he would feel no joy, unless he should find that figurative description of the place literally true. The street of the city was pure gold, and could make the same use of gold there, as he has here.

Rulers under the dominion of this vice, will be mischievous to the State, by frustrating the measures which ought to be taken for its benefit, and turning them to their private emolument.

Avarice, where it is a ruling principle, silences the voice of reason, religion, honour, and public spirit; and where their voice is not heard, what effectual check can there be upon the greedy great, to control their unbounded insatiable desire of gain?—If the place they are in is lucrative, they are resolved to make the most of it, though the public might be greatly injured.

Men who hate not covetousness, are not fit for rulers, for their love of money will expose them to bribery, and to the violation of the sacred obligations they are under to fidelity.

They, whose god is either a golden, or silver, or, which is worse, a paper one, will sacrifice the public interest at the shrine of this sordid deity.

Should they be prevented enriching themselves at the public cost, by the vigilance of others, the disappointment might lead them to meditate mischief; for disappointed avarice, kindles faction. Wants, fears, hopes, and wishes terminating in selfish regard, at once check the efforts of generous public principle.

Avarice, enervates the force of government, and frustrates the most patriotic measures.

Public spirit, a liberal generous temper, springing from benevolence, stands opposed to this vice. They who have the former, hate the latter.

Though their charity begins at home, yet it ends not there, as it does in the avaricious. They wish well to all, and according to their abilities and opportunities, do good. They are faithful in things committed to their trust, rejoice in others prosperity, and happiness—embrace all opportunities to promote the public interest, and seek not their own profit, to the detriment of the public.

They hate covetousness.

The character formed by these requisites, tells civil rulers what theirs should be, and must be, to answer the end of their advancement.

Government will be poorly administered by rulers, who are destitute of these requisites. It cannot be expected that things will go well, when persons of vicious principles, and loose morals are in authority. If they are unfaithful to God, and their own souls, will they probably be faithful to the public? Every friend of virtue says no. They want something sufficient to control their lusts. Without the aids of religion, and virtue their best motives will be feeble, and inconstant.

Devout acknowledgements are God’s due, for the institution of civil government.

Some may consider it as a burden, rather than a blessing, as the invention of the ambitious, to raise themselves to the honors and profits of the world; and not as the institution of God, for the good of all—They must be wrong—for government under God, is the guard, and security of our peace, religion, lives, and properties; nay, of everything in this world, for which it is worthwhile to live in it.

Hence, submission to good government, and good rulers, is the duty of a people.

Government cannot exist, nor its advantages be felt, without proper submission, proper submission I say, not absolute, unlimited subjection, for this is fit for brutes only, not for men.

The people of this State, have an excellent form of government, and have been favoured with a succession of rulers, in whom the preceding qualification, have been eminently exemplified. Perhaps no ancient, nor modern State, in these respects has been happier.

Names, distinguished for ability, piety, and integrity grace the annals of our State. And it affords no small pleasure to believe, that Gentlemen in general of like complexion, at present fill the legislative and executive departments. And it is devoutly wished, that such may be the character of those, who may be either continued in office, or a new called thereto this day, by the suffrages of the freemen.—And also, that in future elections, persons of the same character may be the objects of their choice.

Our remaining a happy flourishing people, depends upon our having such rulers.

The discourse turns into addresses usual on this Great Anniversary occasion.

Custom, and decency, lead me in the first place, respectfully to address Governor Huntington, who, by divine providence is placed in the first chair of government.

May it please your Excellency,

As your command has brought me to perform the present service; you will allow me to put you in remembrance of the requisites, which form the good ruler’s character, though you have long known them, and are established in the present truth.

Your gradual rise on the scale of promotion, till you received the highest tokens of respect, and honor, in the power of the State to bestow, shews the public opinion of your ability, and integrity; which tokens you will be pleased to accept, as testimonials of their esteem, and gratitude, for your prudent, upright conduct, at the council-board, and on the seat of justice—For your patriotic conduct, in the federal council of the States, very especially at that most critical era, when the immortal act passed, which constitutes the Independence of these sovereign States—By which a Nation was literally born in a day, and your name, and the names of the rest of that august body, will be transmitted with applause to posterity—and for discharging afterwards, with dignity, and to universal approbation, the office of President of Congress.

Since you have been our first magistrate, you have been acceptable to the multitude of your brethren. And should you again be called to be so, we trust it will be your unremitted, unwearied care, to seek and promote the welfare of this people.

You cannot be insensible Sir, that they who have entrusted you, with this large portion of authority, have a right to expect this.

We doubt not the rectitude of your intentions, nor call in question the sincerity of your desires, to discharge the trust reposed in you, to the acceptance of this people, and what is ore, to the acceptance of God, before whom, you as well as we must stand, and be judged.— The fear of God, or religion (which we trust has a commanding influence upon your heart, and life) will best prepare you for every duty—afford the most effectual aids in doing it—diminish fears in times of danger—and raise you above the frowns and flatteries of time.

We can wish your Excellency no greater felicity, than the union of fervent piety, with a strong public affection; these united, and aiding each other, will make you eminently useful, afford peace in your own breast, such peace as the world cannot give, nor take away—administer the best supports in the article of death—and accompany you to the General Assembly, and the church of the first-born, which are written in Heaven, into which illustrious assembly, may an entrance be administered unto you abundantly, after you have served your generation, by the will of God. Amen.

The discourse nextly turns to Honor Lieutenant Governor Wolcott, the honourable Counsellors, and house of Representatives.

Honored, and much respected Gentlemen.

We esteem ourselves happy in having rulers, and Representatives, who proceed from the midst of us; and will therefore more naturally care for our State.

Your time, abilities, and authority, by your acceptance of public trusts, are consecrated to the community, and cannot without manifest injustice, be withheld therefrom.—And by your official oaths, you will feel an additional obligation, to promote the public welfare.—No solicitude to promote it, would be to violate your sacred honour, which you have pledged, and to incur the displeasure of God, unto whom you have lift up your hands.

When your attention in past sessions, has been called to national and State matters, difficulties neither few, nor small (by reason of the inefficiency of the consideration) have met you. It is hoped that future ones may not be so many, nor so formidable, if that Constitution of Government should be established, which the honourable convention of the States have recommended. The wisest and bestof our citizens, esteem this Constitution, though not perfect, yet as very replete, with temperate, energetic, political wisdom—They rejoice that seven of the States have accepted it, and earnestly wish that it may soon have the approbation of ALL—at least two more to complete the number required for its establishment.

Could its establishment, have been announced by the Chaplin of the day, with singular pleasure he would have congratulated your honours,–this respectable assembly, his fellow citizens, and countrymen, upon the auspicious event.—But though he cannot, yet is pleased with the prospect, that the Preacher on the next anniversary election, may have the satisfaction of doing it.

Meanwhile, may you Gentlemen, find no insuperable embarrassments, but be able to discover, and adopt adequate remedies, for every complaint.

To restore and maintain the public faith, and credit in pecuniary matters—do justly to creditors—promote peace and order—suppress vice—reprove and reform Sabbath-breakers, and the neglecters of public worship-=-patronize the interest of learning—and countenance religion,– the fear of the Lord, are things, most important, and will employ your thoughts, after the elections of this day are over.

Arise Fathers, these things belong to you.—The virtuous citizens of the State will be with you; and what is more, God will be with you—Be of good courage and do them.

The examples of rulers, have great influence upon the manners of the people.

We expect, and have a right to expect, religious ones from you, these will more effectually recommend, and enforce the practice of religion, than any laws you can make, these, beheld not only in your public administrations, but also in private life, will be the most forcible laws—the most effectual means of persuading others to fear God, and keep his commandments.

Our text not only requires, that you should be able men, but also such as fear God.

The best preaching will ordinarily be but to little purpose, if rulers in general by their practice say, the fear of God is not before their eyes. Gentlemen, we are persuaded better things of you, and things that accompany salvation, though we thus speak. Under the influential guidance of that wisdom, which is from above, may you shew yourselves able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and may you receive the reward of faithful servants, when removed from the present sphere, and verge of mortality. Amen.

My fathers, and brethren of the Clergy, will candidly accept a few words, addressed to them, if fitly spoken.

Reverend Sirs,

Our office is important, its duties difficult, who is sufficient for these things? Aided by our Divine Master, our ministry will not be in vain; his grace therefore, let us devoutly solicit, that we may be serviceable to mankind.

Countenanced by civil rulers, we may successfully recommend obedience to lawful authority—the observance of the wholesome, and necessary laws of the State—reprove vice and immorality—shew the ruinous tendency of discontent and faction—and the salutary effects of leading quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness, and honesty.—If at proper times we judiciously treat these subjects, and influence others, to pay a practical regard to them, we shall be essentially useful to the commonwealth.

Our profession has been treated with contempt, and insult.

An Hume felicitated his times, and boasted, that “the clergy had lost their influence”—But ought it ever to be a matter of boast, that a learned virtuous clergy have lost their influence?—May not one, though of the order, be allowed boldly, yet decently to affirm, that when the clergy, and that religion which they faithfully preach, have been most honoured, and respected by a nation, then things went best among them, and they were most honoured, and respected by nations around them.

This State from its beginning has been happy under the influence of Christian Bishops of the above complexion; and does it not much concern us, the present Bishops of the churches, that we are good ministers of Jesus Christ? Certainly it does. Convinced of this, let it be our invariable aim, to promote the civil interests of the State, in the ways just mentioned.

But we are not to stop here—the spiritual and eternal good of those committed to our charge, should most of all engage our attention, and employ our time and talents—We are to declare all the counsel of God, respecting the recovery of our sinful race, from the ruins of the apostacy, through a Glorious Christ. To testify repentance towards God, faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ—to explain, and urge that holiness, without which no man shall see the Lord.—To affirm constantly the connection between the means of religion, and its existence—This derogates not from the grace of God, for his grace is not more exalted by precluding all beneficial tendency of means, than by allowing it, since the means, and their operation are from him. Means are appointed; but if of no service, why were they appointed?

In our preaching let us keep close to the word of life, and declare its truths, in their native purity, and simplicity.

Abstract reasonings, metaphysical speculations may amuse some, but cannot profit any, like the plain, easy, and simple truths of Christianity; these, will afford solid, lasting comfort to devout souls hovering on the verge of life, while those, in this solemn hour, will pass away as a vision of the night—In a word, let us preach the essential fundamental truths of the gospel, the unsearchable riches of Christ, and tell all, both high and low, rulers, and ruled, that unless they repent, and believe, and follow after holiness they cannot be saved.

The time to fulfill our ministry is short, we like the priests of old, are not suffered to continue by reason of death—presently, we know not how soon, we must go the way whence we shall not return—the way which our departed fathers, and brethren have gone—the way which those truly respectable, and eminent ministers of Christ 1 have gone, who have died since the last Election.

May we be diligent, and faithful, that we may be found in peace, without spot, and blameless at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen.

An address to the Assembly at large closes the discourse.

Men, Brethren, and Fathers.

The requisites to form the character of good rulers, have been laid before you, let them have place in your memories, that those persons may have your suffrages, in future elections, who are able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness. They who are deficient in these, or are vicious, and immoral, are at once to be reprobated. One of these requisites, viz. the fear of God, or religion is the one thing needful for everyone, of whatever age, or character. Happiness in time, and through eternity depends upon it.—This, we neither should have mentioned, nor urged had we meant, to court the applause of those, who value themselves as being too polite, to be religious.—This is their language—“To suppose persons of fashion, swayed in their conduct, by a regard to religion, is an affront to the delicacy, and refinements of a modest taste”—Hence, they deride the ordinances of Heaven—the day set apart by the law of God, and their country, for worshipping the deity is treated as a vulgar, obsolete institution—should you recommend to them, that family devotion which began the mornings, and concluded the evenings of their pious ancestors, you would become the objects of their pity, if not contempt. Had our object been the ratification of these persons, we must have apologized for the rudeness, of even hinting at religion as necessary, for anybody. But knowing we must speak not as pleasing men, but God who trieth our hearts, we are bold in asserting, the necessity of religion, and in saying, that such modest ones ought never to be raised to posts of honour, and trust—nay, should any after being raised thereto, be found such, let them speedily be removed as utterly unworthy the public confidence, and left to herd with their like, in irreligion and vice.

Should indifference, as to the character of rulers ever become fashionable, or the preference given those who cast off the fear of God—make light of Christ—his religion—laws and ordinances—that it would become those who speak in the name of the Lord, on such occasions as this especially, to urge with pathos, the necessity of rulers having the second requisite contained in our text—And they would be faulty if they did not.

Excellent, my fellow-citizens is the Constitution of our State, with a great sum it was obtained by our worthy Forefathers, and at the expense of much blood, and treasure it has been defended, and preserved—The footsteps of a kind, almighty Providence are to be traced, in uniting, and defending these States, when involved in the horrors of war,–raising them to freedom, and independence, restoring Peace, and hitherto continuing it—and also in the prospect, of soon having an energetic government established. May our gratitude for the great, and good things which have been done for us, be evidenced by a wise, and discreet improvement of our constitutional privileges.

The right of electing rulers and representatives, is ours. We cannot reasonably wish to elect them oftener than we do.

When called to elect representatives, let men be the objects of our choice, who have the requisites recommended in our text: They who have them, will not need the instructions of their constituents, to regulate their votes in General Assembly.

By a proper use of the right of electing rulers and representatives, we may obtain the redress of any real grievance.

Hence recurring to arms and staining our hands with blood, is quite needless—Nay, it is a crime which deserves the severest vengeance, in the power of a State to inflict.

The last year’s outrages opposition to government, in a neighbouring commonwealth, viewed in its nature, and tendencies, should lead us to abhor faction, and its promoters, and abetters. Whether the lenity of government towards the leaders of that rebellion, is consistent with good policy, is a question, which by and by will be faithfully answered by Time, the best expositor of events.

The disappointed, and restless, persons of broken fortunes, and characters, will at times excite, and foment disturbances; and under the guise of patriotism, call for the redress of pretended grievances, with a view to gratify their avarice, or ambition. These, when formed into little political clubs, and allowed to lead others, as uneasy, and mischievously inclined as themselves, are always troublers of a State, and should be treated as pests in society.

What Heaven’s will is concerning persons of this complexion, is manifest from that edict of its great ruler, to all his loyal subjects—Take us the foxes, the little foxes that spoil the vines, for our vines have tender grapes. q.d. “diligently look after these mischievous ones, take them in their early craft, check them in their beginnings, while they are yet little foxes, small whelps; knowing their craft and subtilty [artifice], windings and turnings, shifts and evasions; timely guard against them, detect their frauds, use every effort that they might be taken and kept from doing further mischief.”

Thankful, let us be for our privileges, and careful to cultivate and cherish the virtues of civil life—Let us encourage the hearts of rulers, and strengthen their hands, by appearing in their defence and for their support, while they shew themselves ministers of God for good to us.

By industry and frugality let us aim to improve what we are already possessed of to the best advantage, that we may keep what we already have, as well as acquire more. Aided by these, agriculture, manufactures, and traffick will flourish; and we shall be able in due time, to have the necessaries and conveniences of life in such plenty and variety, as to render the importation of them from foreign nations, less necessary.

Diligence in our callings, retrenching unnecessary expenses—living within, and not beyond our incomes—avoiding extravagance, and dissipation, will make us an opulent happy people.

All whether high or low, rich or poor, have work to do. Let none eat the bread of idleness.

Let not America’s daughters, however affluent their circumstances may be, think it disreputable, to seek wool and flax, and work willingly with their hands, by applying them to the spindle, or with them holding the distaff. And to enforce this, let it be remembered that no less a woman than the mother of king Lemuel did so, or recommend it.

Let us, respected hearers, do all the good we are capable of doing. A large reward awaits all who do much good.

The connection between time, and eternity, is real, and important.—The intellectual endowments, and moral pursuits of those of our race, who partake of the rest which remains for the people of God, are doubtless, analogous to those they had in this world.—The measure of their bliss there, is apportioned to their improvements in virtue here—pleasing thoughts these, to contemplative, devout minds; and should raise desires for the sublimest knowledge, in the improvement of intellectual powers; and serve to regulate moral pursuits, by the strictest virtue: in doing so, we may with reason expect capacities there, wonderfully enlarged, and fitted to operate with the utmost facility, in most extensive spheres.

The joys of Heaven, consist not in epicurean indolence, nor stoical apathy, nor enthusiastic raptures, nor in the sensual gratifications of the Koran—But in conformity to the image of God—doing his will, and enjoying him.

The rewards of eternity, were of old much confined by ethnic pride, or policy, to celebrate conquerors, and legislators.

But Christianity announces blessedness, to the virtuous of all nations, capacities, stations, and ages; it assures all the devout followers of the lamb of God, moving either in the higher, or lower walks of humanity, that the crown of life, shall be theirs, that in the Great Rising Day, they shall be happy in their whole persons, happy in proportion to their place, on the scale of goodness here.

But not so, shall it be with the ungodly, those who would not that Christ should reign over them—endless sorrow will be their portion.

Is the present life thus connected with the future? Does religion lead to happiness? Irreligion to misery? Then let us chuse and practice the former, and guard against the latter, that our future existence may be happy. By religion, not only our spiritual, and eternal interest will be promoted, but our temporal also; for it serves to render us useful, and ornamental members of society.

Such, let us invariably aim to be, so long as it shall please God, in whose hand our breath is, to continue us in this world.—But let us not chiefly look to the things which are seen, and are temporal: for our chief, our greatest interest lies in a better country, that is, an heavenly, to which may our souls, on the wings of faith, and contemplation often soar. While on earth, may our conversation our citizenship be in Heaven. And may we have the testimony, the first of the human race had, who went not downwards to the sky” which was this, That he pleased God. Our ambition can fly at no higher, nor better mark than the pleasing that Being, who made us, and will judge us. Though it would be presumption, to expect such a passage from earth to Heaven, as Enoch had; yet if we have a like testimony, that we please God, we may rest assured, that when our earthly tabernacles shall be dissolved, we shall find the building of God, the house not made with hands, eternal in the Heavens.

Now unto him that is able to keep us from falling, and to present us faultless before the presence of his glory, with exceeding joy; to the only wise God, our Saviour, be glory, and majesty, dominion and power, both now, and ever.

A M E N.

 


Endnotes

1. Rev. Mess’rs Little-Trumbull-Whittlesey-Williams.

Sermon – Election – 1787, Connecticut


Elizur Goodrich (1734-1797) graduated from Yale in 1752. He was a tutor at Yale (1755-1756), a pastor in Durham, CT (1756-1797), and prepared over 300 students for college. Goodrich gave this sermon in Connecticut on May 10, 1787.


sermon-election-1787-connecticut

The Principles of civil Union and Happiness
Considered and recommended.

A

S E R M O N

Preached Before His Excellency

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. L.L.D.

Governor and Commander in Chief,

And the Honorable the

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

OF THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT.

Convened at Hartford, on the Day of the

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

May 10th, 1787.

By ELIZUR GOODRICH, D. D.
Pastor of the Church of Christ in Durham.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1787.

ORDERED, That the Hon. James Wadsworth, Esq. and Capt. Simeon Parsons, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Dr. Elizur Goodrich, for his Sermon, delivered at the General Election, on the 10th of May Instant, and request a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by

George Wyllys, Sec’ry.

 

P S A L M cxxii. 3

JERUSALEM IS BUILDED, AS A CITY THAT IS COMPACT TOGETHER.

JERUSALEM was a city, defended with strong walls, the metropolis of the kingdom of Israel, and the capital seat of the Hebrew empire.—It’s inhabitants were not a loose, disconnected people, but most strictly united, not only among themselves, but with all the tribes of Israel, into a holy nation and commonwealth, under Jehovah their king and their God.—And as Jerusalem was the place, which he was pleased to honour as the seat of his royal residence and government, it was most truly the city of the Great King. Hence both by divine appointment, and the common consent of the nation, it was established as the local centre of communion in all the privileges of their civil and sacred constitution. There were the thrones of judgment, the thrones of the house of David, and the supreme courts of justice, and of the public administration: There were the Levites, waiting in their courses, and the Priests, ministering in their offices, before the Lord: There was the testimony, the ark of the covenant, the temple, and the solemn services of religion: And there all the tribes and scepters of the people, assembled three times in the year, to present national homage to Jehovah, their king and their God.

In all these respects, whether Jerusalem be considered in a natural, civil or religious view, its strength and beauty consisted, in being builded “as a city, that is compact together.” Hence the Psalmist’s affection for Jerusalem expressed in this Psalm was not a mere partial and local fondness; but had in view, and was excited by the most noble objects. These were the exaltation of Jehovah, the king and God of Zion—the honour and happiness of the nation—the preservation of the true religion, and the peace and best good of all the tribes of Israel. Religion therefore, and public spirit were untied in the ardent affection of the pious Israelites, toward Jerusalem, which they preferred above their chief joy.

We have also a Jerusalem, adorned with brighter glories of divine grace, and with greater beauties of holiness, than were ever displayed, in the most august solemnities of the Hebrew-temple-worship; and presents, to our devout admiration, gratitude and praise, more excellent means of religion and virtue, peace and happiness, than ever called the attention of the assembled tribes of Israel. We enjoy all the privileges of a free government, the blessings of the gospel of peace, and the honours of the church of God. This is our Jerusalem.

The safety and preservation of it depend, under God, on the friendly agreement of its citizens in all those things, necessary for its honour and defence, happiness and glory. Without this agreement, it cannot be “builded as a city, that is compact together.” There will be no peace within its walls, nor prosperity within its palaces: It can have neither strength or beauty, nor administer protection to its inhabitants; but it will be as a city broken down, and without walls.

The text therefore, and the great occasion, on which we are assembled in the house of God, justify a discourse on the great principles and maxims, of civil union—the importance of a good, public administration, to answer the great ends of government—and the necessity of the joint exertions of subjects, with their rulers, in promoting the public peace and happiness.

I am then, in the first place, to point out some of the great principles and maxims, which are the foundation and cement of civil union and society.

The principles of society are the laws, which Almighty God has established in the moral world, and made necessary to be observed by mankind; in order to promote their true happiness, in their transactions and intercourse. These laws may be considered as principles, in respect of their fixedness and operation; and as maxims, since by the knowledge of them, we discover those rules of conduct, which direct mankind to the highest perfection, and supreme happiness of their nature. They are as fixed and unchangeable as the laws which operate in the natural world.

Human art in order to produce certain effects, must conform to the principles and laws, which the Almighty Creator has established in the natural world. He who neglects the cultivation of his field, and the proper time of sowing, may not expect a harvest. He, who would assist mankind in raising weights, and overcoming obstacles, depends on certain rules, derived from the knowledge of mechanical principles, applied to the construction of machines, in order to give the most useful effect to the smallest force: And every builder should well understand the best position of firmness and strength, when he is about to erect an edifice. For he, who attempts these things, on other principles, than those of nature, attempts to make a new world; and his aim will prove absurd and his labour lost. No more can mankind be conducted to happiness; or civil societies united, and enjoy peace and prosperity, without observing the moral principles and connections, which the same Almighty Creator has established for the government of the moral world.

Moral connections and causes in different circumstances produce harmony or discord, peace or war, happiness or woe among mankind, with the same certainty, as physical causes produce their effect. To institute these causes and connections belongs not to men, to nations or to human laws, but to build upon them. It is no more in the power of the greatest earthly potentate to hinder their operation, than it is to govern the flowing and ebbing of the ocean.

The great and most universal principle and law of rational union and happiness, is the love of God and of our neighbour: This in the moral, is like the great law of gravitation and attraction in the natural world, and its tendency in human society, is to universal good. The first maxim derived from it, is that divine precept in the gospel, “whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye also the same unto them.” Hence religion and virtue are the great principles on which the happiness of human societies must be built; and from these principles must be derived the knowledge of all laws, which determine the order of that benevolence, we owe to one another, and point out the means of attaining the greatest good.

If this were a state of so much innocence and perfection, that the law of reason and of love directed and influenced all the views and actions of mankind, there would be no necessity for the coercion of civil government. But in the present depraved state of human nature, the various dispositions and differing pursuits, the jarring interests, and unruly passions, the jealousies and misapprehensions of neighbours would spoil their harmony and good agreement; and, when disputes arose, there would be no common judge, to whom they might refer their differences; but everyone would be an avenger of his own wrong: This would soon end in a state of hatred and war; and destroy all human peace and happiness. To prevent this mischief, and to secure the enjoyment of rational liberty, which summarily consists in the unmolested privilege and opportunity of “leading a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty,” is the great end of the institution of civil society and government.

The end therefore, and nature of civil government imply that it must have for its foundation, the principles and laws of truth, justice and righteousness, mercy and the fear of God; or it can never advance the happiness of mankind. For that mankind by uniting into society, and putting themselves under a common government, can promote their true interest, otherwise than by observing these laws, is as contrary to reason as, that a machine may be of great and beneficial use in human life, when its whole construction is contrary to all the principles, by which the world of nature is actuated and kept together.

There can be no beneficial union among the members of a community, where these great principles of righteousness and truth integrity and the fear of God, are not maintained, both among themselves, and towards all mankind. Any number of men, confederated, both among themselves, and towards all mankind. Any number of men, confederated together in wickedness and injustice, can have no strength, but what they derive from being faithful to one another. Such a combination may exist among robbers and pirates: but their agreement ought not to be dignified by the name of civil union: it ought rather to be esteemed a wicked conspiracy against the rights of mankind, which can never be justified by number, nor on any pretence of public good.

