Sermon – Fasting – 1811, Massachusetts


Elijah Parish (1762-1825) graduated from Dartmouth in 1785. He was the pastor of a church in Byfield, MA (1787-1825). This sermon was preached by Parish on the fast day of April 11, 1811.


sermon-fasting-1811-massachusetts

A SERMON,

PREACHED AT BYFIELD,

ON THE

ANNUAL FAST,

APRIL 11, 1811.

BY ELIJAH PARISH, D. D.

“The voice, which cries through all the Patriot’s veins
“When at his feet his country groans in chains,
“With angel-might, opposed the rage of hell,
“And fought like Michael, till the Dragon fell.”

A SERMON, &c.

REVELATION, CH. XVIII. V. 2.

Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen and is become the habitation of devils and the hold of every soul spirit, and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird.

In this and several other passages of scripture, Babylon means the Roman empire or Papal power and influence over the nations. 1 The fall of Babylon, therefore, is not the fall of Rome, or any particular city; but the destruction of that power, which has been so long, and so terribly exercised by the sovereign Pontiffs of Rome, or any particular city; but the destruction of that power, which has been so long, and so terribly exercised by the sovereign Pontiffs of Rome. As when the literal city of Babylon was destroyed, her deserted houses, her falling palaces, became the habitation “of wild beasts of the desert, with the wild beasts of the islands, a dwelling place for dragons;” so mystical Babylon in her fall becomes the habitation of men, possessing similar characters; of men to be compared with “hateful birds, foul beasts, and devils.” Another scripture saith, “They are as natural brute beasts, made to be taken and destroyed;” and another scripture referring to the same period, saith, “They are the spirits of devils.”

If spiritual Babylon be not completely “fallen,” or destroyed, yet is her power wonderfully lessened; her hour of entire dissolution makes haste. The Pontiff of Rome, once the terror of Europe, whose frown shook crowns from the heads of kings, and overturned their thrones, is now, if he exist, a mere puppet in the hands of the mighty Napoleon. A chained captive, or a trembling vassal, he goes and comes at his command. Strong reasons, however, are not wanting to prove, that the Papal power “is fallen.” The Emperor has not only arrested the head of that church, but “is constantly issuing laws against her, and banishing her priests.” The college of Cardinals, who alone have the authority of electing a Pope, are now many of them “confined in the different prisons of France; so that probably, in the present state of things, a new election is impracticable.”

But whether Babylon be “fallen” or not, certainly she has become the habitation of devils, of foul spirits, of unclean and hateful birds. This diabolical influence prevails, in a particular manner, through the Papal nations. There Napoleon has raised his standard, there he has blown the blast of victory; there his spies, his agents, his officers, his laws, or his armies, spread devastation, solitude, and woe. The hail of divine judgments has fallen on those countries; yet none of them repent; but madly blaspheme God and his Son.

Our design is to illustrate the propriety and truth of the text, when applied to this ruling influence of Europe.

I. The power, which now rules Papal Europe, which occupies the place and influence of Babylon, may be compared to foul beasts and birds, and devils, on account of its falsehood, fraud, and treachery. The devil is a liar from the beginning. This is one of the prominent features of his character; and this is equally a trait of the reigning power of Europe. The Chieftain of Europe totally disregards all promises, disdains all oaths, and daily violates the most solemn treaties. Though a formal treaty binds him in amity to this country; yet so long has he trampled on all its articles; so long has he plundered our commerce, and insulted our applications for redress; so long has he continued to capture, to sink, or to burn our ships, to chain and imprison our seamen, that most people have forgotten, that he is bound to offices of friendship, that any treaty ever existed between the two countries. Why should they not? Does our government presume to mention it? Do our public officers refer to it? Is it not, like a dead man, forgotten and out of mind?

The monarchs of Spain, though they were his friends, his allies, his humble servants, and obedient vassals, were betrayed in a most perfidious manner. Just before he laid violent hands on Ferdinand, he wrote him an epistle, full of brotherly affection. Among many other kind things, he says, “The caution with which I have proceeded ought to convince you of the support you will find in me, if factions of any description, ever disturb your reign.” In another place he says, “Your royal highness knows all the recesses of my heart.” He concludes his letter of love in the following manner. “Rely upon my wish to reconcile every thing, and to find opportunities to give you proofs of affection and high regard. And so I pray God may keep you, Brother, under his holy and worthy protection.” Proceeding to cajole and flatter him with an Imperial visit; then, changing his tone, he invites, persuades, and forces him to enter the French dominions. 2 There was he instantly seized, as a malefactor, a slave, an outlaw, confined by guards and walls, every step watched by the angel of death. There was he compelled to issue a proclamation, requiring all the inhabitants of Spain, his faithful subjects, to abandon him, to submit to Napoleon, “the Scourge of God.” Army after army is poured into Spain, the fields are laid waste, the churches are robbed, the cities are besieged and destroyed; myriads of the peaceful inhabitants are made prisoners, myriads are slain. The whole country is deluged with blood. Would the annals of hell furnish an instance of viler falsehood, treachery, fraud, and violence?

In Portugal a similar tragedy is acting. There too the government was friendly; there like Spain they contributed their wealth and influence to promote the despotism of the destroying Angel. Now their country is overwhelmed with armies; their daughters, their wives, their mothers, are exposed to the wanton brutality of French soldiers. Blood flows; the royal family have gone into banishment. They prefer reigning in the wilds of South America, to the vicinity of the Tyrant whose atmosphere is pestilence and death.

The pusillanimous monarch of Prussia, on the eve of his destruction, received a letter from the French Emperor, breathing esteem and affection.3 But time would fail me; volumes are necessary to relate half his deeds of falsehood, fraud, and treachery. Is not Babylon the habitation of devils? But I ought not to have forgotten the establishment of numerous Spies in every town, village, and neighborhood. Cruel as death, brother betrays his brother, and fathers their sons. No man dares utter his thoughts with freedom. 4

I ought to mention the march of armies to Egypt and Palestine, their robberies and murders, on the banks of the Nile and Jordan; the misery they caused at Alexandria, Joppa, and Jerusalem. I ought to describe them furious, as hungry tigers in the massacre of their Turkish prisoners; in a moment a thousand captives are shot in cold blood. 5 But the sun would go down ere I had done.

II. The oppression and barbarity of their laws prove that Babylon is inhabited by devils, or governed by one, who may be justly compared to Beelzebub, the chief of the devils.

His laws like those of Draco are written in blood. Any one concerned in British traffic shall be shot. In Hamburg at one time goods to the amount of six millions have been burned. In every part of papal Europe the conflagration spreads. These are not the goods of an enemy; but of his own subjects. Their taxes are cruel and barbarous beyond conception.

The farmer is compelled to pay a tax at every stage of his labor, as he plows, plants, or gathers his fruits. Often his means fail, he is unable to advance the last tribute, and his harvest is consumed in the field. 6 Very thing, almost, which can be named, is subject to heavy taxation, “servants, vehicles, household furniture, dogs, gateways, chimneys, windows, doors.” Even industry itself groans under a heavy impost; all persons exercising any responsible trade, as “butchers and brokers,” are doomed to a heavy tax for the privilege. Some persons pay “the fourth, others a third, and others one half their income in taxes to the government.” But these direct taxes are not the most dreadful part of the story. A certain percentage is levied on all those taxes; sometimes forty per cent. In 1800 it was more.

More barbarous still; no proprietor may cut down timber, or clear his own land under heavy penalties, without applying six months previously, and obtaining the permission of government. This is often refused.

But the conscription, or draughts for the army and navy, are the most terrible of all human regulations. Children are torn from their parents, to be disciplined and trained to butcher mankind. But here I think it my duty to be more particular by liberal quotations from a late writer, who had the best possible means of ascertaining the truth, so lately as 1809. 7 He says, “The narrative I have laid before the public are facts, and I pledge my existence to the truth of what I have stated.” He assures us that, “The dreadful conscriptions pursued with unrelenting severity, have given rise to such a general discontent, that the death of Bonaparte is devoutly wished for; his name is feared and abhorred by every reflecting Frenchman, by all, who are not enjoying pensions or lucrative employments, under his tyrannical power. The severe and arbitrary restrictions laid on the little commerce that remains, the overbearing insolence and extortion of his numerous custom-house officers paralyze all the efforts of trade in the interior of France.

Far greater proportion of France shows a poverty and a negligence in the general cultivation of the lands, that strongly mark the weak state of commerce and the great want of capital.

In villages scarcely a cottage can you enter without beholding the fathers and mothers of families, bewailing the loss of a beloved child, dragged to the armies. Several assured me, they had lost three, four or five sons of the age of seventeen or eighteen; some had at last their only child wrested from them. As for the cultivated fields, there the sturdy youth is not to be seen; but old and infirm men, with old women, scarcely able to support the fatigue of ploughing, tilling and reaping their lands, perform all the labours of agriculture. For hundreds of leagues, that population formerly so remarkable in France has disappeared: in the field scarcely a peasant is seen. The medical men often sell a powder to these brave youths, that produces a temporary blindness, if applied to the eye; and if applied to any open wound, an inflammation and swelling of the limb, that often endangers the life of the wretched lad; but notwithstanding heavy fines and severe imprisonments, in some instances for life, the government cannot stop it. These are facts, many of which came within my own knowledge. When the unfortunate young men are collected together, they are often sent chained by the neck and hands, and driven, like condemned criminals, to the different places of rendezvous.

If any thing further were necessary to prove the wretched situation of the French people, it would be sufficient to allude to what is seen at all her churches, her fairs, her public festivals, and amusements. There you meet with scarcely any thing but old age and infirmity.

Ask the women where the young men are? They one and all answer; “they are gone to be butchered.”

To this the Editors of the Literary Panorama add, “This expression, ‘gone to be butchered,’ more literally true than either the speakers, or Mr. Sturt intends. We have spared our readers the pain of perusing accounts of this nature, that have reached us from the highest authority. We shall only mention two. One of them related to the slaughter of three hundred French conscripts in the bloom of life and manhood, led in pairs to the slaughter-house where cattle were usually slain, and treated in a like manner. The other was of no less than seven hundred French, conducted to a similar death, on a much later occasion. Humanity shudders at these facts, and what says policy to the loss of the rising generation in the mad pursuit of insatiable ambition?

But to return to our author, “This is no secret. This is no untruth. They speak feelingly; for many are parents, sisters, or lovers of these absent youths, dragged to the armies. One of the most formidable engines of tyranny in France is the military police, called the Gens d’armes, a number of soldiers scattered in every little neighborhood, who excite the dread and hatred of the whole nation. Their employment is to search for murderers, thieves, and deserters. They are also employed to execute the dreadful orders of Bonaparte. This increases that fear, hatred, and contempt, so universally felt. Unprincipled in general, of course corrupt and treacherous, they accept your bribe, and then betray you.

In every town, city, village, or commune, throughout the departments, these instruments of tyranny are established, and being in general artful men, and very poor, they exercise a tyranny equal to their ruler. To every coffeehouse and every place of public amusement, they have access under the pretence of preserving peace and order.

They establish idle and worthless people in every public house and hotel as spies, who make their reports often from pique and malice, or to prove their zeal. The same system is established by seducing servants of every family to report what is said at the table, of whatever nature. These reports, true or false, are sent to the minister of police, who without notice and even without enquiry, sends an order to arrest the whole family, often in the dead of night.

If any observations have been made on Bonaparte or his government, or on his favorites, they never see the light again, nor can a friend trace them out.8 Another description of police more terrible even than the gens d’armes is employed by Fouche, minister of police. These men travel through every city, town, and village of a department, and are supplied with money, that they may attend public places, being men better drest, better educated, and often wearing the insignia of the legion d’ honneur, they insinuate themselves into society and freely abuse the government, Bonaparte, and his favorites, in the hopes of entrapping the unwary. Having given his information the miscreant leaves the district for another, and the unfortunate family are seized in the accustomed manner and conveyed to the dungeons of Paris, or to some strong fortress in the departments, and never are heard of any more. Does any reflecting man need to hear another syllable to be convinced of the diabolical influence, which governs Papal Europe, and which, like the deadly winds of the African desert, is blasting all the fair prospects of our country’s glory?

Do not the same causes produce the same effects? Can that power, which has proved fatal to the best interests of man even in France, be friendly and useful in America? Will he, who has changed the laws, the customs, the morals of Europe, confirm our privileges, or secure our felicities? As well may we expect that pestilence and plague, transported to our shores, will become harmless and pleasant; that the angel of death will be a cheerful companion, and the grave a sumptuous habitation. Will not our countrymen be convinced? Or must they like Babylon’s king be driven from men, be hewers of wood, be degraded to brutes, before they can learn the signs of the times, that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and that Napoleon is the angel of his vengeance?

III. The power of France carries discord, slavery, and ruin among the nations; therefore on this account, she may be represented, as having the character of Satan.

The devil sows discord even among brethren. He is a murderer from the beginning. As a roaring lion he walketh about, seeking whom he may devour. He casteth men “into prison.” He is the prince of the power of the air. His emissaries and agents are in every quarter. Where do we not find the agents, the spies, the armies, the laws, the influence, the hired demagogues of France? The foe of humanity, is she not making war on the human race? Her maxim is, “A king of France resigns his scepter, on the day that he lays aside his sword.” 9 Such are the citizens of Babylon, of Papal Europe. Like devils, their element is fire, discord, and destruction. It is their boast, their pride and glory, to swell the tide of human misery.

Switzerland, like us, was happy in her religion, her liberty, her republican virtues. She became divided by French intrigue. A French party, as in our country, raised their voice, and poisoned their councils. Still they could not prevail, till a French army appeared; a dreadful battle was fought; their women raised their swords, and fell covered with blood in their first ranks. The poor farmers were vanquished. The standard of France was unfurled in their towns, and a new constitution from Paris was adopted. The brave Swiss are slaves.

Holland was rich, and free, and happy; but she like Switzerland had her Republicans, who envied their neighbors, and wished to see them reduced to their level. A French army marches, and Holland is ruined. Miserable is the consolation of the good people, that their distracted neighbors, once so partial to their oppressors, are not only as miserable as themselves, but as heartily join in execrating their new Rulers. Their funds are plundered; their hospitals and other humane institutions have lost their support. The sick and poor are dying in their streets. The Hollanders are slaves.

Prussia was a powerful monarchy; but her king listened to the prattle of French amity; he reposed confidence in French promises, till Napoleon came, as a whirlwind of heaven, and overturned his empire. Solitude, desolation, and misery, darken his palaces. Not only his people; but Himself and his nobles are slaves.

Hamburgh, lately one of the most opulent cities on the globe; happy in her little Senate, her numerous humane institutions, and her immense commerce, is brought down to the dust. She has supported French armies, and been plundered and plundered, till a great part of her population has vanished; her misery is extreme. The Hamburghers are slaves.

Sweden is a victim bound and laid on the altar of sacrifice. Nothing but the name and the carcass remain. Her vital life, and vigor, and glory, have fled.

Germany—the Emperor of Germany has resigned his crown and throne, and ceases to be. The different States are divided, crushed, and scattered, like leaves of the forest, before the autumnal blast.

Spain and Portugal are overrun with the armies of France. Their fields are red with blood, their people pale with famine and terror. Italy, Naples, Venice, Milan, Mantua, Modena, Genoa, Tuscany, and other States, are conquered, revolutionized, impoverished, robbed, and ruined. The ancient mistress of the world is incorporated with the terrific empire of the Corsican; she sits solitary like a widow.

If there be one friend to French domination in our country, would not a moment of serious reflection convince him of his error? Where is the Stadtholder of Holland? Driven by French influence an exile to England.

Where is the King of Sweden, and brother in law of the Emperor of Russia? An exile in England. Where is Lucien, brother to Napoleon? Driven by his brother to England, the asylum of the afflicted, the land of mercy, which rises from her surrounding waters, like the mountain of Ararat; to save a sinking world. Where is the King of Naples; where the King and Queen of Etruria; where the monarchs of Spain? Prisoners of Napoleon. Where is the Prince and Royal Family of Portugal? Exiles in South-America. Where is Louis, the late King of Holland? A wanderer in Europe, hurled from his throne, or compelled to resign, by his own brother Napoleon. In the name of goodness, what would convince men of the malignity of French amity, if they are not convinced by these things? Bears and tigers spare their own families. Is not Babylon, or Papal Europe, a habitation of devils?

IV. The impiety and atheism of the dominant power in Europe, are not equaled in that world “where hope never comes.”

But on this subject, my beloved people, I have heretofore been so particular, that I shall not awaken your distress by a review of the dismal prospect. I only remark to you, that the same immorality, the same crimes, irreligion and infidelity still prevail in these ill-fated countries. The Christian Sabbath, the preached gospel, the book of God, every thing most sacred, is treated with daring mockery or impious contempt. A late decree of the government in Paris, among other things, remarks, “That the greater part of the population of Paris has but the Sunday for the enjoyment of theatrical exhibitions.”

This entirely agrees with the account, which one of our most respectable countrymen, 10 lately received from several ministers of religion in France. They informed him that “the seeds of piety had in the course of the revolution been completely extirpated from the breasts of almost every class of the community; and that since the re-establishment of the hierarchy, and the resurrection of the altar, Christianity had regained but a small share of influence over the public mind.”

Moral darkness, iron slumbers, universal death, more than Egyptian horrors, brood over papal Babylon. She is a province, belonging to the kingdom of darkness; she lieth on the confines of the capital; she experiences to the full the impressions of its manners, the terror of its laws, the influence of its officers, the authority of its prince. According to prophecy, there was to be a period in the fall of Babylon, or the papal power, when her superstition should change to infidelity;11 when a further degradation of moral character should take place; when her people should be “brute beasts,” and “devils.” That awful period has arrived. These “spirits of devils,” according to another prophecy respecting them, “have gone forth unto the kings of the earth, and of the whole world, to gather them to the battle of that great day of God Almighty.” The war has commenced; the war will rage, till the final battle in Armageddon. These spirits go to enlist “the whole world,” in the war; they have reached our credulous shores; they have defiled our soil, polluted our atmosphere, enlisted a great portion of our people, poisoned them with a moral plague.

“Men are scorched with great heat, and blaspheme the name of God.” They sigh under intolerable suffering; but repent not to give glory to God. This period is marked as the uproar of moral chaos and the reign of devils. Babylon is fallen. Her ceremonies have ceased to awe the minds of the people; her terrors cease to appall the heart; her Edens cease to charm the fancy. All is doubt, uncertainty, and atheism. Apostacy unfurls her standard; persecution builds her prisons and kindles her fires; crimes triumph; hell is let loose; devils swarm in Babylon, and rule the empire.

Such is the picture of the dominant power, which governs the world. Say not, that the colors are too coarse. Not the pencil; but the subject is in fault. Were a painter to give you a demon in the enchanting tints of virgin innocence, or to represent a storm of fire, and a nation wrapt in flames, with the lovely colors of the rainbow, you night admire the delicacy of his strokes; but certainly you would not applaud the soundness of his judgment, his fidelity, or his love of truth.

The subject suggests several general
REFLECTIONS.
1. Let us bless God, if he has afforded us light and grace, not to join ourselves to that dreadful influence described in the text.

Has God removed your former prejudices? Once we thought as children; we spake as children. The killing of oxen and the songs of triumph, at the dissolution of government in France, did not awaken our terrors. We did not know that the triumph of hell, and the reign of devils had commenced. Has God increased your information, and opened your eyes, as he did those of the Assyrians, “And they saw and behold they were in the midst of Samaria,” surrounded with their enemies.

Though the fatal influence mentioned in the text is to be more particularly felt in Babylon, or among the papal nations, yet all nations and people are exposed, who do not hold fast the faith of the gospel. Geneva, and a part of Switzerland, and Holland, did not constitute any portion of Babylon, yet they so far had her character, that they have joined this dreadful confederacy against God and his Son. Our country has manifested an awful portion of the same diabolical spirit. The Lord knoweth how to sever the chaff from the wheat. If we, our families, church, and congregation, are delivered from this spirit of Anti-Christ, is it not matter for devout thanksgiving? Is it not a rich consolation to labor in your shops, to turn the furrows of your fields, to bid the wheels roll at your different manufactories, for the support of sound principles? Is it not a high privilege from God, to save your seed and gather your harvests, with a direct design, to resist the hosts of Babylon, to sustain the cause of good government, and true religion? Whatever pleasure a man may take in a course of error, how much soever he may boast, and exult, and triumph; there is, there ever will be, an immense, an essential difference between him, and the man, laboring in the cause of God, of truth, and benevolence. A thousand “ways may seem right to a man, which are the ways of eternal death;” in these ways he may enjoy a proud pleasure; yet there is in the way of true wisdom a pure satisfaction, a moral luxury, which he can never know. There is a peace, a dignified courage, in the way of duty, the way of correct principles, which a deluded mind, however confident and daring, will never experience. Error may be bold; she may be sanguine; she may have raptures of delight; but her joys do not satisfy, they do not enrich the soul; they are hollow, without foundation, like the baseless fabric, reared by a gay vision of the night. Hypocriscy and error have their rash pleasures; but they never have the consolations of sincerity, of rational conviction, and heavenly truth. Bless God, therefore, for directing your steps on the side of his people, his cause and glory. “A man’s heart deviseth his way; but the Lord directeth his steps.”

2. What a miserable interest are those supporting, who favor and abet French influence in any country!

Is one man in the world so deluded, so hardy, so cruel, so abandoned, as to favor such an influence? We should instantly answer, No, had not such men already ruined other countries, were they not actually endangering our own country. A French party has brought destruction upon Holland, Switzerland, Geneva, and other countries. They called themselves republicans, and their country and themselves are crushed. They excused the outrages of Napoleon; they apologized for his atheism; they disbelieved his designs of universal devastation, till they felt his sword in their own vitals.

All ye, who have commiseration for the miseries of others, weep over those, who are left of God to believe such fatal delusions.

3. What must be the character of the French party in any country?

The prophecy says, that “the spirits of devils” from the falling empire of Babylon, should go forth to enlist in support of her cause “the whole world.” Passing events perfectly correspond with the prophecy. The agents of Anti-Christ, the power, which has risen upon the ruins of falling Babylon, are known in every civilized country of “the whole world.” From Petersburgh to Pekin, from Washington to Constantinople, “they are compassing sea and land!” to make proselytes. They have a party in every country. Congenial minds harmonize. As the different streams from the same fountain blend and unite; so do minds of the same character.

But it has been said, that some good men have enlisted in their ranks. For proof we have their own testimony. There was a Noah in the old world, a Lot in Sodom; but he came out and separated from them, and saved himself and part of his family.

Doubtless many, who have given their names and influence to the cause of falling Babylon, did not intend to proceed where their leaders are conducting them.

The “rich intended only to secure some emolument or office; the poor, some of them, were fascinated with the dream of bringing others down to their level. But once launched on the stormy ocean of wild delusion, they wander without a compass; they see no star; they find no shore. They proceed all lengths with their party. Now they would deprive the ministers of religion of various privileges, common to other citizens. They must not write, nor act, nor speak, though it be in their view for the advantage of the human race, as though they had not common discernment, a common interest in saving themselves, their families, their people, and their country. Probably the next step will be to silence and crush this order of men; then to abolish the Sabbath; then to cast their bibles into the fire, kindled by Philosophy; then to scoff at the Saviour, proclaim death an everlasting sleep, and shout, “No God,” “no monarch in heaven, we would preserve our republic on earth.” Such is the general course of French republicanism in all countries.

4. What must be the character of our government?

Does it not harmonize with Babylon? In falling Babylon are their laws oppressive and cruel, are they crushed by their commercial restrictions? Have we not our embargoes, and our non-intercourse laws, precisely, in the same stile? Is there falsehood, and treachery in the government of Babylon? Have we not our false and treacherous proclamations, declaring the decrees of Milan and Berlin to be revoked, when they were not revoked! Do not the two governments harmonize, like the pulse in different limbs of the same body? If there be fever in one the other glows.

Does not our government quaff the cup of humiliation, as though it were the nectar of immortality? Like trembling vassals, they kiss the rod, which lacerates them; their complaints are not those of a magnanimous nation; but the pulling’s of corrected children. They make laws to admit the armed ships of France into our ports, while an English vessel may not ride in our waters. What do I say? While our own vessels dare not enter our ports for fear of confiscation and robbery! It is an awful truth, that our vessels at this moment, a large portion of them, can find no protection in any quarter of the world, but under the guardianship of the British flag. If they go to any nation of Babylon, the pirates of Napoleon arrest them, and they are lost forever. If they fly to our own country; our own country, more unmerciful than Babylon, with all her devils, instantly seizes them, and in addition extorts three times their value.

Does not every good man exclaim, why this gratuitous contribution to accomplish the ruin of our country? We were no part of spiritual Babylon; why should we be volunteers in the work of self destruction? Why should our country, like a comet flying from her orbit to be lost in the sun, rush to certain ruin? Why should our country plunge into the political pandemonium which is opened before us, and make us fellow-citizens with the infernal demons of Babylon? Forbid it heaven, forbid it; Oh my country! The nation is afflicted, the merchants, the farmers, complain; all our calamities rise from the friendship of our government to their haughty Master. Whenever you choose independent Rulers, your commerce will be free, your markets will be full, your country will be prosperous. Just so far as you conform to Babylon, you will suffer; just so far as you are independent, you will be happy. We are entirely the authors of our own embarrassments. If there no hope? Do you not hear a voice from the tomb of Washington, warning you of your danger? Do you not hear God himself, informing you that “Babylon is the habitation of devils, that to be prosperous, you must be separate from her? Why then did our country make a monstrous law to ruin her own citizens? Why did the majority of our Legislators perjure themselves, when they had sworn to support the constitution? Why did they knowingly violate that article, which declares, that no “ex post facto” law shall be made?

What mighty kindness had Napoleon done us; what infinite injury had England inflicted, to produce this outrageous act of gratitude and revenge? I will inform you. France had made such havoc on our commerce, that our treasury was compelled to pay $75,550 merely for the support of our distressed seamen, taken prisoners in that country. What then must have been the loss of ships and merchandize? What think ye was the expense of those taken in England? Not a single cent. 12 To increase the outrage, the law has not been published. Yes, vessels have been seized by an unconstitutional law, never published. Blush, Algiers, blush ye Neroes of the world. Ye are outrivaled in the science of despotism. This is the government prating about impartiality and equal justice to all nations; this is the government, which embargoes the produce of your farms, and the hopes of your families; this is the government, which makes laws to punish honest deeds performed long before the law existed; this is the government, which cuts off all intercourse with the only nation, which protects your property and your lives; this is the government, which harmonizes with – – – – – – -“devils.”

If we come down to the State government, we find the same intolerant, treacherous, and tyrannical temper. I mention only a single instance. Look at the proclamation, which has called us together. Beside many things, which are obliquities from the line of truth, there is an insidious attempt to overawe the consciences of Ministers and people, and to deprive them of the privilege of worshipping God, according to their own belief. In the third section is the following sentence. “Who has blessed us with a wise and upright national government, which amidst numerous embarrassments and difficulties has promoted beyond reasonable expectations, our peace, prosperity, and happiness.” This the Chief Magistrate doubtless expected the clergy would read in a serious manner to their people, as a part of their instruction, without comment or remark. I would as soon have administered poison in your cups. He would be “a lying spirit” in the mouths of Christian ministers. He knew that very few clergymen in the Commonwealth believed a single word of this sentence; yet he treacherously intended they should read it. He doubtless intended to silence murmurs by this sanctimonious declaration, and to gain influence. A more fraudulent sentence never came from a scribe of Babylon. What have the general government done more than could be reasonably expected? From what burden have they relieved you? What branch of commerce have they protected? What husbandman or artisan owes them any thanks? What virtue have they cherished? What comfort have they increased? What religion have they promoted? None, none, none. This very year they refused to incorporate a Baptist Society, as though they were outlaws, and not to be protected by government. Thus we harmonize with spiritual Babylon, not only in her falsehood and fraud, her oppression, and barbarity, and slavery; but in her irreligion and infidelity. The same moral putrefaction covers the land with the damps of death. Oh my God, do we “not partake her sins, must we not drink the cup of her plagues?” Would the people see the prospect before them, their hearts would shake with terror; they would not proceed to challenge omnipotence to execute his threatening’s.

But we must not forget the proclamation. We are called upon “devoutly to perform the sacred duties” of the day “for unparalleled ingratitude to that Being, who has indulged us with wise Legislatures.” Where is a solitary instance of their wisdom?—“with codes of mild and equitable laws.” Are not those of the present administration, quite of another sort?—“who has smiled on our navigation and commerce.” Have not our present Rulers bound them in chains, bid them vanish from the ocean?—“for rendering invincible our beloved country.” Miserable man, why does he adopt this dialect of a demagogue? Why does he not as the tender father of a numerous household of children, tell us our weakness, our danger, our guilt, and lead us devoutly to the temple of humiliation and prayer? Why does he tell us of sins, which we have never committed, of blessings, long, long departed from us? But we turn with disgust from the unpleasant theme. Other parts of the proclamation are equally aberrations from truth and decency.

Such is the spirit of our State and General governments. Do they not exhibit the hypocrisy, the oppression, and cruelty of Babylon? Had they sold themselves to her Prince, had they sworn to destroy their country, would they dare perform more than they have?

5. Has the glory and power of Babylon fallen? Then we see what may be expected in our country, if she imbibes the same spirit, and adopts the same cause.