These moral principles and connections are moral laws, not only, as they point out a fixed order of events respecting moral ends, in which view the mere politician, who has no fear of God before his eyes, may consider them; but to the enlightened and religious mind, they are moral laws, in a higher sense—laws of our creator, for the conduct of our life and manners. They cannot therefore be transgressed, without offending against his will and authority—without incurring guilt in his sight, and rendering ourselves obnoxious to his wrath and displeasure, as the great and righteous governor of the world. “The Lord is in his holy temple, the Lord’s throne is in heaven; his eyes behold, his eye-lids try the children of men. The Lord trieth the righteous; but the wicked and him that loveth violence, his soul hateth. Upon the wicked he shall rain snares, fire and brimstone and an horrible tempest. This shall be the portion of their cup. For the righteous Lord loveth the righteous, his countenance doth behold the upright.”

If we can find what are the laws and rules, which men, as rational creatures, must observe, that they may arrive at the greatest happiness and perfection of their nature, these are the laws which they must observe, when united in political bodies, in order to promote the common good of society. The same virtue and integrity, truth, justice and honour, which, we venerate in a private character, must be found in the public administration, and generally prevailing among a people, or a state, cannot be united, peaceful and happy in itself, and respectable in the world.

Hence in all well regulated civil communities, laws of natural, universal and unchangeable obligation hold the first rank: They are such fixed means of union, peace and happiness, that no other can or ought to be substituted in their room. It may however be observed, that the force of civil society cannot extend to all laws of this kind; but only to such upon the observation of which the common quiet of mankind entirely depends. To do to our neighbour as we would that he should do to us is one of the planest dictates of reason, and a law of universal equity and obligation. It comprehends the whole of social duty, and extends to kindness, humanity and mercy, as well as to truth and justice. But although it is the great rule of our conduct and the bond of society, it cannot in its whole extension have the force of a civil law in commonwealths. Controversies about the violation of it would be perplexed and intricate: Litigious suits would be infinitely multiplied: The good and virtuous would be deprived of the most valuable part of their character: and the state would be torn with intestine division and discord.

But, tho’ all the laws of nature cannot be enforced with civil sanctions, yet every righteous state adopts those, which are necessary for the preservation of the public peace, and for an equal and impartial distribution of rewards and punishments. The good and virtuous, who are influenced to do well out of reverence to God, and sincere love to mankind, must be protected and encouraged; and the wicked and disorderly, restrained by the dread of punishment. The great laws of justice must be armed with a civil force, and never allowed to be transgressed with impunity. Such, for instance, is that statute of Jehovah, the God and King of Israel, “Ye shall do no unrighteousness; in judgment, in mete-yard, in weight or in measure. Just balances, just weights, a just ephah, and a just hin, shall ye have.” This law must be admitted into every civil state; but, that it may have force in society, the public standard must be fixed; the most convenient weights and measures, determined; the manner of their being tried, ascertained; and an awful penalty annexed to transgression. These are circumstances, which are not determined by the law of nature; but must be adjusted by civil regulations suited to the condition of particular commonwealths.

The principles and laws of justice are fixed and unchangeable—they depend not on human authority; but the particular regulations, by which they have force in society, as civil laws, not being determined by the law of nature, may be changed, when they are found inconvenient and hurtful to the community. Hence the legislative authority of a state, extends to the repealing of old, as well as the making of new laws.

Nevertheless, great care should be taken in framing laws, that they may be suited to the peculiar state of a people, and have an equal and uniform operation for the public good. New and different circumstances require new and different regulations in society, fitted to the occasions which produce them: But the fundamental laws, by which a people are compacted together, like the laws of the natural world, must have a fixed consistence and duration. Such, in general, are laws relating to personal liberty, the privileges of the subject, and the powers of the magistrate—to private property and the execution of justice—to the punishment of evil-doers and the preservation of the public peace—to marriage, education, religion, and the rights of conscience—to the public forms, and order of government—and to the revenues and taxes, by which the state is supported. Frequent changes even in the external appendages, much more an unfixedness in the laws, and a want of stability in the public administration, diminish he energy and dignity of government, and will be attended with uneasiness and discord.

I shall only add, that as the best and most useful laws can be of no use, unless subjects be trained up and educated in a manner of living conformable to them, every wise state will pay great attention to the education of children, and to all such regulations, as are necessary for the instruction of the people in the principles of piety and virtue. The best security men can have, of living together in harmony and love, is from the prevalence of true religion, and a due regard to the will and authority of the supreme being. Religion and virtue, are the strongest bond of human society, and lay the best foundation of peace and happiness in the civil state.

I proceed, in the next place, to consider the importance of a good public-administration of government, to the peace and happiness of a people.

All the qualifications of a good administration may be summed up in two heads, the ability and faithfulness of those, who are entrusted with the weighty concerns of the state: To one or the other of these two things may be referred, whatever can be desired or expected in a good ruler. These qualifications are of the highest importance, in every administration. A free people, under God, may justly put confidence in such an administration, and not find themselves disappointed, as they must unavoidably be if they commit themselves into the hands of weak or wicked men. The former, though they mean never so well, are unable to do good; the latter may improve their great talents, to do mischief: Neither of them are fit to be entrusted with the great affairs of state. Who, on the one hand, would willingly trust his whole interest to the power and disposal of a man of the greatest abilities, but destitute of honour and conscience; or on the other hand, who would undertake a dangerous voyage, on the boisterous ocean, under the command of the most upright and honest man, who had no knowledge of the art of navigation, nor any acquaintance with the seas. In common affairs no honest man will undertake any business for which he knows he is unfit, though he should be solicited to do it: The same should be observed by men, invited to serve the public. When a people have raised men of weak abilities to posts of honour, it may seem hard to neglect them; and it must, indeed, be ungrateful, if in any good degree, they maintain the dignity of their stations, and advance the public good; and especially, if the posts they hold, were un-sought, and conferred without solicitation. Nevertheless it should be considered, that those, who undertake the affairs of the public, are as answerable for their abilities, as the soldier for his courage, when he enlists into the service of his country. The safety of the public is to be preferred to the honour of an individual.

Here I might delineate more fully the character of an able and faithful administration; but I will not enlarge, and shall say only in a few words, that the principal lines of it, are knowledge, wisdom, and prudence, courage and unshaken resolution, righteousness and justice, tempered with lenity, mercy, and compassion, and a steady firmness of public measures, when founded in wisdom and the public good, together with inflexible integrity, the fear of God, and a sacred regard to the moral and religious interests of the community. These are the great characteristics of an administration, which will procure respect and confidence; and has the best tendency to promote the happiness, union and strength of a people, and to render them as a “city, that is compact together.”

If a virtuous people venerate rulers of this character, and unite their endeavours with them in advancing all the noble ends of society, they will have the fairest prospect of peace and prosperity; which was the last thing, I proposed to be considered.

Let the first object, exciting the attention of a free people, be the character of those, whom they introduce into public offices; and, the next, that they reverence the worthy magistrate, support him in his office and dignity, and shew a ready obedience to the laws of the state.

Not only may a people be delivered into the hands of tyrants, as the rod and scourge of heaven for their impiety and madness; but through their own folly, “children may be their princes, and babes rule over them.” Such a “people shall be oppressed every one by another, and every one by his neighbour.”

Happy the free and virtuous people, who pay strict attention to the natural aristocracy, which is the institution of heaven; and appears in every assembly of mankind, on whatever occasion, thy are met together. Happy the people who have wisdom to discern the true patriot of superior abilities, in all his counsels ever manifesting a sincere regard to the public good, and never with a selfish view attempting to deceive them, into hurtful measures; and happy the people who distinguish him from the designing demagogue, who, while he sooths them in their vices, and flatters them with high notions of liberty, and of easing their burdens, is plunging them into the depths of misery and bondage.

How idle are all disputes about a technical aristocracy, if people disregard that divine injunction, given by Moses, to the free electors of Israel, when he was about to appoint some assistants in government. “Take ye wise men and understanding and known among your tribes” for their great abilities and good deeds, “and I will make them rulers over you.”

Such an aristocracy is founded in merit and designed by the God of government and order, to direct a free people in the choice of their judges and public magistrates. Riches are so far necessary as to raise the judge and counselor above the temptation of transgressing for a peace of bread, nevertheless this aristocracy is derived from merit and that influence, which a character for superior wisdom, and known services to the commonwealth, has to produce veneration, confidence and esteem, among a people, who have felt the benefits, and enjoy the advantage of being under so happy a direction.

This influence of character in the language of the Roman republic, was called Auctoritas partum, and the veneration paid to it by the people, Verecundia plebis. It is essentially necessary in all good governments, but especially the life and spirit of a happy, free and republican state, which subsists on the virtues of its citizens, and can never, while any sound wisdom is left to direct the public choice, by design commit the civil administration into the hands of men destitute of political abilities, or who are the patrons of vice.

It is therefore, of the highest importance to the being, happiness and peace of free republics, to shew a fixed and unalterable regard to merit in the choice of their rulers: The next thing is to discover a deference and submission to authority, obedience to the laws, a spirit of righteousness and peace, and a disposition to promote the public good.

Honor and respect are due to rulers: The order and good of society require external marks of distinction, and titles of eminence to be given them. This is due to their office; an honour paid to the institution of government; but there is a further honour due to them, when they are faithful in executing the trust committed to them, and direct all their actions to advance the true interest of the state. In this view, good rulers alone can be honoured, because they alone deserve esteem and respect. We owe obedience and subjection to all rulers in the execution of their office, according to the laws of the land; but, as to cordial affection, veneration, esteem and gratitude, these are due only to the worthy magistrate;; and the debt will be paid by all virtuous citizens, although he should be blasphemed, arraigned, and condemned by the factious and discontended, who wish that there should be no righteous government in the world.

If we willfully transgress the laws of society and resist the just commands of civil authority, we do an injury not so much to the magistrate, as to the community, and expose ourselves to the high displeasure of Almighty God, whose authority is above all human constitutions, and can never be annulled by the decrees of kings and nobles, the consults of senates, or the joint consent of a people.

This is the sentiment of a great and good man, who well knew the rights of human nature, and the privileges of a subject, which he had the courage to plead before kings and magistrates; I mean the apostle Paul, who, illuminated with the knowledge of Christianity, and inspired with the benevolence of the gospel, the slave of no party, in the greatest transports of zeal, spoke only the words of truth and soberness. The doctrine he delivered was not the effect of servile flattery and shameful cowardice: It proceeded not from the spirit of fear, but of love and a sound mind: It is so expressed as at once to declare the great end of civil government, the duty of the magistrate, and the reasonableness of the subjects obedience. It contains both an effectual guard against supporting tyranny and oppression, and a most serious and solemn warning against lawless rebellion, anarchy and confusion: It is delivered as a divine injunction upon Christians, in a letter to the saints at Rome, and is profitable for all ages, and especially seasonable for the present. “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers. For there is no power but of God. The powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist shall receive judgment to themselves. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wouldst thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same. For he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou dost evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath, upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. For, for this cause pay ye tribute also: for they are God’s ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Render therefore to all their dues: tribute to whom tribute is due; custom, to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honour to whom honour.”

When a constitutional government is converted into tyranny, and the laws, rights and properties of a free people are openly invaded, there ought not to be the least doubt but that a remedy consistent with this doctrine of the apostle, is provided in the laws of God and reason, for their preservation; nor ought resistance in such case to be called rebellion. But who will imagine, that God, whose first law, in the world of nature and reason, is order and love, has commissioned men of a private character, with a lawful power, on every pretence of some public mismanagement, to enflame and raise the multitude, embroil the state, and overturn the foundations of public peace.

Civil society can exist no longer, than while connected by its laws and constitution: These are of no force, otherwise than as they are maintained and defended by the members of the commonwealth. This regular support of authority is the only security, a people can have against violence and injustice, feuds and animosities, in the unmolested enjoyment of their honest acquisitions: Hence the very end of civil society demands, that the orders of government be enforced; the fountains of justice, kept open; the streams, preserved pure; and the state, defended against all internal and foreign violence. These ends can never be attained, under the most excellent constitution and laws, but by means of an able and faithful administration, and the concurring zeal and assistance of all good and virtuous citizens.

Although some exclude religion and the profession and worship of the gospel from having any concern in the happiness of civil society and in the choice of rulers among a free people, yet without religion, a people happily united in all other respects, want the bond, most essentially necessary to preserve the union, and to excite everyone to faithfulness in his station.

The chief glory of the Gospel is, that it opens the way of salvation to a fallen world, and contains the words of eternal life: And were not this its great and distinguishing excellence, it would be of so much less importance to mankind, as the concerns of eternity are greater than those of time. It does everything for our happiness in this world, which can be effected by the most excellent precepts of morality, and by instructing us in all the duties, we owe to God, our neighbour and ourselves: At the same time, it binds us to the most unremitting diligence and perseverance in all good works, by the solemn account we must give to our righteous judge, for all the deeds done in the body.

The blessed Gospel is therefore the best privilege which a people can enjoy; and were its precepts duly observed, the civil state would be in the best order, and in the most excellent condition. Persons of all ranks, according to their abilities, would be blessings to the community. The foundations of our Jerusalem would be laid with polished stones, and the city of our habitation be built up without the noise of saws and hammers. The stone would not cry out of the wall of public fraud and oppression, nor the beam out of the timber answer it; but our officers would be peace, and our exactors righteousness; our walls would be called salvation and our gates praise, and no wasting violence and destruction would be heard in our borders.

Having pointed out the principles and maxims, on which civil union and happiness depend, and considered both the character of a good administration of government, and what is required of the subjects and citizens of a free state, I proceed to address and exhort the several orders of men present, that in their several places they use their best and most faithful endeavours for promoting the public peace and prosperity, that this and the United States, may, after the model of Jerusalem, be “builded, as a city that is compact together.”

In the first place, duty requires, that with the greatest respect and reverence the public exhortation be addressed to his Excellency, Governor Huntington, the Chief Magistrate of this free State.

May it please your Excellency,

While I congratulate my fellow-citizens, on the return of this joyful anniversary, I beg leave to address your Excellency, with the honours of the day, and the thanks of a grateful people for all the peaceful blessings of your administration.

The many faithful and important services rendered to your country, in the most difficult and interesting affairs of this and the United States have distinguished you with honour, among the patriots of America—enrolled your name, in the immortal list of those great and noble personages, who in the most heart-searching times, sealed the independence of America, adventured to sit at the head of the national council—and added you to the bright constellation of the illustrious Statesmen and Governors of this free commonwealth.

How different is the station of a chief magistrate in a free government, who lives in the hearts of the people, from that of the arbitrary despot, who has many slaves, but not a loyal subject? All seem to adore the tyrant, and tremble at the least motion of his eye, while they sigh for a change; and at the first blow, the idol is pulled down, and trampled under foot. The confidence and esteem of a virtuous and free people are derived from known and approved merit, and have a lasting foundation. The chair of state is marked with this motto, FOR THE BEST AND THE WORTHIEST CITIZEN.

I SINCERELY with your Excellency, the most pleasing satisfaction, in the esteem, veneration and gratitude of your citizens; but I persuade myself, you look to an higher source of joy, and to a greater witness of integrity, than the most unanimous approbation of a sensible and grateful people: I mean the witness of conscience, appealing to the great searcher of hearts, that in the whole of your public conduct, and in all the private walks of life, you have considered yourself, as the servant of the Most High God, and devoted all your abilities, ultimately to the honour and service of the eternal king.

This is that rectitude of intention and endeavour, which is able to give calm peace through all the changing scenes of life, and all the uncertainties of earthly greatness; and even in the view of approaching death, and the prospect of the appearing and kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ. It cannot therefore, fail of affording your Excellency serene joy, while with an unreproaching heart, you look round on the assembled commonwealth; and with an unruffled mind, meet the great event of this day.

Should the providence of God, and the voice of this free people continue your Excellency in the first feat of government, I would with the deepest humility and respect, honoured sir, beseech and even charge you, in the presence of the supreme judge and this great congregation, to look to the grace of the eternal Jehovah, that you may be furnished for, and be found faithful in the high employment. You will not think it, beneath your exalted dignity, to be exhorted by one of the meanest of Christ’s servants, to acknowledge the infinite source of wisdom, in all your ways, and to ask direction of heaven, in all your paths, that truth and integrity may ever guide you; and righteousness and mercy be the girdle of your loins.

I am persuaded, that the peace and happiness of this, and the United States, cannot be built up and established, but upon the maxims I have pointed out and recommended. You, Sir, are a master-builder on the walls of our Jerusalem: Let not these walls be daubed with the untempered mortar of injustice, jealousy and discord; but may they be cemented by the uniting principles of justice, benevolence and public spirit.

The post assigned your Excellency, in divine providence, is high and honourable,–the employment, great and weighty, the objects in view, beautiful and glorious, and the motives, such as may well inspire a noble and generous breast, with the warmest zeal, the most unshaken fortitude, and the most unremitting perseverance, in the most faithful endeavours, to answer the great ends of the exalted station, you hold in this commonwealth. Some of these objects, motives and ends are the exaltation of Jehovah, the King and Governor of the universe—the high importance and dignity of government, the great foundation of peace and quiet—your own honour in being furnished by God with great abilities of eminent usefulness—the loss or preservation of public liberty, and the rights of a free people, on which depends the happiness of thousands, or the misery of millions,–the cause of religion and virtue, and the consequences of them on the present and eternal interests of mankind—the peace and best good of civil society, and the honour and safety of this, and the United States,–and finally the joys or the sorrows of that great and glorious day, when dignity and power will be no defence; but the highest potentate, and the meanest slave, will stand without distinction before the supreme and eternal judge, and receive the solemn, and decisive sentence from his mouth.

These, Sir, are weighty considerations, which I humbly address to your constant attention, that under the influence of them, you may be found faithful, and met the final approbation of your Lord. In the weight of government, you will be encouraged and assisted by good men and virtuous citizens; whose continual and earnest prayer will be that the blessing of Almighty God may attend and render your administration successful for the honour of God, the advancement of piety and virtue, the true interest of this and the United States of America, and the general good of mankind.

May your Excellency long live, the ornament of your country and the church of Christ.—May you be happy in the consciousness of faithfully serving God and your people; and have the unspeakable joy of beholding them safe, virtuous and free.—And, when the Supreme Disposer of all events, shall dismiss you from the services of this world, whether you shall then be in public life, and the chief magistracy over this people, or free from public cares in the serene retirements of a peaceful old age, may you experience the solid supports of the Christian hope, share in the rewards of grace, and shine with unfading glories, in the kingdom of the Redeemer.

Let the public exhortation in the next place be acceptable to his Honour, Lieutenant-Governor Wolcott, the Honourable Councellors, and the Respectable Representatives of this State.

Honoured Gentlemen,

How happy will it be if the Magistrates and Representatives of this State shall enter upon public business, with a noble spirit of true patriotism, having no narrow and private interests at heart; but seeking the good of our Jerusalem, build it up on the great foundations of truth and righteousness. Then peace will be within our walls, and prosperity within our palaces.

A SELFISH and contracted spirit in any member of society is a great blemish; but in a chief ruler—in a senator—in the representative of a free people, it is vile—it is odious, and unpardonable. Let this spirit be banished from public counsel; or it will destroy all harmony of sentiment, and lead into the narrow by-paths of private ambition and self-exaltation: The builders will not understand each other’s language; scenes of confusion ensue, and the public resolutions shew more the complexion of party-attachment, than the public good.

If the leaders of a people are not united in the great maxims of government, and maintain not steadiness in the public administration, the people never will, nor can be easy. And when a community is rent by the animosities and different views of their principal leaders and citizens, a republic is verging towards an ochlocratical [mob rule] state, in which the prevalence of a party, is no sure token of truth. In this situation, justice may be overborne by the violence of misguided passion, blind to the true interest of the people and, the best means of safety. An Aristides through envy, was banished by his citizens; and Cicero, the friend of liberty, of the laws and constitution of his country, for his wise and vigorous measures in defeating and crushing the Catalinarian conspiracy and rebellion [an attempt by Lucius Sergius Catilina to overthrow the Roman Republic, 63 BC], under the administration of a furious tribune was driven from Rome: But, when the fire of party had subsided, and the people were recovered to their senses, they recalled him, with every mark of public honour; and styled him the father and preserver of his country; an honour never before conferred, on a Roman citizen.

Never was union in counsel and in public exertions, more necessary in America, than at the present day. If we improve the advantages, which Providence has put into our hands, we may be a great and flourishing people, happy and united among ourselves, and our name be respectable among the nations. But, if we forget the God of our salvation, and neglect the means of virtue and religion, with which we are favoured above any people on earth—if we are divided, and contend about every plan devised for strengthening the national union, and restoring the national honour and safety—if the several states, losing sight of the great end of the confederation, are influenced by mere local and partial motives, and if, in their respective and distinct jurisdictions, they forsake the paths of righteousness, we shall become the scorn and contempt of foreign nations, a prey to every bold invader; or fall by intestine divisions, till we sink into general ruin, and universal wretchedness.

If anyone doubt this, let him consult the history of nations, and especially of Israel: Let him look into the book of the Lamentations of Jeremiah. There, the Hebrew Prophet and mourner appears a man of sorrows, and compacted with grief’s: He breaths in sighs, and speaks in groans: Complicated scenes of horror and distress strike all our senses, while we hear the lamentations of his broken heart, mourning the ruins of Jerusalem, the cruel slaughter, and captivity of the people, the desolation of the temple, and that “from the daughter of Zion, all her beauty” was “departed.”

I THEREFORE, persuade myself, Gentlemen, that in full confidence of your zeal for the public good, I may with all deference and freedom, recommend to your attention, the honour and safety of the confederate republic, as being of the same importance to the happiness and defense of the several states, as the peace and prosperity of Jerusalem, were to the several tribes of Israel.

If the national union, by concentrating the wisdom and force of America, was the means of our salvation from conquest and slavery—if the existence, liberty and independence of these states, and their national character, importance and glory depend still upon their united firmness and strength—if this union be necessary for the decision of controversies, which might otherwise engender wars among themselves, and be the only probable means of their safety and defense against foreign nations,–and if without it, the American commerce and intercourse can never be respectable, safe and extensive in the various parts of the world.—If these things are true, which I leave, Gentlemen, to your own consideration, certainly there are no objects of greater magnitude and importance, more loudly calling the attention of America, than the national union, the necessity of supporting the national honour, and to give the federal government energy at home, and respectability abroad.

I WOULD, Gentlemen, beg leave to ask, whether to neglect the great interest of the whole, and to imagine that each state can singly preserve and defend itself, be not absurd, as if several men, at an amazing cost, should lay a costly foundation, and erect the mighty frame of a most magnificent palace; and then, before the expense be paid, from a fondness of finishing, each one, his own room, and enjoying the pleasures of his separate apartment, they should fall into such contention and division, as not only to leave the frame neglected, uncovered and exposed to continual decay and ruin, but the whole undertaking liable to that curse, pronounced in the book of God. “Woe unto him, that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his chambers by wrong; that useth his neighbours service without wages, and giveth him not for his work.”

I OWN, Gentlemen, I am concerned for the national honour and happiness; and were I to consult only my own feelings, I might hold up to your view, the dying languors of the national union, as foreboding ruin, division, or some dreadful convulsion, to these states. But perhaps, my fears are grounded not in the state of the nation, but in the want of an extensive knowledge of public affairs. You will, however, give me leave to hope, that the greatest attention will be paid to all just and reasonable measures, for supporting and maintaining the liberty and glory of the American states, and republic.

I only add, Gentlemen, on this subject, my most sincere prayer, that heaven would guide all your deliberations, and collect and unite the wisdom and patriotism of America, in the proposed convention of the states, in some just and equal system of federal subordination, effectually securing the internal liberty and sovereignty of the states, and giving such dignity and authority to the federal government, that it may be the means of securing the peace, and prosperity of the whole; and the benefit of it reach to the most distant ages, and increase from generation to generation to the latest posterity.

I persuade myself, Gentlemen, you will have a watchful regard to the rights and privileges of this people; and in all reasonable ways, ease their burdens and relieve their sorrows. You are too well acquainted, to need any information of the uneasiness, discontent and complaints, which prevail in the state. I will not presume to say, how far, these complaints are without any just foundation—how far, they arise from the real distresses and burdens of the times—how far, they are founded in any real, or supposed mistakes, in the public administration—or how far they have been nursed and cherished, by men of power and influence; whose office required them, to quiet the voice of murmuring, instead of inflaming the public, in order to answer their own ends, and procure self exaltation, or to prevent that of others. But, from whatever different and opposite sources, these complaints arise, you cannot do your people more essential service, than to apply the most faithful counsels and prudent means, for the removing and healing them.

If any of the evils, the people suffer, have been occasioned by their own imprudent conduct, you will nevertheless pity them; and afford all the relief in your power. This is to act the part of a kind and tender father, who would not by unreasonable severity, push his children on to ruin and despair. But, though you pity and study to relieve them in trouble, you must not support them in vice and disorder. As a faithful physician will sometimes use palliatives, but will never gratify a sick patient to his destruction: So as far as may be confident with the great rules of righteousness: you will suit the public conduct to the infirmities of the people, but you cannot consent to measures of iniquity, which will work ruin and misery to the state.

Hear all the equitable petitions of the people; but should they ask you to be unrighteous, stop your ears: Be merciful and compassionate; but maintain a conduct consistent with the dignity, faith and honour of government, and with those fixed rules and everlasting maxims, by which it is to be administered. It is a day, in which trimmers and time-servers are very unfit to direct the affairs of state. I wish, none such may be found among the honourable personages, whom I now address. If any of you, Gentlemen, for acting the dictates of an upright conscience, should fall under the displeasure of the people, you will have infinitely greater support and consolation in the rectitude of your own minds, than the highest applause fellow-mortals can give. Superior dignity and virtue, in these circumstances of trial, appear to the best advantage, and shines with the brightest luster; and will meet the approbation of the great judge in the presence of an assembled world. The frowns of a misguided, and the resentments of an ungrateful people, cannot bend the true patriot to meanness; nor the loss of honour and public station, tempt him to iniquity, and to consent to such measures, as in his fixed opinion and judgment, will end in public shame and ruin.