Resistance is our only security. The only power in Europe, which has uniformly resisted, is the only one, which has not materially suffered. If we make a common cause with “the hateful birds, beasts and devils,” their cup of judgments will be poured out for us. We must endure the same oppression, the same misery, the same ruin. Look again and behold the woes of Europe. Emerging from the ark, and from the top of Ararat, surveying the countries around, how hideous was the prospect to Noah. He looked; no husbandman appeared in the fields, no herds in the pastures, no flocks on the hills. He looked; the courts of justice were swept away; the royal palaces were gone; the holy temples had fallen. Proud cities, their lofty spires, their dazzling splendors, have vanished. Solitude, desolation, and death, brood over the world. More terrible is the state of things in a great part of Europe. Their fields are not drowned; but they are red with the blood of the people; their harvests are perishing where they grew, or torn away by the hand of ruthless violence. Their sons and brothers are not buried in a flood; but they are oppressed, degraded, chained, and dragged to the field of slaughter and death. Their courts are continued, not to repress iniquity; but to terrify, to torture, to imprison, and destroy the enemies of despotism; their temples open not to adore the Prince of Peace; but to echo the blasphemies of atheism.

I say not these things to convince you, for you are convinced. This is one of the richest consolations of my heart, and an abundant reward for my feeble services. But, I say these things to confirm and establish you in the truth. I would have these sentiments riveted in your bosoms. I would have them sink to the bottom of your hearts, and constitute a part of your souls. As to the preacher and the aged, these things will soon cease to be interesting. Our ears will not hear the sighs of the nations; our eyes will not see the cloud of “woes,” which is coming on the world; but to you, who are younger, I say, Hold fast these truths. Remember that your Pastor was never more in earnest, than on this subject. If you should be persecuted; or what is more dangerous, if you should be flattered or rewarded, join not the antichristian party of the land. Go not among them; enter not their city. Babylon is become the habitation of devils, and the hold of every foul spirit, and the cage of every unclean and hateful bird. “I hear a voice from heaven, saying, “Come out of her, my people.”

AMEN and AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. Faber.

2. Narrative of one who was near his person.

3. See his Manifesto.

4. See Belgian Traveller.

5. Testimony of a French officer.

6. Walsh.

7. Charles Sturt, Esq. late Member of Parliament for Bridport, resident in France, and detained there as a hostage, nearly seven years.

8. Bonaparte has erected 8 bastiles in which he confines those he dares not try.

9. American Review.

10. Mr. Walsh.

11. See Faber.

12. Report of a Committee of the last Congress.

Sermon – Election – 1810, Massachusetts


Elijah Parish (1762-1825) graduated from Dartmouth in 1785. He was the pastor of a church in Byfield, MA (1787-1825). The following election sermon was preached by Parish in Boston on May 30, 1810.

sermon-election-1810-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT BOSTON,

BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY CHRISTOPHER GORE,

GOVERNOR,

HIS HONOR DAVID COBB,

LIEUT. GOVERNOR,

THE COUNCIL AND LEGISLATURE,

UPON

THE ANNUAL ELECTION,

MAY 30, 1810

BY ELIJAH PARISH, D. D.
Pastor of the Church in Byefield

 

[This Discourse is printed by private subscription. A majority of the Honorable House of Representatives, against the usage of a century and a half, in the instances, not only refused to observe the customary form of civility, and ask a copy for the press; but passed a resolution containing high charges against the Sermon, and purporting the dignity of the House forbade the usual courtesy to the preacher. It is thought proper, the public should have the means of judging, whether the falsehood or the truth of the alleged “accusations” in the discourse, and whether its “language,” or its meaning had the greatest influence, in subjecting it to such peculiar censure.]

 

ELECTION SERMON.

ROM. 13-4
FOR HE IS THE MINISTER OF GOD TO THEE FOR GOOD.

The salutary control of government is everywhere conspicuous. Order is the glory of the universe. The excellence of creation results from the subordination of the parts to the whole. Revolving worlds move in obedience to fixed laws. In civil government the people obey, the magistrates rule, order and security follow. Defense and aid are necessary to man; because he is feeble and exposed to dangers. The goodness of God, therefore, has inspired us with social natures, that dispose us to yield and receive those favors, which are necessary to our being. Thence arise those conventions, which constitute civil society. Government, therefore, results from the nature of man and the goodness of God. The people require and the government promise protection. The government demand, and the people promise obedience. These obligations are mutual, whether they rest on usage or a written compact. Civil government, therefore, is an appointment, or ordinance of God, and those, who govern, are the ministers of God. “The powers that are ordained of God.” “By him kings reign, and princes decree justice; by him princes rule and nobles, even all the judges of the earth.” They are ministers or servants of God. He prepares them for their work. Their understanding talents and opportunities are from him. He “girded” or prepared Cyrus for his great work.

If God raise up rulers for evil; if he elevate them in his wrath; if they be “set over the people for their sins” ; then their hearts are hardened; they abandon the laws or Revelation and the principles of rectitude; they exult in the ruin, which they bring on their country. Such are God’s ministers of vengeance. They pull down the judgments of heaven on the land.

When God intendeth good to a people, he elevates good men; “he giveth wisdom”; “he maketh man to inherit the throne of glory.” “He putteth down one; he setteth up another.” The good, accomplished by a wise government is incalculable; the comforts and blessings, which it produces, are innumerable. A few of these we shall now mention.

I. A good government is the minister of God for good, by commanding the confidence of the honest and enlightened part o the community.

Is this possible? Will not men always complain of government?

A portion of every community will always complain. They envy those possessions and comforts, which they have not the power or virtue to obtain. They hate those Excellencies, which are strangers in their own hearts. They delight in pulling down those mounds and bulwarks of society, which protect the industrious, the good, and successful citizens. The confidence of such men may not be expected, except when they suppose the government base and abandoned like themselves.

The stability and public approbation of good government, therefore, depend on the prevalence of public virtue. By a frank and noble style of procedure the government may prevent murmurs among their most worthy citizens. They enjoy the delight of conscious security; they expect a reward for all their labors; they are stimulated to noble darings. Mutual confidence is necessary for the most useful transactions between man and man. It is the animating principle of all that is great or happy in society. Unless intelligence and integrity be supposed timidity, and caution, and distrust, will prevent that union of interest, that combination of influence, and that ardour of exertion, which are necessary for everything great or excellent. Every bud of hope will be blasted by the wind of jealousy. When the government are suspected of weakness or corruption, public and private enterprise will die with the palsy. Public institutions will languish. Corporations will tremble for their rights. Individuals will become torpid with fear.

For want of union most of the Powers in Europe have recently fallen in rapid succession, like the spires of a city, overwhelmed in a furious conflagration. To establish this union or confidence, among the sound part of the community, is the duty of Rulers. Such Rulers once diffused their blessings over these states. So feeble was the first Confederation, that public confidence had taken her flight; Industry had deserted her unfinished labors. Commerce and revenue had vanished from the land; Hope was expiring; Despair, Murmurs, and Insurrections were carrying terror through the nation. A new government was organized. It was administered by good men. No tale of enchantment equaled the change in real life. Labor was roused from his slumbers; Commerce spread her sails; the stars of America enlightened every region of the world; Wealth rolled in with every tide. In every village and family the means of comfort and improvement were multiplied. While the people of Europe were drenching their fields in the blood of their friends and neighbors; while in one of its most populous kingdoms the fury of revolution was exhibiting scenes of impiety, atheism, carnage and cannibalism, which made savages blush, that they were men, were cultivating the arts; and with an olive branch in our hands, gathering harvests in every country.

The proceedings of the government were fair and open as the day. Those rulers were the ministers of God for good. They enjoyed the confidence of the best citizens. Their good names are still as precious ointment. Such has generally been the government of this Commonwealth. Their noble and patriotic resolutions have encouraged the good people, and covered themselves with glory. Instead of a plundered treasury, fidelity is everywhere conspicuous.

II. The independence of an administrations renders it a minister of God for good to the people.

An individual must display an independent spirit to gain respect, or be greatly useful to his friends; so must the Rulers of the land. From conscious rectitude an individual ought to act as he speaks, and to speak as he thinks. A government of this character is the palladium of its friends, the terror of its enemies. A generous administration, rendering justice to all nations and demanding equal justice of them, is a sublime object of contemplation. Like Mount Sinai, wrapt in smoke and blazing with fire, it may tremble, but cannot be moved.

When Alexander inquired of the captive prince of India, how he would be treated, the reply was, “I would be treated as a King.” It would be well for modern governments to study the address of the Scythian Ambassadors to Alexander. “What have we to do with thee? We never set foot in thy country. May not those who inhabit woods be allowed to live without knowing who thou art, and whence thou comest? We tyrannize over no man; we will submit to no man.” Such was the spirit of our government. It was assailed by the two mighty powers of Europe. Those great Leviathans seemed ready to swallow up our foreign traffic, as a drop of the ocean. Our Ministers of God for good had wisdom to understand, and fidelity to accomplish what was suitable to be done. Messengers of peace were commissioned; in swift sailing ships they demanded justice, and justice was obtained. Our government, though an infant, was an infant Hercules. In its cradle it strangled the serpents of insurrection and foreign influence.

Our country then neither paid tribute to one nation, nor deceived, nor insulted another. They did not debate in their nocturnal legislatures by the light of the enemies’ artillery, nor the blaze of our own ships. Neither were they lulled to sleep by the sighs of their mariners, perishing in the prisons of Napoleon. Though our country was patient and magnanimous, they commanded the respect of their enemies, the approbation of the world, and they maintained their independence.

III. Justice and impartiality towards other nations often render Magistrates the ministers of God for good.

Personal resentments, and points of honor, among the Rulers of nations, may be sport to them; they are mischief and ruin to their people. A spirit of the independent impartiality is the glory of man, the glory of government. A spirit of justice and truth soothes envy, and disarms revenge. When other kingdoms are overwhelmed with wars, such a nation, like the mountain of Ararat, rises above the storm, and is enriched by the floating wrecks of the world. The citizens of other countries are treated with equal hospitality; their ships enjoy equal protection; their ambassadors of Peace are received with equal cordiality and respect; their proposals of amity are met with the same sincerity; their injuries kindle the same resentments. Such were the halcyon days of our country. The Rulers were Fathers and the people the children of their care. We enjoyed prosperity at home, and glory abroad.

When this impartial neutrality is announced in the public acts of the government, when immense privileges are yielded, from a supposition that such neutrality is not a solemn farce, then, is not the lease departure from it, infinitely base and fraudulent, a kind of national perjury, a public, and notorious abandonment of national honor and rectitude? Does not such a nation degrade itself from the high rank of an independent government, resting on the basis of public justice, and transform itself into a company of sharpers? Just so far as such a company grants favors to one belligerent, which it refuses to another, jus so far it forfeits its neutral rights: just so far it takes the ground of an enemy; just so far it virtually declares war, and is itself subjected to the fatalities of just warfare. With what face can such a company complain of havoc and spoil on the ocean, when the secret fires of war are burning in their own vitals?

Did the history of a civilized society ever record their songs of neutral professions, united with their acts of determined hostility? Has it been read in the annals of hypocrisy, that a neutral nation rejected the minister of peace from one nation, gloriously defending their last hopes; that they broke off all intercourse with that of another, while offering to unite two nations whose interest and prosperity are inseparably connected; that to the third they gave the fraternal embrace, whilst his master was insulting their claims, and making war against their country? Is not such a government the engine of divine wrath? Where, we anxiously ask, where, where is a solitary proof of justice or impartiality towards other nations?

IV. Rulers are the Ministers of God for good, by promoting the cause of morals and religion.

Rulers have a commanding influence in promoting the cause of religion and morals. They are the ministers or servants of God, to do his work, to promote his cause. The influence of religion is necessary to the well being of society. Without the aid of religious principles, human laws and institutions cannot secure the enjoyments of society. The magistrates cannot punish crimes, unless they are proved. The cannot be proved unless the witnesses venerate the name of God, and tremble at the obligations of an oath. It is also often in the power of men to commit crimes so secretly, as to bid defiance to discovery. The commission of these secret sins can be prevented only by impressing the heart with the justice of God, with sentiments of religion.

There are also important duties which are of so imperfect obligation, that no law can define their limits; no law can reach them, without changing their nature. Such are charity and hospitality, filial affection, and some other duties. How can men be rendered dutiful to parents, and kind to the afflicted, unless their consciences be impressed with the force of religious obligations? Will you by law compel a man to be charitable to the poor? This converts the service into a tax of government. Shall not the magistrate, then, employ every suitable measure to improve the religious character of the public? The effects will be more salutary and powerful than all the laws, and prisons, and dungeons of the Commonwealth.

In this work of reforming mankind, God has employed the Rulers of the world. Has not God always been wise, always a good judge of what measure was best to accomplish a good work? When he has remarkably prospered his work, has he not united magistrates with the ministers or religion? Does not history, sacred and profane, bear testimony to this interesting fact? We dare go back to the remotest antiquity; we dare rest the merits of the question on the experience of ages. Melchisedeck and the Patriarchs were both Kings and Priests of God. Israel was delivered from Egypt by Moses and Aaron. When the people were to be reformed, David and Solomon, and Josiah, were raised to the throne of Palestine.

When God determined to give up the people to believe a lie, that they might be destroyed then wicked men seized the reins of government. With unhallowed feet Jeroboam ascended the throne; with impious hand he bound the diadem round his brow. Then the people were made to sin. Like sheep they were prepared for the slaughter. In the prophecy of Daniel, and the whole book of God, the glorious days of the church are under the genial sway of devout rulers; her apostacies are under the baleful influence of infidels and vicious men. No axiom of philosophy is more evident. “A wise king scattereth the wicked.” When righteous judgment is executed, vice dares not appear.

In the reign of Asa, a pious king of Judah, he effected a wonderful reformation among his people. They renewed covenant with their God; pagan groves, and idols, and altars, vanished from the hills of Canaan. In the reign of Jehosaphat the work proceeded more powerfully; he not only banished idolatry, but united himself and the officers of government more intimately with the ministers of religion. He was not ashamed of truth and piety. He sent his princes, elected magistrates , to teach in the cities of Judah, and with them he sent priests and Levites. This mission of laymen and ministers was sent to the most remote towns of the state. These good men under the patronage of government, “taught in Judah, and had the book of the “law of the Lord with them and they went about all the cities of Judah and taught the people.” The influence of this pious magistrate was amazing. All the pomp of his court, the splendor of his cities, and the terror of war, thundering on his frontiers could not have produced such effects at home or abroad. Not only were his own subjects quiet religious and happy; but from observing his dignified conduct and holy walk, “the fear of the Lord fell upon all the kingdoms of the lands, that were round about Judah, so that they made no war upon Jehosaphat. The Philistines brought him presents and tribute of silver, and the Arabians flocks of sheep and goats.” Such is the natural influence of a pious magistrate. As the world improves in piety and morals, as the millennial reign of the Redeemer advances, the character of rulers will be more elevated and holy. When all shall know the Lord, then kings and queens shall be nursing parents of the church. The only reason now, that such rulers are not preferred, is the want of righteousness in the people. None but wicked people prefer a wicked government.

Yet some are heard to say and some few who wear the livery of Christ’s ambassadors say, they would as willingly elevate an infidel, as a Christian to the highest office of the nation. While the world in this instance is charitable to their veracity, it blushes for their indecency. Are they not traitors to their Lord and Master? Are they not, like the false prophets of Israel, abandoned of Heaven to be the destroyers of their deluded country? Does not Jesus Christ say to them, “Get thee behind me, Satan!” the woes, which they are and their accomplices have already produced cannot be numbered; the damage and losses, which they have brought on the country, cannot be calculated; the vices and corruptions, which they have occasioned are infinite; many years of good government would not restore public opinion and morals to their former standard of purity. Unhappy men! Are your people so wickedly in love with goodness and good men, that they need the charm of your influence to kindle their admiration for the enemies of their Saviour?

Magistrates are the ministers of God for good; and what good can be compared with the moral good of the country? Laws to promote the sciences are good; laws to promote the useful arts are good; laws to prevent disease and death are good; but what are all these compared with moral good?

Can magistrates promote such an interest; can they be the ministers of God for spiritual good, and can they hesitate, can they loiter in the work? Can a creature be found, so lost to all the virtues of the heart, who would not prefer rulers of a Christian spirit to infidels, pouring their sarcasms on him who was born in a manger? Men have walked in the fiery furnace, and not been burned; but wicked magistrates have not failed to increase the iniquities of the people.

In numerous ways many rulers promote piety and religion. They need not the sword of persecution, nor the ghostly power of a roman pontiff. Are not most people greatly affected by personal influence? Do not rulers possess incalculable influence? They are the ministers of God. They are as gods among men. In this world they are the highest order of beings; they are little lower than angels. Must not their moral influence be almost irresistible? Does not the voice of history declare a general resemblance between the moral character of rulers and their subjects? Wicked rulers make a wicked people; good rulers promote a reformation of manners.

Good laws promote virtue and morals. Good rulers enact good laws. These are swords and spears in the hearts of the wicked. They are batteries of terror, pouring storms of fire upon the dens of vice and infidelity. Laws are not the only moral strength of a government. The public mind may be improved by the patronage of the arts and sciences. These enlarge the mental powers, refine the sentiments soften the heart, mend the stat of society. Every incorporation for intellectual improvement, or benevolent purposes, every new seminary, is another pillar in the temple of virtue.

The examples of rulers have great influence on the public mind. If they profane the Sabbath, disdain public worship, ridicule the Bible, scoff at the Savior or despise his ordinances every fool will ape their ungodliness, mimic their vices, and pursue their steps down to ruin. But if magistrates be good men, their virtues like the blossoms of spring, will perfume the country. They will encourage the faithful of the land; the wicked will tremble before them. Like the prince of Uz, they go out from the city and the young men hide themselves; the aged rise and stand up; princes refrain to talk, and the nobles are silent. As the shining sun diffuses light and heat through the system, so a devout governor, by the power of his example, extends the spirit of piety and sound morals. In this particular legislature of Massachusetts have done themselves immortal honor. In a day of darkness and rebuke, they led the way to the temple of humiliation and prayer; they were the first to seek the Father of lights.

An administration is the minister of God for good by appointing good men to the subordinate offices of the community. These are scattered over the land; these mingle in every company, and carry the light of virtue, or the miseries of spiritual plague and death to every cottage. I only add that as the alliances of individuals generally give complexion to their characters and circumstances, so is it with nations. Such is the social nature of man, that he generally assumes the moral complexion of his familiar associates. That government deserves public confidence, and is the minister of God for good, which forms no alliance with a people of opposite religion, glorying in their infamy and crimes. Time was when and alliance with a nation which disdains all moral obligations, which blasphemes God and his Son, would have been rejected as improper and dangerous. As a good physician removes his patient from a deadly atmosphere, so a good government forms it alliances where pure religion, sound principles, and Christian morals have taken up their abode. The allies of Napoleon are compelled to adopt his interests, to bend to his yoke, and wear his chains. They imbibe his ferocity and atheism. His philosophists instruct them; his officers discipline them; his secret agents, as swarms of locusts from the banks of the Nile, now darken the nations of the world. The athiests of France and the Puritans of New England; was ever an alliance so monstrous! Our temples shudder at the proposal; the spirits of our fathers bend from their thrones of bliss, and enter their solemn protest against such a horrible union.

V. Those are the ministers of God for good, who protect us in the enjoyment of our privileges and possessions.

From the days of old, from the most ancient annals of mankind, we learn that “the earth was then filled with violence.” The human race had taken arms; they were in a state of hostility. The fields were red with blood; families were clothed in mourning. The laws raised their voice; the sword of the magistrate was necessary to suppress the malignant passions, to preserve order in society, or even the labors or lives of individuals. Where privileges and possessions are not secured, men will not labor, but for mere necessity; for labor is pain. Universal poverty and wretchedness, therefore, always accompanied a feeble or oppressive government. This calamity now presses Egypt and Palestine in the dust. This spirit of destruction now stalks through the Ottoman empire. The light of commerce is extinguished; the sons of traffic are brought low. Tyre, the ancient mart of nations, is now a mournful pile of rocks. Athens once the light of the world, and Jerusalem, the joy of the whole earth, have fallen from their ancient splendor. The hills of Canaan are no longer blushing with vines, nor waving with corn; her villages and cities have vanished; the arts are fled from Greece. Idleness, ignorance, vice, and misery, cover the empire in darkness. The fine climate and luxuriant soil remain; but the government is changed. Their Solons, their Ptolemies, and their Solomons, have left their thrones to men of another sort. The property and the comforts of the people are insecure. To confirm these has been the labor of magistrates in every age. Such is still their benevolent work, to preserve man from man, the honest and diligent from the unprincipled and vicious. This renders them the ministers of God for good. – With strong desire, with poignant anxiety, we look to rulers, to the ministers of God to protect us, our labors our privileges, our happiness from assault. Numerous are the pursuits, invaluable the acquisitions and felicities of man in civil society. Of course he is vulnerable from a thousand points. Every particle of property, every privilege, civil or moral, every habit or opinion, may be an inlet to misery and ruin. Clothed in the mantle of sensibility, all eye, all heart, man implores protection from the ministers of God, the political guardians of his country. When he sits by his fireside, he looks to the magistrates, as household gods, to protect him from danger. When he goes forth to his professional employment, he expects protection from the laws. If he travel the lonely forest, if he sail the trackless ocean, where a thousand rovers watch for plunder, he expects the government, like a fiery bolt of heaven, to guard his course. Are the pastures covered with flocks, and the fields with corn; does the farmer raise the song of harvest; has he “enough and to spare;” the ministers of God by their protection encourage his enterprise; the cheerful market rewards his labors; his success enlivens hope; his plans are enlarged; his toils are renewed. As the cherubims and flaming swords of Eden guarded the tree of life, so the ministers of God defend every commercial right; then most distant regions open all their treasures, every wind of heaven hastens to our shores the comforts and luxuries of the world, every billow of the ocean pays a tribute, yields assistance to increase the wealth, to improve the arts, to refine the manners, to establish the liberties of our country.

But why should I proceed? No picture which I can draw, would equal the glory, which is past, the days of other times. All the blessings of a wise government, all the blessings of peace and prosperity, have, have been enjoyed. The husbandman enlarged his fields, adorned his buildings, and multiplied his flocks and herds. Patriotic and opulent corporations, through hills and rocks, and mountains, opened roads and canals to the ports of traffic. Mariners lifted their canvass to every breeze: the fish of the ocean, those immense resources of wealth, those golden mines of the poor, with the produce of wealth, those golden mines of the poor, with the produce of every climate, were piled on our shores. Our villages were increased and enriched; our cities rose with new splendors; seminaries were founded; colleges were more richly endowed; temples, hospitals, benevolent societies, displayed the improvement, the rising glory of the nation.

We saw, we blest those ministers of God for good; their good names shall enrich the narrative of the historian, the song of the bard.

In that day of general felicity, while all the whirlwinds of heaven were asleep; while the dangers of the ocean were retiring, had a voice thundered from the capital,

“Ye free born sons of New England, suspend your cheerful business, fly from your unfinished labors sacrifice your immense profits, abandon the fixed habits of your lives, unload every ship, stop every avenue of commerce, guard every harbor, every river, every boat, every citizen who can lift an oar or move a limb to any point of the compass, murder every offender without jury or the form of trial;”

Had such a voice hushed the din of business, would you have believed your senses? Or in the moment of amazement and indignation would you not have adopted the mandate from goblin of the tombs some spirit of darkness?

After cool reflection would you not have said, “the hand of Napoleon is in all this.” His voice, his spirit, his despotism is here. “So Satan broke into Paradise and damnation followed.”

From these reflections we see how vastly important is the right of suffrage, the privilege of elections.

It is political health and life, or a deadly plague in the vitals of the Common wealth. In the hands of bad men the rights of suffrage are “fire-brands, arrows and death.”

But does any person hesitate whether to give his vote for a man of known probity, a man who has been your friend, who has never deceived you, who has never been deceived himself; who has never apostatized from his own principles, writing folly or villainy upon all his past life?

Will you discard men, the immense benefits of whose administration you have actually experienced? Will not this discourage and drive good men from public office? Will not this throw you into the hands of those, who flatter to betray, who climb to office to share in the plunder of the treasury?

But to exercise this political fidelity, your own hearts must not be like the sluggard’s garden. If vice pollute your life, or infidelity poison the fountain of action, then will you prefer rulers of the same dismal description. On the wisdom and piety of the people rest all our hopes of a wise administration.

The price given for the right of suffrage, surpasses calculation. Shall it be perverted? It cost our fathers exile from their native land, their fruitful fields, their delicious gardens, the dwellings of their parents, their domestic altars, and the courts of their God. It cost them famine, disease and death, in a wilderness of savages; the war song of hostile tribes alarmed the slumbers of the night; they met the chiefs on the hill of battles, the earth drank their blood. Will the descendants of such a people neglect the right of suffrage? Will you employ it in a rash or dangerous manner? Will you write a name, or lift a hand to support a government, which is the minister of divine wrath? Should you be able to bear the yoke of foreign despotism with manly fortitude, should you even gain some temporary advantages from the ruin of your country, remember, your children may not stand on your elevated ground. Have mercy then on your children, on your country, on generations unborn. Entail not on them the miseries of a government, hostile to their best interests, hostile to heaven and earth. Would you establish those in the first offices of the land, who will poison the hearts of your children with infidelity, who will harness them in the team of Hollanders, and Germans, and Swiss, and Italians, to draw the triumphal car of Napoleon? Are you pursing your sons to be dragged into his armies? Shall they be sacrificed on his bloody altars? Who will bury their bones whitening the hill of battle?

Were our country awake to their danger the awful crisis would demand all their wisdom. Your enemy calleth the fowls of heaven to eat the flesh of kings, and the flesh of captains; the blood flows to the horses’ bridles. He binds kings in chains, and nobles in fetters of iron. His armies burden the earth; pestilence and famine, and death, follow their course. Yet these are harmless. I acquit them of mischief, when compared with the hordes of spies and secret agents, sent forth to the nations of the earth, to sow discord among brethren, to spread irreligion and atheism, to dissolve the bonds of society. Like the frogs in Egypt, these emissaries “enter our houses, our bed chambers and ovens.” They mingle with the people, persuading them, that infidelity forms the same good magistrate, as the spirit of Christ. They gain the confidence of rulers, who yield their people a sacrifice to foreign ambition.

Can he be merciful to strangers, who has ruined his own country? The fruit often perishes in the fields of France, because the farmer is unable to pay the taxes of harvest. The pestilence of this contagion has reached our shores. Where is the voice of general gladness, where the face of enchanting prosperity, lately so conspicuous? Why are our ports solitary and sad? Why have the masts been huddled together like groves scorched by the fires of the wilderness? Where are our cheerful mariners? Who, where is he who has done this mighty mischief? Has famine, has pestilence stalked through our towns? Every child can answer. The heralds of the general government have passed through our towns; like the messengers of Job, each had a tale more affecting than his fellow. They have passed along; before them was the garden of Eden, a virtuous people, obedient to the laws. Behind them is the desert of Sodom, violations of law, perjury, and distress. Terrific architects of ruin, can they exult in their tremendous power of annihilation?

Is it said that this cause of complaint is removed, that commerce is again free from her iron chains? Then, why has she not been always free? Are the belligerents less powerful? Is the modern Attila less piratical? Is the dragon dead, which has so long wasted our country? Forsaken, abandoned, and execrated by all, did the monster expire alone, without a friend to close its eyes, to sing its funeral dirge, or to convey its loathsome remains “to the narrow house?” Do the authors thus plead guilty to the charge of general distress, and extensive ruin, wantonly brought on the nation? What is the merit of removing miseries, which ought never to have been inflicted?

Let the country be indemnified for the invaluable losses sustained in our fisheries; for the losses in our foreign traffic; for the losses in our domestic trade; for the losses in having several channels of commerce turned to other countries; let the government indemnify the nation, for the lives which have been sacrificed, for the numerous perjuries, for the daring evasions of law, for the immorality and wide spreading licentiousness, which their oppression has excited; then shall we listen to the tale of merit for the redress of our wrongs.

In your absence have your servants wasted your goods, turned the streams from your lands, permitted strangers to imprison your children, burn your fields and houses? Finding themselves in danger, have they suffered the fires to go out, while they rivoted at your table? Are you not charmed with their goodness? They permit you to return and build on any part of the smoking ruins. Will you not strike golden medals in honour of their fidelity? Did Egypt’s king escape infamy and execration by removing the first plagues by which for a time, he had ruined the fishery and traffic of the nation? The billows of the Red Sea echoed the songs of Israel; their daughters joined in the chorus of praise; instruments of music, and dances of the tribes, expressed the transports of the moment. Were these the effusions of gratitude to Pharaoh, because he had suffered his fatal restrictions, to expire; or were they the notes of triumph, the hosannas of exultation, because he “had sunk as lead in the mighty waters?” When Judas returned the thirty pieces of silver, was there not overwhelming evidence of his guilt, in his change of measures?

If the administration will do a new thing, speak to France the language of an independent nation, we shall hope they are preparing to mount the ladder, which angels ascend. The world will applaud the deed of honour.