Remember, Gentlemen, that while you are examining the rights of individuals, and their claims on one another, or on the public, you drop the character of legislators, and should act by the same fixed rules of law and equity, as the judge on the bench. In causes of a judicial kind, your high character of sovereignty will not excuse an arbitrary decision, or denial of justice, any more than the same may be excused in the lowest executive court. In granting favours, you have only to consider, whether they are equitable and consistent with the good of the community; but in doing justice, you have no sovereign discretion. No wise man thinks his life and estate safe in the hand of a tyrant, bound by no restraint of law: Excuse me, Gentlemen, when I add, that the discretion of a popular assembly, acting by no fixed and known rules of equity, is a different expression, but the same in effect, as the arbitrary will of a despot. Sovereign power should never be perverted to acts of unrighteousness: Let not therefore the notion of omnipotence, and of being above control, insensibly insinuate itself into your deliberations, and lead to a different determination, from what you would give in a different character. With deference to your high stations, I am warranted with all freedom to assure you, in the fear of God, the almighty and eternal Judge, that the consideration of not being accountable to an higher court on earth, should be one of the most forcible motives, to engage you to the greatest uprightness and impartiality, not only between subject and subject, but especially the subject and the public. Remember, that as in this world, there is an appeal from a lower to a higher court, so when the most sovereign and uncontrollable court on earth, gives an unrighteous sentence, and wickedly perverts judgment, there is immediately entered in the high court of heaven, an appeal, which, in the great day of general assise, will be called, and must be answered. Then you, my honourable Auditors, and all the kings and judges of the earth shall appear, and give an account for your conduct, while you acted in the character of Gods, on earth.

I have not pointed out, wherein the difficulties and embarrassments of the present day consist; nor what political measures are best to extricate the people from them: These things, Gentlemen, belong to you, and demand the exercise of your superior wisdom and prudence; but I am confident of the real advantage of those principles and maxims, I have insisted on as the great foundation of the happiness and strength of civil society. In this, I think, I have kept within my own limits, and can therefore with an humble freedom, commend them to your attention and consideration. To you it belongs to build upon them, and to improve all your dexterity, zeal and authority to compact us together. To you we look to heal our wounds, to appease our disquiet, to rectify our disorders, and to apply those bands and ligaments, which shall hold us together, and prevent our dissolution and ruin. This is the righteous expectation of God, and the desire and hope of all good men. Be not like the ten spies, who brought up an evil report of the good land of Canaan, and discouraged the hearts of their brethren: but like Joshua and Caleb, who endeavoured to still the people with the assurances of good hope, that under God they were able to surmount the difficulties before them.

Notwithstanding the darkness of the present day, and the public difficulties we labour under, be of good courage, and the Lord be with you: Though the earth and it’s inhabitants be dissolved, hold up the pillars thereof; and never let this state be removed from the foundations of righteousness and truth. If these foundations have by any means received a shock, and seem to be in a tottering condition, let your wisdom and courage give them stability. If the pillars of public faith and justice, judgment and equity have been bent and twisted, like the limber osier, give them that strength and firmness, that they may hereafter stand unshaken as the aged oak: and let this people, and all the world know, that you man to be a righteous legislature; and wish to rule over a righteous people.

I shall add only in a few words, that while in all other ways, you endeavour the good of this people, and expect from them a reverential regard for magistracy, and a peaceable behavior in the state, you will Gentlemen, appoint men of virtue and religion on to all important offices of executive trust: And be yourselves the best examples of righteousness and the fear of God. Shew yourselves friends to religion and virtue—to the church of Christ, and the worship of God—to the ministers of the gospel—and to the great and important interests of education and learning in the state: By this you will do honour to yourselves, and essential service to your country, merit the esteem and gratitude of good men, and meet the approbation of God. If religion and good manners be legible, not only in your laws, but in your lives, rendering you conspicuous for piety and mercy, justice and sobriety, your authority will be strengthened, and your administration supported. The attractive force of your examples, will engage your people to that behavior, which is necessary to the peace and prosperity of the state; and the endeavours of good citizens will be united in procuring and advancing the noble and beneficial ends of society. Thus you will be the lights of the world, the ornaments of mankind; and having with eminent usefulness served your generation according to the will of God, may you finally enjoy the rewards of faithful servants.

The public exhortation and address now turns itself to the Ministers of the Gospel.

My Fathers and Brethren,

We are members of civil society, equally interested in it’s peace and prosperity, with the rest of our fellow-citizens; and especially “because of the house of the Lord our God,” we are bound “to seek” it’s “good.” The immediate ends of the magistracy and ministry are different, but not opposite: They mutually assist each other, and ultimately center in the same point. The one has for its object the promotion of religion and the cause of Christ; the other immediately aims at the peace and order of mankind in this world: Without which, there could be no fixed means of religion; nor the church have a continuance on earth, but through the interposition of a miraculous providence, constantly displayed for its preservation. Hence the church of Christ will have no fixed residence, where there is no civil government, until he, whose right it is, shall take to himself his great power, and reign King of nations, even as he is King of saints.

How thankful then should we be for the ordinance of civil government, which is a token of divine forbearance to a guilty world; and will continue till the designs of the Christian ministry, are accomplished. How many have no higher conception of the Christian ministry, and the wisdom and goodness of God in appointing it, than as relating to this world? Hence, while they pride themselves in civil privileges, and perhaps, allow the morality of the gospel to have some good influence on the happiness of society, they have no idea of the glory of the Christian scheme of salvation, and despise the gospel, the ministry and the church of God. And yet, were it not, that the gospel might be preached, and the church have a being on earth, civil government would cease among men.

To preach the gospel of the Redeemer, to open his salvation, to explain and urge his precepts, and to represent the motives of the religion taught by him, together with the administration of the ordinances, which he hath appointed, are the immediate end; and the peculiar work of the Christian ministry. This is the part, my Fathers and Brethren, assigned to us, on the walls of our Jerusalem; and whoever is faithful in this divine employment, will at once advance the temporal and eternal interests of mankind.

To this work, therefore, let us attend with all diligence and faithfulness, and use our utmost endeavours to promote the designs of redeeming love, in recovering sinful, guilty and miserable men, to the image and favour of God, in bringing them to a life of holiness, and to the practice of all righteousness and virtue. In doing this, we shall be the happy instruments of advancing the best good of society, by leading them to the diligent practice of all the duties of the social and Christian life; and render them, most useful in their respective places: But, more especially, we shall be happy, in being made instruments, under the sacred influence of our divine Lord, of plucking them from the jaws of destruction, and the power and tyranny of Satan, of raising them to the greatest dignity and perfection of their nature, and of preparing them for the new Jerusalem, the city of our God, “wherein dwelleth righteousness.”

While we look to our civil fathers for their kind countenance and protection, it will be our constant care to strengthen and encourage them, in the great and weighty concerns of government, by our prayers, by our public instructions, and by our examples, not only of civil subjection and obedience, but of all virtues, which adorn the Christian profession and ministry, and conduce to the peace and prosperity of the commonwealth.

In this let us strive to excite, and unite all our endeavours. What is more necessary, than union among the ministers of Christ? What gives the enemies of religion more advantage, than the discord, which has prevailed among Christians? Or what stabs the cause of the Redeemer, with deeper wounds, than the contention of his ministers? Let us not look to the coercive power of the civil sword, to heal these wounds; but to our divine and almighty Saviour, to give us one heart and one way; and let us study his gospel, which contains not only the doctrines we are to teach, and the duties we are to inculcate; but the most forcible motives of mutual love, kindness and forbearance. If we drink at this pure fountain of benevolence, and imbibe the spirit of the meek and lowly Jesus, it will cleanse away our envy, pride and ambition, the great sources of ministerial contention. We shall love one another, and strive together in our endeavours, and in our prayers for the success of the gospel, and the peace of churches.

Brethren, our time is short: Our fathers many of them are gone: Every year makes breaches upon our order. May God sanctify the heavy strokes of the year past, upon the churches, and the ministry, that we may be quickened to greater zeal and diligence in our important work. He that is faithful to the death, shall receive the crown of everlasting life and love, in the kingdom of our heavenly Father.

An Address to the numerous audience present, on this joyful occasion, shall conclude my discourse.

Friends and Fellow Citizens,

A CONSTITUTION of Government, which gives a people the liberty of choosing their own rulers, and of being governed by laws, established by common consent, while they make a wise use of it, is a privilege more valuable, than the gold of Ophir, and of greater importance to public happiness, than the rich mountains of Peru. What shall you do to render this privilege, a blessing to the present age, and hand down the joys of it to future generations? Make it your constant aim to choose able and faithful men, who fear God and hate covetousness, to be your rulers; honour and encourage them in all their endeavours to make you a virtuous, prosperous and happy people, and apply yourselves with diligence to your own business, that in your several stations, you may contribute to the public good.

The burden of government at all times, and especially at the present, is very great: We may so behave as to render it, far greater and more difficult, by our misconduct and disorderly practices; and prevent the best fruits of the most wise and righteous administration. We may discourage the hearts and slacken the hands of the most worthy magistrates, by an unruly and discontented spirit, and by an opposition to all their designs for the public good. How many endeavour to enervate and avoid the force of the most wholesome laws of society; and use every art to make the people discontented, and to promote factions in the state.

I THINK it my duty on this solemn occasion, to warn my fellow citizens, against all such vile and wicked practices, which tend to the ruin of magistracy, and the destruction of peace and order. I wish, my Fellow-Citizens, all had a due sense of the high importance of civil government, and the protection afforded us by the laws of our country. Whatever security and peace, we enjoy by day or night, at home or abroad, in the house, in the field, or by the way, are by means of civil union and society. Without this bond, and the restraint of civil institutions, no one would be safe in his person or property. The weak would be continually exposed to the oppression and injustice of a more powerful neighbour. Civil government therefore, well constituted, and impartially administered, is one of the most important blessings, a gracious God has bestowed upon a guilty world; and the laws and constitution of our country are our best inheritance, which we should defend at the hazard of our lives and fortunes.

If any real or supposed grievances should arise in a republic, they may be examined and redressed, without having recourse to arms, and opposing the government of the people, in the hands of the constitutional authority of the state. Good rulers will esteem it, an honour that the public conduct should be examined, and the errors of administration rectified: And if rulers appointed by the people abuse their authority, they may be displaced. A republic has the means of redress within itself; and cannot be oppressed, but by its own fault and neglect.

But while in a free government, the public conduct is open to inspection and discussion, there is a great difference between the reproof of friendship, and the reproach of an enemy; much more between personal slander and abuse, and a candid examination of public mistakes and grievances, that they may be rectified and redressed. The latter is the right of the people and may be encouraged; the former is to be detested, nor can its venom be hidden, or justified, under the cloak of public good. Its tendency is to introduce an embittered party-spirit, and to promote factions and disturbances: It favours, not of that wisdom from above, pure, peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy, but of that which is earthly, sensual, devilish: It is not a cement, having the least tendency to add strength to the foundations, beauty to the walls, or peace and prosperity to the palaces of our Jerusalem.

I SINCERELY condole with my country, under the heavy burden lying on the people. If a considerable part of this burden has been brought upon ourselves by imprudent conduct, we ought not to complain to our rulers, and think ourselves hardly used, if the foundations of justice be not removed for your sakes. If any part of it be occasioned by unnecessary expenses in government, and by salaries and rewards, too lavishly bestowed on those, who serve the public, we have right to complain, and to expect redress. And if the claims of any men on the public, or other burdens in the state, be unjust, we may boldly apply to our rulers for relief: For to execute judgment, to do justice, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, to let the oppressed go free, and to break every yoke, is the great end of their institution and office: Surely then, a righteous Legislature will hear all our reasonable complaints, and ease our sorrows.

But if these burdens are just, the price of our liberty, and of all the privileges which we enjoy, what can our rulers do, but encourage us to be a righteous and industrious people, and contrive the best, most easy and effectual measures for discharging the public debt?—They cannot deny that we have had an army—hired soldiers, and carried on a long and expensive war, in which through the signal interposition of a wonder-working Providence, we have been gloriously successful—that we are indebted to France, Holland and Spain, in sums to a large amount—and that thousands of our citizens have lent their substance and treasure to this and the United States; many of whom are distressed by the public failure.—They cannot create silver and gold: But supposing, it were in their power to furnish a full and rich store of these articles, for which we might sell and mortgage our estates, would not this be the ruin of the greater part of the debtors in the state, and of many other citizens, now in flourishing circumstances?—But, it will be said, they can emit a bank of paper money, the benefit of which was experienced in former times. A mighty benefit; a blessed privilege, indeed, if it be on such a sinking foundation, that the dishonest taking advantage of its depreciation may defraud their creditors, and live and riot on the simplicity of their neighbours, and the spoils of public faith. Would it be right, y Fellow-Citizens, to force such a medium into the hands of the people, against their will and consent? A tyrant may compel his vassals for gold or silver promised, to take lead, tin, wood or stubble: But this would be esteemed in an eastern despot no better, than open and bare faced robbery. Such a thought ought not to be entertained of the righteous Legislature of a free people, who enjoy the Bible, in which we are taught, that whoever expects to be an inhabitant of the heavenly Jerusalem, though he sware to his hurt, changeth not. If this bank of paper-money be on a sure foundation, and have a currency, equal to gold and silver, the question returns, how shall we obtain it, unless we earn it, or pledge our estates for the redemption of it? In the first method, we might as well obtain silver and gold; the latter is big with ruin to thousands, and would tend to discourage the frugality, industry and economy, which begin to have so promising an appearance; and must be the means of freeing us from the great embarrassments we are under.

A SUDDEN plenty of money, would not help us; nay it would do us hurt, unless it were obtained in that way, which would encourage those virtues in society, which are the strength, the happiness, and beauty of a people. These are industry, honesty, frugality, and the reciprocal acts of friendship, kindness, and mercy, which arise from the dependencies of one upon another. Had we a thousand tons of silver dispersed in this state, in such manner as should check the growth of those virtues, it would be truly the root of all evil, and dispose us to such a conduct, that in a few years, this mighty sum would vanish and the people become reduced to a more wretched state of indigence and want, than before: The years of plenty would soon be over, and there arise a louder cry for the suspension of public and private justice, than has ever been heard in America.

I CANNOT my Fellow-Citizens but flatter myself, that the necessity of the times has begun to work for its own relief, in a way conducive to the public good, and the virtue and peace of the people. Agriculture is more encouraged and attended to—the herds and flocks of large and small cattle are increasing—wool and flax are more prized—home-manufactures begin to be thought necessary—the distaff, the wheel and loom are becoming more fashionable—the shops of trifling baubles and gewgaws are less crowded—suits at law diminished—a general spirit of industry is more prevalent, and patience and perseverance seem only necessary to crown the work.

But to close this discourse and address; let us my Friends and Fellow-Citizens, faithfully attend to our true interest and safety, in all those ways which are pointed out in wisdom and the circumstances we are under. Encourage your rulers in building up our Jerusalem, on the strong foundations of truth and righteousness—maintain in your hearts and conduct, those principles and maxims of love, benevolence and goodness, which will render you a united, happy and prosperous people. Let God be honoured, and the grace of the Redeemer exalted; the Sabbath sanctified; the worship and ordinances of the Lord’s house, maintained: The pious and virtuous education of the rising generation, religiously regarded; and a firm and inviolable adherence to the laws and institutions of Christ, manifested by all orders and ranks of men. Then virtue and peace, righteousness, mercy and the fear of God, will flourish, and every member of the community, will be found, fixed in his proper place, and discharging the duties of it.

This is that peaceful and happy state, which King David so earnestly desired might be the portion of Jerusalem, and make it a joy and a praise in all the earth. Let his holy and pious wish be the language of all our hearts: “Pray for the peace of” our “Jerusalem: They shall prosper that love thee: Peace be within thy walls, and prosperity within thy palaces: For my brethren and companions sake, I will now say, peace be within thee; because of the house of the Lord our God, I will seek thy Good.”

A M E N.

Sermon – Slavery – 1791


Jonathan Edwards (1745-1801) was a son of the First Great Awakening preacher, the senior Jonathan Edwards. When the Revolutionary War began and after the death of his father, Edwards and his family relocated to Princeton, NJ. He graduated from the College of New Jersey (1765), and was a tutor at Princeton (1767-1769). Edwards was pastor of: the society at White Haven, CT (1769=1795), and a Church at Colebrook, CT (1796-1799). The following sermon was preached by Edwards in opposition to the slave trade and slavery.


sermon-slavery-1791

THE

INJUSTICE AND IMPOLICY

OF THE

SLAVE TRADE,

AND OF THE

Slavery of the Africans:

ILLUSTRATED IN

A SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE THE CONNECTICUL SOCIETY FOR THE PROMOTION OF FREEDOM, AND FOR THE RELIEF OF PERSONS UNLAWFULLY HOLDEN IN BONDAGE,

AT THEIR ANNUAL MEETING IN NEW-HAVEN,

SETEMBER 15, 1791.

By JONATHAN EDWARDS, D. D.
Pastor of a Church in New-Haven.

 

At a meeting of the Connecticut Society for the Promotion of Freedom, and for the Relief of Persons unlawfully holden in Bondage, at New-Haven, September 15, 1791,

Voted, That the President return the Thanks of this Society to the Rev. Doctor Edwards, for his Sermon this Day delivered before the Society, and that he request a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

Test. Simeon Baldwin, Sec’y.

 

The injustice and impolicy of the slave-trade, and of the slavery of the Africans.

MATTHEW VII. 12.THEREFORE ALL THINGS WHATSOEVER YOU WOULD, THAT MEN SHOULD DO TO YOU, DO YE EVEN SO TO THEM; FOR THIS IS THE LAW AND THE PROPHETS.

This precept of our divine Lord hath always been admired as most excellent; and doubtless with the greatest reason. Yet it needs some explanation. It is not surely to be understood in the most unlimited sense, employing that because a prince expects and wishes for obedience from his subjects, he is obliged to obey them: that because parents wish their children to submit to their government, therefore they are to submit to the government of their children: or that because some men wish that others would concur and assist them to the gratification of their unlawful desires, therefore they also are to gratify the unlawful desires, of others. But whatever we are conscious, that we should, in an exchange of circumstances, wish, and are persuaded that we might reasonably wish, that others would do to us; that we are bound to do to them. This is the general rule given us in the text; and a very extensive rule it is, reaching to the whole of our conduct: and is particularly useful to direct our conduct toward inferiors, and those whom we have in our power. I have therefore thought it a proper foundation for the discourse which by the Society for the Promotion of Freedom, and for the Relief of Persons unlawfully holden in Bondage, I have the honour to be appointed to deliver, on the present occasion.

This divine maxim is most properly applicable to the slave-trade, and to the slavery of the Africans. Let us then make the application.

Should we be willing, that the Africans or any other nation should purchase us, our wives and children, transport us into Africa and there sell us into perpetual and absolute slavery? Should we be willing, that they by large bribes and offers of a gainful traffic should entice our neighbours to kidnap and sell us to them, and that they should hold in perpetual and cruel bondage, not only ourselves, but our posterity through all generations? Yet why is it not as right for them to treat us in this manner, as it is for us to treat them in the same manner? Their colour indeed is different from our’s. But does this give us a right to enslave them? The nations from Germany to Guinea have complexions of every shade from the fairest white, to a jetty black: and if a black complexion subject a nation or an individual to slavery; where shall slavery begin? Or where shall it end?

I propose to mention a few reasons against the right of the slave-trade—and then to consider the principal arguments, which I have ever heard urged in favour of it,—What will be said against the slave-trade will generally be equally applicable to slavery itself; and if conclusive against the former, will be equally conclusive against the latter.

As to the slave-trade, I conceive it to be unjust in itself—abominable on account of the cruel manner in which it is conducted—and totally wrong on account of the impolicy of it, or its destructive tendency to the moral and political interests of any country.

I. It is unjust in itself.—It is unjust in the same sense, and for the same reason, as it is, to steal, to rob, or to murder. It is a principle, the truth of which hath in this country been generally, if not universally acknowledged, ever since the commencement of the late war, that all men are born equally free. If this be true, the Africans are by nature equally entitled to freedom as we are; and therefore we have no more right to enslave, or to afford aid to enslave them, than they have to do the same to us. They have the same right to their freedom, which they have to their property or to their lives. Therefore to enslave them is as really and in the same sense wrong, as to steal from them, to rob or to murder them.

There are indeed cases in which men may justly be deprived of their liberty and reduced to slavery; as there are cases in which they may be justly deprived of their lives. But they can justly be deprived of neither unless they have by their own voluntary conduct forfeited it. Therefore still the right to liberty stands on the same basis with the right to life. And that the Africans have done something whereby they have forfeited their liberty must appear, before we can justly deprive them of it; as it must appear, that they have done something whereby they have forfeited their lives, before we may justly deprive them of these.

II. The slave-trade is wicked and abominable on account of the cruel manner in which it is carried on.

Beside the stealing or kidnapping of men, women and children, in the first instance, and the instigation of others to this abominable practice; the inhuman manner in which they are transported to America, and in which they are treated on their passage and in their subsequent slavery, is such as ought forever to deter every man from acting any part in this business, who has any regard to justice or humanity. They are crowded so closely into the holds and between the decks of vessels, that they have scarcely room to lie down, and sometimes not room to sit up in an erect posture; the men at the same time fastened together with irons by two and two; and all this in the most sultry climate. The consequence of the whole is, that the most dangerous and fatal diseases are soon bred among them, whereby vast numbers of those exported from Africa perish in the voyage: other in dread of that slavery which is before them, and in distress and despair from the loss of their parents, their children, their husbands, their wives, all their dear connections, and their dear native country itself, starve themselves to death or plunge themselves into the ocean. Those who attempt in the former of those ways to escape from their persecutors, are tortured by live coals applied to their mouths. Those who attempt an escape in the latter and fail, are equally tortured by the most cruel beating, or otherwise as their persecutors please. If any of them make an attempt, as they sometimes do, to recover their liberty, some, and as the circumstances may be, many, are put to immediate death. Others beaten, bruised, cut and mangled in a most inhuman and shocking manner, are in this situation exhibited to the rest, to terrify them from the like attempt in future: and some are delivered up to every species of torment, whether by the application of the whip, or of any other instrument, even of fire itself, as the ingenuity of the ship-master and of his crew is able to suggest or their situation will admit; and these torments are purposely continued for several days, before death is permitted to afford relief to these objects of vengeance.

By these means, according to the common computation, twenty[five thousand, which is a fourth part of those who are exported from Africa, and by the concession of all, twenty thousand, annually perish, before they arrive at the places of their destination in America.

But this is by no means the end of the sufferings of this unhappy people. Bred up in a country spontaneously yielding the necessaries and conveniences of savage life, they have never been accustomed to labour: of course they are but ill prepared to go through the fatigue and drudgery to which they are doomed in their state of slavery. Therefore partly by this cause, partly by the scantiness and badness of their food, and partly from dejection of spirits, mortification and despair, another twenty-five thousand die in the seasoning, as it is called, i.e. within two years of their arrival in America. This I say is the common computation. Or if we will in this particular be as favourable to the trade as in the estimate of the number which perishes on the passage, we may reckon the number which dies in the seasoning to be twenty thousand. So that of the hundred thousand annually exported from Africa to America, fifty thousand, as it is commonly computed, or on the most favourable estimate, forty thousand, die before they are seasoned to the country.

Nor is this all. The cruel sufferings of these pitiable beings are not yet at an end. Thenceforward they have to drag out a miserable life in absolute slavery, entirely at the disposal of their masters, by whom not only every venial fault, every mere inadvertence or mistake, but even real virtues, are liable to be construed into the most atrocious crimes, and punished as such, according to their caprice or rage, while they are intoxicated sometimes with liquor, sometimes with passion.

By these masters they are supplied with barely enough to keep them from starving, as the whole expense laid out on a slave for food, clothing and medicine is commonly computed on an average at thirty shillings sterling annually. At the same time they are kept at hard labour from five o’clock in the morning, till nine at night, excepting time to eat twice during the day. And they are constantly under the watchful eye of overseers and Negro-drivers more tyrannical and cruel than even their masters themselves. From these drivers for every imagined, as well as real neglect or want of exertion, they receive the lash, the smack of which is all day long in the ears of those who are on the plantation or in the vicinity; and it is used with such dexterity and severity, as not only to lacerate the skin, but to tear our small portions of the flesh at almost every stroke.

This is the general treatment of the slaves. But many individuals suffer still more severely. Many, many are knocked down; some have their eyes beaten out; some have an arm or a leg broken, or chopt off; and many for a very small or for no crime at all, have been beaten to death merely to gratify the fury of an enraged master or overseer.

Nor ought we on this occasion to overlook the wars among the nations of Africa excited by the trade, or the destruction attendant on those wars. Not to mention the destruction of property, the burning of towns and villages, &c. it hath been determined by reasonable computation, that there are annually exported from Africa to the various parts of America, one hundred thousand slaves, as was before observed; that of these six thousand are captives of war; that in the wars in which these are taken, ten persons of the victors and vanquished are killed, to one taken; that therefore the taking of the six thousand captives is attended with the slaughter of sixty thousand of their countrymen. Now does not justice? Does not humanity shrink from the idea, that in order to procure one slave to gratify our avarice, we should put to death ten human beings? Or that in order to increase our property, and that only in some small degree, we should carry on a trade, or even connive at it, to support which sixty thousand of our own species are slain in war?

These sixty thousand, added to the forty thousand who perish on the passage and in the seasoning, give us an hundred thousand who are annually destroyed by the trade; and the whole advantage gained by this amazing destruction of human lives is sixty thousand slaves. For you will recollect, that the whole number exported from Africa is an hundred thousand; that of these forty thousand die on the passage and in the seasoning, and sixty thousand are destroyed in the wars. Therefore while one hundred and sixty thousand are killed in the wars and are exported from Africa, but sixty thousand are added to the stock of slaves.