I spontaneously turn to the chief magistrate, the pilot of the ark in this political deluge. But he, like the celebrated legislator of Israel, perhaps, recognizes his successor; but with this happy difference, not for any word spoken “unadvisedly” by himself. Though it is known to your Excellency that our constitution does not, like that of Athens, formally appoint the sentence of Ostracism, yet may it have occurred, that we have the substance without the name, and without any legislative statute for its regulation. The Athenians sent their best men into exile; we, more humane, only relieve them from office. In Athens, ostracism pruned the growth of luxuriant merit. It condemned to exile those illustrious men, who were accused of being exalted above other citizens, by their conspicuous virtues. An Athenian no sooner distinguished himself by his splendid actions, than he was marked as a victim. His unsullied reputation was a sufficient reason for his banishment. But they never made apostacy, infidelity, and shouting hosanna to the Molock of the age, passports to the highest offices of the state. Still every corporation is not so debased, and we fondly anticipate the hour, Sir, when the immense resources of your political science, when your undaunted fidelity to your country, when the splendor of your talents, will irradiate a popular branch of the government, and like the flash of heaven, display the machinations of our foes. Nor can this possibly be any degradation of rank. The diamond is the same, whether it sparkle in the crown of royalty, or slumber on the cross of the pilgrim. The sun is the same, shining in meridian splendor, or descending in full orbed majesty, beyond the western hills “to enlighten the lower parts of the earth.” Your indefatigable labors of office, your known anxieties for the public good, are pledges that wherever your lot in society shall fall, every effort will be made for the salvation of your country. This shall console us in our fears, while we most devoutly wish you every blessing from the God of heaven.

His Honor, the second magistrate of the Commonwealth, was the companion, the AID, the friend of Washington. Could a volume of eulogy say more? Had Washington, honored sir, been your fellow candidate for office, this day, undoubtedly the result would have been the same to him and to you. The independence of the country was laid in the tomb of the hero.

Finally, The Council and legislature will readily perceive how vastly important and responsible is the office of magistrates.

Ye are not the ministers of state in a mighty empire; ye are not the ambassadors from the first court of the civilized world; but ye are more; ye are the ministers of God; ye are the agents of the king of kings. Ye are elevated to be the lights of the world; or the instruments of Almighty vengeance. We receive our laws, our maxims of conduct, our opinions, our morality, and in some degree the spirit of our religion from you. The encouragement of our labors depends much on the wisdom of your laws. It depends much on you whether the fields shall be loaded with harvest, whether prosperity shall swell the song of gladness; or whether, with hopeless, feeble, reluctant hands, the farmer shall toil merely to supply his necessities. It depends on you whether our flag shall be known in every sea, our mariners throw the hook and harpoon, from the line to the poles, and bring us the riches of every clime. It depends much on you whether sound morals and pure religion, the charitable societies and Christian institutions of our country, shall outlive the storm, which is deluging the earth with barbarism and impiety. I had almost said, ye may be the ark to save a drowning world. You may perhaps direct, not only the destiny of this Commonwealth, but of the United States. To say all in one word, you may revive the dying confidence of the people in the wisdom and patriotism of government. The subjects of your deliberations are various as the fate of empire, affecting as the ruin or glory of your country are serious. Your responsibility might make an assembly of angels tremble.

The Chieftain of Europe, drunk with blood, casts a look upon us; he raises his voice, more terrible, than the midnight yell of savages, at the doors of our forefathers. Already our government is more obedient, than his conquered kings, his ruined vassals. Already they have laid their country on the funeral pile with other nations; they have pierced the vitals of its prosperity, as a peace offering to the baleful demon. The people are afflicted; the cause is hidden from their sight. Our prospects strike us with dismay, yet we must not, we cannot yield our necks to be yoked to the car, or to be chained to the throne of the tyrant. Save us, we beseech you, from such an awful catastrophe. The voice, the decided, indignant voice of Massachusetts would not be heard in vain. The resolves of your predecessors are an imperishable monument of their wisdom, their love of country. More, much more remains to be done. In you we confide to keep alive the fire of independence, which seems ready to expire. The crash of thrones, and tremendous fall of empires, are heard as common sounds. We see the crimson cloud of vengeance sail he heavens, charged with showers of blood; we see the blaze which sets the heavens on fire; we hear those awful explosions, which shake the world, and cover the earth with the slain; we hear the howlings of the storm, the sighs of despair, and the shrieks of death among the nations; still we slumber, and slumber, and slumber, and cry, “peace, peace.” But should this Legislature unitedly lift their voice, and sound the alarm of danger, it is believed you would find the people perfectly prepared to listen, to believe, and to act for the public good.

Ye would be hailed as the Saviours of your country. Your names, familiar a household words, would go down to generations unborn. Posterity would call you blessed. In America, Napoleon might find a Danube, he could not pass; in the Senate House of Massachusetts, an enemy less manageable than the Alexanders, the Fredericks, the Ferdinands, of modern Europe. Let New England rise in her strength, and perform her duty, and the Corsican might, as easily tear the sun from the firmament, as overturn our governments.

But our duty does not consist in soft words and fair speeches. Apathy, indifference, and confidence in the great Destroyer, will not accomplish our work. Our enemy is too sagacious, too powerful, too determined, and too ferocious, to be stopped in his march of ruin, by the spirit of slumber and security. Our songs of admiration will not melt his bosom of stone.

If your house were already wrapt in smoke and flame, would you stand and declaim, respecting the wonderful exploits of fire, and the splendor of the terrible scene? Had an stranger, while enjoying the rites of hospitality, mingled poison in the cups of your children, would you pronounce a eulogy upon his cunning, or amuse yourself with the dying convulsions of your sons and daughters? Would you move with indifference from the explosions of a furious volcano? In the rapids of Niagara, just rushing, plunging, falling down the awful cataract, would you slumber on your oar, would you call for a pencil, to paint the prospect of sublimity and horror? Will you then admire and applaud the magic achievements of Napoleon, till your country is covered with misery and desolation? Will you confide in the angel of the storm, when your country, like a shattered vessel, seems ready to go down in a moment?

The people look to their Legislators for their hopes, their fears, their political impressions. They are listening; they are anxiously enquiring “Watchmen what of the night? What are the signs of the times?” You see the enemy; unless you faithfully warn the people, they will be destroyed; but God will require them at your hands. Will you not then inform them, that the combustibles are collected, that the mines are charged, that the matches are lighted, that the emissaries of that Demon of ruin, who has waded in blood from Egypt to Russia, who is now swimming in the blood of Europe, are waiting to cover this land with conflagration and misery? Will you not disappoint your political opponents, and will you not overwhelm the enemies of your country with despair?

Would to God that he, who now addresses you with such feeble talents, for one moment might enjoy the power of persuasion, the power of communicating his own most solemn convictions, the views which wring his heart. I would speak only for God and my country. I would plead with you in behalf of your children, your fellow citizens, and the human race. I would plead for your altars, your Sabbaths, your Savior, and your God. Is not a tremendous power sweeping, sweeping the face of the earth with political and moral ruin? I know ye believe this. Shall there be no limits to his devastations? Shall the ocean set no bounds to his domination?

Will you sound no alarm from the walls of our political Jerusalem? Will you leave open the gates; shall the tiger rush upon your lambs? Shall they not learn their danger? Will not the stones, then rise your accusers; will not your fathers’ bones cry out against you?

Is there any enchantment in our atmosphere, in our pleasant dwellings, to change the destroying demon into an angel of peace?

In peals of terror the sighs of Europe, and her clanking chains, warn us of our impending fate. She has been chastised with ships; she is now lacerated with scorpions; she is crushed under the wheels of her despot. Wallowing on the gory turf, blood bursting from every vein, she conjures the Legislators of the world, to be admonished by her awful example. Save us, we beseech, we implore you, save us from her vassalage, save us from the ruin, which is already begun. Who knoweth whether ye are come to the government at such a time as this, to be the Saviours of your country? Who knoweth whether ye have been raised up by heaven, as an assembly of Gods, to stop the billows of destruction, and as the ministers of God, to say to the angry floods, “Hitherto shall ye come, but no further, and here shall your proud waves be stayed.” But I forbear. Venerable Sirs, I beseech you forgive my freedom. I speak as I feel, and as a dying man to dying men. I must soon appear before a higher Court to give an account for these words. Amen.

Sermon – Election – 1810, Connecticut


John Elliott (1768-1824) graduated from Yale in 1786. He was pastor of the Madison, CT Congregational Church (1791-1824) and a fellow of Yale (1812-1824). The following sermon was preached by Elliott on May 10, 1810.


sermon-election-1810-connecticut

THE GRACIOUS PRESENCE OF GOD, THE HIGHEST FELICITY
AND SECURITY OF ANY PEOPLE.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

THE

GOVERNOR,

AND THE

HONORABLE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

CONVENED AT HARTFORD,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 10TH, 1810.

BY JOHN ELLIOTT, A. M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN GUILFORD.

 

Ordered, that the Honorable David Daggett, Esq. and Augustus Collins, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend JOHN ELLIOTT, for his Sermon preached before them, at the annual Election, on the 10th day of instant May, and request a Copy, that it may be printed.

General Assembly, May Session, 1810.
Passed in the Upper House.
Attest,

THOMAS DAY, Secretary.

In the House of Representatives.
Concurred,
Test,
W. T. WILLIAMS, Clerk.
A true Copy,
Attest,
THOMAS DAY, Sec’ry.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

PSALM XLVI. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.

God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble:
Therefore will not we fear, though the earth be removed and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea;
Though the waters thereof roar and be troubled, though the mountains shake with the swelling thereof.
There is a river, the streams whereof shall make glad the city of God; the holy place of the tabernacles of the most High.
God is in the midst of her; she shall not be moved: God shall help her, and that right early.

The divine government is justly matter of universal joy. By the perfections of Jehovah we are taught, that it must be infinitely just, holy and good. From no other source can the good man derive consolation equally rich, support equally firm. Human things are mutable, worldly good uncertain. Honors fade. Riches flee. Pleasures satiate. Bright prospects darken. The best founded expectations are often disappointed.—In this fluctuating state of things, the contemplative mind anxiously looks around for some permanent object on which to rest. Revelation utters her sweet and consoling voice; she points to the throne of God: she exhibits to view that dominion which is everlasting, that kingdom which will never end. With this exhibition she confirms the wavering, refreshes the weary, strengthens the weak, consoles the distressed, and animates the desponding.

The passage before us is the language of holy confidence in the government, protection and goodness of God. Of this confidence, the devout Psalmist gives many striking specimens in his writings, both in scenes of adversity and in days of prosperity.—This Psalm was probably composed on the occasion of the success, settlement and peace given by the Most High to the people of Israel, after the numerous wars in which they had been engaged, previous to the reign of David, and in the first part of his reign. The divine protection and mercy, so often experienced by him and the nation over which the Lord had exalted him to be king, had inspired them with unshaken reliance upon his almighty power and infinite goodness. In the day of trouble he had been their deliverer, in the season of darkness had given them light, and in the time of danger had filled them with hope and with courage. Undismayed, trusting in the divine arm for salvation, they were ready to encounter difficulties the most trying, to meet dangers the most pressing, and to contend with foes the most powerful.

In prophetic language, great confusions, desolations, and calamities among nations, are described by the moving of the earth, the upheaving of the mountains, and the roaring of the waves of the sea. Thus saith the Lord by his holy prophet, I will shake the Heavens and the earth, and the sea, and the dry land, and I will shake all nations, and the desire of all nations shall come: 1 a passage universally believed to refer to the great commotions, confusion and revolutions, which immediately preceded our Saviour’s advent. In like manner, in this Psalm, by the moving of the earth, the shaking of the mountains, and the roaring of the sea, we are to understand the wars, which the neighbouring nations waged against the people of God, and the immense armies which came against them.

In the following verse the Psalmist uses the metaphors of a river and streams. By the river and streams is represented the gracious presence and blessing of the Lord. Spiritual blessings are many times described under the metaphor of waters: Thus it is declared by the prophet, Living waters shall go out from Jerusalem. 2 In Ezekiel’s vision, waters are represented as issuing out from under the threshold of the Lord’s House, and increasing to a deep river, emblematical of the divine spirit in his holy influence, and the gracious presence of God. Agreeably to this figure it is said, I will pour water upon him that is thirsty and floods upon the dry ground: I will pour my spirit upon thy seed, and my blessing upon thine offspring. 3—A stream of spiritual blessings will make glad the city of God. This city is Zion; the holy place of the tabernacles of the Most High. God is in the midst of her. Here he appears in the glory of his protection, of his mighty power and exceedingly rich grace. She shall not be moved. Jehovah is to his people, by his gracious presence, a place of broad rivers and streams. 4 They dwell on high, their place of defence is the munitions of rocks.

From this view of the passage will arise this general doctrine, that the gracious presence of God is the highest felicity and security of any people.

In the illustration of the subject, it will be proper to shew in what respects God may be considered as graciously present with a people, and then contemplate their felicity and security.

God is graciously present with a people,

I. In giving them godly CIVIL RULERS.

By the operation of second causes men are exalted to rule over a people. They may be raised by real worth, and the wise and unanimous choice of their fellow citizens, to guide the affairs of the state. Without seeking to obtain them, they may rise to dignified stations, and enter with diffidence upon the discharge of their public functions.—They who reflect neither deeply nor religiously may view these, as events in the ordinary course of things, and resulting merely from human policy. The primary cause may lie hidden from their sight.—But he who makes the Bible his resort, and depends on this for light, will be led to the rational conclusion, that an invisible hand operates in these high concerns, with well directed and successful force: that the elevation of rulers is one branch of that divine Government, which controls every event, great and small.—In extraordinary cases, in which, contrary to all human expectation, men rise to distinguished stations, these principles are readily admitted. In revolutions highly conducive to the liberties and happiness of mankind, if an individual appear with shining and commanding talents, acquire an ascendency in the hearts of his countrymen, and by his valor, his wisdom and maxims of sound policy, lead them to peace, to happiness and glory, the divine hand is gratefully acknowledged. The agency of Heaven is allowed to be written clearly, as with the beams of the sun. To extend it to all cases, when things proceed in their usual and regular course, is, in the minds of some, attended with more difficulty. But let it be considered, that as on the one hand, weak and wicked rulers are a rod, a scourge in the hand of God, to execute his wrath and to punish a refractory people, so on the other, those who are wise and virtuous, are his appointed mean of conveying innumerable and immense blessings to the obedient. That they are thus to be viewed, we are abundantly taught in the volume of inspiration. By me kings reign, and princes decree justice. By me princes rule, and nobles, even all the judges of the earth. 5 Saith the Lord concerning the proud King of Assyria, O Assyrian, the rod of mine anger, and the staff in their hand is mine indignation. I will send him against an hypocritical nation, and against the people of my wrath will I give him a charge to take the spoil, and to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire of the streets. Howbeit, he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so. 6 Of an illustrious prince, divinely called to be an eminent blessing and deliverer to God’s chosen people, it is written, Thus saith the Lord to his anointed; to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden, to subdue nations before him; and I will loose the loins of kings, to open before him; and I will loose the loins of kings, to open before him the two-leaved gates, and the gates shall not be shut: I will go before thee, and make the crooked places straight; I will break in pieces the gates of brass, and cut in sunder the bars of iron:–For Jacob my servant’s sake, and Israel mine elect, I have even called thee by thy name; I have surnamed thee, though thou hast not known me. 7 Cyrus was the chosen instrument, to capture the city Babylon and set at liberty the house of Israel, at the end of the captivity of seventy years.

That wisdom and virtue, which are the essential qualifications of good Rulers, are derived immediately from the fountain of all wisdom and all virtue. Jehovah himself implants in the heart those divine principles, and diffuses in the understanding that light, which constitute a wise, and great, and good ruler. He gives those dispositions, as well as talents, which adorn exalted stations, and without which we have no reasonable ground to believe that men will rule with honor to themselves, or real benefit to a land. Holy fear and Christian benevolence are inspired by him, and the exercise of these might be shewn, both from reason and scripture, greatly to contribute to the usefulness of magistrates, princes and all in authority. By emblems which convey striking ideas of beauty and joy, are rulers of this character described in the divine word. The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me, he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds: as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain. 8—As God hath in his hands the hearts of all the children of men, both of those who exalt and of those who are exalted to office, and turneth them as the rivers of water are turned, good and faithful rulers are his legacy bequeathed to a people. The elevation of David to the throne of Israel is a very pertinent example of the kind interposition of the Most High, to bless his people in the person of their King. He chose David his servant, and took him from the sheepfolds. From following the flock, he brought him to feed Jacob his people and Israel his inheritance. 9 Great, wise and magnanimous, he adorned the throne to which the special hand of Heaven had exalted him; was blessed to triumph over the enemies of God’s chosen people, to hold the scepter with honor and dignity to a good old age, and to leave the kingdom in the zenith of prosperity.—David was a man after God’s own heart, greatly renowned as a prince, and eminently pious; and when drawing toward the close of life, gave a most solemn charge to Solomon his son and successor, to keep the commandments and obey the will of God.—Not only was he exceedingly zealous to do good to the kingdom, but to the church, and while he assiduously labored to promote the peace, and order, and welfare, of the one, he was supremely concerned for the prosperity of the other. In the days of peace and wealth in the nation, he contemplated the erecting of a splendid temple for the solemnities of public worship, but by divine direction, this heaven-approved plan was not executed until the reign of Solomon. When a nation is blessed with rulers who, like David, lead them to high political happiness, in the pursuit of measures wisely calculated for this end, this rich blessing is to be acknowledged as coming from the divine hand. When the political interests of a people are committed to the guidance of pious and faithful rulers, it is frequently the fact, that Zion is favored by Heaven with a precious season of rest and prosperity.

II. By a sound, faithful and evangelical ministry. The richness and source of this blessing may be thus contemplated.

The Gospel contains and inculcates the purest system of morals ever devised.

In its foundation, extent and motives, it transcends, far transcends, the boasted systems of the most enlightened heathens. Its foundation is the moral excellence of the divine nature and character; its extent, the hidden man of the heart, every thought, emotion and exercise, as well as the outward conduct, and at all times, under all circumstances, and with respect to all subjects; and its motives, the commands of the supreme being, the glory of a resemblance to him, and the hope of escaping his eternal wrath and securing his everlasting favor.

In its duties, it enjoins whatever is proper, necessary and dignifying to man in every station; whatever is proper in natural, moral, political or social ties; whatever is necessary for the mutual assistance and felicity of men, or whatever exalts and adorns human nature. Its injunctions, reverenced and obeyed, are eminently calculated to qualify men for usefulness and promote their happiness in this world, and to prepare them for endless glory in the world to come. This divine system allows not the least degree of impurity in thought or deed; of injustice, falsehood, uncleanness, intemperance, or whatever can defile the soul or body. The practice of every virtue, personal, social and moral, is positively enjoined; the practice of vice, in every form and degree, is peremptorily forbidden. Let the plan of Christian morals be examined with the utmost diligence and scrutinized with the greatest care, and the more decided will be the conclusion, that it is superior to every other; that it is complete without the least defect. The more minutely this point is discussed, the more extensive the induction of particulars, the more deep and impressive will be this conviction.

The most effectual method to diffuse the knowledge of this exalted system, and induce men to observe it, is the institution of the Gospel ministry.

This is the mean appointed by infinite wisdom and goodness. It is not merely an human device, the project of interested churchmen and skillful politicians. The holy Sabbath, with its merciful and comforting institutions, derived its origin from Heaven, and is a part of the benevolent plan of the Most High, to reclaim and save a ruined world. The body of mankind, from the little leisure they enjoy, from their natural blindness on moral subjects, the reluctance with which they study them, and a multitude of other causes, although the pages of inspiration were spread before them, would still remain, without a preached Gospel, in great ignorance on subjects of infinite moment.

By the labors of an order of men specially appointed by God to search the sacred scriptures, to study the maxims, principles and motives of the Gospel, and to communicate the knowledge they treasure up to their fellow men, at stated times and in a solemn manner, more light is diffused, than would, otherwise, ever be enjoyed.

It is infinitely proper, as the ministry of the word is divinely appointed, that the qualifications and duties of those who engage in it, should be clearly prescribed and defined. This we find to be fact. Preeminent among these qualifications is soundness in the faith, and among these duties, faithfulness to souls. It is truth in opposition to error, it is the real Gospel in opposition to heresies, which they are commanded to preach. Truth enlightens; error darkens. The real Gospel exalts both the Father and the Son; heresies dishonor them. Revealed truths, not the fictions of men, are accompanied with divine power. Men may philosophize. Their speculations may be refined and ingenious. But the light they diffuse is like that of the sun upon the bleak regions of the polar circle. They leave the heart cold and unaffected.

The more intelligent beings are enlightened in the nature of moral excellence, in its perfection in Deity, and its glory in the creature; in the character of him by whom all things were made, and of their own destination; in the wonders displayed in the plan of redemption, and the infinite importance of the concerns of the soul; the more elevated are their views, the more are they attracted with the beauty of the divine character, the more deeply do they feel the necessity of divine favor. Since, then, the Gospel unfolds these things, inculcates these principles, and urges the study of these sublime truths, and since those to whom is committed the ministry of reconciliation, are specially called to preach the Gospel, it is highly important that their efforts be rightly directed. If they fall short of the mark in the instructions which they give; if they conceal or pervert the truth, they do not pursue the method most probable to promote the glory of God, to enlarge the capacities of moral beings, and impress on their minds a just sense and influential belief of revealed doctrines, and thus to prepare them, by holiness and love, for a kingdom and endless glories in the invisible world.

To no class of men does Divine Providence present opportunities, so favorable to enlighten the understandings, and affect the hearts of their fellowmen with truths unutterably solemn and interesting, as to those who serve at the altar. Their instructions and admonitions, if faithful to their master and to precious souls, are eminently calculated, and frequently are blessed by God, to lead mankind in the path to eternal glory; to excite in them supreme love to the great author of their being; to render them holy in heart, heavenly in their desires, devout in their frame of spirit and godly in their lives; to impress them with a sense of the worth of the soul, the solemnities of the day of judgment, the retributions of eternity, and the inseparable connection between a life of holiness and a crown of glory, a course of sin and the world of despair. As blessings so immense, to beings destined to immortality, result from sound and faithful instruction in the things of Christ’s kingdom, and as from that of an opposite character there is no reasonable ground to hope that they can be derived, the importance of a faithful ministry is obvious.

Preach the preaching that I bid thee, is the command of God to the prophet Jonah: and to Ezekiel he saith, Thou shalt speak my words unto them. Christ charged his ministers to preach the Gospel received from him. None but this, are they authorized to preach; none but this, will be profitable, if preached. The word of God is quick, and powerful, and sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, and of the joints and marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart. 10

The qualifications and usefulness of those who serve at the altar are from God. He allots the circumstances of birth, of education, and of every step preparatory to an entrance into the vineyard; and he bestows his grace, that they may enter upon the work with pleasure, with his approbation, and with a fair prospect of usefulness. Not only, those who are specially called, like Paul, and commissioned as ambassadors of the prince of peace, but all who in the ordinary course of things, in the present state of the Church, are inducted, according to the divine will, into the evangelical work, are supremely indebted to God. When they preach the unsearchable riches of Christ, and beseech sinners to become reconciled to God, divine power alone accompanying the word renders it effectual. This alone carries divine truths to the heart, impresses them with irresistible energy, and brings forth happy fruits in the life and conversation. Talents the most splendid, labors the most indefatigable, instruction the most faithful, and exhortations the most pungent, will not insure the conversion of a single soul. Neither he that planteth is anything, neither he that watereth, ut God that giveth the increase. 11 Means and subordinate agents are of no account, in comparison with the great and efficient cause of all saving effects. The warm influences of the sun, and the showers of rain, are important means of producing the fruits of the earth; but would doubtless prove insufficient without the secret, mysterious influence of immediate divine power and wisdom, to put in motion the various particles, and form them into the innumerable shapes and different natures, in which they appear. The same is the case in spiritual things, Paul planteth, Apollos watereth, but God giveth the increase. If a minister preach the truth with apostolic purity and zeal for a longer or shorter period, he does no more towards converting and sanctifying sinners, than the husbandman does toward bringing showers from Heaven, and actually making his grass and grain grow, when he plows, plants and manures. The effect of means on the hearts of men is represented as a work to which God only is adequate. It is bringing those who are spiritually dead, to life. You hath he quickened, who were dead in trespasses and sins. 12 Christians are said to be created in Christ Jesus unto good works: and, If any man be in Christ he is a new creature. To bring to life those who are dead, and to create anew, are certainly the work of God. They are things which the use of means alone can never effect.

As the Most High hath revealed a perfect system of morals; as he hath established the most effectual method to spread the knowledge and the love of it, and blesses his own means for this salutary and important end, a people favored with divine messengers, sound in doctrine and unwearied in labors, have reason to beliee, that God is graciously present with them.

III. By revivals of religion. It is here taken for granted, that religious revivals spring from divine influence; that they arise from the display of almighty power; that they are the appropriate and glorious work of the Holy Spirit.

At such seasons of refreshing from the presence of the Lord, there is an immediate change in the moral state of the community. This was the case with the Jewish nation in the days of Hezekiah, Ezra and Nehemiah. The Church, by their instrumentality, their activity and zeal, was purged from great corruption. Jehovah came down with mighty power, and crowned their efforts with his blessing. And thus hath it been in every revival from that day to this. Y the outpouring of the Divine Spirit, the Church is beautified and enlarged. Her appearance is that of a well watered garden. Saints are edified and roused to exertions, and sinners are alarmed, smitten and quickened. The change in the aspect of a Church or people is exceedingly joyful, and extensive in proportion to the divine influence experienced, to the numbers called out of darkness into marvelous light. Every new-born soul is an addition to the family of God, and made better in the state of his heart. He increases the number of the children of righteousness, faith and love. Old things are done away and all things become new. Experience abundantly testifies, that when a religious solemnity pervades a people, higher objects engage their attention, eternal realities engross their thoughts. They raise their views from earth to Heaven, and carry them forward from time to eternity. From the light introduced into their understandings, and from their impressive conceptions of invisible things, the wicked become astonished at their folly, and alarmed at their danger. They shudder at the remembrance of their iniquities and the apprehension of approaching wrath. With the unquenchable burnings of Tophet in full view, with consciences awakened from carnal security, they pause in the road to ruin, and feel the urgent necessity of flying from the wrath to come. With the keeper of the prison they exclaim, What must we do to be saved? Savingly wrought upon, the once natural man abandons every false way. He turns with abhorrence from the course of iniquity, which dishonors God and leads to endless misery. He pursues the path of holiness and new obedience, and strives to please, and delights to obey his Maker. From the hatred, he turns to the love, of God. In the train of the followers of the Lamb are sometimes seen those, who have greatly surpassed others in the number and enormity of their crimes. Every individual thus changed produces an effect, greater or less, upon the morality of a community. Religion pure, and undefiled, before God and the Father; genuine repentance, supreme love and filial fear, with all their happy fruits, are made to abound. Not only are these fruits found on the trees of righteousness, the planting of the Lord now introduced into his garden, but they greatly increase on those, which have stood long under divine cultivation. At such seasons, saints receive fresh anointings. Their example, already bright, shines with brighter lustre. Their prayers are more fervent, and their holiness and love for souls more apparent.—Those who preach the word, not unusually, receive from their divine Master, in such solemn and interesting periods, emphatically, a double portion of the Holy Ghost, and are made more than ever, willing to spend and be spent, that they may win souls to Christ.—Strengthened by the mighty God of Jacob, and animated by the glorious prospect of success in their work, they redouble their efforts, and become instant in season and out of season. They count not their lives dear unto themselves, that they may finish their course with joy, and the ministry which they have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the Gospel of the grace of God. 13

Again. The outpouring of God’s Spirit, in revivals of religion, lays a foundation for the long continuance of Christian graces and virtues in a community.

Although it be a common remark, that a period of dullness and insensibility usually succeeds one of special enquiry, great light and abounding joy, still it is not to be doubted, that every Church, refreshed with dews from heaven, will, in consequence of them, enjoy life and beauty for a length of time. The concurrent testimony of writers, with respect to revivals of religion, establishes the fact that the greatest proportion of those called into the kingdom of Christ, are in the early periods of life. Of course, calculating on the common principles of human life, the probability that they will shine as lights in the world for a long time is greater, than if they were gathered in, when their sun was ready to go down. Young Christians, if they grow in grace and knowledge, will be brighter in old age, than if made subjects of grace in declining years. Their example and their admonitions will a longer time stand in the view of their fellowmen, and from the reverence paid to years, will, probably, be more impressive, while the benefit of their prayers will the longer be enjoyed, by the Church and the world.

When parents are made pious, prayerful, holy and exemplary, the effects on their families are great and happy. They devote their children to God and train them up for him. They pray earnestly for them that they may be sanctified, made useful in life, happy in death, and prepared for glory. They instruct them in the doctrines and duties of religion, they give them salutary counsel, and to all this, they add the efficacy of a Christian example. These prayers are often heard, and these means used for their eternal welfare, blessed y Heaven. The little ones are called to Christ. They rise up a generation in the fear of the Lord. In their day they spread the savor of Jesus’ name to their families around them, and in process of time, they to theirs, and from generation to generation. None can tell the end of the blessings to flow from the conversion of a single sinner, especially the head of a family.

The immense blessings of the effusion of the holy spirit on public seminaries may be gratefully traced. For Colleges and other similar institutions founded for religious purposes, the prayers of pious ministers and people have ascended from time to time. To these the aged minister turns his eye in search of a successor: to these the Churches look for future Pastors. These are in a peculiar sense a River, the streams whereof make glad the city of God; the holy place of the tabernacles of the Most High. Revivals in them furnish laborers for the vineyard. The sacred desk is filled with able, pious, evangelical ministers. From the schools of the prophets youth go forth, enriched with grace, champions of truth, zealous for the glory of God. They do, faithfully, the work of Evangelists; they teach mankind the way of salvation, they ably plead the cause of the Redeemer, and are made instruments of bringing many sons and daughters to glory. In this way pure doctrines are maintained and inculcated, evangelical principles are impressed and embraced, souls are made to flock to Christ as a cloud, and as the doves to their windows, heaven is peopled from the earth, and cherubic and seraphic hosts sing for joy.—Every pious youth who thus engages in the work of the Lord, by diligent attention to the state of the schools in the field of his labors, and the instruction of those designed for a public education, may also be a mean of conveying unspeakable good to mankind, to the Church, and to immortal souls.

Nor is the influence of vital religion springing up in public seminaries, confined merely to the circle and activity of those who serve at the altar. Here are educated those who adorn the senate, who preside with dignity in tribunals of justice, and who fill the various departments of civil life. Elevated to exalted stations, those who love Zion, and feel deeply interested in her prosperity, as is the case with all who possess vital piety, spread the savor of Christ’s name through the community, and by their shining example commend to others that holy religion, the advancement of which they constantly seek. From this fountain flow the multiplied streams, which enrich and refresh neighbourhoods, societies, towns and states. Pollute this fountain, and corrupt streams will issue. Pestilential vapors will arise, and poisonous contagion overspread the land. If this light be darkness, how great is the darkness?

IV. God is graciously present with a people by a missionary spirit. By this we understand a willingness in the hearts of men to do whatever is requisite for the promulgation of divine truth, where it is not known, or is not statedly dispensed. The field of missionary labors is varied by circumstances. According to the aspects of divine Providence, the efforts made in this cause are to be directed. Sometimes the Heathen are to be evangelized, and taught the first principles of revealed religion; at others, those who have been born in a gospel land, but have removed where the stated ministry is not enjoyed, are to be instructed in doctrines partially known and believed, and exhorted to receive the truths of the cross in love, and hold fast the profession of faith without wavering.

A devotedness of talents suited to the work, and a liberality of heart to furnish everything necessary to meet the expenses arising in its execution, are required in this plan. When both appear in readiness for the object; as the preparation of the heart is from God, as instruments for any design to be accomplished must be provided by him, as this work tends immediately to his glory by bringing souls to the knowledge of his moral character, and to a saving union with the Redeemer, as success in the work spreads the knowledge and savor of Immanuel’s name, it is clear that they are provided directly by the Most High. The existence of this spirit—of an anxious desire, that unenlightened nations should be brought to the knowledge of the Saviour, or that others less favoured than the body of a Christian nation, should be assisted in their spiritual concerns, is a token for good; an evidence that a kind and merciful God hath inspired with feelings, views and exertions to promote his own cause, and affords a ground of hope, that he will meet them with a blessing.

The establishment of missionary societies systematizes, and renders more effectual, the efforts of those, who are possessed of an evangelical spirit and friendly to the object they have in view; and the sending of missions wherever there is a prospect of usefulness, has a most direct tendency to magnify Jehovah’s name, and make it glorious in the earth. Zion is by these means enlarged and blessed, heavenly light is made to shine upon dark and benighted lands, songs of praise are put into the mouths of new-born souls, and nations who had long groped in darkness are brought to behold the brightness of the Sun of righteousness.—This is, in all probability, the method, which divine providence is improving and will bless, to prepare the world for the glorious and universal reign of the Prince of Peace; an event which enraptures, in contemplation, the souls of the godly, and to which the militant church, in every age, lifts up her eye with transports of joy.

V. By a spirit of love, unity and peace. This is the very principle which lies at the foundation of the Gospel, which is expressly inculcated in the divine word, and is enforced by the example of our Lord from Heaven. Benevolence is the great law of Christianity. By all who know the power of religion, it is sacredly obeyed. They behold in this law a transcript of their Master’s will. They see in it a proof of his tenderness and love. Let all bitterness, and wrath, and anger, and clamour, and evil speaking, be put away from you, with all malice: and be ye kind one to another, tenderhearted, forgiving one another, even as God for Christ’s sake hath forgiven you, 14 is the exhortation of an inspired Apostle. By this shall all men know, saith the Redeemer, that ye are my disciples, if ye have love one to another. 15 Love is the fulfilling of the Law.—But from the imperfection of sanctification, the truth is, that even among Christians, this law is not universally and faithfully observed. The remains of indwelling corruption gender a degree of malice, pride, revenge, or some unruly passion, even in the best of men. No wonder, then, that in the world at large, where so many causes of contention exist, where the effusions of the natural heart reign without control, and where selfishness is acted out with so little restraint, jarring passions disturb the peace and impair the happiness of men. The circle of these may be wider or narrower, according to the force of the principle called into action. Families, neighborhoods, societies or states may be shaken by them. The miseries they produce can hardly be conceived, and can be but faintly described. So perpetual is this jarring of the passions, and so wretched its effects, that when a principle of friendship, kindness and love is introduced and reigns in a community; when the promotion of the general good and felicity is the study and ambition of all, or of the greatest part, it may justly be said, that God is graciously present with that people. They experience how good and how pleasant it is, for brethren to dwell together in unity. They live like brethren of one great family. They are actuated by principles more pure and sublime, than usually prevail with mankind, clearly indicating an influence not springing from the carnal, unsanctified heart. The object in view with men thus influenced, is worthy to be pursued, the advancement of the good of the whole: an object, in seeking which they may confidently hope for the divine smiles. Selfishness, pride and carnality are the abhorrence of good men and of our Maker. Such may be considered the tokens of the gracious presence of God in a land. The felicity and security of a people thus highly favored, richly deserve contemplation.

The description of a community where God is thus present, spreads over the mind lively images of whatever is beautiful and happy. Godly rulers contribute greatly to public felicity. The Church of Christ is in a peculiar manner the object of their love and their care. To her they are nursing fathers and mothers. By them the rights of conscience are sacredly respected and guarded. By their influence colleges are founded, endowed and cherished. Inferior schools receive their patronage, and provision is wisely made for the education of those in the most humble walks of life, in such measure, and by such methods, as to train them to usefulness, and to virtue. They feel devoted to the welfare and prosperity of their country, and that in the advancement of these, the temple of liberty must be kept free from pollution. They will see that laws securing the rights and privileges of the people, are not only enacted, but faithfully executed. Tribunals of justice will be filled with those who will shake their hands from holding bribes, and their independence will be established in the best manner against the overbearing influence of power, should it ever be exerted to produce a perversion of judgment. While the righteous bear rule it will not be said, Judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off: for truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter. 16 The happy state of things described by the prophet will be realized, I will make thy officers peace, and thine exactors righteousness. Violence shall no more be heard in thy land, wasting nor destruction within thy borders: but thou shalt call thy walls salvation, and thy gates praise. 17 Freedom is here enjoyed to as great an extent as is consistent with its own existence. Its genial influence is felt, like the solar rays, by the inhabitant of the humblest cottage.

Not only are all the important national concerns of such a land wisely managed, but the interests of Christ’s Kingdom are divinely prospered.—The ambassadors of the Prince of Peace faithfully teach the doctrines of the cross, and Jehovah comes down with the out-pouring of the Holy Ghost, to crown their efforts with success. A spirit of religious enterprise is roused, to spread the knowledge of the Redeemer to remote quarters of the globe, and gather subjects into his holy and spiritual kingdom. Interesting measures are devised to improve the liberality of the affluent; glorious objects are presented to animate the prayers of the pious. Immortal souls are sanctified in vast numbers, and pilgrims are seen in multitudes on the road to the New Jerusalem. This state of Zion affords to her friends the most solid grounds of joy, because the greatest accessions are made from the militant, to the triumphant Church.—The face of community resembles the surface of the ocean in a summer’s day. No wind ruffles. No wave rolls. All is tranquil and serene. What is wanting in the view of the profound statesman, the sound moralist, or the pious Christian, to render this community as happy as any on earth can be? Here is found the most rational liberty, the purest virtue, the brightest prospect for immortal beings.

Contrast this state of things with its opposite. Compare this community with one, from which God withdraws his gracious presence.—The Rulers are neither fearers of God, nor haters of covetousness. Their object is not the good of the nation, but personal aggrandizement. No discussions concerning the welfare of Zion find their way into the cabinet—The professed teachers of revealed truths are blind leaders of the blind. Their labors are not owned and blessed. No dew descends upon the mountains of Zion. No floods water the dry ground. The garden of God becomes a dreary desert. Souls remain unsanctified and go down to perdition. Distant regions of the earth are neglected, and benighted sinners left to perish. The pleasure springing from pious efforts to enlighten, convert and save such as have not the means of salvation, is unknown. Discord reigns. Peace is a stranger. Animosities kindle into a flame. Like the ocean in a storm, all is wild uproar, confusion and dismay. Under such a government—in such an inauspicious period—under circumstances so void of present comfort; or gloomy as it respects future prospects, who would desire that his lot in life should be cast? Happy is that people whose God is the Lord. 18

Further. The felicity of a people is partly derived from their security. They are essentially connected. The latter may however be contemplated by itself. It is not to be understood that, when a nation is peculiarly blessed by Heaven and graciously visited, it will be exempted from the common calamities of a fallen world, any more than an individual Christian, whose perseverance and attainment of glory is secured by the divine promises, but who is often called to endure many sore trials in this militant state. That the sword shall never be drawn or the spear be furbished; that wars, famine or pestilence, those dreadful scourges with which God chastises guilty nations, will be always unfelt and unknown, we have no ground to hope. The extent of rational expectation is, that although such a nation be cast down, it will not be destroyed; that it will experience such wonderful deliverances, as the records of New-England declare her to have experienced, or such as is recorded in the annals of this State, when the charter of our rights was on the very point of being wrested from us; that although the struggle with disasters may be long, distressing and violent, liberty and sovereignty will be maintained and enjoyed.

In a community where God is graciously present, evangelical virtue is found to an unusual degree. Shining examples of genuine piety are seen, not only in the lower and middle, but in the higher walks of life. They who are adorned with the highest honors, are not ashamed to have it known, that they bend their knees in the presence of their families, before the throne of him who dwells in Heaven, and fills the universe with his glory. Moses and Aaron walk hand in hand. They mutually strive, and fervently pray, for the welfare of Israel. If Moses’ hands be heavy, they are stayed by Aaron and Hur. The truths and practice inculcated and enjoined by the Saviour are known, and loved, and followed. Prevailing sins are not countenanced by men whose influence is a shield. National crimes are few, and those deeply deplored. The Church of the Redeemer is beautiful as Tirzah; comely as Jerusalem; and terrible as an army with banners. She looketh forth as the morning, fair as the moon, and clear as the sun. 19

God is, in a special sense, the God of such a people. He is their refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble. As they love and fear him, he causeth his face to shine upon them and blesseth them. Thus he was the God of Israel, in such manner as he was not the God of any nation beside. When they were ready to perish in the wilderness, manna was sent to satisfy their hunger, and Horeb gushed with water to quench their thirst. Did their enemies rise up against them, He was on their side. Were they compelled to contend in battle, the Lord was their fortress and their protector. In language thus strong and beautiful is the divine interposition in behalf of his chosen people expressed, There is none like unto the God of Jeshurun, who rideth upon the heaven in thy help, and in his excellency on the sky. The eternal God is thy refuge, and underneath are the everlasting arms. Happy art thou, O Israel: who is like unto thee, O people saved by the Lord, the shield of thy help, and who is the sword of thy excellency! 20 His eye is ever toward his faithful people for good, watching over them, to protect and defend them, as a shepherd doth his flock. For the eyes of the Lord run to and fro throughout the whole earth, to shew himself strong in the behalf of them whose heart is perfect toward him. 21 It is in a good measure with nations as with particular Christians, or the Church at large. If God be for us, may they say, who can be against us? 22 In the time of trouble he shall hide me in his pavilion; saith the Psalmist, in the secret place of his tabernacle shall he hide me; he shall set me up upon a rock. 23 The God of Israel expressly declared concerning that people by his servant Moses, Now therefore, if ye will obey my voice, indeed, and keep my covenant, then ye shall be a peculiar treasure unto me above all people: for all the earth is mine. 24

To God’s peculiar people he extends peculiar blessings. On them he bestows distinguishing favors. In the abundance of these, consists the evidence of being a peculiar people. To suppose that the moral governor of the world would grant the same smiles to an obedient and disobedient people; equal security to a nation generally corrupt, as to one of pure morals, would confound all our ideas of right and wrong, holiness and sin; would be utterly inconsistent with his perfect character; would greatly embolden iniquity, depress virtue, and fill the world with crimes of the greatest atrocity. We accordingly find that in his dealings with his chosen people, which serve as an example of his conducting toward others, good and evil were alternately measured to them, according to their obedience and disobedience. If ye walk in my statues, saith the Lord, and keep my commandments, and do them; then I will give you rain in due season, and the land shall yield her increase, and the trees of the field shall yield their fruit. And your threshing shall reach unto the vintage, and the vintage shall reach unto the sowing-time: and ye shall eat your bred to the full, and dwell in your land safely. And I will give peace in the land, and ye shall lie down and none shall make you afraid: and I will rid evil beasts out of the land, neither shall the sword go through your land. And ye shall chase your enemies, and they shall fall before you by the sword. For I will have respect unto you, and make you fruitful, and multiply you, and establish my covenant with you. And ye shall eat old store, and bring forth the old because of the new. And I will set my tabernacle among you: and my soul shall not abhor you.—But if ye will not hearken unto me, and will not do all these commandments; I also will do this unto you, I will even appoint over you terror, consumption, and the burning ague, that shall consume the eyes, and cause sorrow of heart: and ye shall sow your seed in vain; for your enemies shall eat it. And I will set my face against you, and ye shall be slain before your enemies. If ye walk contrary unto me, and will not hearken unto me; I will bring seven times more plagues upon you, according to your sins. 25

In the usual course of divine Providence, the prosperity of a state is connected with virtue. To a people fearing the Lord, he generally sends fruitful seasons, health, and whatever can contribute to their felicity.—That the principles which govern the body of the people, and the motives which influence public measures in a community graciously visited, afford the greatest security which can be provided against internal convulsions or foreign wars, will hardly admit a doubt. There may be periods and circumstances in which no wisdom, no generosity, no sacrifice, can save a kingdom or people from the insidious and violent attack of the unprincipled and ambitious; in which arms alone will maintain just rights, and preserve even a vestige of freedom. But virtuous rulers and a virtuous people, by their united efforts, enjoy as fair a prospect of adjusting all difficulties and preserving tranquility, as the state of our disordered world will admit; and when compelled to wage war in self-defence, they may justly repose confidence in Heaven, for the success of the cause in which they contend.

Of this security arising from the divine presence, Moses was deeply impressed, when he solemnly and pathetically warned incorrigible Israel of impending wrath: For I know that after my death ye will utterly corrupt yourselves, and turn aside from the way which I have commanded you, and evil will befall you in the latter days; because ye will do evil in the sight of the Lord to provoke him to anger through the works of your hands. 26 Joshua said unto this same people, If ye forsake the Lord, and serve strange gods, then he will turn and do you hurt and consume you, after that he hath done you good. 27 And Ezra declared, The hand of our God is upon all them for good that seek him; but his power and his wrath is against all them that forsake him. 28 To the same purport the sentiments of all the worthies most eminent for wisdom and piety, of whom mention is made in the divine records, might be quoted.

A few righteous men may save the city. They are wrestling Jacobs and prevailing Israels. They carry their country devoutly to the throne of grace, to Him who heareth prayer, and who can effectually interpose his almighty arm as an impenetrable shield against every evil. When public calamities are threatened, men of this class never fail to be much on their knees before an holy and merciful God. How graciously have we reason to believe the supplications of such men as Hezekiah, Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, Isaiah, the prophets of old, and the good men of every age, have been answered for the good of the kingdom and country where they abode! With whatever contempt the prayers of the pious may be viewed by the world, they are without doubt the mean of procuring immense blessings to nations and individuals. They who cast this contempt, themselves partake these blessings. To this solemn branch of religious duty, religious communities and godly individuals always resort, when distress and dangers threaten, and they often find unexpected deliverances, and by unexpected means.—What gracious answers to prayers, from time to time, have the people of our land experienced!—Thus happiness and security result from the gracious presence of God.

In reviewing this illustration we learn,

1. The connection between the welfare of a state and the prosperity of Zion. That Christianity, in its principles, duties and effects, is calculated to promote the peace, order and felicity of a nation, and that the efficacy of real religion in the heart will make men better members of civil society, will be denied only by those who are willfully blind, who prefer theories to facts, who substitute their own wisdom for the wisdom of God. In proportion as the truths, promises and threatnings of the Gospel are well understood, firmly believed, and reach the heart, they prepare an enlightened community to value the blessings of civil liberty, to devise and be attached to the methods by which it can best be secured, and to practice those virtues on which, as unshaken pillars, alone, a free government can rest. When light dawned upon the face of Europe after the dismal period of the “dark ages,” and the superstition which clouded the human mind yielded to the genuine light and efficacy of the Gospel of the Son of God, governments assumed a milder form. As the Reformation progressed in various kingdoms, the condition of the many became greatly ameliorated, and where it was most complete, the most solid foundation was laid for the establishment and maintenance of real liberty. The religion of Christ is calculated to make a free people. It inspires them with that due respect for magistrates, which will induce to support them in the discharge of their duty, and impresses them with tender feelings toward their subjects or fellow citizens. In no other period of the world has human wisdom been able to devise so many and powerful constitutional checks to arbitrary power, as since Christianity shed its effulgent beams upon the nations.

The prosperity of a country and of Zion appear closely interwoven in this point of view, that a time of peace and order, when no unusual, interesting and alarming events are taking place, is both a time of national felicity, and peculiarly favorable for the cultivation of moral and Christian graces, and that the blessing of God on Zion tends to produce this happy state of things. Profound peace and great prosperity in a nation are not without their evils and dangers. The engender luxury, licentiousness and various vices.—But it is to be lamented, that when wars rage, great calamities overwhelm or great dangers threaten; when whatever has been viewed as fixed is overturned, and no rational calculation can be made with respect to the future, the feelings of men too often become so unhinged, and so absorbed in the contemplation of these scenes, that religious objects and pursuits are gradually lost and forsaken. “Any mere worldly object, if it become the principal thing which occupies our thoughts and affections, will weaken our attachment to religion: and if once we become cool and indifferent to this, we are in the right road to infidelity.” 29 On this fact the advocates of infidel-philosophy have eagerly seized. To undermine all regular government, nothing could be more promising, than a successful effort against Christianity. Infidelity would inevitably produce insatiable ambition, and thus lead to wars, with all their demoralizing effects. Despotism and infidelity would spring up in the same soil. The same explosion would destroy attachment to the religion of the Saviour, and the systems of government under which men could enjoy tranquility of mind, so necessary to dwell on spiritual concerns. The progress of opposition to divine Revelation on the continent of Europe hath been marked with the most awful desolations, and the liberties and happiness of the nations seem absorbed in a fathomless gulph. The longing eye looks forward with anxiety to a period, in which returning order and increasing virtue shall bless the world.

It is a peculiar trait of the Laws of Christ that they extend their sanctions further than any human laws. They bind and influence the heart, the fountain from which proceed all the streams of good or evil. By unfolding to men their prospects as moral agents, and clearly shewing them a judgment to come, the Christian religion exhibits to them the most solemn, and weighty motives, to restrain them from iniquity and excite them to lives of holiness, faith and love. The influence of these motives is an aid to the morality of a people, which could be derived from no other source. It contributes, beyond all calculation, to the virtue, stability and happiness of community, and it is increased immensely by divine light diffused into darkened understandings, by saving impressions made on the once carnal mind, and by exciting in all the strong principles of hope and fear. The more Zion is blessed, the more extensive are all these happy effects.—Were the citizens of a state, or the members of a community, all to be born again and sanctified, it would be the kingdom of glory in miniature. The same principles would govern which influence the Church of the first-born, and by the subjugation of every lust and evil propensity to the triumphs of almighty grace, men on earth would partake the bliss of the spirits of just men made perfect. Universal holiness will always produce universal happiness, and if partial, the degrees of the one will bear an exact proportion to the degrees of the other.

2. The importance of godly rulers. That an infidel may preside over the affairs of a nation with as fair a prospect of rendering a people happy as a Christian, or that the moral character of a ruler is not a proper matter of enquiry, is utterly inconsistent with the nature of our holy religion. To render these maxims sound, the character of the moral Governor of the universe must be entirely overlooked, and even destroyed. Inspiration hath declared, that When the wicked are in authority the people mourn; that Righteousness exalteth a nation, and sin is a reproach to any people. Moses was advised, and followed the advice, to provide out all the people men, such as feared God, men of truth, hating covetousness, and place such over them, to be rulers of thousands, and rulers of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens. 30 Wherever the qualifications of rulers are mentioned in the scriptures, that of their being religious is always included. God has nowhere given a people ground to expect, that he will make them prosperous and happy, under the government of those who are enemies to his throne. In sacred history, rulers who fear God are always represented as the rich blessing of Heaven. A nation as such, under an unprincipled and ambitious prince, may exhibit a splendid appearance, and what is called national glory may rise to its zenith; but let the state of the body of the people be examined, and it will usually be found, that they have lost their felicity, in proportion to the public glory gained. It has been the allotment of Providence, that mankind, from age to age, should be left to theorize on the blessings of a government, which supremely aimed to promote general felicity, rather than enjoy them.

In popular governments the character of rulers is a thermometer, by which to decide that of the great mass of citizens. Men chuse to confer honors on those whose sentiments, views, objects and desires are congenial with their own. When, therefore, men of pure morals, of fervent piety and exemplary lives, hold the reins, it is a just conclusion, that the vitals of the republic are sound, and that the baneful influence of corruption hath not prostrated in the dust the dignified character of a free citizen.—Those who desire to be freed from the necessary restraints of wholesome laws, will violently strive for the promotion of such as will relax the rigor of these restrains, and their success proves the rottenness of the body politic. In Israel, which may be considered an epitome of the world, in periods of the greatest corruption, the vilest men were exalted to bear rule. A corrupt king would make a corrupt people, and a corrupt people would insist on having a king of the same character.

Not only does the elevation of the godly prove the sound state of public morals, but greatly tends to preserve them. The end of all their exertions, as they regard society, is this great and excellent object, because they view this as lying at the very foundation, a most essential ingredient in public happiness. By precept and by example, they will labor to inculcate the belief of the existence and attributes, the love and the fear of God. By frowning on vice and elevating virtue, by not bearing the sword in vain, by taking care that the law be not merely a dead letter, and by an exhibition of the Christian graces in their lives, they will do much to promote the cause of real religion. Honored virtue is a presage of good to a land; honored vice forebodes misery and ruin.

3. We learn what method those who love their country should pursue, as the most effectual to promote her real prosperity; earnestly pray for the welfare of Zion.—O Lord, revive thy work, is the language of all who love real religion, and love their country. While it immediately relates to the gracious influences of the Holy Spirit, it embosoms all that is desirable of a worldly nature. Good men, therefore, bear Jerusalem supremely on their minds, in their supplications to God. If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth: if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy. 31 Can that man be a true patriot, who forgets the kingdom of Jesus in the world, when he implores the blessing of Heaven on the land? Can he be a Christian, who does not earnestly pray, that divine influences may be shed down, like rain upon the mown grass; as showers that water the earth? 32 that the Church may be, indeed, like a watered garden, and like a spring of water, whose waters fail not? 33 —that the Lord would create upon every dwelling-place of mount Zion, and upon her assemblies, a cloud and smoke by day and the shining of a flaming fire by night, and on all the glory be a defence? 34 How ravishing to the heaven-born soul to contemplate immortal souls renewed, and sanctified, and ripened for glory!

Amidst the convulsions which shake the earth at the present day, and the spread and triumph of infidelity, the anxious mind rests with peculiar satisfaction, on the evidences of God’s gracious presence in our little republic.

The rulers in this state were many of them elected into office in tranquil times, when no motives beside public good, can be supposed to have influenced the suffrage. Greater unanimity of sentiment on the essential doctrines of the Gospel hath at no period prevailed among the teachers of religion. On many of our Churches it hath pleased a merciful and sovereign God to pour out rich effusions of his Holy Spirit, from time to time, causing their branches to spread, and their beauty to be as the olive-tree, and their smell as Lebanon; that they should revive as the corn, and grow as the vine. Especially hath the Lord been as the dew unto Israel by his gracious influences upon the public seminary of learning in this state: the streams of this river have made glad the city of God. On the missionary efforts of the General Association the divine smiles have abundantly rested. Beyond expectation the fund for missionary purposes hath increased. Civilians and divines have heartily united their prayers and their wisdom, to obtain the blessing of Heaven, and to devise, mature and execute plans, for the furtherance of the Gospel and the salvation of souls. Laborers, sound in the faith, zealous in the divine cause, and loving the souls of men, have cheerfully gone forth into the vineyard. How many sinners ready to perish, have, by their instrumentality, been brought to the obedience of the faith, and are now shining as lights in the world, or adoring, with cherubic and seraphic hosts, around the throne of God! To this number how many, hopefully, will hereafter be added, in the faithful and successful pursuit of the system commenced!—The formation of a “Religious Tract” and “Bible Society” may be also noticed, as hopeful means of disseminating interesting truths where greatly needed, and saving souls from eternal perdition.—For success to these institutions how many hands are daily lifted up! How many prayers daily ascend to the God of grace!—What gratitude is due to the father of mercies for these tokens of his gracious presence, these pledges of his future smiles!

If, in addition to all this, we contemplate the effusion of the Divine Spirit on the Churches of the Redeemer, in various parts of our land, and on many of our colleges; the establishment of a Theological institution in a sister state for the express purpose of training young men for the service of the sanctuary, together with the plan adopted by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, and the General Synod of the Associate Reformed Church, for the same purpose; the vigorous and united exertions of various Missionary and Bible Societies, and the increasing number of exemplary and praying Christians, may we not adopt the language of the Psalmist and say, Therefore will not we fear, though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea: Though the waters thereof roar and be troubled, though the mountains shake with the swelling thereof?—If we take a view yet more extensive, and survey the efforts making in several nations of Europe, to wave the banners of the cross and spread the Holy Scriptures in the distant regions of the globe, and the flattering prospects of success, we shall find additional matter of joy, and abundant reason to trust in the power and wisdom of the king of Zion, for the protection and salvation of his chosen.

Civil rulers, in the light of this subject, will see what happy prospects open before them by the gracious presence of God. It increases vital piety, living faith and new obedience, and thus renders government an easy and delightful task. It strengthens their hands by the fervent prayers which ascend for all in authority. It encourages them to hope that their measures are divinely directed, and will be blessed for the good of those over whom they rule.—They will feel the necessity of being themselves enriched with that grace which is saving, that they may both rule in the fear of God, and obtain everlasting life.—They will remember that worldly distinctions, however great and honorable, will soon be done away; that they must stand, with all those over whom they rule, before the tribunal of the judge of quick and dead; and that the divine approbation and the retributions of eternity, present the most solemn and weighty motives to fidelity and zeal, in the service of God and men. Influenced by these motives, they will supremely aim to glorify their Maker, b promoting the felicity of men in this world, and especially by aiding their piety, and thus rendering them fit for the joys of Heaven. They will strive not with so much eagerness and anxiety for the honor which cometh from men, as that which cometh from God. They will not be ashamed to embrace the religion, and imitate the example, of the meek and lowly Jesus. To these views, and these duties, those in exalted stations in this state, are peculiarly called by the shining example, and the death, of our late worthy Chief Magistrate.—To few minds have these views been more impressive. By few men, and still fewer rulers, have these duties been more solemnly realized. The high estimation in which this man of God, this illustrious ruler, was held, the records of this legislature at their last session abundantly testify. The public testimony then given of a grateful and affectionate remembrance of him, renders unnecessary that tribute to departed worth, which, otherwise, the present occasion would imperiously demand. 35

Who that admired true greatness, did not admire Governor Trumbull? Who that loved real excellence, did not love him? Who that delights to weep over the grave of a pious and good man, will not weep over his?—He was the son of him who presided over this state during the revolutionary war; into whose bosom the immortal Washington poured out his soul in all its anguish, in “times which tried men’s souls,” and a son worthy of such a father. He was himself the companion in arms, and the confident, of Washington.—More than ten years has the father of his country been laid in his grave.—Trumbull, too, beloved as a father in his native state, is now in the land of silence.—While talents and virtue claim distinction among men, his name will be respected. The memory of the just is blessed; and doubly so, if he adorn an exalted station! I have said, ye are gods; and all of you are children of the Most High; but ye shall die like men, and fall like one of the princes. 36

May I not be permitted, in this place, to drop a tear to the memory of another highly esteemed civilian, and say, the amiable, the patriotic, the brave, the pious Chester is no more? 37

To animate the ministers of Christ to persevering exertions and fidelity in his cause, this subject is calculated.—By the effusions of the Holy Ghost, by the general spirit of love and exertion among Christians, by the signs of the times, by the promised and enjoyed presence of their Lord and master, by the good they have already done, or may still do, and by the solemn account they must give of their stewardship, they are warned to awake to greater activity and more fervent zeal.