Now when we consider all this; when we consider the miseries which this unhappy people suffer in their wars, in their captivity, in their voyage to America, and during a wretched life of cruel slavery: and especially when we consider the annual destruction of an hundred thousand lives in the manner before mentioned; who can hesitate to declare this trade and the consequent slavery to be contrary to every principle of justice and humanity, of the law of nature and of the law of God?

III. This trade and this slavery are utterly wrong on the ground of impolicy. In a variety of respects they are exceedingly hurtful to the state which tolerates them.

1. They are hurtful, as they deprave the morals of the people.—The incessant and inhuman cruelties practiced in the trade and in the subsequent slavery necessarily tend to harden the human heart against the tender feelings of humanity in the masters of vessels, in the sailors, in the factors, in the proprietors of the slaves, in their children, in the overseers, in the slaves themselves, and in all who habitually see those cruelties. Now the eradication or even the diminution of compassion, tenderness and humanity, is certainly a great depravation of heart, and must be followed with correspondent depravity of manners. And measures which lead to such depravity of heart and manners, cannot but be extremely hurtful to the state, and consequently are extremely impolitic.

2. The trade is impolitic as it is so destructive of the lives of seamen. The ingenious Mr. Clarkson hath in a very satisfactory manner made it appear, that in the slave-trade alone Great-Britain loses annually about nineteen hundred seamen; and that this loss is more than double to the loss annually sustained by Great-Britain in all her other trade taken together. And doubtless we lose as many as Great-Britain in proportion to the number of seamen whom we employ in this trade.—Now can it be politic to carry on a trade which is so destructive of that useful part of our citizens, our seamen?

3. African slavery is exceedingly impolitic, as it discourages industry. Nothing is more essential to the political prosperity of any state, than industry in the citizens. But in proportion as slaves are multiplied, every kind of labour becomes ignominious: and in fact in those of the United States, in which slaves are the most numerous, gentlemen and ladies of any fashion disdain to employ themselves in business, which in other states is consistent with the dignity of the first families and first offices. In a country filled with Negro slaves, labour belongs to them only, and a white man is despised in proportion as he applies to it.—Now how destructive to industry in all of the lowest and middle class of citizens, such a situation and the prevalence of such ideas will be, you can easily conceive. The consequence is, that some will nearly starve, others will betake themselves to the most dishonest practices, to obtain the means of living.

As slavery produces indolence in the white people, so it produces all those vices which are naturally connected with it; such as intemperance, lewdness and prodigality. These vices enfeeble both the body and the mind, and unfit men for any vigorous exertions and employments either external or mental. And those who are unfit for such exertions, are already a very degenerate race; degenerate, not only in a moral, but a natural sense. They are contemptible too, and will soon be despised even by their Negroes themselves.

Slavery tends to lewdness not only as it produces indolence, but as it affords abundant opportunity for that wickedness without either the danger and difficulty of an attack on the virtue of a woman of chastity, or the danger of a connection with one of ill fame. A planter with his hundred wenches about him is in some respects at least like the Sultan in his seraglio, and we learn the too frequent influence and effect of such a situation, not only from common fame, but from the multitude of mulattoes in countries where slaves are very numerous.

Slavery has a most direct tendency to haughtiness also, and a domineering spirit and conduct in the proprietors of the slaves, in their children, and in all who have the control of them. A man who has been bred up in domineering over Negroes, can scarcely avoid contracting such a habit of haughtiness and domination, as will express itself in his general treatment of mankind, whether in his private capacity, or in any office civil or military with which he may be vested. Despotism in economics, naturally leads to despotism in politics, and domestic slavery in a free government is a perfect solecism in human affairs.

How baneful all these tendencies and effects of slavery must be to the public good, and especially to the public good of such a free country as ours, I need not inform you.

4. In the same proportion as industry and labour are discouraged, is population discouraged and prevented. This is another respect in which slavery is exceedingly impolitic. That population is prevented in proportion as industry is discouraged, is, I conceive, so plain that nothing needs to be said to illustrate it. Mankind in general will enter into matrimony as soon as they possess the means of supporting a family. But the great body of any people have no other way of supporting themselves or a family, than by their own labour. Of course as labour is discouraged, matrimony is discouraged and population is prevented.—But the impolicy of whatever produces these effects will be acknowledged by all. The wealth, strength and glory of a state depend on the number of its virtuous citizens: and a state without citizens is at least as great an absurdity, as a king without subjects.

5. The impolicy of slavery still further appears from this, that it weakens the state, and in proportion to the degree in which it exists, exposes it to become an easy conquest.—The increase of free citizens is an increase of the strength of the state. But not so with regard to the increase of slaves. They not only add nothing to the strength of the state, but actually diminish it in proportion to their number. Every slave is naturally an enemy to the state in which he is holden in slavery, and wants nothing but an opportunity to assist in its overthrow. And an enemy within a state, is much more dangerous than one without it.

These observations concerning the prevention of population and weakening the state, are supported by facts which have fallen within our own observation. That the southern states, in which slaves are so numerous, are in no measure so populous, according to the extent of territory, as the northern, is a fact of universal notoriety: and that during the late war, the southern states found themselves greatly weakened by their slaves, and therefore were so easily overrun by the British army, is equally notorious.

From the view we have now taken of this subject we scruple not to infer, that to carry on the slave-trade and to introduce slaves into our country, is not only to be guilty of injustice, robbery and cruelty toward our fellow-men; but it is to injure ourselves and our country; and therefore it is altogether unjustifiable, wicked and abominable.

Having thus considered the injustice and ruinous tendency of the slave-trade, I proceed to attend to the principal arguments urged in favour of it.

1. It is said, that the Africans are the posterity of Ham, the son of Noah; that Canaan one of Ham’s sons, was cursed by Noah to be a servant of servants; that by Canaan we are to understand Ham’s posterity in general; that as his posterity are devoted by God to slavery, we have a right to enslave them.—This is the argument: to which I answer:

It is indeed generally thought that Ham peopled Africa; but that the curse on Canaan extended to all the posterity of Ham is a mere imagination. The only reason given for it is, that Canaan was only one of Ham’s sons; and that it seems reasonable, that the curse of Ham’s conduct should fall on all his posterity, if on any. But this argument is insufficient. We might as clearly argue, that the judgments denounced on the house of David, on account of his sin in the matter of Uriah, must equally fall on all his posterity. Yet we know, that many of them lived and died in great prosperity. So in every case in which judgments are predicted concerning any nation or family.

It is allowed in this argument, that the curse was to fall on the posterity of Ham, and not immediately on Ham himself; If otherwise, it is nothing to the purpose of the slave-trade, or of any slaves now in existence. It being allowed then, that this curse was to fall on Ham’s posterity, he who had a right to curse the whole of that posterity, had the same right to curse a part of it only, and the posterity of Canaan equally as any other part; and a curse on Ham’s posterity in the line of Canaan was as real a curse on Ham himself, as a curse on all his posterity would have been.

Therefore we have no ground to believe, that this curse respected any others, than the posterity of Canaan, who lived in the land of Canaan, which is well known to be remote from Africa. We have a particular account, that all the sons of Canaan settled in the land of Canaan; as may be seen in Gen. x. 15-20. “And Canaan begat Sidon his first born, and Heth, and the Jebusite, and the Emorite, and the Girgasite, and the Hivite, and the Arkite, and the Sinite, and the Arvadite, and the Zemorite, and the Hamathite; and afterward were the families of the Canaanites spread abroad. And the border of the Canaanites was from Sidon, as thou goest to Gerar, unto Gaza; as thou goest unto Sodom and Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboim, even unto Lashah.”—Nor have we account that any of their posterity except the Carthaginians afterward removed to any part of Africa: and none will pretend that these peopled Africa in general; especially considering, that they were subdued, destroyed and so far extirpated by the Romans.

This curse then of the posterity of Canaan, had no reference to the inhabitants of Guinea, or of Africa in general; but was fulfilled partly in Joshua’s time, in the reduction and servitude of the Canaanites, and especially of the Gibeonites; partly by what the Phenicians suffered from the Chaldeans, Persians and Greeks; and finally by what the Carthaginians suffered from the Romans.

Therefore this curse gives us no right to enslave the Africans, as we do by the slave-trade, because it has no respect to the Africans whom we enslave. Nor if it had respected them, would it have given any such right; because it was not an institution of slavery, but a mere prophecy of it. And from this prophecy we have no more ground to infer the right of slavery, than we have from the prophecy of the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, or by the Romans, to infer their right respectively to destroy it in the manner they did; or from other prophecies to infer the right of Judas to betray his master, or of the Jews to crucify him.

2. The right of slavery is inferred from the instance of Abraham, who had servants born in his house and bought with his money.—But it is by no means certain, that these were slaves, as our Negroes are. If they were, it is unaccountable, that he went out at the head of an army of them to fight his enemies. No West-India planter would easily be induced to venture himself in such a situation. It is far more probable, that similar to some of the vassals under the feudal constitution, the servants of Abraham were only in a good measure dependant on him, and protected by him. But if they were to all intents and purposes slaves, Abraham’s holding of them will no more prove the right of slavery, than his going in to Hagar, will prove it right for any man to cohabit with his wench.

3. From the divine permission given the Israelites to buy servants of the nations round about them, it is argued, that we have a right to buy the Africans and hold them in slavery. See Lev. Xxv. 44-47. “Both thy bondmen and thy bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you; of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families, that are with you, which they begat in your land; and they shall be your possession. And ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your bondmen for ever: but over your brethren the children of Israel ye shall not rule one over another with rigour.” But if this be at all to the purpose, it is a permission to every nation under heaven to buy slaves of the nations round about them; to us, to buy of our Indian neighbours; to them, to buy of us; to the French, to buy of the English, and to the English to buy of the French; and so through the world. If then this argument be valid, every man has an entire right to engage in this trade, and to buy and sell any other man of another nation, and any other man of another nation has an entire right to buy and sell him. Thus according to this construction; we have in Lev. Xxv. 43, &c. an institution of an universal slave-trade, by which every man may not only become a merchant, but may rightfully become the merchandize itself of this trade, and may be bought and sold like a beast.—Now this consequence will be given up as absurd, and therefore also the construction of scripture from which it follows, must be given up. Yet it is presumed, that there is no avoiding that construction of the absurdity flowing from it, but by admitting, that this permission to the Israelites to buy saves has no respect to us, but was in the same manner peculiar to them, as the permission and command to subdue, destroy and extirpate the whole Canaanitish nation; and therefore no more gives countenance to African slavery, than the command to extirpate the Canaanites, gives countenance to the extirpation of any nation in these days, by an universal slaughter of men and women, young men and maidens, infants and sucklings.

4. It is further pleaded, that there were slaves in the time of the apostles; that they did not forbid the holding of those slaves, but gave directions to servants, doubtless referring to the servants of that day, to obey their masters, and count them worthy of all honour.

To this the answer is, that the apostles teach the general duties of servants who are righteously in the state of servitude, as many are or may be, by hire, by indenture, and by judgment of a civil court. But they do not say, whether the servants in general of that day were justly holden in slavery or not. In like manner they lay down the general rules of obedience to civil magistrates, without deciding concerning the characters of the magistrates of the roman empire in the reign of Nero. And as the apostle Paul requires masters to give their servants that which is just and equal, (Col. iv. I.) so if any were enslaved unjustly, of course he in this text requires of the masters of such, to give them their freedom.—Thus the apostles treat the slavery of that day in the same manner that they treat the civil government; and say nothing more in favour of the former, than they say in favour of the latter.

Besides, this argument from the slavery prevailing in the days of the apostles, if it prove anything, proves too much, and so confutes itself. It proves, that we may enslave all captives taken in war, of any nation, and in any the most unjust war, such as the wars of the Romans, which were generally undertaken from the motives of ambition or avarice. On the ground of this argument we had a right to enslave the prisoners, whom we, during the late war, took from the British army; and they had the same right to enslave those whom they took from us; and so with respect to all other nations.

5. It is strongly urged, that the Negroes brought from Africa are all captives of war, and therefore are justly bought and holden in slavery.—This is a principal argument always urged by the advocates for slavery; and in a solemn debate on this subject, it hath been strongly insisted on, very lately in the British parliament. Therefore it requires our particular attention.

Captives in a war just on their part, cannot be justly enslaved; nor is this pretended. Therefore the captives who may be justly enslaved, must be taken in a war unjust on their part. But even on the supposition, that captives in such a war may be justly enslaved, it will not follow, that we can justly carry on the slave-trade, as it is commonly carried on from the African coast. In this trade any slaves are purchased, who are offered for sale, whether justly or unjustly enslaved. No enquiry is made whether they were captives in any war; much less, whether they were captivated in a war unjust on their part.

By the most authentic accounts, it appears, that the wars in general in Africa are excited by the prospect of gain from the sale of the captives of the war. Therefore those taken by the assailants in such wars, cannot be justly enslaved. Beside these, many are kidnapped by those of neighbouring nations; some by their own neighbours; and some by their kings or his agents; others for debt or some trifling crime are condemned to perpetual slavery—But none of these are justly enslaved. And the traders make no enquiry concerning the mode or occasion of their first enslavement. They buy all that are offered, provided they like them and the price.—So that the plea, that the African slaves are captives in war, is entirely insufficient to justify the slave-trade as now carried on.

But this is not all; if it were ever so true, that all the Negroes exported from Africa were captives in war, and that they were taken in a war unjust on their part; still they could not be justly enslaved.—We have no right to enslave a private foe in a state of nature, after he is conquered. Suppose in a state of nature one man rises against another and endeavours to kill him; in this case the person assaulted has no right to kill the assailant, unless it be necessary to preserve his own life. But in wars between nations, one nation may no doubt secure itself against another, by other means than the slavery of its captives. If a nation be victorious in the war, it may exact some towns or a district of country, by way of caution; or it may impose a fine to deter from future injuries. If the nation be not victorious, it will do no good to enslave the captives whom it has taken. It will provoke the victors, and foolishly excite vengeance which cannot be repelled.

Or if neither nation be decidedly victorious, to enslave the captives on either side can answer no good purpose, but must at least occasion the enslaving of the citizens of the other nation, who are now, or in future may be in a state of captivity. Such a practice therefore necessarily tends to evil and not good.

Besides; captives in war are generally common soldiers or common citizens; and they are generally ignorant of the true cause or causes of the war, and are by their superiours made to believe, that the war is entirely just on their part. Or if this be not the case, they may by force be compelled to serve in a war which they know to be unjust. In either of these cases they do not deserve to be condemned to perpetual slavery. To inflict perpetual slavery on these private soldiers and citizens is manifestly not to do, as we would wish that men should do to us. If we were taken in a war unjust on our part, we should not think it right to be condemned to perpetual slavery. No more right is it for us to condemn and hold in perpetual slavery others, who are in the same situation.

6. It is argued, that as the Africans in their own country, previously to the purchase of them by the African traders, are captives in war; if they were not bought up by those traders, they would be put to death: that therefore to purchase them and to subject them to slavery instead of death, is an act of mercy not only lawful, but meritorious.

If the case were indeed so as is now represented, the purchase of the Negroes would be no more meritorious, than the act of a man, who, if we were taken by the Algerians, should purchase us out of that slavery. This would indeed be an act of benevolence, if the purchaser should set us at liberty. But it is no act of benevolence to buy a man out of one state into another no better. Nay, the act of ransoming a man from death gives no right to the ransomer to commit a crime or an act of injustice to the person ransomed. The person ransomed is doubtless obligated according to his ability to satisfy the ransomer for his expense and trouble. Yet the ransomer has no more right to enslave the other, than the man who saves the life of another who was about to be killed by a robber or an assassin, has a right to enslave him.—The liberty of a man for life is far greater good, than the property paid for a Negro on the African coast. And to deprive a man of an immensely greater good, in order to recover one immensely less, is an immense injury and crime.

7. As to the pretence, that to prohibit or lay aside this trade, would be hurtful to our commerce; it is sufficient to ask, whether on the supposition, that it were advantageous to the commerce of Great-Britain to send her ships to these states, and transport us into perpetual slavery in the West-Indies, it would be right that she should go into that trade.

8. That to prohibit the slave trade would infringe on the property of those, who have expended large sums to carry on that trade, or of those who wish to purchase the slaves for their plantations, hath also been urged as an argument in favour of the trade.—But the same argument would prove, that if the skins and teeth of the Negroes were as valuable articles of commerce as furs and elephant’s teeth, and a merchant were to lay out his property in this commerce, he ought by no means to be obstructed therein.

9. But others will carry on the trade, if we do not.—So others will rob, steal and murder, if we do not.

10. It is said, that some men are intended by nature to be slaves.—If this mean, that the author of nature has given some men a license, to enslave others; this is denied and proof is demanded. If it mean, that God hath made some of capacities inferior to others, and that the last have a right to enslave the first; this argument will prove, that some of the citizens of every country, have a right to enslave other citizens of the same country; nay, that some have a right to enslave their own brothers and sisters.—But if this argument mean, that God in his providence suffers some men to be enslaved, and that this proves, that from the beginning he intended they should be enslaved, and made them with this intention; the answer is, that in like manner he suffers some men to be murdered, and in this sense, he intended and made them to be murdered. Yet no man in his senses will hence argue the lawfulness of murder.

11. It is further pretended, that no other men, than Negroes, can endure labour in the hot climates of the West-Indies and the southern states.—But does this appear to be fact? In all other climates, the laboring people are the most healthy. And I confess I have not yet seen evidence, but that those who have been accustomed to labour and are inured to those climates, can bear labour there also.—However, taking for granted the fact asserted in this objection, does it follow, that the inhabitants of those countries have a right to enslave the Africans to labour for them? No more surely than from the circumstance, that you are feeble and cannot labour, it follows, that you have a right to enslave your robust neighbor. As in all other cases, the feeble and those who choose not to labour, and yet wish to have their lands cultivated, are necessitated to hire the robust to labour for them; so no reason can be given, why the inhabitants of hot climates should not either perform their own labour, or hire those who can perform it, whether Negroes or others.

If our traders went to the coast of Africa to murder the inhabitants, or to rob them of their property, all would own that such murderous or piratical practices are wicked and abominable. Now it is as really wicked to rob a man of his liberty, as to rob him of his life; and it is much more wicked, than to rob him of his property. All men agree to condemn highway robbery. And the slave-trade is as much a greater wickedness than highway robbery, as liberty is more valuable than property. How strange is it then, that in the same nation highway robbery should be punished with death, and the slave-trade be encouraged by national authority.

We all dread political slavery, or subjection to the arbitrary power of a king or of any man or men not deriving their authority from the people. Yet such a state is inconceivably preferable to the slavery of the Negroes. Suppose that in the late war we had been subdued by Great-Britain; we should have been taxed without our consent. But these taxes would have amounted to but a small part of our property. Whereas the Negroes are deprived of all their property; no part of their earnings is their own; the whole is their masters.—In a conquered state we should have been at liberty to dispose of ourselves and of our property in most cases, as we should choose. We should have been free to live in this or that town or place; in any part of the country, or to remove out of the country; to apply to this or that business; to labour or not; and excepting sufficiency for the taxes, to dispose of the fruit of our labour to our own benefit, or that of our children, or of any other person. But the unhappy Negroes in slavery can do none of these things. They must do what they are commanded and as much as they are commanded, on pain of the lash. They must live where they are placed, and must confine themselves to that spot, on pain of death.

So that Great-Britain in her late attempt to enslave America, committed a very small crime indeed in comparison with the crime of those who enslave Africans.

The arguments which have been urged against the slave-trade, are with little variation applicable to the holding of slaves. He who holds a slave, continues to deprive him of that liberty, which was taken from him on the coast of Africa. And if it were wrong to deprive him of it in the first instance, why not in the second? If this be true, no man hath a better right to retain his Negro in slavery, than he had to take him from his native African shores. And every man who cannot show, that his Negro hath by his voluntary conduct forfeited his liberty, is obligated immediately to manumit him. Undoubtedly we should think so, were we holden in the same slavery in which the Negroes are: And our text requires us to do to others, as we would that they should do to us.

To hold a slave, who has a right to his liberty, is not only a real crime, but a very great one. Many good Christians have wondered how Abraham, the father of the faithful, could take Hagar to his bed; and how Sarah, celebrated as an holy woman, could consent to this transaction: Also, how David and Solomon could have so many wives and concubines, and yet be real saints. Let such inquire how it is possible, that our fathers and men now alive, universally reputed pious, should hold Negro slaves, and yet be the subjects of real piety? And whether to reduce a man, who hath the same right to liberty as any other man, to a state of absolute slaery6, or to hold him in that state, be not as great a crime as concubinage or fornication. I presume it will not be denied, that to commit theft or robbery every day of a man’s life, is as great a sin as to commit fornication in one instance. But to steal a man or to rob him of his liberty is a greater sin, than to steal his property, or to take it by violence. And to hold a man in a state of slavery, who has a right to his liberty, is to be every day guilty of robbing him of his liberty, or of man-stealing. The consequence is inevitable, that other things being the same, to hold a Negro slave, unless he have forfeited his liberty, is a greater sin in the sight of God, than concubinage or fornication.

Does this conclusion seem strange to any of you? Let me entreat you to weigh it candidly before you reject it. You will not deny, that liberty is more valuable than property; and that it is a greater sin to deprive a man of his whole liberty during life, than to deprive him of his whole property; or that man-stealing is a greater crime than robbery. Nor will you deny, that to hold in slavery a man who was stolen, is substantially the same crime as to steal him. These principles being undeniable, I leave it to yourselves to draw the plain and necessary consequence. And if your consciences shall, in spite of all opposition, tell you, that while you hold your Negroes in slavery, you do wrong, exceedingly wrong; that you do not, as you would that men should do to you; that you commit sin in the sight of God; that you daily violate the plain rights of mankind, and that in a higher degree, than if you committed theft or robbery; let me beseech you not to stifle this conviction, but attend to it and act accordingly; lest you add to your former guilt, that of sinning against the light of truth, and of your own consciences.

To convince yourselves, that your information being the same, to hold a Negro slave is a greater sin than fornication, theft or robbery, you need only bring the matter home to yourselves. I am willing to appeal to your own consciences, whether you would not judge it to be a greater sin for a man to hold you or your child during life in such slavery, as that of the Negroes, than for him to spend one night in a brothel, or in one instance to steal or rob. Let conscience speak, and I will submit to it’s decision.

This question seems to be clearly decided by revelation. Exod. xxi. 16. “He that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death.” Thus death is, by the divine express declaration, the punishment due to the crime of man-stealing. But death is not the pu7nishment declared by God to be due to fornication, theft or robbery in common cases. Therefore we have the divine authority to assert, that man-stealing is a greater crime than fornication, theft or robbery. Now to hold in slavery a man who has a right to liberty, is substantially the same crime as to deprive him of his liberty. And to deprive of liberty and reduce to slavery, a man who has a right to liberty, is man-stealing. For it is immaterial whether he be taken and reduced to slavery clandestinely or by open violence. Therefore if the Negroes have a right to liberty, to hold them in slavery is man-stealing, which we have seen is, by God himself, declared to be a greater crime than fornication, theft or robbery.

Perhaps, though this truth be clearly demonstrable both from reason and revelation, you scarcely dare receive it, because it seems to bear hardly on the characters of our pious fathers, who held slaves. But they did it ignorantly and in unbelief of the truth; as Abraham, Jacob, David and Solomon were ignorant, that polygamy or concubinage was wrong. As to domestic slavery our fathers lived in a time of ignorance which God winked at; but now he commandeth all men every where to repent of this wickedness, and to break off this sin by righteousness, and this iniquity by shewing mercy to the poor, if it may be a lengthening out of their tranquility. You therefore to whom the present blaze of light as to this subject has reached, cannot sin at so cheap a rate as our fathers.

But methinks I hear some say, I have bought my Negro; I have paid a large sum for him; I cannot lose this sum, and therefore I cannot manumit him.—Alas! This is hitting the nail on the head. This brings into view the true cause which makes it so difficult to convince men of what is right in this case.—You recollect the story of Amaziah’s hiring an hundred thousand men of Israel, for an hundred talents, to assist him against the Edomites; and that when by the word of the Lord, he was forbidden to take those hired men with him to the war, he cried out, “But what shall we do for the hundred talents, which I have given to the army of Israel?” In this case, the answer of God was, “The Lord is able to give thee much more than this.”—To apply this to the subject before us, God is able to give thee much more than thou shalt lose my manumitting thy slave.

You may plead, that you use your slave well; you are not cruel to him, but feed and clothe him comfortably, &c. Still every day you rob him of a most valuable and important right. And a highwayman, who robs a man of his money in the most easy and compliant manner, is still a robber; and murder may be effected in a manner the least cruel and tormenting; still it is murder.

Having now taken that view of our subject, which was proposed, we may in reflection see abundant reason to acquiesce in the institution of this society. If the slave-trade be unjust, and as gross a violation of the rights of mankind, as would be, if the Africans should transport us into perpetual slavery in Africa; to unite our influence against it, is a duty which we owe to mankind, to ourselves and to God too. It is but doing as we would that men should do to us.—Nor is it enough that we have formed the society; we must do the duties of it. The first of these is to put an end to the slave-trade. The second is to relieve those who, contrary to the laws of the country, are holden in bondage. Another is to defend those in their remaining legal and natural rights, who are by law holden in bondage. Another and not the least important object of this society, I conceive to be, to increase and disperse the light of truth with respect to the subject of African slavery, and so prepare the way for its total abolition. For until men in general are convinced of the injustice of the trade and of the slavery itself, comparatively little can be done to effect the most important purposes of the institution.