To promote the temporal and everlasting interests of men, by becoming the instruments of their being made holy and heirs of a crown which never fades, is a godlike work. We are not called to the service of worldly princes, but to that of the Prince of peace. We dispense those truths, which are to the moral world what the sun is to the natural. The approbation of kings, and governors, and judges, and the mighty of the earth, is, comparatively, of no account. The triumphs of the cross are vastly more glorious, than the triumphs of Caesar. A soul new born and sanctified, and ascending to glory, is a most ravishing sight to a benevolent being. There is joy in the presence of the angels of God over one sinner that repenteth. The conquest of a world, in the history of the universe, is of trifling moment, compared with the redemption of a single soul. If we hope to be instrumental in saving others, and to be ourselves saved, we must teach and exemplify the truth as it is in Jesus. With objects in view so great, with interests at stake so vast, who will not be inflamed with holy zeal and unite every talent, in the glorious and all important work?

Brethren, The time is short. What we do for Christ and for souls must be speedily done. We must soon give an account of our stewardship. Through the blessing of God we are continued watchmen on the walls of Jerusalem, while since the last Election, two from the sacred desk have been gathered to their fathers. 38 Let us watch, and pray, and labor that the blood of them who perish be not laid to our charge. Let us take heed, lest, while others are saved, we should be lost forever!

Our subject shews the great body of citizens wherein the highest and most desirable liberty consists: in being freed from the dominion of sin. Civil liberty hath harms surpassing description, and is peculiarly enhanced to the people of this land, by contrasting their happy condition with the miseries and despotism, which prevail among the nations. But the deliverance of an immortal soul from endless death is of infinitely more importance than the temporal salvation of an empire. Its consequences will extend through endless duration. To a soul unembodied and waiting the decision of its final judge, what are all the triumphs of rivals, the splendors of victory, and the rise and fall of empires? The righteousness of the Redeemer will then be the only ground of peace, and worth them all. Those to whom Christ gives freedom are indeed free. They are subjects of a kingdom which will never be moved, and interested in the precious blood of atonement which the beloved son of God hath shed.

While, therefore, my fellow citizens, you earnestly strive to maintain unpolluted the fair inheritance transmitted by your fathers, contend still more earnestly for the faith once delivered to the saints. While you anxiously trace the course of human events in a portentous period of the world, remember that in a little time all these, now to us great and interesting, will sink to nothing before the awful and tremendous scenes, which, as dying and accountable creatures, lie before us. On these, supremely, let your eyes be fixed. The day of the Lord will come as a thief in the night; in the which the Heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat; the earth also, and the works that are therein, shall be burnt up. 39

Blessed are they, who are now brought into the fold of Christ! They shall be found of him in peace at his coming!

AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. Hag. Ii. 6, 7.

2. Zech. xiv. 8.

3. Isa. xliv. 8.

4. Isa. xxxiii. 21.

5. Prov. viii. 15, 16.

6. Isa. x. 5, 6, 7.

7. Isa. xlv. 1, 2, 4.

8. 2 Sam. xxiii. 2, 4.

9. Ps. lxxviii. 70, 71.

10. Heb. iv. 12.

11. 1 Cor. iii. 7.

12. Eph. ii. 1.

13. Acts. xx. 24.

14. Eph. iv. 31, 32.

15. John xiii. 35.

16. Isa. lix. 14.

17. Isa. lx. 17, 18.

18. Ps. cxliv. 15.

19. Can. vi. 4, 10.

20. Deut. xxxiii. 26, 29.

21. 2 Chron. xvi. 9.

22. Rom. viii. 31.

23. Psalm xxvii. 5.

24. Exodus. xix. 5.

25. Lev. xxvi.

26. Deut. xxxi. 29.

27. Josh. Xxiv. 20.

28. Ezra. Viii. 22.

29. Fuller.

30. Ex. xviii. 21.

31. Psalm, cxxvii. 5, 6.

32. Psalm, lxxii. 6.

33. Isaiah, lviii. 11.

34. Isaiah, iv. 5.

35. A sermon was preached by Dr. Dwight at the request of the General Assembly the members of which, also, wore badges of mourning during the session.

36. Psalm, lxxii. 6, 7.

37. Col. John Chester, of Wethersfield.

38. Rev. Enoch Huntington, Middletown. Rev. Nathaniel Bartlett, Reading.

39. 2 Pet. iii. 10.

Sermon – Fasting – 1810, Massachusetts


John Sylvester John Gardiner (1765-1830) was born in Wales and educated in England before coming to America. He was rector of Trinity Church in Boston and also served as president of Boston’s Anthology Club.


sermon-fasting-1810-massachusetts


A

SERMON,

PREACHED

AT TRINITY CHURCH, APRIL 6, 1810,

BEING THE

DAY OF PUBLICK FAST.

BY

J.S.J. GARDINER, A. M.
RECTOR,

ISAIAH 1. 7.

YOUR COUNTRY IS DESOLATE, YOUR CITIES ARE BURNT WITH FIRE, YOUR LAND, STRANGERS DEVOUR IT IN YOUR PRESENCE.

If we turn our eyes towards continental Europe, the victim of her own weak counsels, and of the audacious ambition of an insatiable usurper, we must acknowledge, my brethren, that the words of Isaiah are not applicable to the Jews only, but equally descriptive of every nation, subjugated by the arms of revolutionary France.  Though we entertained no apprehensions for our own safety, situated, as we are, three thousand miles from the theatre of war, and separated by the intervening ocean, yet as men we ought to feel for the misfortunes of our species, and as free men lament the successive triumphs of unrelenting despotism.  If we are rightly constituted,  we shall sympathize with the oppressed, and entertain just sentiments of horror and indignation against the oppressor.  We shall weep over the ruins of Saragossa, and regret, while we admire, the unavailing resistance of the gallant Gironna.

But when this tremendous conqueror assails our own country with every species of insult and aggression, when he sequesters our property, burns our ships, and imprisons our fellow-citizens; and when our own rulers, instead of threatening the threatener, and hurling defiance at the insolent tyrant, tremble at his frown, and crouch beneath his menaces, the period may not be far distant, at which the prediction of the prophet may be accomplished on our own shores: ‘Your country is desolate, your cities are burnt with fire, your land, strangers devour it in your presence.’

I am sensible, there are numbers, and among them, doubtless, the philosophers of Virginia, who would smile at these apprehensions, and consider this language as the language of party.  When Mr. Burke’s reflections on the French revolution first appeared, they were considered as a rhapsody, as the ravings of a visionary enthusiast.  But the full accomplishment of his most important predictions has wrought a wonderful change in the publick opinion; and many, who once regarded him as a madman, now venerate his memory as the first of political prophets.  He foretold events more improbable than the conquest of the United States by the arms of France; and those events have actually taken place.  Countries, deemed invincible, have been conquered in a single campaign, overwhelmed by the irresistible superiority of force, raised by the incalculable energies of a revolution; or paralyzed, in their exertions, by the disaffection?  Have we not seen a large portion, if not a majority of the American people, with undeviating perseverance, adhere to France through all her revolutionary vicissitudes, regarding her, as it were, the sheet-anchor of their political hopes?  Did not the same men, who now exult in every success of Napoleon the emperor and king, equally applaud the sanguinary Robespierre, the atheistical Marat, and the whole gang of felons, who, from the beginning of the revolution to the present time, have oppressed France, and desolated Europe?  Whether free or enslaved, republican or despotick, France is still the object of their admiration, the goddess of their idolatry.  And have we nothing to fear from this source?  When the period shall arrive, and it will not be far distant, should we be at war with England, at which we must fight the enemy of liberty on our own territories, what dependence can be placed on these men?  Will they, who have been wrong for such a length of time, suddenly become right?  Will they, who have been the easy dupes of their own demagogues, be able to resist the seductive arts of French intrigue?

Far be it from me to imagine, that any American would willingly unite with a foreign invader to enslave his own country.  But he may be duped, he may be deceived, he may be persuaded, blinded as he is by his present prejudices, to hail the arrival of a French army, as the real friends of his own country, and as a necessary instrument for crushing the dangerous designs of a British faction, or an Essex junto.  When I consider the fate of European republicks, of Holland and of Switzerland, the latter of which was fully as enlightened as ourselves, when I reflect on the manner in which they fell, divided by French intrigue previously to the introduction of the French bayonet, and when I view the footsteps of French influence among ourselves, not only in the people, but in the debates of congress and in the publick conduct of the administration, I cannot but conclude, that the country is in the most imminent danger, and that, could an efficient French force be landed on our shores, the sun of our liberty would set forever.

Whilst we have thus displayed an unaccountable partiality toward a nation, that has treated us with every mark of ignominy and injustice, we have omitted no opportunity of insulting Great-Britain, the only free people in the world except ourselves, and the sole obstacle between France and universal empire.  We have refused every overture, made by her, on the most frivolous pretences, and have dismissed her last embassador in a manner utterly unprecedented in the annals of civilization.  After submitting to every insult from France, forfeiting all pretence to the character of gentlemen, or even of men of common spirit, we think of recovering our reputation by blustering against England; and without army or navy, with an empty treasure, and a defenceless  seacoast, we talk of war with the most formidable naval power that the world ever saw.  We exhibit at once the fury and he impotence of the passions.  We pass laws of embargo and non-intercourse, which have distressed our own citizens, and impoverished the publick exchequer.  We bandy about bills, like shuttlecocks, from senate to house and house to senate, and after displaying the petulant humours of angry children, we shall probably return home and do nothing.

I consider all our political misfortunes and all our political blunders as arising from an unjust antipathy against Great-Britain; I say unjust, because, whatever reasons we may have had formerly to complain of that power, her conduct for some time past has been wonderfully friendly and conciliatory.  Artificial means have been employed to keep up this antipathy; for, were the people left to themselves, and not misled and misinformed for party purposes, they would soon see that this antipathy is both unreasonable and ruinous.  It is unreasonable, because she is sincerely desirous of being at peace with us.  It is ruinous, because it may terminate in war, which of consequence would lead to an alliance with France.

What are our subjects of complaint against Great-Britain?  The affair of the Chesapeake, the orders of council, and the impressments of seamen.  With regard to the first, it will be wise in us to be silent, as we have refused the satisfaction, that was readily tendered.  The man, who will not accept an apology, has no farther claim on the offender.  He shows a spirit of churlishness in refusing, and of injustice, if he afterwards complains.

As to orders of council, they are known to be retaliatory, and were passed in consequence of the French decrees.  Great-Britain waited a whole year after these decrees were passed, before she issued these orders.  She hoped to find some spirit of resistance in the only neutral nation, that still remained independent, a nation that claimed to be the ‘only free and enlightened people in the world.’  But she was disappointed in these hopes, and found that the resistance of the United States extended no farther than to some unavailing remonstrances to the French government.  The orders of council were then issued, but were not to take effect until neutral nations had sufficient time to acquaint themselves with their import.  What right then have we to complain of these orders?  Why should we confine all our resentment to the retaliator, and acquiesce submissively in the injustice and insolence of the original author?  We can find no reason for this conduct in justice, but must look for it in our own passions and partialities; in our strange love of France, who insults, threatens and plunders us, and in our hatred towards England, who has exhausted in vain every art of conciliation to obtain our friendship.

With respect to the impressments of our seamen, I believe, of late years, it has rarely taken place; though it cannot always be avoided, since from similarity of language and manners an American cannot, in every instance, be distinguished from a British mariner.  The frauds, practiced in giving American protections, has also greatly diminished the respect otherwise due to those protections, and thus, for the sake of screening foreigners, we have exposed our own citizens to the inconvenience of impressment.

In order to remedy this evil, our government claimed, that the flag should protect the men, that is, that no man, of whatever nation, should be taken by a British cruiser out of an American ship.  This was granted by Great-Britain, with the exception of the narrow seas, in a treaty, which Mr. Jefferson thought proper to reject, without even submitting it to the inspection of the senate.  That she conceded so much was astonishing, both to her friends and foes, and an infallible proof, that she was ready to make very considerable sacrifices for the sake of being on good terms with this country.  But that she should, in all cases, resign a right, which she had practiced for ages, of searching neutrals for her own men, no one in his senses could believe, and the demand was probably made, because it was certain that it would not be granted.  The navy of Great-Britain is both her sword and shield.  It enables her to assail her enemies abroad, and to protect her subjects at home.  But of what use can be either sword or shield, if there are no hands to wield them?  The superior wages, given by neutrals, would induce British seamen to desert, if the flag of the neutral could protect them; and thus her navy would become useless timber, and she would be left naked to the sword of her enemy.  The relinquishment of such a right would be an act of political suicide, which can never take place, unless she should place fools, or madmen, at the head of her administration.  Englishmen, of all parties, agree in this, and in defense of these maritime rights, on which the greatness and even existence of their country depends, are ready to fight the combined world.  The following lines were written by Thomson eighty years since, and perfectly illustrate the sentiments of the British nation on this subject.

And what, my thoughtless sons, should fire you more Than when your well-earned empire of the deep
The least beginning injury receives?
;What better cause can call your lightning forth?
Your thunder wake?  Your dearest life demand?
What better cause, than  when your country sees
The sly destruction at her vitals aimed?
For oh, it much imports you, ‘tis your all,
To keep your trade entire, entire the force
And honour of your fleets; o’er that to watch
E’en with a hand severe, and jealous eye.
In intercourse be gentle, generous, just,
By wisdom polished, and of manners fair.
But on the sea be terrible, untamed,
Unconquerable, still; let none escape,
Who shall but aim to touch your glory there.1
It seems surprising, that our rulers should be so anxious for the dignity of the commercial flag, when, by their embargoes and non-intercourses, they seem so utterly regardless of the commercial interest.  To perpetuate a misunderstanding with England, they claim what they well know can never be obtained, and which our merchants, who are most interested, are not anxious to obtain.
If, indeed, the period should ever arrive, predicted by a late poet of this town,
When Europe’s glories shall be whelmed in dust,
When our proud fleets the naval wreath shall bear,
And o’er her empires hurl the bolts of war,2
we may then indeed dictate the laws of the ocean, and compel the British lion to cower beneath the American eagle.  But it is not by gun-boats and torpedoes, that we can successfully encounter twelve hundred ships of war, commanded by heroes of experienced skill and unconquerable valour; and the increased revenue of Great-Britain, during the embargo, may reasonably create a doubt of the infallibility of our rulers, and of the wisdom of our legislative restrictions.  We have inflicted deep wounds on our own treasury; whilst we have increased, by the sacrifice of our trade, the wealth and colonial importance of our commercial rival.  Such, it was predicted, would be the direct tendency of our publick measures, and such has been their fatal result.  And can we still place confidence in men, who have thus brought us to the brink of ruin?  Who have disgraced us by their servility to France, and continue to endanger our country by provoking a ruinous contest with Great-Britain?  Who have sanctioned gross misrepresentations for party purposes, and have endeavoured to dupe the nation into the belief of what they knew to be false?  I have seen letters under Mr. Jackson’s own hand, declaring, that he had received from his government the most flattering assurances of their entire approbation of every part of his conduct.  What must we think of an administration, which, for the sake of a paltry and temporary advantage, will thus countenance what they know is untrue?

From what we can gather from the English prints, and from the pacific language of the king’s speech, that nation will not go to war with us.  They seem to say to us, in the language of Mr. Randolph to General Wilkinson:  We cannot descend to your level.  You have submitted to language and insults from France, which degrade you from the rank of gentlemen.  You must wipe off these foul aspersions on your character, before you can be considered on a footing with men of honour.

But, since the infatuation of our rulers, or the will of Napoleon, which seems for some time past to have been the law of the land, may ultimately force us into war with Great-Britain, it may be well to understand the real character of the enemy, which it may be our fate to encounter.  This is not to be learnt from our own newspapers, either federal or democratick; for the former are afraid always to tell the truth, lest they should be reproached as British partisans, whilst the latter have few means of correct information on the subject nor is the real character of the British nation to be ascertained by the reports of every American traveler.  A young man, accustomed here to visit in the first circles, is offended in England, because he cannot be admitted on an equal footing with the nobility.  His self-love is wounded, in observing those who think themselves his superiors.  He is hurt, perhaps, because the king did not call and leave his card, or the queen invite him to a rout.  His father is a justice of the peace or a member of congress, and he cannot conceive, why the first people of one country should not be admitted into the society of the first people of another country.  He returns home soured and disappointed, and draws a portrait of the British nation, in which prejudice and ignorance only can find a likeness.

But all our travelers are not of this description; and there has lately appeared a publication, which reflects credit on the literary character of our country.  It is the production of a young gentleman, whom, as I have been informed on unquestionable authority, President Madison once pronounced one of the first young men of our country, and who formerly, if not a decided democrat, was most certainly strongly prejudiced against the English.

3‘In England,’ says he, ‘the great hereditary and acquired fortunes pervade and replenish the whole capillary system of the state.  By means of a diffusive circulation, they quicken the emulation and reward the labours of every branch of industry.  They are expended in the cultivation of the soil and in the production of the solid materials of national wealth: in the erection and endowment of charitable institutions and publick monuments, which foster the moral qualities and elevate the character.  The spirit of beneficence and of patriotism, which distinguishes the opulent individuals of that country, and of which the same class in France is wholly destitute, returns to the needy the sums which they contribute to the exchequer, and corrects the inequalities of the  divisions of property.

‘The traveler in England has occasion to remark, in all the departments of labour, the beneficial influence of the example of the upper classes, and of hat luxury, which has for its object the productive toil and ingenuity of man.  The quick and equable transmission of wealth in the body politick is compared by a great writer to the motion and agency of the blood, as it enters in the heart, and is thrown out by new pulsations.  The aptitude of this illustration is particularly striking in his own country, where the rapid circulation of wealth, the regular vibration of demand and labour, and the spirit of industry, animate the whole frame of society with an elasticity and vigour, such as belong to the human frame in its highest state of perfection.  A peculiarly masculine character, and the utmost energy of feeling are communicated to all orders of en, by the abundance which prevails so universally, the consciousness of equal rights, the fullness of power and fame to which the nation has attained, and the beauty and robustness of the species under a climate highly favourable to the animal economy.  The dignity of the rich is without insolence, the subordination of the poor without servility.  Their freedom is well guarded both from the dangers of popular licentiousness, and from the encroachments of authority.  Their national pride leads to national sympathy, and is built upon the most legitimate of all foundations, a sense of preeminent merit and a body of illustrious annals.

‘Whatever may be the representations of those, who, with little knowledge of facts, and still less soundness or impartiality of judgment, affect to deplore the condition of England, it is, nevertheless, true, that there does not exist and never has existed elsewhere, so beautiful and perfect a model of publick and private prosperity; so magnificent, and at the same time, so solid a fabric of social happiness and national grandeur.  I pay this just tribute of admiration with the more pleasure, as it is to me in the light of an atonement for the errors and prejudices, under which I labored, on this subject, before I enjoyed the advantage of a personal experience.  A residence of nearly two years in that country, during which period, I visited and studied almost every part of it, with no other view or pursuit than that of obtaining correct information, and I may add, with previous studies well fitted to promote my object, convinced me that I had been egregiously deceived.

‘I saw no instances of individual oppression, and scarcely any individual misery but that which belongs, under any circumstances of our being, to the infirmity of all human institutions.  I witnessed no symptom of declining trade or of general discontent.  On the contrary, I found there every indication of a state engaged in a rapid career of advancement.  I found the art and spirit of commercial industry at their acme; a metropolis opulent and liberal beyond example: a cheerful peasantry, well fed and commodiously lodged, an ardent attachment to the constitution in all classes, and a full reliance on the national resources.  I found the utmost activity in agricultural and manufacturing labours; in the construction of works of embellishment and utility; in enlarging and beautifying the provincial cities.  I heard but few well founded complaints of the amount, and none concerning the collection, of the taxes.  The demands of the state create no impediment to consumption or discouragement to industry.  I could discover no instance in which they have operated to the serious distress or ruin of individuals.

‘The riots at Manchester, which were here invested almost with the horrors of civil war, were scarcely noticed in London, and occasioned, I will venture to assert, not one moment of serious uneasiness either to the government, or to any part of the population of England beyond the immediate theatre of the alarm.  The disturbances at Manchester were quelled without an effusion of blood; and the ringleaders arraigned and punished in the common course of law, without a movement or expression in their favour on the part of the mob.  The whole storm, which was here supposed to threaten the most serious consequences, was almost as harmless in its effects, and left as few traces behind, as the war of the elements raised by the wand of Prospero or the thunder and lightning of Saddlers-Wells.  Not long, both before and after the period of the outrages of which I speak, I surveyed attentively most of the manufacturing establishments and saw every reason to conclude that, collectively taken, they never were in a more flourishing condition, nor their tenants more loyally disposed.

‘The agriculture of England is confessedly superior to that of any other part of the world, and the condition of those who are engaged in the cultivation of the soil, incontestably preferable to that of the same class in any other section of Europe.  An inexhaustible source of admiration and delight is found in the unrivalled beauty, as well as richness and fruitfulness of their husbandry; the effects of which are heightened by the magnificent parks and noble mansions of the opulent proprietors: by picturesque gardens upon the largest scale, and disposed with the most exquisite taste: and by gothick remains no less admirable in their structure than venerable for their antiquity.  The neat cottage, the substantial farmhouse, the splendid villa, are constantly rising to the sight, surrounded by the most choice and poetical attributes of the landscape.  The painter is there but a mere copyist.  A picture of as much neatness, softness, and elegance, is exposed to the eye, as can be given to the imagination, by the finest etching, or the most mellowed drawing.  The vision is not more delightfully recreated by the rural scenery, than the moral sense is gratified, and the understanding elevated by the institutions of this great country.  The first and continued exclamation of an American who contemplates them with an unbiased judgment, is—

Salve Magna Parens, frugum saturnia tellus
Magna virum.
All hail, Saturnian earth, hail, loved of fame,
Land, rich in fruits, and men of mighty name.

It appears something not less than impious to desire the ruin of this people, when you view the height to which they have carried the comforts, the knowledge, and the virtue of our species:  the extent and number of their foundations of charity; their skill in the mechanic arts, by the improvement of which alone, they have conferred inestimable benefits on mankind; the masculine morality, the lofty sense of independence, the sober and rational piety which are found in all classes; their impartial, decorous and able administration of a code of laws, than which none more just and perfect has ever been in operation: their seminaries of education yielding more solid and profitable instruction than any other whatever: their eminence in literature and science, the urbanity and learning of their privileged orders, their deliberative assemblies, illustrated by so many profound statesmen, and brilliant orators.  It is worse than ingratitude in us not to sympathize with them in their present struggle, when we recollect that it is from them we derive the principal merit of our own character, the best of our own institutions, the sources of our highest enjoyments, and the light of freedom itself, which, if they should be destroyed, will not long shed its radiance over this country.’

Such, my brethren, is the nation, with whom many of our citizens wish for a war, from which we could derive no possible advantage, but must incur certain loss and expense.  The most sanguine American will not pretend, that we can face the powerful marine of Great-Britain; of which a trifling squadron would suffice to blockade every important harbor in the United States.  We should then suffer a perpetual embargo, without the satisfaction of having laid it on ourselves; and if we should not experience an occasional bombardment, we should owe more to the magnanimity of the enemy than to our own means of resistance.

But we can take Nova-Scotia and the Canadas.  With a powerful army, we might succeed in an enterprise of this nature.  But an army cannot be supported without money, and Mr. Gallatin tells us that we have none.  Allowing, however, that complete success crowned our efforts, and that the American flag waved triumphant over the continental colonies of Great-Britain; what should we gain by it?  Just as much, as a late great statesman4 observed, as if the people of Roxbury were to march into Boston, and take the almshouse.  The Canadians hate us, as the descendants of Englishmen, with all their vices, and none of their virtues.  They are altogether French in their language, habits and manners.  The conquest of this country, therefore, would only increase that pernicious influence, which Napoleon possesses in every part of the United States, and which, I fear, will ultimately prove more fatal to our body politick and constitution, than the spotted fever has been found to be to many of our fellow-citizens.

Are we to expect assistance from our new acquisition on the Mississippi?  The inhabitants of those territories have already shown symptoms of disaffection, which, even now, it requires a military force to overawe.

Thus, then, shall we be situated, if we are at war with England.  Our southern and northern extremities occupied by a considerable population, strongly disaffected to this country, and devoted to France.  Our own citizens cherishing the same fatal partiality,  and an invincible hatred to the English.  Great-Britain blockading our ports, and  confining us to our own shores.  The people driven to desperation by their sufferings  and privations.  The wealthy trembling for their lives and property, the southern slaves excited to rebellion by foreign emissaries, and, to crown all, a French alliance and the blessings of a conscription.  With these pressures at home and abroad, without and within, can we save our liberties from the grasp of despotism?  Whilst the spirit of our fathers shall continue to animate us, whilst a drop of English blood shall flow in our veins, we will not resign them without a stroke.  But it will be too late.  Like the Spaniards, we shall be treated as rebels, and the words of the text will be then awfully verified…’Your country is desolate; your cities are burnt with fire; your land, strangers devour it in your presence.’

My brethren, these things may not happen, and God forbid they should.  But they seem to me to be the inevitable results from the infatuation of our publick councils, and from the madness of the people.

‘A union with France,’ says the same excellent writer whom I have before quoted, ‘if not ruinous even in its immediate consequences, would be an indelible stain on our annals.  Our descendants would turn with disgust from the page, which might record so monstrous and unnatural an alliance.  I know not, indeed, how an American will feel one century hence, when, in investigating the history of the late invasion of Spain, he shall inquire, what, on that occasion, was the conduct of his ancestors, the only republican people then on earth, and who claim almost an exclusive privilege to hate and to denounce, every act of ruffian violence, and every form of arbitrary power.  It certainly will not kindle a glow of emulation in his mind, when he shall be told, that of this unparalleled crime, an oblique notice was once taken by our administration: that the people of this country seemed to rejoice at the triumph of the invader, and frowned on the efforts of his victims.’

My brethren, I verily believe, were one to rise from the dead, our fellow-citizens would not be convinced of their danger.  If the fall of continental Europe, the insatiable ambition of the French emperor, the atrocious crimes which he has perpetrated, his rooted aversion to republicks and to the very name of liberty, the insults and injuries he continues to heap on us,—if all these glaring facts make no impression, we must make up our minds to submit with fortitude to that tremendous ruin, which will inevitably overwhelm this land.  What is there in the character of Napoleon, which can justly entitle him either to love or esteem?
Alas, thy dazzled eye
Beholds this man in a false glaring light,
Which conquest and success have thrown upon him.
Didst thou but view him right, thou’dst see him black
With murder, treason, sacrilege, and crimes,
That strike my soul with horror but to name ‘em.

We live, my brethren, in an age of wonders; but, surely, nothing can be more wonderful, than that free men should rejoice in the triumphs of despotism; that they, who resisted their own sovereign, the limited monarch of a free people, merely for encroachments on the British constitution, should now applaud the champion of slavery, and vie with each other in extending their necks to receive the yoke.  A people, that can feel and proclaim such sentiments, are ripe for a master, and they will have one.  An alliance with France would accelerate this event, and the fate of our country may thus be portrayed by some future historian:–The United States lost their liberties by deserting the wise principles of the immortal Washington, and by choosing for their rulers the disciples of the new school in politicks, morals, and religion.  Napoleon did not fail to improve so favourable an opportunity of securing the conquest of the western world.              By the seductive arts of skillful emissaries, and by the bold calumnies of venal presses, the jealousy of the people was excited against the wealth, talents, and virtue of the country.  Those, who had grown hoary in the publick service, and had displayed the most unequivocal proofs of their disinterestedness and patriotism, were stigmatized as the friends of monarchy and the partisans of England.  The grossest falsehoods, respecting that nation, were circulated and believed; an alliance with France was recommended and formed, and a formidable French force was gradually introduced into the country, and garrisoned its most important fortresses.  Thus fell the last of republicks, which had existed less than half a century, the victim of divided councils and popular effervescence; and thus must perish every state, that discards wisdom and talents from its administration, and calls in a more powerful ally to settle its domestick disputes, or to protect it against foreign aggression.
I have no claim to the spirit of prophecy, and this picture may be the mere creature of the imagination.  That it may prove so, may God, of his infinite mercy, grant.

FINIS.


1 Thomson’s Britannia.

2 James Allen.

3 Letter on the Genius and Disposition of the French Government, p. 179.

4 Mr. Ames.

Sermon – Fasting – 1810, Massachusetts


The following sermon was preached by John Hubbard Church (1772-1840). It was given on the occasion of the fast day in Massachusetts on April 5, 1810.


sermon-fasting-1810-massachusetts-2


THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF NEW ENGLAND.

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED IN THE SOUTH PARISH

IN ANDOVER,

APRIL 5, 1810;

BEING THE

ANNUAL FAST IN MASSACHUSETTS.

BY JOHN HUBBARD CHURCH, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN PELHAM, (N. H.)

SUTTON, (MASS.)
PRINTED AND SOLD BY SEWALL GOODRIDGE.
1810.

A

S E R M O N.

PSALM, cv. 44, 45.

And gave them the lands of the heathen;—that they might observe his statutes, and keep his laws.

For the glory of God all things were made; and his glory should be the ultimate object of every intelligent being.  By every expression of his goodness to men, their obligations to glorify his name are increased.

For the glory of his name, God called Abraham from his connexions and native land, and made with him an everlasting covenant, to be a God to him and to his feed in their generations, and to give them the land of Canaan for a possession.  When the Israelites groaned in Egyptian bondage, he led them forth by the right hand of Moses, with his glorious arm, dividing the water before them, to make himself an everlasting name.  And he afterwards led them into Canaan, and gave them the lands of the heathen; that they might observe his statutes, and keep his laws.

These words may be properly applied to the first settlement of New England.  God gave our fathers possession of this land, that they might observe his statutes, and keep his laws: or, in other words, that they might promote the pure religion of the gospel.  That this was the design of our ancestors in settling in this land, is evident.

In the first place, from the circumstances which induced their removal.
The reformation of the sixteenth century was extended into England, and led the established Church to adopt a purer creed.  The thirty-nine articles of their faith comprise the fundamental doctrines of the gospel.  But still they adhered, in some things, to the ceremonies of the Romish Church.  To these ceremonies many pious persons would not conform; though willing to subscribe to all the articles of the true Christian faith, and to the doctrine of the sacraments.  But King James I. was determined to have one religion in ceremony, as well as in substance.  Those who would not comply with his determination were called Nonconformists.  They were also called Puritans, because as a Writer[i] of the established Church observed, they “would have the Church thoroughly reformed; that is, purged from all those inventions, which have been bought into it, since the age of the Apostles, and reduced entirely to the scripture purity.”

The Puritans, in three counties in the north of England, were formed into two Churches.  The Rev. Richard Clifton, a devout and successful preacher, was pastor of the Church, whose members began the settlement of New England.  The Rev. John Robinson succeeded him. It was the great object of Mr. Robinson and his brethren to separate from the world.  They were opposed to a separation from any of the Churches of Christ; holding communion with the reformed Churches in Scotland, France, and the Netherlands.  They did not debar, from their communion those of the Church of England, who gave evidence of real piety.  It was the corruptions of that Church, which they opposed:  and this opposition excited the bitterest resentment of King James and his Bishops.

Being persecuted for righteousness’ sake, Mr. Robinson and his brethren contemplated a removal.  Although it was painful to leave their estates, and bid farewell to their friends and the country which gave them birth, yet they could readily do all this for the quiet enjoyment of their religion.  Accordingly they began, in 1607, to remove to Holland; where religious freedom was universally enjoyed.  From Amsterdam, the first place of their residence, they soon removed to Leyden.  There they lived in great peace and harmony, and were treated with respect.  Their numbers increased, until the communicants awaited them.   They had to endure such labor and hardship to obtain the means of support, that some returned to England.  Many in England were discouraged, by these difficulties, from going to Holland.  The youth were in great danger of being corrupted by the vices and temptations of Leyden.  Some left their parents either for a military or seafaring life.  And such were “the dissipated manners of the Hollanders. Especially, their lax observance of the Lord’s day.”

That our pious fathers could see little or no prospect, in that place, “of perpetuating a Church, which they believed to be constituted after the simple and pure model of the primitive Church  of Christ.”[ii]  At length they turned their thoughts to America.  Here was presented, to their view, an extensive continent, inhabited by millions of their fellow men under the dominion of the prince of darkness.  How important to disseminate the words of eternal life among this wretched people!  It was foreseen that a removal to this country must be attended with heavy trials and imminent dangers.  But their zeal to propagate the gospel, and enjoy its blessings, inspired them with unshaken resolution and fortitude.  So gloomy were their prospects, in a temporal view, that nothing but a regard to the gospel, to its precious truths and institutions could dispose them to attempt a removal to this land.  But with much prayer and pious consultation, they formed the noble design.  This design, they executed; but not without much delay and trouble.  Nearly three years were spent in making arrangements for their intended enterprise.  New difficulties arose.  But they persevered; and in July 1620, the pious adventurers failed from Holland to England.  From thence, August 5, they failed, in two vessels, for the new world.  But they were twice obliged to return into port, by reason of the leakiness of one of the vessels.  This was dismissed as unfit for the service.  In the other vessel they set sail, the third time, September 6.  But when half across the Atlantic, they might have been obliged to return, on account of the injury done to the ship by contrary winds and violent storms, had it not been for a large iron screw, which one of the passengers brought from Holland.  With this they repaired the ship; “and then committing themselves to the divine will,” they proceeded on their voyage, and arrived in Cape Cod harbor, November 10.  At Plymouth, they commenced the settlement of New England.>
Uniformity in the observance of religious ceremonies was still enforced in England; and Archbishop Laud adopted so rigorous measures against the Puritans, that numbers of them crossed the Atlantic, at different times, and began settlements in Salem, Charlestown, Boston, Dorchester and other places, that they might promote the pure religion of the gospel.  That this was the design of our ancestors, is evident.
In the second place, from their doctrinal belief, their piety, and their subsequent measures.

Mr. Robinson was a learned, orthodox, pious divine.  He was a zealous advocate for the doctrines of grace.  He and his brethren believed, “that the inspired Scriptures only contain the true religion;—that every man has a right of judging for himself, of trying doctrines by them and of worshipping according to his apprehension of the meaning of them;—that the doctrinal articles of the Church of England,[iii] as also of the reformed Churches of Scotland, Ireland, France, the Palatinate, Geneva, Switzerland, and the United Provinces, are agreeable to the holy oracles;—that every particular Church of Christ is only to consist of such as appear to believe in and obey him; that such—have a right to embody into a Church for their mutual edification; that this embodying is by some certain contract or covenant:—that being embodied, they have a right of choosing all their officers: that the officers appointed by Christ, for this embodied Church, are in some respects of three sorts, in others but two, viz.  Pastors or teaching elders:–mere ruling elders, who are to help the pastor in overseeing and ruling;–and deacons;–that these officers being chosen and ordained, have no lordly, arbitrary or imposing power, but can only rule and minister with the consent of the brethren; who ought not in contempt to be called the laity, but to be treated as men and brethren in Christ, not as slaves or minors;–that baptism is a seal of the covenant of grace, and should be dispensed only to visible believers, with their unadult children; and this in primitive purity, as in the times of Christ and his Apostles, without the sign of the cross or any other invented ceremony; that the Lord’s Supper should be received as it was t first, even in Christ’s immediate presence, in the table posture.”[iv]  For such principles, “this people suffered in England, fled to Holland, traversed the ocean, and fought a dangerous retreat in these remote and savage deserts of North America; that here they might fully enjoy them, and leave them to their last posterity.”

Their piety was no less conspicuous than the purity of their doctrines.  For their piety, they were respected in Holland.  From the Magistrates they received this honorable testimony:  “These Englishmen have lived among us now these twelve years, yet we never had one suit or action come against them.”  In reference to their intended removal to America, Messrs. Robinson and Brewster declared, in behalf of themselves and their brethren; “We verily believe and trust the Lord is with us; to whom and whose service, we have given ourselves in many trials, and that he will graciously prosper our endeavors, according to the simplicity of our hearts.  We are knit together as a body, in a most strict and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord.”  Their measures were marked with fervent piety. They kept two days of solemn prayer before they left Leyden.  Just as they embarked for England, they commended themselves with most fervent prayer to God.  Their expectation was from him.  Before they left England, Mr. Robinson, in a letter which he wrote them from Holland, urged them “to repentance for all known sins: and generally for all that were unknown, lest God should swallow them up in his judgments; to live in peace with one another, and all men; not to give or take offence; to have a proper regard for the general good; and avoid as a deadly plague, all private respect for themselves.”

Having escaped the dangers of the ocean, and gained the harbor of Cape Cod, they devoutly, on their knees, gave thanks to the Lord for their safe arrival.  Previous to their landing, they entered into solemn contract, as the basis of their government; in which they declared they had undertaken their voyage for the glory of God, and the advancement of the Christian faith.  As soon as they landed they fell on their knees “with hearty praises to God, who had been their assurance, when far off on the sea.”  In this pious and memorable manner, was the settlement of New England commenced.

The piety of these worthy men was severely tried, by cruel persecution in their native land; by excessive labor and hardship in Holland; by a long and tedious voyage across the boisterous ocean: by being driven upon a shore, which was unknown and inhospitable, at the commencement of a dreary winter, when they were worn out with toil and sufferings, having neither convenient shelter, nor means of comfortable support, and being soon visited with distressing sickness, which in a few months swept off nearly half of their number.  By means of such trials, their fervent piety became very manifest.

In the noble enterprise of settling this country, large numbers engaged.  Many ministers, eminent for piety and ministerial qualifications, came into this land, and were founders and pastors of Churches.  Multitudes of pious and peaceable protestants here fought a refuge for their lives and liberties, with freedom for the worship of God.  Our fathers considered this country as an asylum for the puritan religion, and aimed to establish Churches as near the scripture standard as possible.

The grand object, for which our ancestors came into this wilderness, was prosecuted with becoming zeal.  Much was done to preserve the faith of the Churches in its purity.  “In 1637, a Synod met at Cambridge for the suppression of Antinomian and other errors.  Eighty errors were presented, examined and condemned.  Great was the good which they effected.”[v]  In 1648, another Synod, convened at Cambridge, adopted the platform of Church discipline called “The Cambridge Platform:” and in their result, they say, “This Synod, having perused and considered, with much gladness of heart and thankfulness to God, the confession of faith, lately published by the Reverend Assembly of Divines in England, do judge it holy, orthodox, and judicious in all matters of faith and do, therefore, freely and fully consent thereunto for the substance.”  This vote was unanimous.[vi]  This was republished as “their confession of faith, and as containing the doctrines, constantly taught and professed in the New England Churches.”  The same confession of faith was again adopted by the Synod of 1680; and the General Court ordered it to be printed “for the benefit of the Churches, in the present and after times.”  The same doctrines were again publicly declared to be the faith of the Churches, “by a General Convention published, “A seasonable testimony to the glorious doctrines of grace;” from which the Rev. Israel Loring in his Election Sermon, in 1737, gives the following extract:  “That the most high God hath from all eternity, elected certain persons from among the children of men, to be brought unto eternal happiness, in and by Jesus Christ; and this decree was not founded in the foresight of any merit or goodness in the chosen, but in the mere good pleasure of God, who made choice of them: that the elected of God are, in his everlasting covenant of redemption, after a peculiar manner, given unto our Lord Messiah, who therein undertook to be their Head and their Redeemer:  that the redeemed of the Lord shall be, in his time and way, every one of them infallibly made partakers of effectual vocation, and have the benefits, which he hath purchased for them, applied to them: that fallen man, having lost the freedom of his will to spiritual good, he will not believe and repent, and answer the call of the gospel until a supernatural operation of the Spirit of grace upon him, do change his will; which operation is bestowed in a way of mere sovereign grace upon those only hat are ordained unto life:  that upon a sinner’s accepting that favor of God by faith, God imputes to him the righteousness of that active and passive obedience, with which the Lord Jesus Christ, appearing as the Surety of his people, has fully answered the law of God for them; and the sinner is justified before God, in that righteousness of the Lord Jesus Christ: that every believer on the Lord Jesus Christ, being by faith united unto him, does henceforth glorify his Lord, in doing the works of evangelical obedience by a strength derived from him; which good works are the fruit and proof, but not the cause of his justification; and finally, that the saints of God shall persevere in their sanctity, and nothing shall make them fall totally and finally from that grace, wherein they stand, and may rejoice in hope of the glory of God.”

The Churches of Connecticut were regulated by the Cambridge Platform until 1708: when they unanimously, by their Pastors and Delegates, adopted “The Saybrook Platform,” and a confession of faith, containing for substance the same doctrines, with that of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster.

Our ancestors were thus engaged for the purity of doctrine and discipline in the Churches, in order to maintain the power of godliness.  For, as the Rev. Israel Loring  observed in his Election Sermon, “It was well said by Dr. Owen that “gospel truth is the  only root whereon gospel holiness will grow.  If any worm corrode, or any other corrupt accident befall it, the fruit will quickly fade and decay.  It is impossible to maintain the power of godliness, where the doctrine, from whence it springs, is unknown, corrupted or despised.”  Our fathers acted in conformity to this sentiment.

Their exertions were happily succeeded.  The Spirit was poured out on the people, and the wilderness became a fruitful field.  In twenty-seven years from the first plantation, there were forty-three Churches in joint communion with one another; and in twenty-seven years more, there were upwards of eighty Churches, composed of known, pious, and faithful professors.  The Rev. Thomas Prince says, “There never was, perhaps, before seen such a body of pious people together on the face of the earth.  For those, who came over first, came hither for the sake of religion, and for that pure religion, which was entirely hated by the loose and profane of the world.  Their civil and ecclesiastical leaders were exemplary patterns of piety.  They encouraged only the virtuous to come with and follow them.  They were so strict on the vicious both in the Church and State, that the incorrigible could not endure to live in the country and went back again.  Profane swearers and drunkards were not known in the land.  Concerning that period, it was said by an eminent Minister, Rev. Mr. Firmin, in a discourse before the house of Lords and Commons, and the Assembly of divines at Westminster:  “I have lived in a country seven years, and all that time, I never heard one profane oath; and all that time I never did see a man drunk in that land.”

When symptoms of declension appeared, our fathers were filled with grief and alarm.  Mr. Stoughton, in his Election sermon, in 1868, says, “Alas! How is New England in danger, this day, to be lost even in New England; to be buried in its own ruins?  How sadly may we lament it, that all are not Israel, that are now of Israel?  How is the good grain diminished, and the chaff increased?  The first generation have been ripened, time after time, and the most of them gathered in as shocks of corn in their season; but we, who rise up to tread the footsteps of those that have gone before us, alas!  What are we!—What coolings and abatements are there charged upon us, in the things that are good, and that have been our glory?  We have abated in our esteem of ordinances, in our hungering and thirsting after the rich provisions of the house of God.  We have abated in our love and zeal, in our wise, tender and faithful management of that great duty of mutual watchfulness and reproof.”

Rulers were then so affected with the declining state of religion, that “in 1679, the Massachusetts government called a Synod of all the Churches in that colony to consider and answer these two most important questions:  (1) What are the evils that have provoked the Lord, to bring his judgments on New England?  (2) What is to be done, that so these evils may be reformed?”  “After a day of fasting and prayer,” which was observed by the Churches, “the Synod spent several days in discoursing on the two great  questions.  The result, pointing out the sins of the time, and recommending a reformation, was presented to the General Court; which by an act,—‘commended it unto the serious consideration of all the Churches and people in the jurisdiction.’  ‘Among their answers to the second question, the Synod advised the several Churches to an express and solemn renewal of covenant with God, and one another: with which many complied; and therefore there was a considerable revival among them.”  Dr. Cotton Mather says, “Very remarkable was the blessing of God on the Churches, which did not so sleep, as some others; not only by a great advancement of holiness in the people; but also by a great addition of converts to their holy fellowship.  Many thousand spectators will testify that they never saw the special presence of the Great God our Saviour more notably discovered, than in the solemnity of these opportunities.”[vii]

In those days, the Ministers, in election sermons and other discourses, labored to impress it on the minds of the people, that this ought never to be forgotten, that New England was originally a plantation of religion, not of trade; that pure religion was the cause of God and his people in this country; and that fervent, vital piety was declining even in those Churches which were established on purpose to preserve and promote it.  In 1702, Dr. Increase Mather thus wrote:  “Let the life and power of godliness be revived.  That has been the singular glory of New England.  The generality of the first planters were men eminent for godliness.  We are the posterity of the good old puritan Nonconformists in England, who were a strict and holy people.  Such were our fathers who followed the Lord into this wilderness.  Time was, when these Churches were beautiful as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem, terrible as an army with banners.  What a glorious presence of Christ was there in all his ordinances?  Many were converted, and willingly declared what God had done for their souls; and there were added to the Churches daily such as should be saved.  Look into pulpits; and see if there is such a glory there, as once there was.  New England has had teachers eminent for learning, and no less eminent for holiness and all ministerial accomplishments.  When will Boston see a Cotton and a Norton again?  When will New England see a Hooker, a Shepard, a Mitchel, not to mention others?  No little part of the glory was laid in the dust, when these eminent servants of Christ were laid in their graves.  Look into our civil state: does Christ reign there as once he did?  How many Churches, how many towns are there in New England, that we may sigh over them and say, The glory is gone!”

Thus the settlement of New England was commenced and prosecuted for the advancement of pure religion.  For this grand object, our pious ancestors left their native land, and came into a wilderness, inhabited by savages.  For this, they labored and toiled; for this, they fasted and prayed.

From this view of the first settlement and primitive state of New England, we are led to inquire.
Whether we have not departed from the faith and piety of our ancestors?
Blessed be the Lord, that many are now witnesses for the truth as it is in Jesus; that many Churches now stand “upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief cornerstone.”  O that this could be said of all!  But is there not in many of our Churches, a great and lamentable departure from the faith and piety of our ancestors?  Alas!  This must be evident to every impartial observer; and it should be noticed with the deepest humiliation and sorrow of heart.

The faith once delivered to the saints, was exceedingly dear to our ancestors.  It formed, under divine influence, their excellent characters.  Through belief of the truth, they were sanctified, and prepared for the noble and hazardous enterprise of crossing the Atlantic, and establishing churches of Christ in a land of savages.  Had they been Arminians, Arians, or Socinians, their religious characters would have been essentially different.  Had they rejected the capital doctrines of the gospel, would it be too much to say, that their hearts would have been unhumbled, unreconciled to God, and destitute of his love?  But they knew, they felt the power of divine truth.  They received it in love.  They were zealous advocates for the doctrines of grace.  These were distinctly held forth as the faith of all the Churches.  A departure from this faith was feared as a most deadly evil.  It was clearly perceived that, if the doctrines of grace should be exploded, the power of godliness could not be maintained.  Hence they manifested fervent zeal against all manner of heresies; against everything destructive of truth and holiness.  Even as lately as in the days of President Edwards, the spread of Arminian sentiments excited much alarm.  “The friends of vital piety trembled for fear of the issue.”[viii]—But how great is our present departure from the faith of the gospel?  How many openly reject its essential doctrines?  How many Churches make no explicit declaration of their belief of the cardinal truths of revelation?  What opposition is made, even in the heart of New England, against the real and proper divinity of the Savior; his atonement and everlasting righteousness, as the only ground of the sinner’s acceptance with God; the personality and work of the Holy Ghost in the salvation of lost men: and against other connected and equally important doctrines?  Instead of being valiant for the truth, how many are the zealous advocates of error?  Instead of contending earnestly for the faith, they contend for sentiments, which subvert the gospel.  How many boast of their liberality and Catholicism, while vehemently opposed to the capital articles of the true Christian faith?  They can bear with almost anything, except the truth.  Hence the outcry against orthodox confessions of faith—How different is all this from the conduct of our worthy ancestors?

A quotation from one of the brightest ornaments of the New England Churches, Dr. Cotton Mather, may serve to shew our sad apostasy.  In his “directions for a candidate of the ministry,” he says:  “I must advise you, that the doctrines of grace be all of them always with you, as the very salt and soul of your sermons.  Assert always the necessity of turning and living unto God; and yet such an impotency in the wounded and corrupt faculties of man, as renders a supernatural and regenerating work of sovereign grace necessary for it.  Shew people how to plead the sacrifice of our Saviour, that they may be forgiven; and how to lay hold on his righteousness, that they may be accepted with God.  Shew people how to overcome, and mortify, and crucify their evil appetites by repairing to the cross of our Saviour; and how to derive strength from him for the doing and the bearing of all that they are called unto.  Shew the people of God how to take the comfort of their eternal election, and special redemption, and insured perseverance; and, at the same time, retch mighty incentives to holiness from those hopes which will forever cause them that have them to purify themselves.  Gospelize to them all the commandments of the law, and shew them how to obey upon the principles of the gospel: and how the precepts of the gospel are so many promises of it.

With a strong application, study the covenant of grace: and let the spirit of that covenant animate and regulate all your performances, when you bless the Lord in the congregations.  In these truths, there are the articles, which the Church either stands or falls withal.  They will be the life of your ministry; nor can the power of godliness be maintained without them.  The loss of these truths will render a ministry insipid and unfruitful; and procure this complaint about the Shepherds:  The diseased ye have not strengthened, neither have ye brought again that which was driven away.”—Such were the directions once given and observed in New England.  But what essentially different directions are now given?  How many are systematically taught to oppose these all important truths?  How many are told to believe that Christ is the Messiah, while they are kept as ignorant as possible of his true character and of the capital doctrines of his gospel?  The great Apostle to the Gentiles did not teach in this manner.  He determined to know nothing but Christ and him crucified; and in execution of his design, he declared all the counsel of God.         

The doctrines of total depravity, regeneration by special grace, election, justification by faith the final perseverance of the saints, and the eternal deity of the Saviour, he plainly and fully taught.  The pious fathers of New England aimed to follow him.  But how many now rise up, and either openly or implicitly stigmatize them as bigots?  Alas?!  How great is our degeneracy!
Our apostasy further appears from the opposition that is made against revivals of religion, which are produced by the special operations of the Holy Ghost.  It is the object of many, at this day, to discredit and reproach such revivals; and to represent the gracious exercises of real converts as the reveries of deluded fanatics or wild enthusiasts.  But in the early days of New England, who ever knew such opposition to the power of godliness?  Then nothing was thought more important or more joyful than for God to pour out his Spirit, and revive his work in the conversion of sinners.  As an example of this, I will recite the words of Mr. Roger Clap, a worthy member of the Church in Dorchester.  “Many joined unto the several Churches where they lived, confessing their faith publicly, and shewing before all the assembly their experiences of the workings of God’s Spirit in their hearts, to bring them to Christ.—O the many tears, that have been shed in Dorchester meting house, at such times both by those that have declared God’s work on their souls, and also by those that heard them!  In those days, God, even our God, did bless New England.”[ix]—About the year 1740, there was a revival of godliness, which excited great joy in the New England Churches.

The Rev. Mr. Foxcroft of Boston wrote thus concerning it:  “Let every new conversion we see or hear of, open a fresh spring of joy in our hearts, and fill our mouths with praise.  As the number of converts in Zion in this remarkable day of divine power and grace, is on the increasing hand, and much people are daily added to the Lord in one place and another, how should all that would approve themselves lovers of Christ and souls, rejoice and give thanks!  Praise ye the Lord:  praise the Lord, O my soul.—O how should we magnify the Lord with thanksgiving, who is so marvelously, at this day, visiting our land, to take out of it a people for his name, and in so extensive a manner reviving his work among us.  May it spread still more, till the whole land, yea, the whole earth is filled with the glory of the Lord.”[x]—In 1743 a Convention of about seventy Ministers[xi] in Boston, declared publicly, to the glory of sovereign grace, their full persuasion that there had been a remarkable and happy revival of religion in many parts of this land, through an uncommon divine influence; and they add, “Thus we have declared our thoughts as to the work of God, so remarkably revived in many parts of this land.  And now we desire to bow the knee in thanksgiving to the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that our eyes have seen, and our ears heard such things.”

Such joy and gratitude were then expressed.  But what opposition now appears to the same work of sovereign grace?  How many treat it with open contempt?  How many rejoice to hear the doctrines of grace exploded, and revivals of religion reproached as fanaticism and delusion?  They wish for teachers, who will speak smooth things, and not alarm them by faithfully declaring their total depravity of heart, and their absolute need of special grace.  They wish to live as they lift, and still indulge their fond, through delusive, hopes of future happiness.  As a natural consequence of this opposition to the truth and to the power of godliness, there has been a great and lamentable change in the morals of New England.  Some say that the doctrines of grace tend to licentiousness.  But facts contradict the assertion.  It is not the truth, but heresy, which tends to licentiousness.  The morals of New England have been the purest, when the truth has been most faithfully taught, and most generally received.  In proportion as the true doctrines of the gospel have been opposed, and their opposite errors propagated, have vice and immorality abounded.

That so many Churches have left the gospel foundation, is another proof of our apostasy.  The good old way, which our fathers trod, is forsaken.  Churches were not only formed with the greatest care, but our fathers were also very careful and strict in the admission of members.  No person was admitted to full communion, who did not give hopeful evidence of being a subject of special, renewing grace.  Those who wished for admission, were carefully examined by the minister and some of the brethren.  Much pains were taken “to prevent the polluting of the ordinance, by such as walk scandalously, and to prevent men and women from eating and drinking their own condemnation.”

But how many are now admitted to full communion, without any such examination, and without any evidence that they have been renewed by special grace?  When Churches were careful and strict in admitting members, they maintained gospel discipline.  But how much is discipline now opposed and neglected?  This evinces Churches to be in a state of great declension if not nigh unto ruin.  “When apostasy prevailed in the Asiatic Churches,” says Dr. Increase Mather, “there was the original wound.  They did not brandish the sword of discipline, which is Christ’s own expedient and appointment for the preservation of Churches in purity; yea, this was a fatal neglect, which, by degrees, proved ruinous to those once famous and glorious Churches.  The neglect of discipline—brought in corruption of manners; and corruption of manners was, through the just revenging hand of God, attended with corruption of doctrine; and these together provoked the Lord to lay those Churches most desolate.”  “So it was with the once famous Churches of Bohemia; remissness in their discipline proved their ruin”  How much do we discover of the same apostasy, in many of our Churches?  In how many, is discipline wholly laid aside?  How many members, guilty of heresy or immoral conduct, pass unnoticed and unreproved?  How deplorable is the state of such Churches?

Another thing which manifests our declension is the division among professing Christians.  In the early days of New England, there was a very happy union.  “Then” says the Rev. Mr. Shepard of Charlestown, “might be seen magistrates and ministers together in way of advice:  ministers and ministers cleaving together in way of communion:—Churches and Churches together in way of consultation, by greater and lesser synods; magistrates and ministers and their people together, uniting hands and hearts in the common cause, breathing a public spirit, and conspiring with holy zeal and vigor, to advance the kingdom of Christ.”  Of the same period the Rev. James Fitch, of Norwich, in Connecticut, says, “O the uniting glory then manifest;—grace ruling and ordering both rulers and people under the glorious banners of true gospel holy love.  Then were colonies united and courts united; magistrates united and ministers united; Churches united and plantations united.”  But what a spirit of division now prevails?  And to what is this owing, but to a departure from the truth?  If all who profess religion, received in love the same doctrines, the present division would not exist.  But the fact is, that while some adhere to the essential doctrines of the gospel, others reject them.  They depart from the faith.  Hence divisions arise.  Many attempts are made to sow discord among real brethren; and to prevent their uniting to defend and propagate the truth.  Heresies are industriously circulated.  By means of these they who are approved are made manifest; those who choose darkness rather than light are also made manifest.  Saith the Apostle John, “They went out from us, but they were not of us; for if they had been of us, they would no doubt have continued with us; but they went out, that they might be made manifest that they were not all of us.”

The profanation of the Sabbath evinces our apostasy.  This holy day was very sacredly observed by our pious ancestors.  Legislators, and magistrates, and heads of families were zealously engaged to prevent the profanation of the day.  Their authority and example had great and happy influence.  But how much is the Sabbath now profaned?  How many spend it in journeying, in visiting, in parties of pleasure, in mirth, in rioting and wantonness:  no man forbidding them!  How are the youth suffered to walk about, and from house to house, and profane the day by vain, if not corrupting conversation?  What numbers come to untimely deaths, in the midst of their heaven daring profanation of the Sabbath?  How many others, by profaning the day, form habits of wickedness, which bring upon them sure and dreadful destruction?

Another thing which manifests our sad declension is the neglect of family worship, and the religious education of children.  Our fathers adopted this maxim, that “families are the nurseries for the church and commonwealth:  ruin families and you ruin all.”  Their houses were Bethels, in which God was worshipped every morning and evening.  His blessing was humbly fought; and his goodness gratefully acknowledged.  Children were early taught, by example, to fear the Lord, and to seek his grace by prayer.  But now “the great wound and misery of New England is, that families are out of order.”  In how many, is prayer wholly neglected?  Some may attend the worship of God, occasionally, or when they think it would be peculiarly disgraceful to omit it.  How many think it would be a loss of time, to leave their worldly employments, in order to wait on God for his blessing?  What a spirit of impiety is this!  And do not some heads of families attend prayer, while they deny this privilege to their servants and hired laborers?  They treat these as if they had no God to serve, no souls to save!  How must God regard the prayers of those who love the world more than they love him, or the souls of men?—How distressing to hear no prayer in a family!  How inconsistent and impious is the conduct of many, who abound in thanks to their fellow creatures, but give no thanks to their great Creator?  In God they live; and his goodness is the prime source of all their blessings; and yet they practically say, there is no God!

Children are also greatly neglected.  They are not so generally dedicated to God in baptism, as they were in the early days of New England.  The learned and godly men, who composed the first Churches in this land, never considered the baptism of the believer’s children as a human invention; but as a divine institution, and of equal authority and importance with the baptism of the believer.  Upon this principle, the pure and orthodox Churches of New England were first formed.  Pious parents esteemed it a great privilege to dedicate their children to God in baptism.  They did it in faith, and with fervent prayer.  The children, thus dedicated to God, were considered as being in a peculiar relation to the Church, and under its care and watch.  “As for the children of the covenant,” said Dr. Increase Mather, “let discipline be extended towards them according  as they are subjects capable thereof.  Did not our fathers come hither in hope that they should leave their children under the discipline and government of the Lord Jesus in his Church?  Hath not Christ owned the application of solemn, public admonitions, &c. to some of them that have been children of the Church, though not in full communion, so as to convert their souls thereby?”  The Churches were then blessed with times of refreshing from the presence of the Lord.  In fulfillment of his promise, he poured his Spirit on their seed; and numbers came forward, and subscribed with their own hands to be the Lord’s.  But, of late years, how lamentable has been the change?  How many who have practiced infant baptism, have not duly attended to its import and design, nor faithfully discharged the duties, which it involves?  Children have been consecrated to God, and then left to their own wayward inclination.  And what have Churches done to prevent or remove this evil?  Have they been duly attentive to their children, or suitably concerned for their salvation?—To say, ‘We are not agreed about this part of our duty,’ is too much evidence of apostasy.  This disagreement may arise from our neglect of duty.  Had our Churches been faithful, our duty might have been plain.  Then their practice, in connexion with the word of God, would have marked out a plain path.  But having so much and so long forsaken the good old way, it is difficult finding it.