It is not to be doubted, that the trade is even now carried on from this state. Vessels are from time to time fitted out for the coast of Africa, to transport the Negroes to the West-Indies and other parts. Nor will an end be put to this trade, without vigilance and strenuous exertion on the part of this society, or other friends of humanity, nor without a patient enduring of the opposition and odium of all who are concerned in it, of their friends and of all who are of the opinion that it is justifiable. Among these we are doubtless to reckon some of large property and considerable influence. And if the laws and customs of the country equally allowed of it, many, and perhaps as many as now plead for the right of the African slave-trade, would plead for the right of kidnapping us, the citizens of the United States, and of selling us into perpetual slavery.—If then we dare not incur the displeasure of such men, we may as well dissolve the society, and leave the slave-trade to be carried on, and the Negroes to be kidnapped, and though free in this state, to be sold into perpetual slavery in distant parts, at the pleasure of any man, who wishes to make gain by such abominable practices.

Though we must expect opposition, yet if we be steady and persevering, we need not fear, that we shall fail of success. The advantages, which the cause has already gained, are many and great. Thirty years ago scarcely a man in this country thought either the slave-trade or the slavery of Negroes to be wrong. But now how many and able advocates in private life, in our legislatures, in Congress, have appeared and have openly and irrefragably pleaded the rights of humanity in this as well as other instances? Nay, the great body of the people from New Hampshire to Virginia inclusively, have obtained such light, that in all those states the further importation of slaves is prohibited by law. And in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, slavery is totally abolished.

Nor is the light concerning this subject confined to America. It hath appeared with great clearness in France, and produced remarkable effects in the National Assembly. It hath also shone in bright beams in Great-Britain. It flashes with splendor in the writings of Clarkson and in the proceedings of several societies formed to abolish the slave-trade. Nor hath it been possible to shut it out of the British parliament. This light is still increasing, and in time will effect a total revolution. And if we judge of the future by the past, within fifty years from this time, it will be as shameful for a man to hold a Negro slave, as to be guilty of common robbery or theft. But it is our duty to remove the obstacles which intercept the rays of this light, that it may reach not only public bodies, but every individual. And when it shall have obtained a general spread, shall have dispelled all darkness, and slavery shall be no more; it will be an honour to be recorded in history, as a society which was formed, and which exerted itself with vigour and fidelity, to bring about an event so necessary and conducive to the interests of humanity and virtue, to the support of the rights and to the advancement of the happiness of mankind.

A P P E N D I X.

Some objections to the doctrine of the preceding sermon, have been mentioned to the author, since the delivery of it. Of these it may be proper to take some notice.

1. The slaves are in a better situation than that in which they were in their own country; especially as they have opportunity to know the Christian religion and to secure the saving blessings of it. Therefore it is not an injury, but a benefit to bring them into this country, even though their importation be accompanied and followed with slavery. It is also said, that the situation of many Negroes under their masters is much better, than it would be, were they free in this country; that they are much better fed and clothed, and are much more happy; that therefore to hold them in slavery is so far from a crime, that it is a meritorious act.

With regard to these pleas, it is to be observed, that every man hath a right to judge concerning his own happiness, and to choose the means of obtaining or promoting it; and to deprive him of this right is the very injury of which we complain; it is to enslave him. Because we judge, that the Negroes are more happy in this country, in a state of slavery, than in the enjoyment of liberty in Africa, we have no more right to enslave them and bring them into this country, than we have to enslave any of our neighbours, who we judge would be more happy under our control, than they are at present under their own. Let us make the case our own. Should we believe, that we were justly treated, if the Africans should carry us into perpetual slavery in Africa, on the round that they judged, that we should be more happy in that state, than in our present situation?

As to the opportunity which the Negroes in this country are said to have, to become acquainted with Christianity; this with respect to many is granted: But what follows from it? It would be ridiculous to pretend, that this is the motive on which they act who import them, or they who buy and hold them in slavery. Or if this were the motive, it would not sanctify either the trade or the slavery. We are not at liberty to do evil, that good may come; to commit a crime more aggravated than theft or robbery, that we may make a proselyte to Christianity. Neither our Lord Jesus Christ, nor any one of his apostles has taught us this mode of propagating the faith.

2. It is said, that the doctrine of the preceding sermon imputes that as a crime to individuals, which is owing to the state of society. This is granted; and what follows? It is owing to the state of society, that our neighbours, the Indians roast their captives: and does it hence follow, that such conduct is not to be imputed to the individual agents as a crime? It is owing to the state of society in Popish countries, that thousands worship the beast and his image: and is that worship therefore not to be imputed as a crime to those, who render it? Read the Revelation of St. John. The state of society is such, that drunkenness and adultery are very common in some countries; but will it follow, that those vices are innocent in those countries?

3. If I be ever so willing to manumit my slave, I cannot do it without being holden to maintain him, when he shall be sick or shall be old and decrepit. Therefore I have a right to hold him as a slave.—The same argument will prove, that you have a right to enslave your children or your parents; as you are equally holden to maintain them in sickness and in decrepit old age.—The argument implies, that in order to secure the money, which you are afraid the laws of your country will some time or other oblige you to pay; it is right for you to rob a free man of his liberty or be guilty of man-stealing. On the ground of this argument every town or parish obligated by law, to maintain its helpless poor, has a right to sell into perpetual slavery all the people, who may probably or even possibly occasion a public expense.

4. After all, it is not safe to manumit the Negroes: they would cut our throats; they would endanger the peace and government of the state. Or at least they would be so idle, that they would not provide themselves with necessaries: of course they must live by thievery and plundering.

This objection requires a different answer, as it respects the northern, and as it respects the southern states. As it respects the northern, in which slaves are so few, there is not the least foundation to imagine, that they would combine or make insurrection against the government; or that they would attempt to murder their masters. They are much more likely to kill their masters, in order to obtain their liberty, or to revenge the abuse they receive, while it is still continued, than to do it after the abuse hath ceased, and they are restored to their liberty. In this case, they would from a sense of gratitude, or at least from a conviction of the justice of their masters, feel a strong attachment, instead of a murderous disposition.

Nor is there the least danger, but that by a proper vigilance of the select-men, and by a strict execution of the laws now existing, the Negroes might in a tolerable degree be kept from idleness and pilfering.

All this hath been verified by experiment. In Massachusetts, all the Negroes in the commonwealth were by their new constitution liberated in a day: and none of the ill consequences objected followed either to the commonwealth or to individuals.

With regard to the southern states, the case is different. The Negroes in some parts of those states are a great majority of the whole, and therefore the evils objected would, in case of a general manumission at once, be more likely to take place. But in the first place there is no prospect, that the conviction of the truth exhibited in the preceding discourse, will at once, take place in the minds of all the holders of slaves. The utmost that can be expected, is that it will take place gradually in one after another, and that of course the slaves will be gradually manumitted. Therefore the evils of a general manumission at once, are dreaded without reason.

If in any state the slaves should be manumitted in considerable numbers at once, or so that the number of free Negroes should become large; various measures might be concerted to prevent the evils feared. One I beg leave to propose: That overseers of the free Negroes be appointed from among themselves, who shall be empowered to inspect the morals and management of the rest, and report to proper authority, those who are vicious, idle or incapable of managing their own affairs, and that such authority dispose of them under proper masters for a year or other term, as is done, perhaps in all the states, with regard to the poor white people in like manner vicious, idle or incapable of management. Such black overseers would naturally be ambitious to discharge the duties of their office; they would in many respects have much more influence than white men with their country men: and other Negroes looking forward to the same honourable distinction, would endeavour to deserve it by their improvement and good conduct.

But after all, this whole objection, if it were ever so entirely founded on truth; if the freed Negroes would probably rise against their masters, or combine against government; rests on the same ground, as the apology of the robber, who murders the man whom he has robbed. Says the robber to himself, I have robbed this man, and now if I let him go he will kill me, or he will complain to authority and I shall be apprehended and hung. I must therefore kill him. There is no other way of safety for me.—The coincidence between this reasoning and that of the objection under consideration, must be manifest to all. And if this reasoning of the robber be inconclusive; if the robber have no right on that ground to kill the man whom he hath robbed; neither have the slave-holders any more right to continue to hold their slaves. If the robber ought to spare the life of the man robbed, take his own chance and esteem himself happy, if he can escape justice; so the slave-holders ought immediately to let their slaves go free, treat them with the utmost kindness, by such treatment endeavour to pacify them with respect to past injuries, and esteem themselves happy, if they can compromise the matter in this manner.

In all countries in which the slaves are a majority of the inhabitants, the masters lie in a great measure at the mercy of the slaves, and may most rationally expect sooner or later, to be cut off, or driven out by the slaves, or to be reduced to the same level and to be mingled with them into one common mass. This I think is by ancient and modern vents demonstrated to be the natural and necessary course of human affairs. The hewers of wood and drawers of water among the Israelites, the Helots among the Lacedemonians, the slaves among the Romans, the villains and vassals in most of the kingdoms of Europe under the feudal system, have long since mixed with the common mass of the people, and shared the common privileges and honours of their respective countries. And in the French West-Indies the Mulattoes and free Negroes are already become so numerous and power a body, as to be allowed by the National Assembly to enjoy the common rights and honours of free men. These facts plainly show, what the whites in the West-Indies and the Southern States are to expect concerning their posterity, that it will infallibly be a mongrel breed, or else they must quit the country to the Negroes whom they have hitherto holden in bondage.

Thus it seems, that they will be necessitated by Providence to make in one way or another compensation to the Negroes for the injury which they have done to them. In the first case, by taking them into affinity with themselves, giving them their own sons and daughters in marriage, and making them and their posterity the heirs of all their property and all their honours, and by raising their colour to a partial whiteness, whereby a part at least of that mark which brings on them so much contempt, will be wiped off. In the other case, by leaving to them all their real estates. It is manifest by the bare stating of the two cases, that the compensation in the latter case is by much the least. In the former cause, the compensation will include all that is included in the latter and much more. If therefore our southern brethren and the inhabitants of the West-Indies would balance their accounts with their Negro slaves, at the cheapest possible rate, they will doubtless judge it prudent, to leave the country with all their houses, lands and improvements to their quiet possession and dominion; as otherwise Providence will compel them to much dearer settlement, and one attended with a circumstance inconceivably more mortifying, than the loss of all their real estates, I mean the mixture of their blood with that of the Negroes into one common posterity.

At least it is to be hoped, that these considerations will induce them to forbear any further importation of slaves, as the more numerous the slaves are, the more dangerous they will be, and the more deeply tinged will be the colour of their mulatto posterity.

It is not to be doubted, but that the Negroes in these northern states also will, in time, mix with the common mass of the people. But we have this consolation, that as they are so small a proportion of the inhabitants, when mixed with the rest, they will not produce any very sensible diversity of colour.

The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Election – 1786, Massachusetts


Samuel West (1730-1807) graduated from Harvard in 1754. He was pastor of a church in New Bedford, MA in 1761. He served as a chaplain during the Revolutionary War, joining just after the Battle of Bunker Hill. West was a member of the Massachusetts state constitutional convention, and a member of the Massachusetts convention that adopted the U.S. Constitution. This election sermon was preached by West in Massachusetts on May 31, 1786.


sermon-election-1786-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency JAMES BOWDOIN, Esq.

GOVERNOUR;

His Honour THOMAS CUSHING, Esq.

LEIUTENANT-GOVERNOUR;

The Honourable the

COUNCIL, SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

Of the COMMONWEALTH OF

MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 31, 1786:

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By SAMUEL WEST, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN NEEDHAM.

AN

ELECTION SERMON.

In compliance with the example of our pious forefathers, we are now assembled in the place of publick worship, for the purpose of opening the business of our Supreme Court with a special act of religion. To religion then be those moments devoted; and as the preacher will carefully avoid infringing on the province of his respectable auditory, so he flatters himself, he shall be candidly heard, whilst in the line of his own profession, he addresses you in the sacred name, and plain but expressive language of our common Master,

MATTHEW, chap. xx. Verse 27.

Whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant.

The desire of pre-eminence is universal, and, like all other natural principles, under proper direction, tends to promote the good of mankind; but from misapplication is productive of the greatest mischiefs: The most desolating calamities which have wasted the earth, have flowed from this fruitful source. To regulate this ruling passion, to confine and direct its course, to the furtherance of general happiness, is one design of the Christian institution. The disciples of Christ early discovered symptoms of false ambition; and even the poor fishermen of Galilee, so lately called from the vale of obscurity, with the most affecting example of humility that ever adorned human nature, constantly before their eyes, soon began to contend, who should be greatest, or possess the chief places of honour and profit, in that splendid kingdom which they fondly flattered themselves, their divine Master designed to erect in the world. Our Saviour checked this first appearance of pride in his followers, with a gentleness of spirit peculiar to himself; but in language which, as it sufficiently vindicates his own character, so it ought forever to have excluded from his church in succeeding ages, all affectation of worldly pomp and grandeur. He plainly intimates, that the design of his visit upon earth was not to reign, but to suffer; that he claimed pre-eminence only from the extensive services which he was about to perform for mankind, in opening to them the volume of divine wisdom, and drinking deeply of the cup of sorrows for their salvation; that his kingdom was not of this world, and that instead of the visible splendours of it, his subjects must expect distinction only from the real excellence of their character, formed upon his own example. That they who excelled in doing good should possess the post of honour; and the most useful life share the highest glory under his universal government. This refers indeed to the spiritual kingdom of Christ, but is equally applicable to civil States; especially when composed of such as profess their belief of Christianity; subjection to its laws, and to be governed by views and motives derived from it. Without hesitation therefore, we address the assembled orders of this Commonwealth, in the language of our text, Whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant. Let no man think it sufficient to secure his pre-eminence, that he wears the title of honour, sits in the seat of office, or even shares the approbation of his country. Treacherous grounds of greatness! Would you found your glory so as to last with your being, let it arise from a sincere engagement of the heart in the cause of human happiness, and the diligent and persevering exertions of every faculty, for the accomplishment of that Godlike purpose; and should you through some intervening prejudices, fail of your reward from men, you secure it in a consciousness of the rectitude and beauty of your own conduct, the present approbation of heaven, followed finally with the applauses of the universal Judge. Widely indeed, does this account of rank and dignity, in States, differ from the too commonly received opinions of men. And are then the emulated distinctions in civil society reduced to this? Are none truly honourable but such as are really useful? None entitled to glory except such as are improved to the good of mankind? Did not the Saviour of the world know, that titles are stampt with honour distinct from the character of those who wear them? That they might descend by inheritance, and give to the possessor not only the privilege of being considered as chief among his brethren, but of ruling over them, and even trampling on their most essential rights?—no; these are the suggestions of human pride, realized upon human folly. The author of Christianity does but restore things to the standard of truth and nature, places the point of honour in its proper light, gives pre-eminence to those who excel in public virtue, and connects the greatest glory with the most extensive services.

Revelation indeed was not essentially necessary to inform mankind, that as civil government ought to be the result of mutual agreement, designed for the good of all; so they who contribute most to the accomplishment of that design, are entitled to its first distinctions. This, like the first principles of science in general, is by the wisdom and goodness of its Author, enstamped on human nature; and like the essentials of religion, is written on the hearts of men, as by the finger of God, being an obvious suggestion of unbiased reason. But alas! the plainest dictates of reason, in the course of human affairs, are often obscured by the passions of men, or born down by the prevailing tide of custom. We are therefore under the greatest obligations, to that Divine Instructor, who has thrown the clearest light upon civil as well as upon moral and religious truth; who has made us acquainted with ourselves, called our attention to the only interesting object, the happiness of the species; and placed the dignity of character on the basis of virtue, formed fr5om his own resemblance, and tending to the good of all.

The Father of Being is the father of mercies, a principle of boundless active love; and tho’ infinitely various in execution, his design is one, his own glory, or which is evidently the same thing, the happiness of his creatures, is the center in which all the lines of his government unite. Everything takes place in the universal system, according as it tends to the accomplishment of this great parental purpose. In our material system, if the fun in the heavens shines with a lustre superior to the other luminaries, he is no less distinguished by his kindly influence on the world below.

The characters of rational creatures, when weighed in the scales of truth and justice, must be estimated upon the same principle, with no other difference than what arises from moral agency, which evidently requires, that the exerted capacity for doing good, be directed by choice, and animated with universal love.

To what pitch of real greatness human nature may rise, upon this firm basis of public virtue, may be learned from the faithful page of history, which has recorded the illustrious names as well as actions of those, who have bled in the cause of human happiness, rescued millions from oppression and misery, have enlightened mankind with the rays of truth, formed wise institutions of government, or, with a steady, though lenient hand, like gods on earth, have guided the affairs of nations, in arduous and difficult times.

Through the indulgence of that Providence, which raises up and furnishes such characters, to balance the general depravity of human nature, our own country and times may furnish a list, the lustre of which will not disgrace the worthies of other nations or former ages.

But where are the wise, the great, the good among the mere sons of men? They fade, they vanish away, in comparison with him who was the brightness of the father’s glory, and the express image of his person.

It is no small part of the excellency of Christianity, that it presents to our view a pattern of everything truly amiable, great and good in the person of its Divine Author, not to be admired only, but copied in our hearts and lives.

The gospel itself is a manifestation of divine love, directed to its proper object, the salvation of a ruined world. God so loved the world, is the reason assigned for the mission of his son, whose entrance on the stage of mortality, was celebrated by a song of angels proclaiming peace on earth, good will towards men.

Christianity appears in every view to be the friend of man. That it is adapted to the furtherance of civil and social happiness, must be obvious to everyone, who without prejudice attends to its uncorrupted principles, as taught by Christ and his apostles, or to that spirit of universal love, which breathes from those principles and their Author. The wisdom and goodness which appear in the system, like the races of divinity upon creation itself, sufficiently prove its inspiration from heaven.

The religion of Jesus assumes no other authority over mankind, than what arises from the native excellence of its doctrine and precepts, and the influence which they have on the hearts and lives of men. It is connected with civil society only, as it enriches the heart with every virtue which tends to adorn human nature, and to increase social happiness. It forms the wise and prudent parent—the amiable child—the affectionate brother—the generous friend; but above all, the judicious, upright and consistent magistrate; who rises superior not only to views of personal interest, but what is often more expressive of true greatness, the prejudice of party, and the bind impulse of passion; who with the knowledge and government of his own heart, is unmoved by the forward humours of the world around him; and whether they frown or flatter, he remains fixed in his purpose of promoting their happiness, and like the sun in the heavens, goes steadily forward diffusing blessings to the extent of his influence.

Should it be said such characters existed before Christianity appeared in the world, the objectors views are evidently confined to Jesus the man of sorrows, the victim of divine justice in behalf of human guilt: Whereas the object of our faith is the Parent of Nature, the Universal Spirit, who filleth all in all. Wherever true goodness has appeared among the children of men, or at whatever period of time, we scruple not to ascribe it to the same source; it is a ray from the son of righteousness, a stream from that fountain in which all fullness dwells.

Piety is the first and leading feature in every truly great and noble character: Where shall we find the system which teaches a piety rational, manly and elevated, like that which is taught in the gospel of Christ? How consistent with reason, and how attractive are its representations of the Deity, as the Impartial Parent of the universe? How engaging the motives which it sets before us, to reverence, love and confide in him? How affecting its demands on our gratitude to him who, in a method equally expressive of wisdom and goodness, has procured salvation for us? If fanaticism or enthusiasm have sometimes been connected with Christianity, they are not its genuine growth, but like monstrous births in nature, are the effect of a wise and gracious cause, acting uniformly amidst the imperfection of the present state.

Piety towards God is the only solid ground of a virtuous life; and we must never flatter ourselves that the latter can be properly supported where the former is wanting. What other bond will secure the practical virtue of mankind, whether in the public or private walks of life? Interest—yes, if rightly understood, for the treasures of immortality; in every other view its influence in favour of virtue is at best precarious, and often falls on the side of vice. Honour—a sense of honour will answer the purpose, agreed, if formed upon the standard of truth, aspiring after the approbation of heaven, and directing its views to the prize of endless glory. Honour, in every other sense, is the offspring of pride, directed by caprice; and though it may prove an accidental security on the side of public virtue, its influence often falls into the opposite scale, and candidly summing up the account, it may be difficult to determine, whether the boasted sense of honour has produced greater good or evil to the human race. Of this we are certain, nothing can secure mankind in the path of duty, through all the intricacies of civil and social connections, that does not enter the hidden recesses of the soul, and follow us where no created eye can detect our actions: That does not raise us, in many instances, above the influence of custom and popular opinion, and enable us, in obedience to the demands of duty, to tread under foot what an ill-judging world may call honour and greatness. What can effect this but a supreme reverence for the Deity, or that piety at heart, from which, as from a living fountain, flow the streams of every social virtue.

No less friendly is Christianity to social happiness, as it inspires the hearts of men with the warmest affection towards each other. There is no part of the sacred institution more amiably distinguished, or more expressive of its divine Original, than its tendency to produce a diffusive benevolence. So far from being deficient in point of public spirit, it reveals an union among mankind peculiar to itself, as subjects of the same redeeming love, alike dependent on one common Saviour, the refuge of guilt and misery, the medium of every blessing to the children of men.

The example of our divine Master, the love which animated him in the service of mankind, may go far in producing and maintaining a similar affection in the breasts of his followers; but it is not upon example only that this part of the Christian’s character depends; the spirit of his Saviour has taken possession of his bosom, reign’s there, and reflects the amiable qualities of the great Original on the world around him, as the stars reflect the light of the natural sun.

Christianity indeed says nothing in favour of that species of false patriotism, so much celebrated in Heathen annals; which consisted in an unreasonable preference of the spot where the hero chanced to live, to the world beside; a desire of extending its dominion on the ruin of other States; and of trampling on the rights of mankind in general, that a small number might with impunity riot in their spoils.

Our religion takes a wider aim—teaches us to consider earth’s inhabitants as one family; to open the arms of affection to the whole, and to consult the interest of every member with a view to the happiness of all.

Confined as we are to narrow limits, the effects of our benevolence must necessarily reach those first who are nearest in connection with us, but, like the principle of attraction in nature, it extends from domestic to civil relations, till finally it embraces not only the posterity of Adam, but the universe of being.

It is scarcely necessary to add, that Christianity promotes social happiness, as it produces the love of justice, or integrity of heart. Reverence for the Deity and love to mankind imply every personal, every social virtue. The greatest purity of heart and life, the most spotless integrity, the warmest exertions for public good, must be the result of that divine ambition which aims at the approbation of the Great Searcher of hearts, and expects its reward from the infinitely holy, just and compassionate Ruler of the World.

Thus does Christianity promote the good of society, as it fits men for public service, and produces a character which will, in a degree, prove useful in every condition. But if furnished with extensive abilities, and placed in an exalted station, its happy influence is, in proportion, more diffusive, and it becomes the best resemblance of God, below. Greatness attends such a character, not as the precarious reward bestowed by fellow-men, but as inseparable from it by the constitution of nature, in which no bond is more indissoluble than that which connects true glory with a useful life.

Mankind are not generally ingrateful, nor do they withhold their esteem and applause where they are so justly due. But should this be the case, the Christian patriot still secures his greatness, shares largely in the favour of the King of kings, and shall ere long receive the open testimonials of it, in the presence of assembled worlds.

Christianity, as distinguished from the religion of nature, made its appearance in the world, like the gradual advances of the morning, after a dark and tempestuous night. For more than three centuries, it was left to make its way in the world, against the passions and prejudices of mankind, by its own native excellence, assisted by the gentle spirit of its Author, acting on the hearts of men. How wide did it extend its influence, and how perfect was its form? The lessons it taught were piety and love, the fruits it produced were peace and joy; it exhibited a species of moral virtue superior to what the world had seen before; extorted the admiration of its enemies, and could only be attached by misrepresentation and abuse.

What the friends of Christianity considered as its triumph proved its greatest injury, gaining the civil authority to its side. An absurd attempt to unite the divine polity of Christ, with the institutions and interests of fallible men, soon deformed this perfection of beauty, and Christ was again sacrificed on the altar of price and avarice.

After a long interval, in which we discover but faint traces of this divine system, it revived again at the reformation; and assisted by the improved state of literature, and especially by the art of printing, its happy effects became more obvious and extensive than ever. This enabled mankind to gain an acquaintance with it from the scriptures themselves, instead of receiving it from artful and designing men, whose interest it was to misrepresent it. To this we may ascribe that spirit of candour which at present prevails throughout the Christian world; and even the flourishing state of science may be imputed to the same cause; for as superstition withers, so generous sentiments and religion tend to nourish the growth of genius.

With respect to society, the sacred pages teach us an happy equality among mankind. The necessity of civil government for general advantage, subjection to it for conscience sake, discountenance every species of oppression; softening even the horrors of war; and as far as is consistent with the imperfection of the present state, entirely set it aside, by inspiring the hearts of men with that amiable charity which seeketh not her own.

These are thy features Christianity, thou heaven-descended visitant! Best gift of our indulgent Father to his offspring here on earth; brightest resemblance of his own perfections; fairest ornament of human nature; rich source of every blessing to the children of men; here mayest thou fix thy long, long abode; smile propitious on these our rising States, form our rulers, adorn our every order, rendering our country great and happy beyond the example of former ages.

But well adapted as Christianity is to promote the happiness of civil society, it can only do this where its influence is felt, and its obligations complied with. The wisest of men has taught us, and all experience confirms the remark, that as righteousness exalteth, so sin or prevailing vice will as certainly prove the ruin of any people. The institutions of Jehovah are not like those of fallible men, contingent in their effects: Hath he said it and shall it not come to pass? There is as certain a connection between a general dissolution of manners, and the destruction of the political, as between a vital consumption and the death of the natural body. This connection is not more strongly marked under any form of government than that which we have adopted. In a Republic the people are not only the source of authority, but the exercise of it, is, in a great measure, lodged in their hands. Corruption therefore among the people at large, must be immediately felt, and if not seasonably prevented, proves fatal in the end.

No man therefore can better evidence his public virtue, than by endeavouring in his proper sphere, to prevent the contagious spread of vice; or to promote the influence of morality and religion. Contemptible is that man’s pretended love to his country, who with an ostentatious zeal for her credit, her finances or civil establishments, entirely disregards that which is the basis of the whole. He is like the man who is careful to repair and adorn some less essential parts of a building, whilst he suffers the foundation to be undermined, which failing, the whole must tumble into ruins. The period is critical, our country is in its youth, our character is forming, our credit, weight and influence, among the nations, is yet depending.

The ardour of public spirit which was long kept alive by the agitation of war, seemed to subside at its close. We imposed upon ourselves that the contest was ended, that the prize was won; and we were willing to repose our weary spirits, after the fatigues of the field. The newly erected and scarcely cemented civil structure, which had been so nobly defended against open enemies, was left, in a great measure, unguarded against the attacks of private adversaries, or the no less dangerous effects of their conduct, who, perhaps, without any direct intention to injure us, consulted their own imaginary interest, in a manner which tended to the ruin both of themselves and their country.

The effects of this inattention we have and still do painfully feel. It has rendered our condition in a degree distressing; we are perplexed but not in despair. Our eyes are opened at length, our spirits are roused; and such measures are now adopted and pursued, as will, we flatter ourselves, soon produce happy alteration in the face of our publick affairs.

Great is the advantage of a youthful country, she rises superior to every burden by the natural increase of national strength; and what proves destructive to a people in their decline, in a growing state is turned to advantage, as it becomes a warning to regulate her conduct, in more advanced stages of her political progress.

But all depends under Providence, upon the exertions of public virtue; and particularly much depends upon the virtue of this Commonwealth. We have been honoured for many years, with a leading influence in the American confederation. We form indeed a principal member of that important body: Long may we support our well-earned pre-eminence! By making it good upon the principle of extensive services rendered to the whole.

Public spirit, thanks to a guardian Providence, has not forsaken us, however its flame may have abated. The many wise and well conducted institutions which have taken place among us, for promoting science and the useful arts, the attention paid in some of them, to the dictates of humanity, and even to the leading design of Christianity itself, witness for us that we still possess a proper sense of what is truly great, and tends to render our country illustrious and happy. Every lover of his country, every friend to religion, and the happiness of mankind, will sincerely rejoice at such appearances, and readily contribute his utmost endeavours to promote what is so happily adapted to accomplish the wish of the devout and benevolent heart.

But much remains still to be done for the preservation and happiness of our country. We commenced our political existence with no small share of national vigor, and with the general applause of mankind; but, from some unhappy neglect, the insidious enemy of public and private honour and happiness, vice, in the form of luxury and dissipation, gained an easy admission among us. Inattention to the sacred obligations of religion, an intoxicating love of pleasures, with extravagant modes of living, have given a severe shock to our infant republic, and greatly threatened its ruin.

Here then is a field open for the exercise of a virtuous and noble ambition. Who would wish to be truly great, to enroll himself in the lists of fame, which shall last when time is no more, let him step forth in the cause of religion; in the cause of his country, and whether in a public or private station, his exertions cannot fail of their happy effect. Every man has some connection with, some influence upon, society, which turned to the side of religion and public virtue, must tend to further the happiness of present and future generations; at least it will redound to his own account, in the attestation of a good conscience, and the approbation of that God whose favour is light.

Those who are raised to places of trust, have in proportion greater opportunities for serving their country. As they lead in public measures, so do they form the public manners. It is from them the standard of economy, of taste, of what is honourable, great and good, is generally taken.

To you therefore, our venerable political fathers, your distressed country holds out her supplicating hand, in this day of anxious expectation, as under Providence her best resource.

We are happy in beholding once more, at the head of our civil establishment, a Gentleman, who, to his great literary and political character, adds that of the Christian, to justify our confidence in him, and to ensure his best endeavours to support the dignity of his office, upon the example and precept of his Saviour, by rendering the most essential services to mankind in general, and to his country in particular.

The Gentleman who holds the second rank in office, has from the decided voice of his country in his favour, through many successive years, the clearest evidence of her confidence in him; a reflection upon which will animate his wishes and endeavours to further her welfare and happiness.

The honourable Council, this day to be chosen, the honourable Senate and Representatives of the State, will consider themselves, as entrusted by a free people, with the most valuable deposit that men can trust to the hands of men, everything dear in civil and social life.

We readily acknowledge the wisdom and goodness of our constitution; but it is not in forms of government to render a people happy: Wisdom, integrity, firmness, and public spirit in those who govern, are more essential. A wise constitution administered in the hands of such magistrates, will do much towards relieving our complaints, and ensuring our political happiness.

We wish not to see our civil rulers officially interfering in matters of religion. Sacred be the rights of conscience! No law can have religion for its subject, without infringing those rights, or laying an improper bias on the minds of men, with respect to the first and most important duty of life, that of judging and acting for themselves in those cases where they can only be answerable at the bar of Jehovah.

The subject of civil legislation is still extensive and important, it includes every social interest, our invaluable rights, civil and sacred, our property, and even our lives, are in a measure submitted to their guardianship. They by wise laws are to guard the avenues which lead to the temple of virtue, to prevent the encroachments of vice, to be a terror to evil doers, and a praise to such as do well.

At the present critical period our rulers will engage warmly in promoting economy; not only with respect to public expenses, though that is an object greatly worthy their attention; but it is the general habits of common and domestic life, which decide the fate of a nation. It is from thence the streams must flow by which the vital fountain is supplied; and when those streams are dried up by luxury or profusion, as upon the interruption of the blood in its progress to the heart, death must ensue.

There is certainly much more depending upon the example of the higher orders in society, than is generally conceived. They have it in their power, in a great measure, to regulate the common customs and modes of living. Economy among them, would by easy stages find its way to the remotest members of the community, and produce the most happy effects upon the State in general.

Integrity, firmness and consistency of conduct, are especially requisite at the present day. These will retrieve and establish our tottering credit, give energy to public measures, and soon render us great and respected in the world.

Fetches and indirect methods for saving expense, or accomplishing her purposes, are as inconsistent with the honour and interest of a State, as of an individual; and however they may have a plausible effect for the present, must prove ruinous in the end.

In our present embarrassed situation, it is hardly possible that every just demand should be fully satisfied, however uprightly endeavoured. The path of truth and justice in general is plain and open, and a wise legislature will steadily pursue it; and though it may produce some temporary and partial evils, they will find, in the end, that like the steady conduct of Providence, through all the seeming intricacies of his moral government, it tends to beget a confidence in themselves, to dissipate the evils complained of, and to produce the most substantial advantages upon the whole.

Never was a people eventually benefited by injustice; never was the path of integrity and justice steadily pursued, in the management of public affairs, but it tended to the good of society. This is, and must be the case, whatever shrewd politicians may suggest to the contrary, so long as the constitution of the universe continues what it is at present, with a righteous God ruling at its head.

Public spirit should animate the exertions of those who would essentially serve their country at the present period. The times loudly call for examples of a noble disinterestedness; and who so proper to give the lead, as those to whom we have committed the conduct of the State; from whom we derive our political maxims; from whom we form our estimate of the times; from whom therefore we wish to learn the patriotic lesson, of preferring the public to every private or personal interest?

There is no limiting the happy effects of such an example, held up conspicuously to the view of a sensible and grateful people. It has often spread like a religious enthusiasm, through every branch of society, and called forth patriots from every class of men. Honour attends such a character as its robe of state; it is adorned with a diadem, the lustre of which shall never fade. May a noble ardour warm the breast of every ruler, thus to distinguish himself in the cause of his country, and receive a lasting greatness in the approbation of his God.

Piety must at once finish and support the character of those who would substantially relieve and benefit their country. This is the only spring which will give consistent movement to political conduct. This will give weight and dignity to public measures, ensure the propitious smiles of Him who rules the world, and diffuse the most extensive and happy influence on society in general.

O thou great inspiring source of good; such wilt thou form both the rulers and the subjects of this often highly favoured, and always kindly protected country. And without the gift of prophecy, we may anticipate the happy effects. Behold her rising with increasing strength and lustre, through every stage of national improvement, till she has at length completed the utmost measure of national glory and happiness! Israel then shall dwell in safety alone; the fountain of Jacob shall be upon a land of corn and of wine; his heavens also shall drop down dew: Happy art thou O Israel; who is like unto thee O people, saved by the Lord, the shield of thy help, and who is the sword of thy excellency!

But hark! Do we not hear the animating address of those distant ages, who shall witness the future greatness of this our Western Empire? Yes, it is the voice of our late descendants; it is directed to those who have gone before us. Hail illustrious forefathers! Who laid the foundation, erected, nobly defended, and richly adorned this magnificent temple of freedom and religion, under which we now repose! And may they add, with reference to ourselves, hail also illustrious progenitors, who, when the sacred structure was injured by the rude attack of war, the insidious arts of secret enemies, or the imprudent conduct of ill judging friends, roused from a temporary slumber, called forth the genuine spirit of public virtue, and under its influence, in the practice of economy, integrity, disinterestedness, supported by a manly piety, not only repaired what had been injured, but gave perpetual firmness and lustre to the whole. But alas! What can be perpetual here? The fashion of this world passeth away; the most durable monuments of human greatness must have their period, and time itself expire.

The kingdom of the Prince of Peace shall survive every change; and they who in conformity to his example, and in compliance with the invariable laws of his religion, seek for honour in the path of public virtue, shall share his triumph over the ruins of time, and wear a crown of glory which fadeth not away.

Sermon – Election – 1791, New Hampshire


Israel Evans (1747-1807) graduated from the College of New Jersey in 1772. He was a chaplain during the Revolutionary war, serving with units from New York (1775-1777) and New Hampshire (1777-1783). Evans was the pastor of the First Congregational Church in Concord, NH (1789-1797) and a trustee of Dartmouth College (1793-1807). This sermon was preached by Evans in New Hampshire in June, 1791.


sermon-election-1791-new-hampshire

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED AT CONCORD,

BEFORE

The Hon. General Court

OF THE STATE OF

NEW HAMPSHIRE,

AT THE

ANNUAL ELECTION,

HOLDEN ON THE FIRST WEDNESDAY IN JUNE,

M.DCC.XCI.

By the Rev. ISRAEL EVANS, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN CONCORD.

 

State of New Hampshire.
In the House of Representatives, June 3,
1791.
Voted,

That Mr. Foster, Mr. Parker, and Mr. Macgregore, with such of the honourable Senate as they may appoint, be a Committee to present the Reverend Mr. Evans with the thanks of the General Court, for his excellent Discourse delivered yesterday before the court, and request a copy of the same for the Pres.

Sent up for concurrence,
NATH. PEABODY, Speaker.

In Senate, the same day.
Read and concurred: Mr. Dow, joined.
J. PEARSON, Sec’ry.

 

GALATIANS V. I.

Stand fast, therefore, in the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of Bondage.

 

Friends and Fellow-Citizens,

We have numbered more than twenty-seven years since your opposition to a foreign system of heavy oppression began. The year 1764 has been rendered memorable, on the one side by the folly and injustice of a hated stamp-act, and, on the other, by the resisting energy of the patriot sons of Freedom. From that period, the genius of American liberty, by combating distress, misery, and hosts of enemies, waxed strong in her own defence, and hath crowned more than THREE MILLIONS of mankind with national independence.—Instructed in the school of Freedom, the inhabitants of these confederate States combined their strength in the protection of the rights of men. THEY KNEW AND THEY FELT THAT FREEMEN WILL BE FREE. By their exertions, under the favour of a righteous providence, they have established a wise constitution of federal government: they have reached the consummation of every patriot’s wish, the glory and felicity of their country; and now enjoy a free system of political happiness, such as gives pleasure, and even transport, to the enlightened patriots of many nations; and has made, perhaps, no small advancement of joy among the benevolent hosts of Heaven: for, to every benevolent and virtuous being, the freedom and happiness of the human race is a most pleasing consideration.—But there are some men, with the means of public prosperity in their possession, who do not realize the value of Freedom: they partake of the common blessings of a free people, and yet are not conscious of national felicity.—This, however, does not lessen the real worth of Liberty; for in every situation of life, it is the richest inheritance. In true Liberty is included, Freedom, both moral and civil; it has nothing in contemplation but the happiness of mankind, and therefore it is the principal glory of man; and, in this world, there can be nothing more dignified, or more exalted. Without civil and religious Liberty, man is indeed a poor, enslaved, wretched, miserable creature; neither his life, nor his property, nor the use of his conscience, is secured to him; but he is subjected to some inhuman tyrant, whose will is his law, and who presumes to govern men without their consent.—But let not this gale of honest zeal carry us beyond the recollection of our text.

In the discussion of the text, it may be observed, that the word Liberty, in this place, does principally imply a freedom from the injunctions of the ceremonial law. This freedom our Saviour purchased for all Christians; and in this freedom the apostle Paul exhorted the Galatians, and all the followers of Christ, to stand fast. When we consider the age, and state of the world, in which the Jews lived, and their fondness of show, idolatry, and superstition, we shall find that their religion was well suited to their genius and temper. The religion of the Jews had a very pointed allusion to the character and office of the Messiah, and was therefore wisely enjoined. But those typical and ritual services, after the coming of Christ, having fulfilled their design, became unnecessary. “These, said the apostle Paul, were a shadow of things to come; but the body is of Christ, who hath abolished the law of commandments contained in ordinances.” Without the external pomp and show of the Jewish religion, the gospel recommends the worship of God in spirit and truth. The doctrines of the gospel are calculated to promote good will and liberty among men; and where their genuine influence has been extended, mankind have been rendered more happy: they have been instructed, civilized, humanized, and made free. “The wisdom that is from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy.”—The true spirit of the Gospel contains the true spirit of Liberty. We may be assured, that under this benevolent institution, useful liberty of every kind is recommended by the spirit of our text.

Altho my text, in the original meaning, did not respect civil so much as religious liberty, yet I hope I shall not seem to misuse it by making it the foundation of a discourse on Liberty in general.

A few observations on the nature of religious Liberty, shall constitute the first part of this discourse.

I. Religious Liberty is a divine right, immediately derived from the Supreme Being, without the invention of any created authority. It is the natural privilege of worshipping God in that manner which, according to the judgment of men, is most agreeable and pleasing to the divine character. As the conscience of man is the image and representative of God in the human soul; so to him alone it is responsible. In justice, therefore, the feelings and sentiments of conscience, and the moral practice of religion, must be independent of all finite beings. Nor hath the all-wise Creator invested any order of men with the right of judging for their fellow-creatures in the great concerns of religion. Truth and religion are subjects of determination entrusted to all men; and it is a privilege of all men to judge and determine for themselves.

Religious Liberty secures every man, both in his person and property, from suffering on account of his peculiar sentiments in religion; and no practice which flows purely from this fountain of natural right can justly be punished. But when a man adopts such notions as, in their practice, counteract the peace and good order of society, he then perverts and abuses the original Liberty of man; and were he to suffer for thus disturbing the peace of the community, and injuring his fellow-citizens, his punishment would be inflicted not for the exercise of a virtuous principle of conscience, but for violating that universal law of rectitude and benevolence which was intended to prevent one man from injuring another. To punish men for entertaining various religious sentiments, is to assume a power to punish them for doing what God gave them an unalienable right to do. For neither the principles of reason, nor the doctrines of the gospel, which are he perfection of reason, have empowered any man to judge for himself and for another man also: this is religious tyranny; this is to control another man’s conscience: and to control any man’s conscience is to contradict that true principle of eternal justice which Jesus Christ published to the world: Therefore, all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.

Suffer me a little to illustrate this maxim of primitive justice. We will suppose, that some man should endeavour to prove, that he had a right to determine what our religious principles and sentiments ought to be; but how would he be pleased when his own arguments should be turned against himself? Should this man, who was unwilling to allow us the free exercise of rational, accountable creatures, be forced, in the change of human affairs, to reside among a people very different from him in matters of religion; he however behaving himself as an honest and peaceable man, and, as a good subject of civil society, serving the interest of the country; would he not think it very unjust and tyrannical to be persecuted for his religious opinions—imprisoned, deprived of his property, and finally condemned to die, only because he could not with a clear conscience worship as they did? Only the Supreme Governour of mankind has a perfect right to receive the homage of the human mind; it is his peculiar prerogative to control the consciences of men by his infinitely wise and equitable laws. True religion must therefore be founded in the inward persuasion and conviction of the mind; for without this it cannot be that reasonable service which is pleasing to God. The human understanding cannot be convinced by external violence of any kind; nor can immaterial spirit be influenced by the laws of men, unless they correspond with the goodness, justice, and mercy, of our blessed Creator, our most bountiful Benefactor, and our all wise and righteous Judge.—Here joy and gratitude prompt me to say, Oh happy people, who live in this land and in this age of religious Liberty! Here every man has equally the freedom of choosing his religion; and may sit every man under his vine, and under his figtree; and, on the account of religion, none shall make them afraid. Let us, my friends and fellow-citizens, Stand fast, therefore, in the religious Liberty wherewith God and Christ hath made us free.

II. With submission to the professional knowledge of my political Fathers, I will now venture to make some observations on the nature and principles of civil Liberty. These observations shall be included within the following particulars.

1. In this happy land of light and liberty, it is a truth fully established, that all men are by nature equally free. From this principle of natural Liberty we derive an indefeasible right of being governed by our own civil constitutions. WE THE PEOPLE are the source of all legislative authority. Upon this just, benevolent, pleasing, and even delightful principle, the constitution, the laws, and the governments, of these federal States, will stand fast. All men who understand the nature, and feel the spirit, of such principles, are self-instructed to be their own Legislators, either in one collected body, or by representation. When all the people can assemble, and personally contribute their aid in framing constitutions and laws for the government of themselves, then their liberty is most natural and most perfect. But since great loss of time, much expense, and many inconveniences, would attend this mode of legislation, the people have agreed, in free States, to select from the whole body, some of their brethren, whom they invest with legislative power. What shall be transacted by these delegates or representatives, consistently with the constitution of the people, must be acknowledged as the act of the people. In conformity to this plan, the people keep as near the possession of natural Liberty, as is convenient and really useful; and while they are truly virtuous, they will enjoy as much perfect Liberty as is necessary to preserve peace, establish justice, and secure political happiness.—I shall only add further, under this particular, that when a free people have, according to their constitution, determined to legislate by representatives, they should take great care that the representation may be fully adequate to the importance and welfare of the people; the elections should also be perfectly free, and sufficiently frequent.

2. The elections should be conducted agreeably to the principles of justice and honour. The privilege of electing freely, or being freely elected, is one of the fairest features in the pure image of natural Liberty. A free and unbiased election of the best and the wisest men, is a certain evidence of the flourishing state of Liberty.—On the other hand, when elections are under dishonest influence, and men can be sold and bought, it is a most lamentable sign that Liberty is either in a deep sleep, or in a dangerous decay. When this birth-right of the people is bartered for something as mean as a mess of pottage—when they neglect and despise this natural and constitutional right—they then lose their share and influence in that government of which they were the original foundation. Having neglected that security which at first existed in themselves, and having counteracted the very design of that social compact which was intended to secure them from every species of political injury, they turn traitors to their God who made them free; and for want of exercising that natural power which their Creator gave them, their glory will depart: and, having the hearts of slaves, they will wear the livery and endure the misery of slaves.—But I am not willing to spend time in representing this horrible image of slavish misery. This assembly is the image and representation of a free state. I have the honour, I have the felicity, of speaking before men who are too well acquainted with the blessings of Liberty to neglect or despise any of the natural or constitutional rights of freemen.

3. The public happiness of a people is promoted, not only by the freedom of elections, but also by the wisdom and goodness of the laws. A wise and good representation will produce good laws. Good and wise men, who are clothed with the natural power of their constituents, will study to unite closely the interest of the country and the power of the laws; and where the representation is good, the laws will appear to carry with them the voice and common consent of the people. The laws made after this manner, are the laws of the people, and prove that they are free, and that they virtually legislate for themselves.—I leave this particular, after observing, that the public happiness should be the first duty and the prime object of all legislators; and that, in every free and virtuous state, this is the pole-star of legislation.

4. It is the duty of the people, in conformity to the principles of Liberty, to choose men to superintend the executive department of the nation: for no man, in a free state, can justly claim the authority of an executive magistrate, without the voice and consent of the people. In the exercise of their own natural power, by their constitution, they must appoint their chief magistrate to this place of honour and trust. In this respect, it may be said, that the people do not only make their laws, but they also execute them, and govern themselves. These considerations should have a tendency to discourage all officers of government from feeling themselves independent of their brethren, THE PEOPLE. With these proper views, they will be more likely to pay that attention to the wants and feelings of the people, which is necessary to increase the public happiness. When, therefore, the most exalted characters in authority feel themselves connected to the whole community by a brotherly, benevolent attachment; then the lives and the states of the nation are most secure. In addition to this, it may also be said, that the administration of men in power will then be the most useful and honourable, when the affairs of government are conducted with moderation and justice: for the people have not appointed men to insult and injure them, but to promote their best interest. Violence & compulsion will never advance the happiness of freemen. They will know when they are governed agreeably to their constitutions and laws: they will know when they enjoy a portion of that civil prosperity which they are entitled to by their rights and privileges: and they will easily know when they are treated with civility and kindness. The people should have reason to believe, that men in office have nothing more at heart than the felicity of the nation.

5. The best measures should be adopted to establish esteem and confidence between the people and their rulers; for without this favourable impression, there will be but little peace and satisfaction in the public mind. Great care should be taken not to disturb and irritate the temper of the people; their patience should never be tortured; but they should have as many reasons to be pleased with the transactions of government, as possible, consistent with the public welfare: for good humour and satisfaction greatly contribute to the peace and happiness of government and mankind. When the people have reasonable satisfaction and rest of mind, they will be more industrious, and consequently more virtuous: the produce of the land will be more plentiful; and the strength and resources of the nation will be in proportion to the pleasure and encouragement of the m mind. A free, willing, industrious, and virtuous people, well united and well pleased, are the strength of a nation; while the great wealth of a few luxurious, idle drones, are the great bane of Liberty.—A people with that happy temper of mind which I have described, will be cheerfully obedient to their laws; they will respect and esteem all their good civil officers; and peace and harmony will be pleasant and lasting.—The man, whom every benevolent, free and virtuous citizen respects and loves, suffer me to adorn my humble page with the name of WASHINGTON, hath declared that THE BEST WAY TO PRESERVE THE CONFIDENCE OF THE PEOPLE DURABLY IS TO PROMOTE THEIR TRUEST INTEREST.

6. The principles of a free people are directly opposed to taxation without their own consent by representation. Money should never be extorted by violence, but received as the gifts and free will offerings, or contributions of the people, to pay for the security of their persons and property. Let them be convinced, that the public demands are reasonable and necessary, not merely for the benefit of civil officers, but for the general advantage of the nation; and then as a free, enlightened, generous, virtuous people, they will take pleasure cheerfully to defray the necessary expenses of government. They will be pleased when they recollect, that for a very small portion of their property they can be secured in the real possession of all the blessings of true Liberty.—But how will their pleasure rise still higher, when they consider, that by doing justice to their brethren, to whom they have committed the toils and dangers of public business; when they consider, I say, that by their contributions they advance not only the great prosperity of the nation, but include also their posterity in the general happiness. But here let it be observed, that no requisitions should be made but such as are really and absolutely necessary for the support and contingencies of government; and of the expenditure of money the people should have an account. Much the greater part of mankind toil severely for what property they acquire; it would therefore be very unjust and cruel to use it for the gratification of pampered pride and luxury. In a word, that government which improves the interest and happiness of the people, and manages their public affairs consistently with the principles of a generous economy, as well as a just and magnanimous policy, free from a prodigal and dishonest waste of the public wealth, such a government will furnish the most reasonable satisfaction, and will be the most valued and the most bravely defended.

III. Under this head of discourse, I will endeavour to shew when it may be said that a people stand fast in the Liberty wherewith they are free. With the prosecution of this design, I will attempt to intermix the spirit and freedom of an APPLICATION.

1. The people are in the habit and exercise of Liberty, when they resort to the first principles of government, and trace their rights up to God the Creator: when they exercise their natural power of framing any social compact conducive to the common interest: feel independent of all human power but that which flows from themselves: disdain the subjection of their consciences to any authority but the will of God: refuse to be controuled by the will of any man who claims an independent power of disposing of their lives and estates: recollect that they entered into society to have their natural rights, which are the basis of civil rights, secured. To maintain such principles of original justice, is to stand fast in the righteous Liberty of man. True Liberty suffers no man to be injured in his person, estate, or character: it encourages and enables him to improve his happiness; and, within the limits of the public good, insures to him every blessing to which imperfect human nature can attain. All the toils, sufferings, treasure and blood of men, are not lost, when they are the price and purchase of Liberty. Without religious and civil Liberty, we can have no security of life, or of any of the good things of God: we cannot practice the sentiments of our consciences:–but where the rights of man are equally secured in the greatest degree, there is the greatest happiness—AND THAT IS OUR COUNTRY.