Our neglect of the children of the Church has had another very bad effect.  It has excited strong prejudices against infant baptism.  Many have openly denied, and warmly opposed it.  But this is a sad departure from the faith and practice of the pious fathers of New England, as well as of the great body of Christ’s faithful followers ever since his ascension.  Even Churches, that the Lord has peculiarly blessed with his presence and grace, have been reproached and reviled as Churches of anti-Christ; and the children of God’s people have been taught to despise the seal of the covenant.  The consequence has been, that many of our youth are vain, thoughtless and inattentive to religion.  The more infant baptism is denied, and children neglected, the more deplorable their ignorance and stupidity.  This lamentable fact has been witnessed in New England.

Catechetical instruction is greatly neglected.  In former times, the assembly’s catechism was used in all our schools.  Much pains were taken to teach the youth this excellent summary of Christian faith and practice.  The Bible was also universally read in schools.  The effects were very happy.  Children were early acquainted with the scriptures.  A worthy minister has told me that the whole scripture history was familiar to him at the age of seven years.  But from this good old way there are sad departures.  The Bible and catechism are much laid aside, in educating children, both in schools and families.  The effects are very evident and alarming.  Many come forward into active life, ignorant of the first principles of the oracles of God.  Such persons are easily “tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doctrine, by the sleight of men, and cunning craftiness, whereby they lie in wait to deceive.”

Our conduct, in other respects, testifies that we have departed from the primitive piety of New England.  A pious and learned minister of Roxbury, the Rev. Samuel Danforth, in his election sermon, 1670, says, “In our first and best times the kingdom of heaven broke in upon us with a holy violence, and every man pressed into it.  What mighty efficacy and power had the clear and faithful dispensation of the gospel upon your hearts?—How careful were you, even all sorts, young and old, high and low, to take hold of the opportunities of your spiritual good and edification, ordering your secular affairs so as not to interfere with your general calling?  How diligent and faithful in preparing your hearts for the reception of the word?—How attentive in hearing the everlasting gospel?—How fervent in prayer to God for his blessing on the seed sown?  O what an esteem for Christ’s faithful ambassadors in those days?  How precious were they in your eyes?  Counting yourselves happy in the enjoyment of a pious, learned, and orthodox ministry.  What ardent desires after communion with Christ in his ordinances?  What solicitude to seek the Lord after the right order?—O how your faith grew exceedingly?—O how your love towards each other abounded?”  Thus spake this godly  man.

But what would he now say of New England?  Would he not say that the words of his dear fellow laborer, Dr. Increase Mather, were verified?  “If such places, where the house of God hath been erected, do once degenerate, they are like to become Bethavens, places of greatest vanity and iniquity in the world.—Gilgal was once famous upon religious accounts.—But in after generations, it was a fountain of much wickedness.  All their wickedness was in Gilgal.  The devil seeks to corrupt those places especially, which once were famous for religion.—Wittemburg in Germany was the town, where the reformation in Luther’s time began; and therefore the devil did seek to corrupt that place especially, and caused it to become the seat of grievous heresies.”  How much is this to be seen in our land?  How great and lamentable is the change in many congregations?  What contempt of the gospel and its institutions is manifested?  What heresies are advanced?  What stupidity prevails?  How dissipated and profligate are many?  How many professors of religion may be found, who are nowise distinguished from the world, by their sobriety, or attention to religious duties?  In short, how much do error and impiety abound in places once famous for evangelical truth and holiness.
It was not love of the world, but the love of God, which brought our ancestors to this land.  They fought first the kingdom of God and his righteousness.  But “the interest of New England is now changed from a religious to a worldly interest; and in this, is our great radical apostasy.”  The great object of pursuit is worldly gain.  Multitudes have adopted it as their maxim, that gain is godliness.  Consequently, fraud, deceit, lying, contention, injustice, extortion, and all kinds of base and iniquitous speculation greatly abound.  Through love of the world, many trample on divine authority, neglect their souls, reject the great salvation, and pursue the downward road to endless perdition.—How many religious professors love the world and the things of the world?  How little of the favor of godliness is perceived in their conduct and conversation?  Alas! They seek their own, not the things which are Jesus Christ’s.

How much do we fail of treading in the steps of our ancestors?  How different is our character from theirs?  What different objects engage our attention?  Alas!  Alas!  Where is the primitive glory of New England!
How great is our guilt!  This is increased in proportion to the obligations we have violated.  And what people has been more highly favored; what people has been laid under greater obligations to be holy?  “As for special relation to God;” says Mr. Stoughton, “whom hath the Lord more signally exalted than his people in this wilderness?  The name, and interest of God, and covenant relation to him, have been written upon us, in capital letters from the beginning—As for restipulations and engagements back again to God; what solemn public transactions of this kind have there been among us?  Hath not the eye of the Lord beheld us laying covenant engagements upon ourselves?  Hath not his ear heard us solemn avouching him and him alone to be our God and Saviour?—As for our advantages and privileges in a covenant state; if any people in the world have been lifted up to heaven, as to these, we are the people.  Name what you will under this head, and we have had it.

We have had Moses and Aaron to lead us; we have had teachings and instructions;—we have had ordinances and gospel dispensations the choicest of them; we have had peace and plenty; we have had afflictions and chastisements in measure; we have had the hearts, and prayers, and blessing of the Lord’s people everywhere; we have had the eye and hand of God watching and working every way for our good; our adversaries have had their rebukes, we have had our encouragements and a wall of fire round about us.  What more could have been done for us, than has been done?—And then as to New England’s first ways; glorious things might here be spoken unto the praise of free grace, and to justify the Lord’s expectations upon this ground?  Surely God hath spoken concerning his Churches here as in Jeremiah, ii. 2.  I remember the kindness of thy youth, the love of thine espousals, when thou wentest after me in the wilderness.  O what were the open professions of the Lord’s people that first entered this wilderness?  How did our fathers entertain the gospel, with all the pure institutions thereof, and those liberties, which they brought over?  What was their communion and fellowship in the administration of the kingdom of Jesus Christ?  What was the pitch of their brotherly love, of their zeal for God and his ways, and against ways destruction of truth and holiness?  What was their humility, their mortification, their exemplariness?  How much of holiness to the Lord was written upon all their ways and transactions?  God sifted a whole nation, that he might send choice grain over into this wilderness.” 

Such, my brethren, have been our obligations to be a holy people: and our obligations have been continually increasing, by manifestations of divine goodness.  New England has been, in a peculiar sense, the vineyard of the Lord, where he has looked for the fruits of righteousness.  But we have yielded the grapes of Sodom.  We have brought forth iniquity.  To us, the Lord may say, “Ah, sinful nation, a people laden with iniquity;—children that are corrupters!  They have forsaken the Lord; they have provoked the holy One of Israel unto anger; they are gone away backward.”  “Remember, therefore, from whence thou art fallen, and repent, and do the first works; or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will remove thy candlestick out of his place, except thou repent.—He that hath an ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith unto the Churches.”

NOW, my Brethren and Friends, what shall be done?  Shall we continue to depart from the faith and piety of our ancestors?  Or shall we make every possible exertion to revive and promote the pure religion of the gospel?
What can be more laudable than to pursue the design of our ancestors?  Or what can be more criminal than, instead of imitating their love and zeal for truth and holiness, to embrace and advocate error and live in impiety?  Did it not add greatly to the guilt of unbelieving Jews, that Abraham was their father?  Were not the Scribes and Pharisees peculiarly criminal in pretending to venerate the ancient prophets, while they rejected and persecuted those who came in the same spirit, and bore witness to the same truths?  And how aggravated must be our condemnation, if we not only refuse to imitate the piety of our ancestors; but also oppose, with more or less vehemence, the cause which they so zealously promoted?

Receive in love, I beseech you, the doctrines of grace, which our ancestors held so dear.  Can you be ashamed of the gospel?  And can you be ashamed of the gospel, or of those doctrines which are its essence and glory, without being ashamed of Christ?  What they would be your doom?  Do you expect to possess the piety of our ancestors, while you reject the essential doctrines of the gospel?  Such an expectation must be vain.  Reject these doctrines, and your character must be directly opposite to heirs.  Reject these doctrines, and how absurd to pretend that you believe the gospel?  What, pretend to believe the gospel.  Receive its doctrines in love, and they will purify the heart and produce the fruits of righteousness.  Let them dwell richly in you, and you will not deserve the name of bigots or fanatics: for you will be able to give a reason of your belief and hope, and to commend yourselves to every man’s conscience in the sight of God.

Remember the Sabbath day, to keep it holy.  Would you be guilty of murder, or theft, or perjury?  And will you profane the Sabbath?  What can be a more open contempt of the authority of God, or of the blessings of his grace?  What can be more provoking to him, or destructive to you?  Can you indulge a hope of salvation, while you profane the precious memorial of the Saviour’s resurrection?

Daily unite, I beseech you in the worship of God.  How can you neglect this duty or despise this privilege?  Do you not need the blessing of God?  Ought you not to acknowledge his goodness?  If you live without prayer, will your families differ from the heathen?  Yes, they will differ by being stained with greater guilt.  What will it avail you to excel the heathen in knowledge, and refinement, while, by restraining prayer before God, you become more deserving of his wrath?

Look on your dear children.  Realize their frailty, and the worth of their souls.  Are not these dying immortals placed peculiarly under your care?  Is not their instruction committed to you?  Does not God command you to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord?  And what if they perish through your neglect?  How then could you meet them in the presence of your Judge?

Christian brethren; what exertions are required, at this day, in the cause of truth and holiness?  Behold the prevailing heresies and impiety, and can you be inactive?  How would your pious ancestors feel; how would they conduct?  Would they indulge a slothful habit?  Would they shrink from any labor, or sufferings in defense of the truth?  Imbibe their spirit, and you will contend earnestly for the faith once delivered to the saints; and decidedly oppose every sentiment, which exalts sinful man, and degrades the adorable Saviour to a mere creature.

Strive, dear Brethren, to promote the power of godliness.  Be not ashamed to advocate revivals of religion, which are caused by the Spirit of God, in connexion with his word: nor be moved at the conduct of those who call such revivals, fanaticism and delusion, except to be moved with pity and concern for their souls.[xii]  Pray, fervently and constantly, that God would pour out his Spirit, and revive his work, with mighty power.  Be deeply sensible, that, without the special grace of God, our Churches will come to nothing, or worse than nothing; formality and impiety will overspread our congregations, and sinners rush on to destruction.  Can you be unaffected with such scenes?  Can you see vice and impiety abound, and souls perish forever, and yet make no exertions to promote pure religion?

Esteem very highly the institutions of the gospel.  Be deeply grieved at the profanation of the Sabbath; and exert all your influence and authority to prevent it.  Imitate the example of Nehemiah, who boldly said to Sabbath-breakers, What evil thing is this that ye do, and profane the Sabbath day?  Let your whole conduct testify your reverence for the day.  Let it never be said that Christian professors profane the day by vain and worldly conversation, or any unsuitable conduct.  But call the Sabbath a delight, the Holy of the Lord, Honorable; and honor him, not doing thine own ways, nor finding thine own pleasure, nor speaking thine own words.

With fervent love and lively joy, commemorate the death of Christ; and highly prize the ordinance of baptism.  Esteem it a precious privilege, to enter into covenant with God in Christ; and then to devote to him your beloved children Dear Brethren, let it no longer be thought, that the consecration of children to God in baptism is a vain thing.  But shew its importance by faithfully discharging your duty to your children.  In this way, convince the opposers of infant baptism of their error.  Have you not, too long and too justly, been charged with neglecting the religious education of your children, after dedicating them to God in baptism?  Shall this charge still lie against you?  O be faithful to your children.  Never forget their consecration to God; but let it quicken you in every parental duty.  Frequently remind them of their baptism and urge it, as a motive, why they should consent to be the Lord’s.  Do with all your might, what you find to do for their salvation.  How solemn is your charge!  How great, your responsibility!

Feel the vast importance of catechising children.  By diligence in this mode of instruction, the Waldenses successfully promoted the knowledge of the Scriptures.  “When certain Jesuits were sent among them, to entice them from the truth to idolatry, they returned amazed, professing that children of seven years old, among the Waldenses, knew more in the Scriptures and of the mysteries of the gospel, than many of their doctors did.”  Exert yourselves, my Brethren, to revive this mode of instruction, both in families and schools.  What better method can be pursued, to make our children acquainted with the scriptures.[xiii]  Be zealous and persevering in this business. Excite and encourage youth and children to attend to the Bible and Catechism.  Shew them the great importance of religious instruction.  Let them see that their parents and instructors are deeply concerned for their welfare.  Let them feel that you desire and fervently pray for the salvation of their souls.

Let this subject deeply engage the attention of Churches.  Has not every Church of Christ important duties to discharge towards their children?  Are Christian brethren, in covenant relation with each other, to express no concern for each other’s children?  Does the promise of God to pour his Spirit on the children of the Church, impose on them no obligation to see whether their children are partakers of this grace?  Can a Church unite in dedicating their children to God in baptism, that they may be his, and yet have nothing more to do for them?  What a prostitution this would be of their baptism?  What a neglect, not to say contempt, of the promise?  And how opposite to all the dictates of that love, which seeketh not her own?  Let the subject, my Brethren, be well considered.  Let the Church and their children come together for prayer and religious conference; let all the members be fervent in love to each other and to the children; exercise a lively faith in the promise; and realize covenant engagements; and would nothing be done for the salvation of the children?  Would no instructions, no exhortations, no admonitions be given them?  It has been practiced in New England, for a Church to set apart days, to beseech the Lord to pour his Spirit on their children.  Ought not the practice to be revived?[xiv]

Let our Churches be strict in the admission of members; and united in reviving gospel discipline.  What can be more conducive to their purity, peace, and prosperity.  Let persons be admitted without a faithful examination, and discipline neglected, and our Churches will be corrupted and ruined.  Be faithful, beloved Brethren, in these two important concerns.  Be faithful to each other, in mutual watchfulness and reproof.  Exhort one another daily, lest any be hardened through the deceitfulness of sin.

Let the friends of evangelical truth be more united, and act more in concert.  Let there be more pious, prayerful consultations for the advancement of Christ’s cause.  Beware of the adversary, whose policy it is to excite jealousy and sow discord among brethren.  He dreads their united influence.  Being agreed in the essentials of Christianity, never let a difference of opinion on minor subjects divide you.  Love one another, with a pure heart fervently; and be perfectly joined together in the same mind, and in the same judgment.

Vigorously pursue every lawful method to advance the cause of truth.  The glory of God; the honor of the Redeemer; the salvation of immortal souls; and your own highest blessedness, require it.  Let no difficulties, no opposition, no trials move you from the path of duty.  Be steadfast in the faith.  When others forsake the cause they once espoused; or boldly advance and warmly advocate opinions, subversive of the gospel; let your attachment to the truth, be more ardent and vigorous.  Let it prompt you to greater exertions.  Declare the whole counsel of God, as duty shall require.  Never listen to the infidel sentiment, that if a man’s life be regular, it is no matter what he believes.  But remember that men can never be sanctified and saved, except through the truth.  To attempt their conversion, while the doctrines of grace are concealed or denied, is beating the air.  In defense of these doctrines, unite zeal and meekness, resolution and prayer.

Be excited to greater zeal by the laudable exertions of others.  Behold the friends of Jesus uniting in the same grand design.  See what noble efforts are made.  Consider what has been done, within a few years, to advance the cause of truth.  Engage in this cause, with all your hearts; for it will prosper; it will rise triumphant, above all opposition.  It is the cause of Jehovah.  With growing zeal, employ your time, your talents, and all you have, in the work of the Lord.  Animated with the spirit of martyrs, go forward boldly in his service.  Confide in the grace and power of Jehovah—Jesus.  His grace is sufficient for you.  His power will uphold and defend you, till your warfare is accomplished; and then crown you with eternal glory.  Be ye strong, therefore, and let not your hands be weak; for your work shall be rewarded.—Amen.

 


[i] Dr. Fulk, quoted in Prince’s N. E. Chronology, page 5.
[ii] See Prince’s N. E. Chronology and Holmes’ Annals.
[iii] These are the doctrines usually denominated Calvinistic.
[iv] Prince’s N. E. Chronology, page 91-93.
[v] Marse and Parish’s history of New England.
[vi] Marse and Parish’s history of New England.
[vii] Christian History for 1743, page 107; and Holmes’ Annals.
[viii] Narrative of revival of religion at Northampton.
[ix] Cited in the Christian history, page 72.
[x] Christian history, page 135.
[xi] Ten of these belonged to Boston.  Upwards of forty Ministers who were not present, sent forward their written testimonies to the work of God’s grace.  These were published in the Christian history.
[xii] No doubt, there is much fanaticism and delusion at the present day.  For Satan transforms himself into an angel of light, that he may deceive the more successfully.  When God revives his work, Satan attempts to imitate it; as the magicians attempted to imitate the miracles wrought by Moses.  A genuine revival of religion is distinguished from all counterfeits by its conformity to divine truth.  The author is happy to avail himself of the testimony of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, on this subject.  In their narrative of the state of religion, published at their late session, they expressly declare that they “cannot recognize as genuine any work in the hearts of men, bearing the name of religion, but that which is produced by the instrumentality of truth, acknowledges and honors that truth.—In those parts of the Church, without exception, in which vital religion has flourished, in the course of the last year, the fundamental doctrines of the gospel; viz. the total depravity of human nature, the divinity and atonement of Jesus Christ, justification by his imputed righteousness, the sovereignty and freeness of divine grace, and the special influences of the Holy Spirit in the regeneration and sanctification of sinners, have been decidedly received and honored.”—Try men by the doctrines of the gospel, if you would know whether their religious exercises are genuine.
[xiii] For this purpose, I would particularly recommend “The Evangelical Primer; by the Rev. Joseph Emerson of Beverly.”—It is very desirable, that this may be used in every family, and in every school.
[xiv] The General Assembly, in their narrative, referred to in a preceding note, say, “The means, in addition to the preaching of the word, which God has owned and blessed are, catechizing and prayer meetings.  And the Assembly hail it as an auspicious omen, that, upon many of his people and Churches, God has poured out a Spirit of grace and supplication.”

Sermon – Election – 1809, New Hampshire


This election sermon was preached by Rev. William Rowland in New Hampshire on June 8, 1809.


sermon-election-1809-new-hampshire

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE THE

HONORABLE GENERAL COURT

OF THE

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,

AT THE

ANNUAL ELECTION,

HOLDEN AT CONCORD,

JUNE 8, 1809.

BY WILLIAM F. ROWLAND,
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN EXETER.

In the House of Representatives, June 8, 1809.

VOTED, That Messrs. Ham, Edwards, and Goodall, with such as the Senate may join, be a committee to return thanks to the Rev. Mr. Rowland for his ingenious and patriotic Discourse delivered before the General Court this day, and request of him a copy for the press; and that said committee procure five hundred printed copies of the same, and lay the same before this House as soon as may be.

Sent up for concurrence.
GEO. B. UPHAM, Speaker.

In Senate, June 8, 1809.

Read and concurred….Mr. Adams joined.

ABIEL FOSTER, Clerk.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

GALATIANS V. 14.

For all the law is fulfilled in one word, even in this; Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.

THE law of God is holy, just, and good. To entertain right ideas of this law is necessary to give us right ideas of God. To imagine this a mere ceremonial observance; or, to lessen its requirements, explain away its spirituality, and make it consist in external forms, is to detract from its dignity, and cast contempt on the authority by which it was enacted.

Erroneous sentiments in religion lead to a correspondent practice. The morals of the heathen partook of the imagined nature of their gods: where revenge was a prominent feature, they cultivated this temper; where lasciviousness, they gave themselves up to impurity. What vices soever they imagined applicable to the deity they worshipped, they eagerly embraced and practiced.

There are those in Christian lands, who, tho’ they profess to be guided by the word of God, explain it to suit their fancies, or comport with their selfish views.

The apostle is here instructing his brethren into the nature of Christian liberty; cautioning them against the abuse of it to gratify their sinful passions; exhorting them to become mutual helps, to cherish a pure affection, and to be ready at all times to perform offices of beneficence.

Here he introduces the passage, which has now been read..For all the law is fulfilled in one word, even in this; Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.

In attending to this subject, we will consider,

I. That the divine law is fulfilled by the exercise of Christian love.

II. The dangerous tendency of a contrary disposition.

III. The dangerous tendency of a contrary disposition.

I. That the divine law is fulfilled by the exercise of Christian love.

To explain this point, it will be essential to contemplate the nature and extent of this affection. It is an affection of the mind, divested of those partial and interested feelings, which lead men to seek their own good without regard to others. It embraces our fellow men as brethren of the same common family. As we love ourselves, so should we love them; as we tenderly regard our own happiness, so should we regard theirs; as we would avoid whatever would be injurious to our own name, our persons, our interest, our peace and felicity in this and a future world, so should we, with equal sedulity, guard against everything that would, in either respect, tend to the injury of others. Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them. This is an infallible rule, applicable at all times, and in all circumstances. Our blessed Savior expressly enjoined this affection; and stiled it a new commandment, because, under the Gospel, it is more fully and particularly explained, than it was under the ancient economy. Treating of this important subject, how plain and forcible is his language! Ye have heard that it hath been said, Thou shalt love thy neighbor, and hate thine enemy: but I say unto you, love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you; for if ye love them which love you, what reward have ye? Do not even the publicans the same? Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect. In respect to the extent of this affection, we observe, that it is so widely and so generally diffused, as to embrace the universe.

But how does the exercise of Christian affection fulfill the law? The whole Decalogue our Savior comprises in two commands…Love to God and our neighbor; because there is nothing commanded but what may be comprised in them. The apostle brings all into one, and says, Love is the fulfilling of the law. And the whole is included by our Savior, when he says, All the law is fulfilled in love. The whole of religion is often represented by one Christian virtue; because one branch of duty cannot be regarded without a love to the whole. If we truly love our neighbor as ourselves, in obedience to the command of God, we cannot fail to love him who gave the command; and thus the law is fulfilled. But, if any love not his brother, whom he hath seen, how can he love God, whom he hath not seen? To love our particular friends and relatives, from whom we receive, or expect, kindness, is only to love ourselves.

II. The influence of this temper on individuals and on society.

Of all the systems of religion which have been devised, and the laws of the wisest legislators, none like this was ever calculated to render society happy. False systems of religion, invented by interested men, have breathed a spirit of revenge and cruelty. The various codes of civil laws which men have enacted, could look no farther than to an outward obedience. But the system of inspired truth enjoins the purest morals, and forbids every malevolent disposition. It breathes love and good will to men. Conformity to this sacred rule, will make the most perfect society. The spirit of love, which it enjoins, carried into effect, will subdue all the rough and turbulent passions, and make earth resemble heaven in concord, harmony, and order.

The influence of this temper on individuals, families, and society, is highly important.

On individuals it has a salutary effect. Those who are influenced by this, will be much engaged in devising means for the relief of the indigent and oppressed, in silencing the tongue of slander, and extinguishing the flames of contention. Amiable in their lives, gentle in their manners, benevolent in their dispositions, they labor for a general diffusion of happiness. The influence of example extends far and wide. As one sinner destroys much good, so one good man prevents much evil. His exemplary deportment is a constant reproof to the wicked, and restraint from those enormities, into which they would otherwise be hurried. Thus shall we be led to the industrious pursuits of our appropriate business; and society, so far from groaning under the burdens which we impose, will rejoice in us as her ornaments of grace, and pillars of support. When the members, that compose the body politic, are duly solicitous to discharge the duties which appertain to their various and respective spheres; when they are not infatuated with any unsuitable desires of preferment, or of advantage over others; when they are meekly content to fill the circle of duty marked for them, and are anxious only to secure the plaudit of their God, then society is filled with order, peace, and happiness.

On families its influence is no less happy. It excites in all the members a mutual affection. Each feels an equal interest in the other, and in the whole, as in his own, and will indulge no partial feelings. As in the human body, when one member suffers, all the members suffer; and when one rejoices, all rejoice; so in a family where its members are all thus influenced, there can be no enjoyments, or sorrows, in which all do not partake. Behold how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity! As the dew of Hermon, and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of Zion: for there the Lord commanded the blessing, even life forever more.

This principle will have a benign influence on society. It is indeed its cementing bond. Without this, the strong foundations of the earth give way, and all the tottering superstructure falls into dust and ruin.

Without religion, no society of men can exist and be happy. This remark, founded on reason and revelation, is confirmed by the experience of ages. All nations have had recourse to religion of some kind or form, to support their civil institutions, to give efficacy to their laws, and to induce obedience from those for whom laws are enacted. Remove the restraints, which this lays on the passions and lusts of men, and no rulers, how wise and virtuous soever, will be able to execute the laws, or administer the affairs of government. On rulers its influence is important. It will induce them to study the things which will best comport with the general good. Considering themselves as guardians of the lives, interests, and happiness, of the people, not clothed with authority to sport with their liberties, they will not seek their own aggrandizement; but, as the ministers of God, they will rule for him, and be just and righteous in their administrations. Judgment will be their robe and diadem. The laws which they enact, will be just; and they will be mercifully executed. Disinterested in their public conduct, they will not suffer themselves to be governed by personal favor, nor prejudice, nor private advantage. Truth and integrity will possess their hearts; affection and tenderness will guide their ways.

The civil ruler stands connected with the people under his authority, as a father to a family, and should govern with impartiality. He pities those who err; but uses the rod of coercion with firmness. He is a terror to evil doers and a praise to them that do well. His example also will be such as will conduce to the public good. He who is governed by no principle of virtue, will be regardless of his conduct; and a vicious ruler is a curse to a community. The fountain being impure, the streams will partake of its pollution. Prone to evil, as degenerate men are, they eagerly embrace the vices of those who move in elevated spheres; and the wisest laws, with the evil examples of those who make and those who execute them, will be unavailing. The Most High will vindicate the dignity of his word. Those who honor him, he will honor; and no one honors him who lightly esteems his laws and institutions.

The history of God’s people in former ages, and the experience of the pious in this age, concur in testifying to the truth of this declaration. Indeed the elevation of virtuous and holy men only is an honorable elevation; but the elevation of unprincipled and infidel characters is that shame which shall be the promotion of fools. The customary expressions of honor, are obvious contradictions to their true character. Their infidelity and their sins prove them to be a satire. In the moments of sober reflection, if to characters of this description there be any seasons which may be properly so designated, they will feel them to be such.

The thinking part of the community possess too much wisdom to respect them in their hearts. They may have dignities conferred on them, I mean names of honor, and offices of authority and confidence; but cannot expect to be esteemed by the valuable part of society.

Religion alone entitles to the honor that is truly worthy of the desire of a rational mind. Every other claim to elevation must fail for want of support.

The Most High is the source of all true dignity; and everything that is worthy the name, must be derived from him. How then can there be any propriety in raising men to honor and authority, and thus assimilating them to him, when they are so totally unlike him in wisdom, benevolence, and holiness? It is interdicted not only by reason and sound policy, but also by the unerring standard of truth.

“To hold great power, and places of confidential trust, is a state of temptation, which every man cannot resist; and those who are wise will not accept a call to public service, until by examination, they find in their hearts fixed principles of fidelity. A bad man may seek elevation, but it is only a good man who cn bear it: and, it is not always attended with honor, for this depends on the principles and conduct of the person who is raised.” 1

Piety towards God and benevolence towards men, should be exhibited in the whole deportment of rulers; and their support and power of directing, should co-operate with their disinterested and energetic exercise of office, in discouraging and abashing all wickedness, and in advancing the cause of truth, peace, and righteousness.

Rulers should therefore be, in the language of a justly celebrated father, “examples of piety, justice, sobriety, zeal for the glory of God, his day, house, and ordinances. A ruler is sometimes called a seal or signet, and possibly one reason may be, that whatever is engraven on them will leave its impression on their people, and therefore rulers had need take care that they bear the signet of undissembled holiness, that the impression on those under them may be holy. Superiors, by their example, give laws to men; their virtuous actions may do more to reform a vicious age, than all other methods. The good lives of such, carry authority and sovereignty in them.

“On the other hand, the evil examples of rulers weaken the hands of government, and spread a deadly infection, that wasteth at noon day. Their evil lives are a public invitation to others to follow them; and are as authentic passports to all manner of iniquity. And it is not to be wondered, if magistrates are rulers of Sodom, that those under their conduct will be people of Gomorrah.” 2

Rulers are ministers of God, and, therefore, should be nursing fathers to the church. In order to this they must feel an interest in Zion’s prosperity. If they do not, they are dangerous to the liberties and prosperity of the people. Influenced by selfish considerations, they will seek the subversion instead of the peace of the church.