2. When you carefully regard the election of your representatives and officers of government, you will stand fast in your Liberty. It is a darling privilege of all freemen to elect the best qualified men to represent them in a State or National Assembly. But do a people stand fast in the discharge of their duty—are they in the exercise of their civil rights, when they neglect to choose men of established principles of Virtue and Liberty? Do they wish to have good laws, and yet neglect to choose men who have proved themselves friends to the rights of their brethren? Can they reasonably expect that good laws will proceed from men who fear not God nor regard man? Will men, who feel no obligations of love and duty to their Creator, be good examples to their constituents? Will they add any weight to the laws they assisted to make, when they are so prompt to violate them? Do they not, as far as their influence will reach, defeat the very laws they voted for? Will a public and patriotic spirit originate from vicious principles? Is it natural for noble and generous sentiments to flow from vice? Do not bad principles make men selfish, narrow the mind, and banish all benevolent propensities of doing good to men? Will not the very knowledge which unprincipled men may have, degenerate into selfish low cunning, and serve only to embarrass and perplex the honesty and good common sense of men who are able and willing to promote the interest of society?—I need not tell you, that men under the influence of selfish passions, will sacrifice the best interest of their country, whenever they can greatly advnce their own importance; and, like a Dean and an Arnold, by the most infamous and horrible treason, betray that Liberty which they once pretended to defend.—Do any of the people ask me, as one of their brethren, Who are the men we must choose, in order to stand fast in our Liberty? First, separate, in your minds, the most wicked and unprincipled men, from being objects of your choice; and then, out of the rest, select men of understanding, for of such there will enough remain, who are actuated by principles of love and obedience to God, and animated by a generous benevolence to mankind; who really love to see their brethren free and happy: for in this every benevolent man must take pleasure. Benevolent principles will produce the noblest acts of public and patriotic good; they will enable men to discern easily the advantage of the people. “For when private interest and private views are removed, it will be easy to know what is the public good.”—Let me beseech all the people to remember, that their safety and happiness in society depends upon the election of good and wise representatives. Under the smiles of providence, the prosperity of a free people is in their own hands; for they have knowledge enough, if well improved, to advance and secure their welfare. In a few words, choose the men to manage your public affairs, to whom you would not fear to entrust the most important concerns of a private nature.—This is the way to stand fast in your Liberty.

3. The example of civil officers has great influence on the minds of mankind. They ought to be punctual in their observation of the laws of the country. As public men, or private citizens, they should be uniform in the practice of virtue, and the defense of Liberty. The people call them Fathers: we are willing to be their political children, as long as they are good parents. But, Should not fathers be examples of goodness to their children? Will children do well, if the parents are wicked and do wrong? Will the children be obedient to the public laws, if the parents violate them? Will the children love Freedom, if the parents disregard it? Will the children cultivate a public spirit, if the parents are selfish? Do fathers love their children, and not strive in all respects to promote their felicity? It is most reasonable, therefore, to conclude, that it is the great and indispensible duty of rulers to encourage the practice of religion by their own influence and example: and I venture to declare, that no civil officer does the half of his duty, unless he endeavours to suppress vice and disorder, and so prevent the necessity of punishment. Mankind very quickly and justly exclaim against the absurdity of allowing those men to be teachers of religion, who live in the habitual practice of vice and wickedness: Shall we not, with equal justice, condemn the practice of those men who break through those restraints which were intended to suppress vice, and consequently encourage virtue? Should they not be ministers of God for good to the people, in every possible way? Every man of common sense acknowledges, that religion is very useful to mankind; and especially the precepts and truths of the gospel. It is also allowed, that public worship is of particular and national advantage. To favour and practice virtue is therefore to increase the public happiness, and to answer the intention of government: and by these means their own importance and authority will be increased.

4. When the people are submissive to their laws and rulers, upon the principles already mentioned, their Liberties will be permanent. Where the true spirit of religion is united to the free and generous spirit of Liberty, obedience will be a pleasing duty. The author of our benevolent religion hath commanded us to render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar’s; and unto God, the things that are God’s. The apostles also say, Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake. Render to all, their dues: tribute, to whom tribute is due; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; honour, to whom honour. Men who are under the influence of reason and religion, will not blame the necessary measures of government. They will not be factious and turbulent, but of a reasonable and complying disposition. They will be influenced by such generous sentiments as the following: Look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of others. We must endeavour to render ourselves extensively useful, and promote the good of our country; in which, not only our own happiness, but the happiness of millions, is included.

5. The Liberties of a people cannot be lasting without knowledge. The human mind is capable of great cultivation. Knowledge is not only useful, but it adds dignity to man. When the minds of men are improved, they can better understand their rights—they can know what part they are to act, in contributing to the welfare of the nation. Freemen should always acquire knowledge; this is a privilege and pleasure unknown to slaves; this elevates the mind of man; this creates a conscious dignity of his importance as a rational creature, and a free agent. The happiness of mankind has been much advanced by the arts and sciences; and they have flourished the most among freemen. Slavery blots the image of the Creator, which was at first impressed upon man: it banishes knowledge, and courts misery. But men, enlightened, pursue with ardour the knowledge and recovery of their rights. Liberty is enlightened by knowledge; and knowledge is nurtured by Liberty. Where there is wisdom, virtue, and Liberty, there mankind are MEN.—In all the dark ages of the world, tyranny has been established upon the slavish ignorance of mankind. Tyrants, in time past, secured their domination by darkening the minds of their subjects. In the present day, they tremble at the approaching light of knowledge and Liberty. They turn indignant from the glorious illuminations of America and France. They hear with horror the sound of Freedom and the rights of men. They would still imbrute the human race, and make mankind forget that they are men.—Be assured, my dear countrymen, knowledge is absolutely necessary to secure the blessings of Freedom. If you wish to see your country not only free in your day, but also to feast your imaginations with the pleasing prospect of a free posterity for many ages to come; let me entreat you, to encourage and promote that knowledge which will enable the people successfully to watch all the enemies of Liberty, and guard against the designs of intriguing men. Unless the people have knowledge, they may be imposed upon by men who are always lying in wait to disturb the peace of society, create disorder and confusion, and, in the tumult, overturn the Liberties of the country. Be always awake to your own interest, and you will have nothing to fear: but if you sleep, the enemies of Liberty will awake:–sleep, and by your death-like slumbers you will give them life: for Liberty has never yet appeared upon the face of the earth without meeting enemies to contend with.—There have been men in America, who have reprobated what they were pleased to call the inquisitive sauciness of the people, when they wished to know how the public affairs of the country were conducted, and how Justice and Liberty might be secured. Nay, some men, still more unjust and tyrannical, have ventured to say—blush! Ye degenerate sons of free parents!—that the people, when in the possession of Liberty, are unable to use it for their own advantage, and therefore they ought to be governed against their wills, and without their choice, by men, to be sure, much wiser than themselves, and more disposed to do them good. This is as much as to say, that the people ought to be robbed of their natural rights for their own advantage and happiness. But whoever is acquainted with the history of despotic power, need not be informed, that a free people will always use their Freedom more consistently with the principles of justice and reason, than any men with uncontrouled power. It is a truth, and it is now too late to deny it, that no man, or body of men, are fit to be entrusted with unlimited power. This power they would most certainly abuse, whenever their unjust wills were in the least opposed. Let the youth be well educated in wisdom and virtue; let them be instructed in the true principles of Freedom, and they will improve their Liberty most agreeably to the rational happiness of mankind. In this free country, knowledge is peculiarly necessary, where no other qualifications are requisite, for the most important offices of government, but virtue and ability. I again say, let the children and youth be well educated. In the earliest stages of life, let a free and public spirit be infused into the youthful mind. This is the way to exclude from their young breasts all oppressing and cruel passions.—Unless the doors of education are open to all the youth of the country equally, advantages may be taken by some men of sunning, to tyrannize over the rest, and become masters of their property. Every parent, and every friend to the Freedom of his country, ought to be solicitous for the improvement of our youth in the principles of Freedom and good government, and then the people will stand fast in their Liberty for a long time; yes, as long as such principles are in their true exercise; and, with submission to the divine will, as long as they please.—But what! Shall I doubt the attention and exertions of my fellow-citizens to this all-important cause of public prosperity? Shall the children and youth of a free people be suffered to grow up ignorant of the value of those Liberties you intend to commit to their trust? Shall they be unfit to take care of those political blessings which have been secured for them at the great expense of much toil, treasure, and precious blood? Oh! Liberty, thou friend to mankind, forbid it; justice, thou guardian of the rights of men, forbid it; ye patriots and fathers of your country, forbid it: but rather let me say, Oh! thou blessed God, who takest no pleasure in the misery of thy children, forbid it, for the sake of him who hath made us free.

6. The principles and practice of our peaceable and benevolent religion, are the foundation on which all the blessings of life and Liberty must stand fast. Righteousness exalteth a nation. True religion will incline a people to love and honour the Most High who ruleth among the children of men. The Lord hath said, Them that honour me, I will honour. Religion is intended to unite men together in the bonds of brotherly love and good will; to prevent bad habits; to suppress disorder; to calm factious spirits; and to put an end to the shedding of brothers’ blood. The influence and importance of religion should be felt by men both in their family and national connections. Without it, they can neither be happy in this world nor in a future state.—May the benevolent efforts of all public teachers of true religion, be united with the affectionate influence of parents, to promote the personal and national welfare of our country. By instilling good sentiments into the tender minds of children and youth, you will teach them to stand fast in their Liberty. Good impressions, made in early life, are very frequently of lasting benefit both to individuals and the public. Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it. But, in addition to all your pious exertions, let me entreat you, never to forget to beseech the Father of mercies and the God of all grace, to implant in the hearts of our youth, by the divine Spirit, the true principles of holiness.

I hope it has been evident, that, in the whole body of this discourse, I have endeavoured to interweave sentiments of religion and virtue. I cannot, therefore, suppose it necessary at present, to prosecute this particular article any farther. Permit me, however, to assure you, that I have not ventured nor wished to recommend Liberty without Virtue; for this would have been a recommendation of licentiousness. True Liberty may be summed up in this declaration: that we have a right to do all the good we can; but have no right to injure our fellow-men: we have a right to be as happy as we can; but no right to lessen the happiness of mankind.

Thus far I have attempted to comply with the appointment of the civil Fathers of this State. In this compliance, my dissidence and fear have given me no small anxiety, lest I should not answer the design of their appointment. I have not, therefore, been influenced by a presuming expectation of communicating to this honourable political body, any new information. I feel, nevertheless, in my mind, a pleasing persuasion, that my Fathers in government will not be displeased with any sincere and humble attempt to inspire their younger sons with a just sense of the blessings and privileges they enjoy under the present legislative and executive authority. In a few years, some of the youth of the present day must be called to fill the places of the Fathers now in office.—The thought is serious! Who knows the consequence? Is it not then of the utmost importance, that the minds of young men should be impressed with the best sentiments of equal Liberty? Shall we not exhort them to stand fast in their Liberty, that their country may be free? Shall we not animate the rising generation, to transmit to their posterity that invaluable inheritance of Freedom, which they must soon receive from the present race of patriots when they shall rest from their labours?—This is a day of joy: it reminds you of one of the great privileges of freemen:–it should be a day of gratitude also. Oh! that you did but feel and realize your happy situation, that you might send up to Heaven the warmest gratitude of hearts glowing with love and praise to that blessed Saviour who hath made us FREE!

Fathers, brethren, and fellow-citizens, with the happy feelings of a brother freeman, I congratulate you on the enjoyment of that Liberty which I have been describing: it involes in it everything most conducive to your peace and prosperity on earth:–clasp it to your bosoms, and religiously swear, that you will live freemen, or die bravely. I rejoice, that it is in your power, under God to stand fast in your Liberty.—Shall I contrast your present situation with the deplorable state of man in ages past? Would not this draw a cloud of grief over the bright sunshine of your happy feelings? We rejoice, that the earth hath been delivered from the hands of those inhuman butchers, whose unrelenting murders have filled so many bloody pages of history; who slaughtered millions of the human race, for no other purpose but to extend their cruel and ambitious power, and oppress and lay waste the world. Tyrants, who, instead of being transmitted down to us with illustrious names, for being the most successful destroyers of their fellow creatures, should be named after the most furious beasts of prey; and, on account of the mischief they have done to mankind, be classed with tempests, earthquakes, and plagues. We rejoice, with thankful hearts, that we are not under the power of such plagues of the human race, who wage war with the peace and happiness of mankind; who think it an act of heroism to depopulate whole countries to gratify private revenge. We now see that the patriotic resolutions of our countrymen have not been in vain: we now see that the treasures expended in the defence of Liberty, have realized a national interest of more value than ten thousand percent: we now see that the inexpressible trials and sufferings of a patriot army, have been productive of the richest fruits; and that the blood of our heroes has been the seed of Liberty.—But, we commiserate the deplorable condition of many of our fellow-men, who now groan under the heavy chains of despotism: we wish the rights of men may be soon restored to them.—

But I return from this digression. I find political happiness not abroad, but at home. Happy age and country in which we live! We remember no era since the creation of the world, so favourable to the rights of mankind as the present. The histories of mankind, with only a few exceptions, are the records of human guilt, oppression, and misery. Although some shadow of rude Liberty was contended for by a few small uncivilized tribes of men, yet they were subjected by those nations who were more powerful. At the beginning of the Christian era, almost two thirds of mankind were in the most abject and cruel slavery. The Grecian and Roman nations, notwithstanding their boasted love of Liberty, were not acquainted with the true principles of original, equal, and sentimental Liberty. Though an imperfect civilization had made some progress among them, yet they neither understood the nature, nor practiced the duties, of humanity. They who are acquainted with the true history of Greece and Rome, need not be informed, that the cruelty they exercised upon their slaves, and those taken in war, is almost beyond the power of credibility. The proud and selfish passions have always endeavoured to suppress the spirit of Freedom. Even Rome herself, while she pretended to glory in being free, endeavoured to subject and enslave the rest of mankind.—But no longer shall we look to ancient histories for principles and systems of pure Freedom. The close of the eighteenth century, in which we live, shall teach mankind to be truly free. The Freedom of America and France, shall make this age memorable. From this time forth, men shall be taught, that true greatness consists not in destroying, but in saving, the lives of men; not in conquering, but making them free; not in making war, but making peace; not in making men ignorant, but making them wise; not in firing them with brutal rage, but in making them humane; not in being ambitious, but in being good, just, and virtuous. Of France, it may be said, in the language of Scripture, Who hath heard such a thing? Who hath seen such things? Shall the earth e made to bring forth in one day? Or, shall nation be born at once? Behold a nation of freemen, rising out of a nation of slaves! This gratifies the feelings of humanity and benevolence. We wish to see all men independent of all things but the laws of God, and the just laws of their country. And will any man blame me for saying, that, in America, every friend to justice and the rights of men wishes prosperity to that generous nation, who are allied to these United States, and who so powerfully aided them in securing their independence and peace. In the name of the Lord of hosts, let us pray, that no weapon that is formed against their Freedom, shall prosper.

I once more invite you to join me in gratitude to that best of Beings, by whose providential goodness and power the lines are fallen unto us in pleasant places; yea, we have a goodly heritage. Here harvests grow for the free and cheerful husbandman: here, neither awed by lordly and rapacious injustice, nor dejected by beholding idleness high fed and fattened on the labours of other men, they reap and enjoy the pleasing fruits of their honest industry. Ye shall eat your bread to the full, and dwell in your land of safety. Here the people dwell together as brethren; peace, harmony, industry, and health, unite their various gifts to make this life a blessing: here poor human nature, in other parts of the world long depressed by ignorance and enslaving power, seems to reclaim the primitive blessings of creation, and to rejoice that it was made in the image of God: here conscience assumes her first authority; religion is no longer enslaved to the wills and laws of men; public and private happiness are guarded by the laws and government of the people.—Stand fast, therefore, in the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage. Let us determine to be free from the unjust power of men, and free from the slavery and tyranny of sin, and we hall then be truly free. If the Son, therefore, shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed.

With the words of a celebrated French writer, this discourse will be concluded.

“Ye people of North America, let the example of all nations who have gone before you, and above all that of Great Britain, serve you for instruction. Fear the affluence of gold, which brings with luxury the corruption of manners, the contempt of laws. Fear a too unequal distribution of riches, which exhibits a small number of citizens in opulence, and a great multitude of citizens in extreme poverty; whence springs the insolence of the former, and the debasement of the latter. Secure yourselves against the spirit of conquest. The tranquility of an empire diminishes in proportion to its extension. Have arms for your defense; have none for offence. Seek competency and health in labour; prosperity in the culture of lands, and the workshops of industry; power in manners and virtue. Cause arts and sciences, which distinguish the civilized from a savage man, to flourish and abound. Above all, watch carefully over the education of your children. It is from public schools, be assured, that come the wise magistrates, the capable and courageous soldiers, the good fathers, the good husbands, the good brothers, the good friends, the good men. Wherever the youth are seen depraved, the nation is on the decline. Let Liberty have an immoveable foundation in the wisdom of your laws, and let it be the indestructible cement to bind your States together. Establish no legal preference amongst the different forms of worship. Superstition is innocent, wherever it is neither persecuted nor protected; and may your duration, if it be possible, equal the duration of the world!”

AMEN.

Sermon – Election – 1786, Connecticut


This sermon was preached by Levi Hart in Connecticut on May 11, 1786.


sermon-election-1786-connecticut

THE DESCRIPTION OF A GOOD CHARACTER ATTEMPTED
AND APPLIED TO THE SUBJECT OF
JURISPRUDENCE AND CIVIL GOVERNMENT.

A

D I S C O U R S E,

ADDRESSED TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE

G O V E R N O R,

AND THE HONOURABLE

L E G I S L A T U R E

IN THE STATE OF

C O N N E C T I C U T,

CONVENED AT

H A R T F O R D

ON THE

G E N E R A L E L E C T I O N,

May 11th, M.DCC.LXXXVI.

By LEVI HART, A. M.
Pastor of a Church in Preston.

“But Jehoida waxed old, and was full of days when he died.—
And they buried him in the City of David, among the Kings:
Because he had done good in Israel, both towards God and towards
His house
.” 2 Chron. xxiv. 15, 16.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1786.

ORDERED, That Mr. Benjamin Coit, and Col. Jeremiah Halsey, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Levi Hart, for his Sermon delivered at the General Election on the 11th Instant, and request a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined, by

George Wyllys, Sec’ry.

 

An Election S E R M O N.

Ecclesiastes, x. 1.

Dead flies cause the ointment of the Apothecary to send forth a stinking savor: so doth a little folly him that is in reputation for wisdom and honour.

It is hoped that the feelings of none in the assembly will be wounded by the introduction of this maxim, which may seem unpolished; when it is considered that it was penned by a person of the first character for discernment: who was also the chief magistrate of a great kingdom, and under the superintending influence of the Holy Spirit. King Solomon made choice of the wisdom requisite for his important station, and God graciously gave him his desire.1 From that wisdom, improved by long experience, and directed by supernatural influence, he was eminently qualified to give proper instruction to persons of every condition in life: both as it consisted in general maxims, and in the application of them to particular cases.

The passage before us contains a general principle, applicable to a variety of particular characters. It will apply to all who are distinguished for supposed worth, and respected by mankind on that account: to all who are in stations of eminence, where their accomplishments are conspicuous, and their faults, if they have any, are not hidden. These are the possessors of that wisdom and honour, which is compared to the precious ointment of the apothecary: that good name which is even more valuable than precious ointment. A little folly, however, in a character so conspicuous, and exalted, will tarnish its beauty, and diffuse an ill favour through the sweet perfume.2

As the maxim in the text is fitted to such an extensive application, to persons of eminence in the several classes of society, it requires our serious attention on the present occasion.

A discussion of the subject is proposed in the following manner.

I. A description of a reputable character, or good name, will be attempted.

II. The destructive influence of folly, when mixed with such a character, will be considered.

III. An application of the general maxim to particular characters, will conclude the discourse.

I. A description of a good name, or reputable character, will be attempted.

The comparison of a good name, to the precious ointment of the apothecary, is implied in the text and other sacred passages.3

From an institution in the antient Mosaic writings we learn that an holy anointing oil was to be made, by a mixture of the most excellent spices, with the pure oil of the olive tree. With this precious ointment, the priests, the tabernacle, and its utensils were to be anointed, as a consecration to the particular service of God.4

This holy oil which was not to be imitated, or been applied, except for the purposes, and in the manner specified in the institution, was evidently designed to represent the excellent nature of true religion, and of the Holy Spirit, in his sanctifying influences on the hearts of men.—Those best accomplishments of the human mind—as here is, in these, a combination of the most amiable qualities composing the character of the man of God.

A like mode of expression is used, by the inspired psalmist, to illustrate the mutual and harmonious affection of brethren, dwelling together in unity—and the happy influence of that affection.5 Finally, the excellent qualities and unequalled glories of the divine Messiah, are represented under this same metaphor.6

The idea of running through the several representations is, obviously, the same. A variety of individual objects, excellent in themselves, united and combined, in such a manner as to constitute one complete object. In which the beauty of each is, not only preserved, but exhibited, with superior advantage; by its connection with the rest, in such a manner, as to heighten the perfection of the whole.

This is true with regard to the beauty of all complex objects. It consists in the due proportion of each part, to the use for which it is designed—to its various relations, and to the whole. This will appear by an application of the observation to objects confessedly beautiful, in the various productions of nature and art. In these last, we are, sometimes, agreeably entertained and improved, by viewing the displays of human sagacity. But, in the first, we are struck with pleasing and devout astonishment, at their inimitable beauty and grandeur. And, by the perfection discernible in his various works, from the most simple and minute, to the most complex and magnificent, we are led “to look through nature, up to nature’s God.”

The beautiful, the exact gradations, and proportions, by which they are constituted and directed, impress the devout philosopher with the deepest reverence for the Most High, and lead him to acknowledge that “the heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament sheweth his handy works”7 —and that “in wisdom he hath made them all.”8

But we must not indulge in these general reflections, but confine our attention to that particular species of beauty, which constitute a good character. Are material and inanimate objects beautiful, intelligent creatures must be capable of that which is far greater, and more perfect—in proportion to the superior nature of the soul. This beauty of the mind, is what renders man worthy of esteem, and by which he obtains the approbation of the wise and good.

It is worthy of notice, that the perfection of the precious ointment, referred to in the text, consisted in the excellent quality of its several parts, and their due proportion to each other. In like manner, a good name is the result of a composition of mental excellencies, fitly proportioned to each other, and to their object.

Human perfection may be summed up in the excellent qualities of the understanding, and the heart. All our perceptions and knowledge belong to the former, and all emotions, affections, and determinations, to the latter. The beauty of the understanding consists in its susceptibility of those perceptions, by which we are furnished with the knowledge requisite to our place and station: or, in their actual existence. The other essential branch of human perfection is comprised in affections corresponding to our perceptions: or, in the qualities of the heart. If these are proportioned, to a proper knowledge of the objects of perceptions, it forms that amiable and worthy character, which comports with the nature and dignity of man—as he is related to his present and future self, to his fellow creatures and to his Creator.

The duly proportioned knowledge of the objects of human perception, may be styled the natural beauty, or perfection, of man; and the corresponding affections of the heart, that which is humane, domestic, civil, moral, or evangelical: according to the qualities or relations of the objects, on which they terminate. And the opposite to these, are the deformity of the understanding and the heart. The beauty, or perfection of the heart, is evidently of the greatest importance. Without this, the finest accomplishments of the understanding are of little worth—Yea when connected with a heart, altogether deformed, they constitute a character, utterly unworthy. And that deformity is even increased, in consequence of its connection with superior knowledge. For, it is the language of reason and revelation that, “to him who knoweth to do good, and doth it not, to him it is sin.”

By suitable exertions of the heart, the perceptions, and knowledge of the mind, are applied to their proper use, and rational existence is both honorable and happy. But this can be asserted, with the strictest propriety, of those affections and exertions only, which are of the moral, or evangelical kind. The others, which have been mentioned, have obtained the name of virtues, or perfections, on account of their coincidence with particular objects. A virtuous husband, friend, citizen or ruler, is denominated from his acting agreeably to those relations: without any respect to what he is, in regard to his more extensive connections. And, it is very supposable, that a person may be eminent in one, or more, of those particular virtues, and yet be utterly deformed, or vicious, in respect to his great and important relations, as the creature of God, a rational and immortal being.

From hence it appears that though certain affections may be beautiful, in a separate view, and as proportioned to particular objects, or relations—the character, possessed of them, may be exceedingly deformed, on the whole: in consequence of an opposition of heart, to its more extensive and important connections. And those particular attachments, though agreeable in a subordination to superior affections, serve to heighten the deformity of the character, in a different connection. As we see men, eminent for some of the private virtues, often the most inveterate and dangerous enemies to the state: when they are destitute of public affection, and consider the interests of their particular connections, and that of the public, in opposition.

In like manner, a person may be possessed of many of those agreeable qualities, which are denominated virtues, and yet, through the influence of private affection, he may be opposed to the honour of his Creator, and the interest of his fellow creatures. And those very attachments, so agreeable and useful, when subordinated to public affection may be subservient to that opposition, and greatly enhance it. But that coincidence of affection, and exertion, to our great moral objects and relations, which obtains the name of moral virtue, or perfection in rational beings who have never transgressed, and is evangelical virtue or holiness in man, as corresponding to the gospel revelation of salvation.—That, is truly excellent, both as it is proportional to our most extensive relations, and involves a proper affection to all particular objects, considered in themselves, and as subordinate to the whole.

Were we to apply these general principles to particular characters, the evidence would appear to be still more decisive. The great law of religion, in reverence to our duty to God, our Creator, is summed up in that reverential and practical affection, which is proportioned to our utmost ability. In relation to our fellow men, we are to love our neighbours as ourselves—their happiness being of equal importance with our own. For the same reason, the less good is to give way to the greater, the private to the public, and the interest of all finite, created beings, should be subordinated to the infinite and uncreated Original of all. To man, as related to his present, and future self, it is the voice of reason and revelation—“Do thyself no harm.” He is directed to seek that happiness, which comports with the dignity and importance of his existence as a man.—A happiness consisting in union to his Creator, and to his fellow creatures.

Thus, the great principles of reason, and revelation, form a most beautiful and harmonious system. And the man, who is practically conformed to them, is possessed of the excellent qualities constituting that good character, which is represented by the precious ointment, and is declared to excel it.

If we consider the Christian religion, as a scheme adapted to the case of lapsed creatures, we shall find a no less beautiful harmony in its several parts—to their respective objects, to each other, and to the whole.

This divine system is constituted of two great branches. The first, is a supernatural revelation of the way of pardon and salvation for sinners of mankind, through the mediation and atonement of Christ; who is “God manifest in the flesh.” An atonement every way suitable to the perfection of God, both as it exhibits the original excellence of his character and government, and prepares the way for the fullest manifestation of them, to the rational creation, in the actual recovery, and salvation, of sinners.

The other branch, of the Christian revelation, contains what man is to believe and do, in reference to this revelation—the whole train of Christian graces, and exertions, which correspond to his condition as a sinner, to his relations to God, as Creator, Redeemer, Sanctifier and Judge—to mankind, and to his own present and future existence. These, fitly expressed, in a life of Christian holiness, form the character of “the man of God, furnished to every good work.” Each of these is excellent in itself, and as connected with the rest. And all of them, collectively viewed, and raised to their proper standard, form the Christian for that state of perfection to which he is redeemed; and prepare him to fill a place in that church of the first-born, of which he is a member.

So little cause have the opposers of Christianity to reject it, as a scheme unworthy of God, and repugnant to the dictates of reason and philosophy. It was, long since, observed by a great master of reason, that “true and deep philosophy always leads men to a profound administration of the first cause.” It may be added, that this profound admiration will be abundantly increased by a proper view of that great first cause, as displayed in the Christian revelation. It is minute philosophy only which leads men to reject this divine system.

We now proceed to the next branch of our subject.

II. To consider the destructive influence of folly, when mixed with a good name.

That we may understand the force and propriety of the comparison implied in the text, it may be proper to observe, that one essential excellence of the precious ointment referred to, consisted in its fragrant and reviving smell.9 The destructive influence of the dead fly, consisted in its taking away the sweet savour of the ointment, or in causing it to smell disagreeably. By its putrefaction a poisonous, as well as offensive, quality was also diffused through the composition. And as this sweet and refreshing ointment, would become disagreeable, and destructive, by the mixture of the dead fly-so the most respectable character may loose its lustre, and be covered with disgrace, by the mixture of folly.

That the representation may be more fully understood, it may be farther observed, that the term folly, as used by this inspired writer, is not restrained to its primary signification, to denote a destitution of rational perceptions, or an imbecility of intellect—Persons of this description cannot be supposed to be in reputation for wisdom and honour.

It will likewise appear, by an examination of the passages where this and other like terms are used, that they are especially designed to express the quality and character of those who neglect the proper application of their intellectual powers, or use them for opposite and destructive ends. In this sense the term folly is to be understood in the passage before us.

Once more, it must be remembered, that the character mentioned, in the text, is supposed to be eminent. It belongs to such as are “in reputation, for wisdom and honour.” The assertion might be illustrated by an application to particular instances, of the mixture of folly, in a character otherwise reputable. The expressions of a bad heart reproach the most exalted station. And, folly is the reverse of that wisdom which is the honour of a virtuous character, in the various applications of the expression: some of which have been named already.

A person possessed of, even the best, intellectual accomplishments, but the reverse of what he ought to be in the several relations of human life, and his connections in society, is destitute of the whole train of virtues; and his character sends forth an offensive favour. This will be evident in real life: it is true of a husband and father, destitute of conjugal and paternal affection—a nominal patriot, void of public spirit—a judge, under the blinding influence of the love of money—and a rich man, destitute of compassion and liberality to the poor. Men, destitute of the virtues suitable to their particular conditions and relations, and under the influence of the opposite vices, are the objects of just abhorrence, in proportion to their opportunity to be useful, to the eminence of their abilities and stations.

This truth will be still more obvious by applying it to the great moral objects, and relations, of man. By a single fault, the mot awful ruin is diffused through the human race. In place of that holy affection, to the Most High, and to our brethren of mankind, which is suitable to our nature and relations, and is our highest perfection; selfish propensities have the dominion in the human heart, and “all men seek their own.” This is the general source of ruin to mankind. From hence, as their proper fountain, proceed, the private and public quarrels, the cruel wars and slaughters, which have filled our world—all the oppressions and persecutions which, under various pretences, have spread desolation through the earth. The wide-spreading ruin has diffused itself through all ages, all nations, and classes of mankind. It has infected all degrees of society, from the meanest cottages, to the most magnificent empires.

The history of past ages, and kingdoms, will attest the truth of these observations, and general experience will confirm them. This dead fly, with its malignant infection, enters the retirements of domestic quiet, and disturbs the sweet enjoyment of its tender friendships; and, in many instances, utterly destroys them. It even sets a man at variance with himself, and the conflict usually issues in his falling a prey to this baneful passion. To this must be traced, suicide itself, that most unnatural of all the crimes of wretched mortals.

Finally, this sets man at opposition to his Maker, and leads him to reject the proffered grace and salvation of the gospel, procured and offered by the great Redeemer—and thus to plunge himself into the most aggravated, and remediless ruin. But for this, how happy were the lot of men! United to their Creator, to each other, and to themselves; possessed of intellectual, and other endowments, sufficient for the sublimest pursuits and enjoyments, in a reciprocation of benevolent exertions, and in united reverential love and obedience, to the fountain of good.

But it is time to dismiss this gloomy side of human nature, and of our subject, and proceed to the concluding branch of it.

III. In an application, of the general maxim, to particular characters.

The present joyful anniversary, and this respectable assembly, invite us to apply the subject to the interesting concerns of jurisprudence and civil government. The gentlemen of the two houses of Assembly, are the persons pointed out in the text, elected to their respective places of honour and reputation, by the unpurchased, unsolicited votes of the freemen of the state.

In a constitution like ours, nothing but distinguished merit can be a recommendation to public office. It is those, who are thus chosen, who are in reputation for wisdom and honour. Happy indeed! If no dead fly be ever found in this venerable “assembly of wise men.” In the present application of the subject, we have only to shew, that each branch of the legislature, and administration, must be composed of men equal in ability, and rectitude of disposition, to the importance of their stations.

As the object of government is the good of society, it is natural to remark, that the rulers of a state should have a thorough knowledge of its interests, on the whole. A superficial reasoned in politics, is a very bad statesman. Such an one will often pursue some trifling interest of the state, real or imaginary, to the neglect and hazard of its greatest, and most lasting emolument.

If I rightly apprehend the nature of our constitution, the honorable members of the Upper House of Assembly, beside acting as assistants to his Excellency, are representatives of the state, at large. To these, in particular, it is given in charge “that the commonwealth receive no damage.” The gentlemen of the Lower House, stand in much the same relation to their respective corporations, as the honourable council, to the whole state. In legislation and government, the interest of each corporation is to be regarded individually, and as connected with that of the state—in such a manner as to constitute a common good, in which each town and, as far as possible, each individual, shall find it to be his interest to unite. This common good of the state, must also be pursued in a manner coinciding with the interest of the confederacy at large.

The members of the House of Representatives ought to have a good acquaintance, at least, with the respective interests of their own corporations, and to know how to promote them by the wisest means, in consistence with the common good of the state. The honourable members of the Council should have a still more exact and extensive knowledge of the public interest, in its several branches, as they are guardians to the whole state—and should know how to secure and promote its welfare, so as to produce the greatest quantity of good, to each branch, and to the whole. And, as shall most exactly coincide with the interest of the United States—and bear a friendly aspect to the good of society, and mankind, at large.

It is the part of the accomplished legislator to investigate the best interest of each class of society, and rise, by just gradations, in his plans and system, from parts to the whole; till he fix a common good, comprising the welfare of his subjects, as a body, and this, in consistence with the interest of mankind. Such may the legislature of Connecticut be, and adopt the wisest plans to promote its true interest, and to advance the present and future happiness and glory of the United States; as a confederate republic, acting on the great theatre of the world, ranking with other nations, and having, in various respects, a common interest with them; and, involving the happiness, or misery, of the many unborn millions who are to succeed us; and fill our extensive territory with flourishing settlements: whose it will be to complete the glorious fabric of liberty and equal government, founded by the wisdom of our venerable senators, and cemented by the blood of our sons and brothers.

Such, and so great, are the events connected with the present day. It is even an era pregnant with the fate of a world! Where then, it will be asked, is the wisdom, not more than human, which is equal to the importance of legislation and government, in founding this rising empire? In this, however, as in other branches of practical knowledge, though the highest degree of perfection cannot be obtained, the man who would deserve to be in reputation for wisdom and honour, must climb the lofty steep of knowledge, in his profession, with unabating assiduity, and approach, as near as possible, to the unattainable height.

The other accomplishment of the good legislator, and which renders him worthy of the highest respect, is exertion for the public interest, proportionate to his abilities. Without this, the greatest skill in jurisprudence and civil government, will be vain. Indeed, knowledge, however necessary, derives its importance from its connection with exertions, for the good of society. And, unconnected with a disposition to such exertions, in a ruler, it may produce consequences—fatal to the state. The public man must be like the excellent Centurion, who had the testimony of the Jews that he loved their nation.—Or, like the celebrated Emperor who, when a single day had passed without any particular instance of beneficent exertion, lamented saying, “I have lost a day.”

Who can sufficiently revere the venerable patriot, whose life is devoted to the service of his country, and of mankind?—From a determination of the human mind, which is universal, this character has been the admiration of all nations, and classes of men. “Blessed art thou, O land, when thy king is the son of nobles, and thy princes eat in due season, for strength, and not for drunkenness.”10 Here is full scope for the collected wisdom and virtue of our venerable Assembly! And, with what inviting favour will those ever honoured names be perpetuated to posterity, through all generations, whose wisdom and virtue, whether in the council or in the field, have fixed the basis, for the future greatness of this empire of freedom!

Among these, and at their head, we behold, with thankful praise to the great Preserver, safe from the perils of the war, “The Hero who redeemed our land!”—From the midst of ten thousand dangers, restored to the bosom of peace, and domestic felicity—Above the wish for other honours than those which his distinguished virtue has secured.—Happy in the safety of his country, like the parent clasping his dear child, just snatched from the jaws of death.

What is all the tinseled greatness of haughty monarchy, compared with the meek majesty, the sweet and dignified serenity of that heroic breast! Softened with the most tender sentiments of humanity! Conscious of his own successful efforts, and of the grateful, the affectionate, acknowledgements of the nation, which he was born to save. How much better is the name he has obtained than that of sons and daughters! Present and future generations will glory in the relation, and lisping infancy will be fond to call him father.

Such are the sweet rewards of distinguished merit.—May those which are far greater and more lasting attend the illustrious Washington.—May he be the care of heaven, the highly favoured subject of the King of Kings.—May he grow old in conscious peace with God, and the sweet sensibility of Christian consolation. Long may he bless mankind, and honour the Redeemer; till, matured with age and piety, and satisfied with this life—sweetly, and without a parting groan, he shall drop what was mortal, and ascend to glory.

Such are thy charms, O virtuous philanthropy!—May the venerable assembly of the wise men of Connecticut, feel thy sweetness, and diffuse thy lustre!

The subject opens an extended field, for useful and entertaining reflections, which will readily occur to the feeling mind, and shall not, therefore, be particularly named. It remains that the discourse be concluded with respectful addresses to the characters in the Assembly, distinguished by reputation for wisdom and honour.

Duty, and inclination, require that our first acknowledgement be paid to the Chief Magistrate of the State—

May it please your Excellency,

I congratulate my fellow subjects and myself, on the preservation of your important life, to this joyful anniversary.—If to be in reputation for wisdom and honour be a felicity—If to have received the testimonies of your country’s high respect, for a long course of succeeding years—If to be called, by the public voice, to various, constant and important services—gradually ascending in the scale of honour and usefulness, and to be finally placed in the chair of government—If to be placed in it, in the evening of life, and in a tempestuous season, when superior wisdom and virtue was most sensibly requisite, to guide the state.—And, if to have been successful in administration—If any, or all of these, are agreeable reflections, your Excellency will partake with your affectionate people, in the joys of this day.

You are happy, Sir, in the independence and prosperity of your country, and in a review of your own large hare in the troubles, and success, of the important revolution. May I not add—It is no trifling honour to stand on the lift of fame, and exist in the historic page, as the first Magistrate of Connecticut.—On the same column with that distinguished catalogue of worthies, who have filled the chair—down, from the venerable first Winthrop, to his Excellency, Governor Trumbull.11 —Who, after having conducted us through the dangers and distresses of the war, with great hour to himself, and usefulness to the public, preferred an honourable quietus, from public service, that he might be at leisure to improve his acquaintance with that world, where the honours conferred by mortals fade away, but the man who has faithfully “served his generation” shall receive an unfading crown of immortal glory.

Alas! that such a treasure of wisdom and virtue is removed from our world! Too soon, by far too soon for us, and for mankind. But, for himself, the most proper season; his hoary head being crowned with glory, as a man of letters, a statesman and a Christian. Blessed be the Father of Spirits, that notwithstanding the breach occasioned by his death, we are still happy in a train of worthy characters, possessed of like accomplishments, who catched his mantle as it fell, and whose patriot virtues will bless mankind.12

Your Excellency will pardon this momentary digression, on account of the solemn and weighty occasion.—I have only to add, that, great as your honour and felicity are, in the respects which have been named, were this all, you could not be pronounced happy on the whole. Blessed be God, your prospects are not bounded by time, but open into immortality.—That, while your Excellency is treading the downward steep of life, you can look back on its several stages, devoted to God and spent in his service, and in doing good to men—and look forward with calm serenity, and joyful confidence, in the great Redeemer, to an admission into the presence of his glory with exceeding joy.

It is our heart’s desire and prayer to God for your Excellency, that you may be supported under the weight of public cares, and declining years; that you may continue to be blest, and to bless mankind; that the Christian consolation may be your joy; that, in some future period, being old and full of days, you may be honourably interred—your country’s tears mingling with those of your own family, and bedewing your venerable herse. And that you may receive a distinguished portion among the redeemed, through Christ Jesus.

The subject now invites the attention of his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, the honourable Council, and House of Representatives.

Gentlemen,

Through the good hand of our God upon us, in the peace of 1783, our freedom and independence are recognized, by the British court.—We rank among other nations.—Have an immense territory, extending through a variety of climates.—A wide field is opened for the cultivation of the arts of peace—An opportunity for perfecting and perpetuating the most happy constitution of government, in the federal union. And, by the divine blessing on proper civil and military discipline, we shall be secure from the attacks, or, at least, from the ravages of an enemy.

What remains then, but that we take the cup of salvation, and call on God—thankfully accept his inestimable blessings, and improve them—to be happy ourselves, and to leave the invaluable inheritance to posterity? To this we have motives the most numerous and weighty, but above all, we owe it to that omnipotent goodness—that God of grace, “who ruleth in the kingdoms of men, and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth,” and who hath caused his tender mercy to triumph over all our unworthiness.

That we may enjoy the proffered blessings, much is yet to be done.—The various and complicated interests of the state are to be fixed and secured.—The energy of government, enfeebled by the revolution, and other causes, is to be restored—the principles of the union improved, and confirmed—the public credit established—and the whole system of the finances placed on a wise and respectable footing.

Among the many subjects which will engage at the attention of the legislature the following deserve particular attention. That, in the weighty subject of legislation, whatever statutes may be requisite, should be founded on principles of private and public justice and utility, combining, as far as possible, the interest of individuals with that of the public.—Laws, should be plain, simple, and but few:–Would rulers wish to govern well, they will not attempt to govern too much.

Your honours will not be unmindful of the vast importance of the executive branch. In particular, that your Judges are men of the first character, for wisdom, and unbiased rectitude of heart—well acquainted with the laws of the state, and with the principles and spirit of law in general. And, who are exemplary for those virtues, which give energy to their determinations.

As the same course of external conduct, which flows from a heart animated by the spirit of true religion—and, as such, is evangelical to the well being of society:–In this last view it is proper to observe that the manners of the people must be formed by education and government. Admitting that an exact determination of the boundaries between the rights of conscience, and of the magistrate, may be difficult, in some cases—the most important and practical principles, on this subject, are extremely plain; and are admitted by the most enlightened, of every denomination, as essential to good order and happiness in society. Your honours, sensible of the importance of the general principle, will apply it in your wisdom for the good of this people.

Among the many vices, which tend to the ruin of individuals and society, perhaps none are more fatal than those of needless lawsuits, and the intemperate use of strong drinks. The expense of these destructive practices is the least of their evils; but even this is not inconsiderable. It would be easy to shew, were it needful, that the useless consumption of time and money, in these social vices, far exceeds the whole cost of supporting civil government, and the public worship of God. But were this all, it would be comparatively, trifling.—What is of, almost infinitely, greater importance is the destruction of virtue and good manners; which is hereby effected, in individuals, in families, and the public. “Who hath wo? Who hath sorrow? Who hath contention? Who hath babbling? Who hath wounds without cause? Who hath redness of eyes?—They who tarry long at the wine: they who go to seek much wine.”—At the last it biteth like a serpent and stingeth like an adder.”13

Your honours will be happy if you can save this people from that gulf of ruin. We rejoice that our rulers so generally remember the excellent maxim, which king Lemuel received from his mother. “It is not for kings, O Lemuel, it is not for kings, to drink wine, nor for princes strong drink: lest they drink and forget the law, and pervert the judgment of any of the afflicted.14

The interests of education, and literature in general, are humbly recommended to this honorable Assembly. The University in the state, under the auspices of a gentleman whose praise is far extended in the religious and literary world—flourishing in numbers, in literature and reputation—is, however, exposed to many inconveniences; especially from the want of proper edifices to contain the students under the eye of the executive authority, and funds to support some additional professorships. The paternal attention of this venerable Assembly, is requested to that important institution; where so many of us have received our education: in which we have a common interest, and where we wish that our sons may be united as a band of brothers, in treading the delightful paths of science, and forming for public usefulness—when we shall sleep in the dust of death.

Your honours are no strangers to the present alarming state of public credit, and the pressing necessity for the adoption of decisive measures to restore it. That our foreign and domestic creditors must be satisfied is not problematical—it is certain. Our national character is at stake, with all the invaluable blessings of freedom and independence. In vain have these been purchased, at such an expense of blood and treasure, unless our national credit be supported.

This is a subject no less important than difficult. It is easy to foresee what will not succeed, but hard to determine what will. An attempt to remedy the evil by a new emission of paper currency would, no doubt, come under the former description, and be making bad worse. Our public securities, of every denomination, are of this kind, possessed of all the recommending qualities which could attend a new paper currency, destitute of a fund for its redemption. But, like the thin ears, and lean kine, in the dream of Egypt’s king, they have already devoured the fat and full ears of gold and silver with which our country abounded at the peace in 1783—and they are nothing better but are, continental money excepted, such as were never seen in all the land of America for badness.

This, however, is not the fault of any class of men, whether rulers or subjects, but of the times. It is the result of a combination of circumstances attending the late revolution, in connection with the imperfection common to man. How to remedy the evil is the question.—The collected wisdom of this Assembly, and of the united Republic, will be strenuously, and, we trust, successfully, employed in devising means to restore our credit, as a state and nation.—These, it is not the province of the speaker to suggest: but it is easy to observe, that our resources are not inconsiderable. Beside our unlocated lands, a future revenue of immense value, the fruits of a well directed industry and economy.—Our advantage for ship-building, for trade, and, especially, for the fishery.—With other sources of private and public wealth may be directed in such a manner as to fix, and perpetuate, the public credit.

Your honours would be happy if you could devise some better expedient, than has yet been adopted, for the gradual, but total abolition of slavery; and, in the meantime, protect the friendless Africans among us from abuse, on the one hand, and, on the other, secure society from injury by improper and ill-timed manumissions.

During the first stages of the late war, amidst the terrors of impending slavery on ourselves and posterity—much was said, and something done, in favour of the blacks. But the measures, then adopted, are evidently inadequate, and attended with consequences unfriendly to society, and to them. In each of these views, the subject calls for public attention: but, immediate danger being past, it engages little notice.—And, not a few of the citizens of the United States are returning, “like the dog to his vomit.” To that dreadful infraction of the law of nature and of God, the practice of stealing their brethren of the human race, and selling them. While many British subjects and some of the first dignitaries of their established church, are pleading the cause of those friendless and oppressed strangers, with a nobleness of sentiment, and ardour of zeal, which do honour to their profession and to humanity.15

Could your honours do anything effectual, however the interested and unfeeling might oppose, humanity would approve, with the most friendly ardour. The lovers of truth and goodness would assist you with their prayers. The blessings of many, ready to perish, would come on you. Heaven would approve, and the good favour of your excellent name would be diffused through all generations.

That I be not further tedious, may the spirit of wisdom guide the present session of the legislature. May you do much service for your country, and return home, with that deserved reputation for wisdom and honour which is far better than the most precious ointment.

The venerable Clergy will now be pleased to suffer the affectionate address.

Much respected Fathers and Brethren,

Though we have no share in legislation and government, a large field is open, in which we are to diffuse the sweet perfume of that most fragrant composition, the Christian religion, which we are to preach to others, and practice ourselves. Nothing is more obvious than that the spirit and institutions of the gospel bear a friendly aspect to society and government. And that, in such a manner, as is true of no other religious system:–for no other, teaches its votaries to place their felicity in the public good, and to think and act on the extended scale of the most perfect general happiness. But Christianity not only teaches, but inspires its subjects with this truly noble liberality of sentiment and affection of the divine glory, and of the felicity of God’s kingdom. And, surely, a heart thus dilated with public affection, cannot fail to exert itself for the good of society.

We are to teach our people “the whole council of God,” as it respects doctrinal, experimental, and practical Christianity.—But let it suffice, on the present occasion, to observe, that we must “put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work, to speak evil of no man, to be no brawlers, shewing all meekness to all men.”16

By instruction and example, we are to shew them the way to exhibit the amiable beauties of pure Christianity, in the exertions of well directed benevolence and public spirit, and a becoming discharge of all the relative duties. From us, they should learn the sweet pleasure of domestic virtue and religion, in all its branches. And how good and pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity. Society is constituted of families, and from them, it receives its complexion.—In this way let us teach our people to reverence the laws, the rulers, and judges of the state. And, above all, to reverence our great Creator and Redeemer, and imitate his goodness—to be fathers to the poor—the friends of strangers—to wipe the tear from the orphan’s eye—and cause the widow’s heart to sing for joy.

Solicitous that the people of our charge, may be ready to every good work, and wise to salvation—we shall not only teach them by word and example, but bear them on our hearts at the throne of grace; and, we shall not be unmindful of each other, and the churches of God. May I not add that, while we pray the Lord of the harvest to send forth labourers into the harvest, we should be of one mind among ourselves as to the introduction of probationers, and the settlement of pastors—that they are workmen who need not to be ashamed—persons eminent for piety, literature, and all ministerial accomplishments. The faithful minister wishes to live in his successors, in the evangelical work.—May we have this animating prospect.

Blessed be God that to us, is this grace given to preach among our fellow sinners, the unsearchable riches of Christ. Happy, indeed, if we obtain mercy to be faithful and successful!—Thus shall the precious ointment of pure Christianity, exhibited in our doctrines and our lives, diffuse a most delicious perfume, and be “a sweet savor of Christ unto God”—sweeten our way through the labours and trials of life—not forsake us in the solemn hour of death, and render our joys pure and complete in a better world, when we meet each other, and those of our dear flocks, who have profited by our ministry.

The least of you all felicitates you, and himself on the great mercy of having received part of this ministry.—He heartily wishes you the divine presence, and abundant success, together with increasing harmony in all the branches of Christian truth, “till we all come in the unity of the faith and knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ.”17

Finally, all who are present this day are invited to “take the cup of salvation and call on God”—with thankful praise for all his mercies to us, and to our fathers, and wisely to improve them by a practical compliance with the duties of their relations to society, to mankind, and to themselves.

Above all, let us receive the cup of gospel salvation, presented through the great Redeemer—by a hearty compliance with all the institutions of Christianity. Then shall the sweet perfume of “the anointing from above” diffuse its reviving influence through every breast, and we shall know, in some degree on earth, “how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity”—And this happifying knowledge will be perfected in the world of perpetual harmony:–where all the redeemed from among men shall join in receiving the cup of salvation, and in saying, “thanks be to God for his unspeakable gift.”


Endnotes

1 I Kings, iii. 5-12.

2 Text and Chap. vii. 1.

3 Ecclesiastes vii. 1.

4 Exodus xxx 22-38.

5 Psalm cxxxiii.

6 Psalm xlv. 6, 7, 9.

7 Psalm xix. i.

8 Psalm civ. 24.

9 Cant. i. 3.

10 Ecclesiastes x. 17.

11 The following list of venerable names who have presided in Connecticut, from the first institution of government, will not be ungrateful to those who review, with thankful pleasure, the divine goodness to the State—in the distinguished accomplishments of those who have ruled over it.
A voluntary government was instituted in January 1639. The Honorable Messi’rs Hopkins and Haynes presided, alternately, from that time till 1652. And the latter was Governor till 1658. He was succeeded by the Honorable Mr. Winthrop, who, in 1661, was agent for the Colony at the Court of King Charles the second, and obtained the Charter—From that time the accession of Governors will appear by the following table.

Governor Winthrop, 1662           Governor Law, 1742
Governor Leet, 1672                 Governor Wolcott, 1751
Governor Treat, 1680                 Governor Fitch, 1754
Governor Winthrop, 1696           Governor Pitkin, 1766
Governor Saltonstall, 1707         Governor Trumbull, 1769
Governor Talcott, 1724               Governor Griswold, 1784

 

12 This great man was called from our world on the 17th of August 1785, aged 74. A more particular account of his life and character is omitted here, as the public is already possessed of it in an excellent Discourse, at his Funeral, by the Rev. Mr. Ely, of Lebanon.

13 Proverbs, xxiii. 29-32.

14 Proverbs xxxi. 4, 5.

15 Beside many other publications, the reader is desired to consult, a pamphlet entitled, “The case of our fellow creatures, the oppressed Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious consideration of the Legislature of Great-Britain, by the people called Quakers.” And, the Bishop of Chester’s Sermon before the Society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts, at their anniversary meeting in February, 1783, published by order of the society. As the members of that society are numerous and respectable, the publication of the Sermon is no small indication of the humane sentiments which are prevailing in Great-Britain, on this subject.

16 Titus iii. 1, 2.

17 Ephesians iv. 13.