The idea, that the opposers of religion will seek the true interests of the community, is a wild chimera, and a most dangerous error. They have no principle to guide them, no integrity of heart to direct them, no rule of duty, and no sense of the account which they must render to God, or just impression of a day of judgment. Would any entrust their private concerns in such hands with that confidence, which they would feel in those, whose actions are regulated by the word of God? And will they commit the dearest interests of their country, its liberties and religious institutions, to those who have no sense of their accountability, and are uninfluenced by the retributions of an eternal state? The ruler, who is duly influenced by a love to his neighbour, will rule in the fear of God; will feel the cares of his people, and their interests will be all his own. A regard to the benevolent principle, which the text inculcates, will make good subjects, as well as good rulers. They will be submissive to good and wholesome regulations, easily restrained from evil, and from choice, and a sense of duty, not from servile dread, obey those who are placed over them in the Lord. They will render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor; and they will owe no man anything, but to love one another. This will harmonize the feelings of people, subdue that contentious spirit which so often disturbs the peace of society, and prevent those partial feelings, which excite men to seek their own, without regarding the welfare of others. They will be ready to every good work—every office of kindness and generosity; to administer to each other’s necessity; to dwell together in unity; to study the things which make for peace, and the things whereby one may edify another. Thus men become imitators of Christ, whose nature is benevolence, and who is emphatically the Prince of Peace.

Were every heart thus expanded with benevolence, it would give the greatest security to the State. It would be a far better defense than walls and bulwarks; and, like a phalanx, impenetrable by the assaults of the most formidable enemies, would strike them with terror and dismay. This would strengthen the nerves of civil government, give firmness to her councils, and energy to her laws. Under its influence, men would dwell secure; the cry of oppression and violence would no more be heard; but mutual good-will, and a friendly interchange of kind offices, would enliven every circle of domestic enjoyment.

We proposed to make some remarks,

III. On the dangerous tendency of a contrary disposition.

A spirit of discord, and party rage, in a society, state, or nation, carries with it the most deadly evil. It endangers their rights and liberties, civil and religious. Where contention is, there is every evil work. Every kingdom divided against itself is brought to desolation; and every city or house divided against itself shall not stand.

This malignant spirit, in its principles and influence, is directly the reverse of that benevolence of which we have been speaking. It is the stain and reproach of a people. It blasts every blessing within the sphere of its influence, destroys public confidence, weakens the sinews of government, invites rapacity, injustice, violence, and bloodshed. It calls into operation those passions which disturb the peace of all around them. Under its influence, men are displeased with every passing occurrence, and with all with whom they have any concern. Uneasy under the restraints of religion, they vent their displeasure against those who minister in holy things; they foment discord in society; labor to break its sacred bond of union, and excite jealousies against those who wield the sword of justice.

The conflicting passions excite a constant tumult within, break out with impetuous fury, and bear away the dearest blessings in their progress.

In families, those small societies united by firm compact, how dreadful are its effects! The views of its members clash! Instead of servant, cordial affection, bitterness, wrath, malevolence: Instead of seeking the general good, each is making separate interest, and is unfeeling to the wants of the other.

Rulers of this description are consulting their own private emolument and family aggrandizement, instead of the public good. They do not rule for God; but for themselves…are haughty, imperious, looking down with supercilious contempt on those who move in the humble walks of life. One sets up against another, each forms a party to himself, and attempts, by every possible mean, to raise himself on the ruin of others. To carry into execution his plans, he inflames the passions of men; and hence the community is kept in a constant ferment!

When a nation is composed of many such members, the effect is such as might well be expected. They will bite and devour one another, until they are consumed one of another. This contentious spirit destroys the social bond, by which the members are connected, and often ends in the destruction of one, or the other, and sometimes of both of the contending parties. In small societies its effects are awful; in larger, they are similar, but carry with them more dreadful destruction.

The strength of a nation, under God, depends on its union. By weakening the sinews of government, countenancing injustice, violence, and party rage, it becomes enfeebled, distracted, convulsed in every nerve, and the symptoms of death are visible. In such a state of things, what security can there be of property, or even of life?

A nation divided against itself, is exposed to the intrigue of its enemies, and to fall an easy prey to the first assailants. Look into the history of former nations, and learn the cause of their downfall. The ancient republic of Rome, for a time, flourished, the seat of learning, the fountain of riches, the mistress of the world; but, divided in sentiment, torn by faction and contending parties, she fell a prey to their rapacity, and the lives and liberties of the citizens became subject to the will of a tyrant. United she stood, but divided, she fell from her former glory!

The Jews, by internal faction, were reduced to the Roman yoke. This has eminently been the case with republics in our day….with Holland, Switzerland, Geneva. It was the policy of their enemy to divide their councils, to blow up the flame of contention among the people; and thus they became an easy prey to his conquering arm.

Our own country has been threatened with destruction. We have been involved in dangers from our foreign relations; but much more from our divided and distracted state among ourselves. Our principal danger resulted from our disunion and our want of Christian love.

The rules of our duty are plain; and their reasonableness and benevolence are attested by the consciences of men. The supreme moral Governor of the universe, in the revelation of his will, which is given to men, requires that they be holy; that they resemble him in his moral character; and without this assimilation, they have no part nor lot in the felicity prepared for them that love him.

God, the giver of every good and perfect gift, is likewise the guardian of our rights, and of those of all his creatures; and his dreadful anger is excited by every invasion of them, either by superior strength, or subtle artifice and intrigue.

To disbelieve or even to doubt of the truth of religion, is unfriendly to patriotism; it checks, it extinguishes all benevolent sentiments in the human heart, damps all the ardor of the soul, chills the bosom, and paralizes the nerves of the body politic.

When the greatest affairs of the State are committed to those in all whose thoughts the supreme Governor has no place, they must be managed in a manner that can yield no satisfaction to its enlightened citizens; but in a manner that cannot fail to fill them with mourning and tears. Can it be reasonably expected, that those of this description will feel disposed cordially to relinquish their pursuits, yield to another’s judgment their designs, and sacrifice their personal advantage to promote the welfare of the community? To require this of them would be taking away their gods. Their private interest is the ultimate object of their desire and pursuit. What, will they relinquish their supreme good? Ah, how impotent is reason, and how quickly are all its bonds loosed and dissolved, when those of religion are broken, and unable to subdue the wills and restrain the tumultuous and riotous passions of men! If there be, who can felicitate themselves in a state, in which they are without God, and without Christ, in the world, and therefore without any good hope through grace, we have reason to think that they have already a foretaste of that torpor, that mental stupidity, on which they calculate as the ultimate allotment of men!

What security will be found to soothe and tranquilize the bosom of the governed, when no bond is fixed on those to whom they have committed the most sacred earthly betrustment? What will ensure the right exercise of the authority reposed in them? What, besides religion, will give magistracy the confidence of those who have put the power in their hands? Is there anything else which can induce the various classes in society to embark in the cause of patriotism? Is there anything else that can make constitutions of civil polity, and the administration of the laws, a real advantage to the community; or that can ensure to the rulers of the people a support of their power? What other prop has ever been found sufficient, so to maintain the authority of those in office, as to enable them to exercise it in that manner, which is essential in order to effect its beneficial objects?

Society, which relinquishes some rights, and elevates to authority and trust, some of its members, to secure to all their lives, liberties, and fortunes, and promote the common good, will claim the right to resume that authority and trust, when they think they do not derive from this source the good which they contemplated.

If the ties which bind society be acknowledged, I would ask in what manner the beneficial objects of authoritative institutions are to be sought and acquired? In what manner are disputes to be decided, contentions settled, and individuals shielded from reciprocal attack? What credit is to be given to the testimony of those who have no fear of God before their eyes? With men of such principles, no oath can be of any advantage.

Without reverence for the being and perfections of Jehovah, the proceedings of all legal processes must be attended with extreme difficulty, and succeeded by dissatisfaction. What a multitude of habits are opposed to the good of society, which however are not cognizable by the civil institutions! The most enormous sins are frequently practiced in so concealed a manner, that they are not perceived: and such are the numbers and force of the offenders, that they will not be afraid of the power which is impotent to punish and coerce.

On the ground of infidelity, men can repose no confidence in each other. The weak become the victims of the strong, and the artless a prey to the subtle.

The subject naturally applies itself to rulers, ministers, and people.

1. To Rulers…The legislators and chief officers of the State, who are this day gathered before the Lord in his courts, will permit me, without fear of offence, to discharge my duty in the application of this subject to them.

May it please your Excellency, 3

The language of adulation we presume would be as disgusting to the Christian magistrate to receive, as it would be improper for the Christian minister to offer. We have no reason to doubt, it is the first of your Excellency’s wishes to render certain the divine approbation. Feeling your dependence on God, and acting for his glory, you will most assuredly secure the protection of his providence, and the supports and encouragements of his grace, which alone are adequate to the cares and burdens of office.

You need to feel the influence of religion, peculiarly as your duties are greater, and your trials are more severe, on account of the elevated situation which you occupy.

You are favored with an opportunity to do much for God, his cause, and kingdom, in the world, and to promote the welfare of society; and, in the consciousness of thus acting, you will enjoy much more than it is in our power to bestow. And when the distinctions which obtain in the present state shall all be done away, you will enjoy immortal honor and glory.

You, Honorable Councillors, Senators, and Representatives of the State, will naturally feel an interest in the subject. To you it suggests the importance of exercising this benevolence in your own breasts, and diffusing its salutary influence to all around you.

In your important and dignified stations, this virtue will shine with a pleasing and brilliant lustre. Under its benign influence, you will rule for God, and study to promote the spiritual as well as temporal interest of the people. Ye are gods, and as such should imitate the moral perfections of God, imitate his government, which is righteousness, justice, and benevolence. But, remember, though you are gods, you must die like men! The grave levels all distinctions, and brings all to their final account. Influenced by these considerations, you will discharge with fidelity the duties of your several stations; you will encourage religion, and respect its holy doctrines, laws, and institutions. The most successful attack which the enemies of Christianity can make on religion, is by discouraging its institutions, and causing them to be neglected.

If the public dispensation of the divine word and ordinances were neglected, men would fall into gross ignorance of God, and holy things; and the light of the Gospel would be succeeded by the midnight darkness of paganism or infidelity.

I am well aware, that, in the opinion of some, civil government has no concern with religion. I know also that religion will stand without the aid of civil government, and even with all the opposition it can raise; but civil government cannot stand without the aid of religion. And is it not for the interest of magistrates to give all the support in their power to the institutions of that religion, which is essential to their political existence? The preaching of the Gospel lays the most powerful restraint on the passions of men. It humanizes and renders them social and submissive to good regulations.

They have no right to bind the consciences, which ought to be left free and unrestrained.

Magistrates, like others, are accountable to God for the discharge of their official trust; and are equally concerned to approve themselves to God, that they may receive the final rewards of the just. They are interested in the peace and prosperity of the people; and is it possible, that they can be prosperous and happy, when the Gospel has lost its influence, and the passions of men are without restraint?

Influenced by the benevolent principles which have been recommended, Legislators, you will do all in your power to encourage the University, and other literary institutions in this State. You need not be informed of the importance of doing this. Attention to literary institutions is essential to the good instruction of the young, the order of society, and the transmission to posterity of the invaluable blessings of civil and religious liberty, as a fair and unimpaired inheritance. If this be wanting, error and ignorance will abound; and rudeness of manners will rob them of all the blessings, and unfit them for the duties and enjoyments of the social state.

Remember, they will soon be the conductors of the affairs of our country. O, suffer them not to grow up in ignorance and licentiousness, for want of the proper means of instruction, and the restraints of government. Above all, remember, that they are candidates for eternity, and that, under God, you are to be instruments of their happiness, or misery forever! You will not only enact wise and good laws, but see that they be enforced. In this way you will be a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well. In this way you will manifest a benevolent regard for their immortal interests, and for the peace and prosperity of the community.

In these your laudable undertakings, we bid you God speed. May the presence of Almighty God be with you in your councils, his smiles be upon all your deliberations, and his future approbation your crown of glory.

2. The Ministers of religion will feel the importance of living under the influence of this benevolent principle. This should be conspicuous in our lives, and in all our public labors. If we have imbibed the spirit of the Gospel, it is this which has induced us to a voluntary abandonment of the riches and honors of the world; and to take up with a scanty subsistence for our unremitted labors. It is this, which induces us to spend and be spent in the service of our people, for their spiritual profiting; to meet, undaunted, the frowns and reproaches of the enemies of our religion, and patiently bear, when those, whose good we seek, repay our love with hatred. Animated by this noble spirit, let us go on in the work of the Lord. By our meekness, gentleness, and benevolence, we shall bear down everything which opposes our progress. Should we be called to suffer in the cause of truth, let us remember we have a glorious pattern set before us in the Gospel; and that it is enough, that the disciples be as their Lord. Let us preach and pray with zeal, engagedness, and fervor, in season and out of season; and reprove, rebuke, and exhort, with all long-suffering and doctrine.

Our work is solemn and important, our responsibility great, and if we be faithful to our trust, our reward will be glorious! If we be instruments of diffusing the benign influence of our holy religion, we shall do much to strengthen the hands of our civil fathers, to avert the threatening judgments of Heaven, and advance the real prosperity of our land. We shall administer spiritual consolation to those who are its proper subjects, save their souls from death, and receive the approbation of our Judge.

3. People of every class, imbibe the spirit of the meek and benevolent Jesus. This will be your highest interest, and your greatest glory. It will give you peace within, which passeth all understanding. Acquaint now yourselves with God, and be at peace. Believe on the Son of God, devote yourselves entirely to him, and his love will constrain you to lay aside all wrath, and malice, and evil speaking, and to cultivate love and good-will to all men. Avoid a contentious spirit, the fatal rock on which many have been dashed; the worm at the root of every social and civil blessing.

We have reason to tremble that iniquity abounds, and the love of many waxes cold. How many are there, who profane the name of God; who flight and contemn his ordinances; who violate his laws, and neglect the worship of his sanctuary! How many who are found wanting in that love which is the fulfilling of the law; who are covenant-breakers, unjust, unmerciful! For these things, cometh the wrath of God on the children of disobedience. How has our nation been torn and rent with intestine division! Discord has stalked through our land, and threatened to spread desolation and ruin over our fair inheritance!

Let us all strive to cultivate peace and mutual good will. Guard against party spirit. It is political frenzy. Look to the merit of your candidates; select from among your brethren the most wise and discreet to fill the seats of government; and then see that you fill the sphere and duty assigned you, and be always ready to attend to the calls and exigencies of the public. Train those who are committed to your care in the way in which they should go; teach them to reverence our holy religion; guard them against the poisonous writings of infidels; restrain them from all profanation of the name, the day, the law, and institutions, of Jehovah; and impress their minds with their need of a vital union to Christ. They are soon to stand in your places, and to take the lead in the civil and religious interests of our land. How important is it that they be guided right. It is of infinite moment that their minds be enriched with correct and confirmed principles of religion; and that they be governed by its sacred dictates in all their conduct.

Finally, if all were governed by the principles, which have been suggested, how happy would be the state of society! There would be no violence, nor oppression, nor complaining in our streets. This earth would be a striking resemblance of Heaven, where nothing will ever enter that defileth or worketh abomination, or maketh a lie. But whatever may be the state of society in general, in this sinful world, those, who are conformed to the blessed and adorable Jesus in their temper and practice, will enjoy the richest consolations! It will be well with them amidst all the trials of life. With them it will be well amidst the revolutions of nations! with them it will be well in the trying hour of death! And when earth shall be convulsed, the elements shall melt with fervent heat, the Heavens shall be wrapped together like a scroll, and all shall be gathered before the judgment seat of Christ, they shall receive the remunerations of the blessed.

 


Endnotes

1. Dr. Strong’s Election Sermon.

2. Pemberton.

3. This address was delivered to Governor Langdon, being still in the Chair.

Sermon – Artillery Election – 1809

sermon-artillery-election-1809John Foster, a New England clergyman, was born in Massachusetts,on April 19, 1763. He graduated from Dartmouth in 1783 and went on to receive advanced degrees from both Dartmouth College and Harvard University. Foster was selected as the first pastor of the Congregational church in Brighton, Massachusetts, in 1783. He preached in Brighton until October of 1827, and died two years later in September of 1829. Foster was a board member of Harvard University in addition to being involved in numerous other benevolent works. He was married to Hannah Webster, who was a famous early American novelist. Here, Foster delivers what is called an “Artillery Sermon” – an annual sermon given before a military audience. Rev. Foster provides a Biblical perspective on war by discussing just war and self-defense, the lamentability of war, the importance of preparedness, and God’s sovereignty ruling over every event.


A Sermon Preached Before The Ancient And Honorable Artillery
Company

In Boston, June 5, 1809,
Being The Anniversary of Their Election of Officers

By John Foster, A.M. Minister of Brighton.

Proverbs 24:6
By wise counsel thou shalt make thy war.

Solomon was a great and good man. Apart from the well attested fact, that his pen was guided by the unerring Spirit of truth, his extensive information, united to his ardent piety and exemplary virtue, give a high authority to his opinions. Intimately acquainted with the windings of the human heart, and the course of human affairs, all his knowledge was applied to the purposes of utility. He was no visionary theorist. Though pre-eminently versed in the learning of his time, and capable, beyond a doubt, as most philosophers of this enlightened age, of exploring the secrets of nature and art, practical wisdom was the object of his chief attention. In this he excelled. The maxims of prudence written with his hand, and transmitted to us, in the sacred volume, are admirably adapted to the various conditions and relations of our existence. The solitary individual, the active citizen, the zealous statesman, and the intrepid warrior may here find instruction, pertinent to their respective circumstances, and worth, at once, to engross their study, and to govern their conduct.

On occasions, like the present, he speaks in that appropriate language, “By wise counsel thou shalt make thy war”: language which intimates, in the first place, that cases may occur to render war both justifiable and necessary; and, in the second, teaches the manner, in which war is then to be commenced and prosecuted. Theses points we will briefly consider in the following discourse.

I. In the first place, cases may occur to render war both justifiable and necessary.

Why, else, is it mentioned in scripture but with unequivocal disapprobation? Why were the Jews so often permitted, and even commanded to assail and discomfit their enemies? And when the kingdom of God was about to appear, under a more pacific and mild dispensation; and the soldiers asked its precursor, “What shall we do?” why did he not require them to renounce their profession entirely, instead of giving directions which presupposed their profession lawful? “He said unto them, ‘Do violence,'” or rather outrage, “to no man, neither accuse any falsely; and be content with your wages [Luke 3:14].”

“God hath made of one blood all nations to dwell upon the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation [Acts 17:26].” To each section of the globe he has assigned its local, and other advantages, and has made it the duty, as well as the right of its inhabitants to enjoy, improve, and defend them. Whilst suffered to dwell in safety, they have no warrant to invade or molest their neighbors. “Contests for power” are equally repugnant to the dictates of reason and the injunctions of revelation. We are not, however, to impute, nor to admit the imputation of this crime, indiscriminately. When we behold a nation struggling for her very existence, and jeoparding her best blood in the field of battle, for no other purpose, than to repel the aggressions of an aspiring, insatiable, despotic tyrant, humanity and religion demand, that we decidedly condemn the one, and devoutly “bid God speed” to the other.

Such spectacles, alas! are not infrequently exhibited on the theater of the world. So malignant are the passions, and so boundless the ambition, which infest our apostate race, that no region of the earth can assure itself of undisturbed repose. Eager in pursuit of aggrandizement and wealth, commercial kingdoms and states, more especially, are liable to repeated collisions; and in perpetual danger of committing or receiving injuries, which lead to open hostility. The extent, to which the art of navigation is now carried, and the avidity, with which every chance of acquiring property, influence, and territory is seized, expose the remotest climes to depredation. “Wheresoever the carcass is, there will the eagles be gathered together [Matt. 24:28].” In whatever country the prospect of gain or renown is discovered, to that country will the cupidity of unprincipled adventures and heroes be directed; and the first favorable opportunity to attempt its subjugation, either by intrigue or by force, will be embraced.

“Other animals,” says Pliny, “live in peace with those of the same description. They gather themselves in troops, and unite against a common enemy. The ferocious lion fights not against his species: The poisonous serpent is harmless to his kind: The monsters of the sea prey but upon those fishes which differ from them in nature: Man alone is foe to man.”

It hence becomes the duty of every community to provide means of protection, and to appear in the attitude of readiness, should they be driven to the painful alternative, “to fight for their brethren, their sons and their daughters, their wives and their houses [Nehem. 4:14].” To shrink from combat, in such an exigence, were a dereliction of every principle, both of piety and patriotism. It would betray equal ingratitude to God, and perfidy to our country. To God we are indebted for “the good land” we possess, and for all the privileges, religious, civil, and literary, which distinguish our lot. This fair inheritance, bequeathed to us by fathers, who through life, yes, and in many instances, at the expense of life, defended it for their children, is now committed to our guardianship, in trust for “the generation to come [Ps. 78:4].” And could we innocently abandon it, without an effort for its preservation? Could we innocently deprive unborn millions of their birthright, and subject them to hereditary vassalage and misery?

Never may these United States incur the execration and ruin, denounced on ancient Meroz, “because they came not to help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty [Judges 5:23].” Never may they be lulled into fatal security, by the Machiavellian policy of foreign courts, nor seduced into tame submission to a domestic soldiery, by the revival of that long exploded doctrine of nonresistance and passive obedience. May they resolutely withstand encroachments of every kind, and from every source, and, under the benign influence of equal laws and pure religion, continue a free, independent, and happy people, “as long as the sun and moon endure, throughout all generations [Ps. 57:5].”

II. To this end, it is unspeakably important, that the measures resorted to for self-defense, be well advised. Let us, therefore, turn our thoughts, as proposed, secondly, to the instruction before us, relative to the manner in which these measures are to be commenced and prosecuted. “By wise counsel thou shalt make they war.”

When war is contemplated, the first questions which present themselves for solution respect its equity: Whether the motive which prompts it be guiltless; consistent with the obligations, under which we are laid to God and our fellow beings? Whether every previous step, tending to prevent a rupture, have been taken, and “the last drop in the cup of reconciliation exhausted?” Whether nothing more remain but abject prostration, or energetic repulsion? And, of course, whether an appeal to arms be unavoidable?

To solve these questions judiciously, the collected wisdom of a nation is always requisite. It is not enough that a select portion of the constituted authorities convene, in midnight conclave, to arrange schemes, leading to war; and then propose them to their compeers, not to prove their expediency, but to vote their adoption: All parties ought to be consulted with candor; all parties ought to be heard with patience. Light, as well as fire, may be elicited by the clash of different opinions. This is, possibly, the precise idea, which the wise king and preacher of Israel intended to convey, in the words immediately subsequent to our text: meaning a diversified, rather than a great number, when he said, “In the multitude of counselors there is safety.” In the progress of such unrestrained discussion, it may appear that the moment of extremity has not yet arrived: that the alarm was artificially excited by minds prejudiced against one offending power, or obsequious to the will of another: And thus an immense sacrifice of blood and treasure may be prevented.

But suppose the worst: that it should be found absolutely necessary to enter the list with a formidable antagonist: this advantage will, at least, be gained: The public mind, set at ease by the procedure, will concur with far less reluctance, when every class of citizens have had their views and wishes fairly represented, and dispassionately canvassed.

This point being settled, the next, in order, is the process to be chosen: a point, to the righteous decision of which, a sacred regard to the unalterable rules of justice must be cherished. In justice is not allowable toward the bitterest foe. That divine precept, “Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them, [Matt 7:12],” can, in no case, be violated without crime. The modern sophism, that ” the end justifies the means,” is alike detestable in its nature and pernicious in its operation: It is totally opposite to the gospel of Christ, and contains a degree of turpitude, abhorrent to the moral sense of virtuous pagans.

When Themistocles had rebuilt Athens, “his wish was to make it the first city in Greece, and to secure to it that command, of which Sparta,” a rival republic, “had shown to great jealousy.” The building of the harbor of Piraeus; the procuring of a decree, which enabled him to add twenty ships to the fleet annually, with extraordinary privileges to encourage great numbers of laborers and sailors; were measures which bespoke his prudence, as the sea was the natural resource of Athens; but he did not stop there. One day, in a full assembly of the people, he requested that some person might be appointed to confer with him, upon a scheme of the greatest consequence, which was of such a nature to require secrecy. The eyes of the whole assembly were instantly directed to Aristides, upon whose judgment they could depend. Themistocles communicated to him a project for burning the fleet of the allies, as an infallible means of making Athens the umpire of all Greece. The report of Aristides was such as virtue ought to dictate. He declared, that nothing could be more advantageous than the design of Themistocles; but, at the same time, nothing could be more iniquitous. The votes were unanimously on the side of justice.

Whatever might be the opinion of Aristides,” continues the historian, “the utility of the plan was much to be doubted. The states of Greece, most justly provoked, would not have hesitated to unite their whole power against a perjured city; the public hatred must have followed, and all her glory have been forever annihilated. And what advantage could have compensated for the ruinous effects of such an undertaking? If the proper end of politicks be to procure the happiness of nations, that end is not to be attained but by adhering to the rules of morality: for every act of injustice leads to misfortune, were it only from its being accompanied with certain infamy [Millot. Vol. I. P. 157-158. Salem Edit. 1796.].”

Compare this reasoning, or rather the determination, upon which it is founded, with sentiments often avowed, and practices sometimes adopted, “in these last days;” and you will find no special cause to glory in the preeminent wisdom or integrity of the present age. Instances have occurred, within our personal recollection, in which the detention and seizure of all the controllable vessels and wealth, pertaining either to the government or subjects of an obnoxious realm, have preceded every other hostile intimation. If I mistake not, propositions were once made in our national legislature to retaliate British spoliations, alleged to have been committed on our commerce, by sequestering all the debts due to individuals, belonging to that empire. But to the honor of those who them guided our councils, these propositions were rejected. We had then a greater than Aristiedes; we had a Washington in the Presidential Chair.

War, commenced and prosecuted on Christian principles, is not a mere “trial, which can do the other most harm.” Even enemies have rights, and those rights are always to be respected. Nothing, whatever benefits it may seem to promise, is to be undertaken or achieved for their annoyance, but in subordination to known will of God, and with the decided approbation of an unsophisticated conscience.

‘But why,’ some of my audience may be disposed to inquire, ‘Why do you accost us in strains like these? Get you to the great men, ‘who guide the car of state,’ and speak unto them [Jerem. 5:5];’ for in their hands is the destiny and conduct of the nation.’

This is true in a qualified sense; but not to such a degree as to supersede the necessity or the effects of your agency. In a government constituted like ours, no purpose can be carried into permanent execution unless “the people love to have it so [Jerem. 5:31].” Every citizen has his weight; and if he throw that weight into the scale of righteousness; if by his example, his advice, and his suffrage, he exclusively countenance men and measures propitious to the common weal, he may do much to lengthen the public tranquility.

Even we, my brethren, who minister in holy things, and serve at the altar, are not exempt from the duties of social and civil life, nor incapable of promoting the interests of our native land. The Jewish priesthood often gave counsel, in matters intimately connected with the temporal prosperity and glory of the chosen tribes; and were often instrumental of “causing them to know the way wherein they should walk.” Now and then an Ahab, indeed, hated them, “because they prophesied not good concerning hem, but evil [1 Kings 22:28].” This however did not dismay them; nor let it terrify us. Possessing the same rights with others, and claiming neither emolument nor office from any administration; destitute, therefore, of every inducement to swerve from the line of political rectitude, or to wish for a system of favoritism, I scruple not to affirm, that with equal honesty and information, we are entitled to more confidence than the generality of those around us. They are beset with temptations to partiality and selfishness in their decisions, which are, to us unknown. Instead, then, of splitting into religious sects, and distracting ourselves or our flocks, with the dogmas of controversial divinity; instead of harboring suspicions and animosities towards each other, which we could hardly vindicate in contending armies, let us stand in our lot with firmness, and direct our united energies to the improvement and salvation of our beloved country. “For our brethren and companions’ sakes, let us say, ‘Peace be with her.’ Because of the house of the Lord our God, let us seek her good [Ps. 122:8,9].”

In the application of what has been said, we are called,

1. To lament the universal prevalence of those inordinate lusts, in which “wars and fightings” originate [See James 4:1].

Had innocence continued the inmate and ornament of our kind, nothing could have interrupted or destroyed our peace; nothing could have “separated between us and our God [Isa. 59:2].” But “man, being in honor, abode not [Ps. 49:12].” Man perfidiously apostatized from hi Maker, and exposed himself and his posterity to incalculable wretchedness.

By this deplorable catastrophe, our terrestrial abode was transformed from a paradise of bliss to a field of contest; and “the whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain together, until now [Rom. 8:23].” The history of our species is fraught with details of violence and distress, of battles and “garments rolled in blood [Isa. 9:5].”

But we need not search the records of antiquity, in quest of scenes like these. They abound, at this moment, in the world, and are visible to the most superficial observer. Europe, convulsed in every member, and bleeding at every pore, exhibits a spectacle of agony. “The overflowing scourge” has already “passed through” many of its fairest regions, and they are “trodden down by it [Isa. 28:18].” Other, seduced by the arts or invaded by the arms of a modern Attila, 1 are in imminent danger of a similar destruction.

“O Lord God, to whom vengeance belongeth; O God to whom vengeance belongeth; shew thyself. Lift up thyself, thou Judge of the earth: Render a reward to the proud. Lord, how long shall the wicked, how long shall the wicked triumph? How long shall they utter and speak hard things? And all the workers of iniquity boast themselves? They break in pieces thy people, O Lord, and afflict thine heritage. They slay the widow and the stranger, and murder the fatherless [Ps. 94:1-6].”

Let us not, however, presume to impeach the conduct and counsels of heaven. All these calamities are under the control of infinite wisdom and rectitude. “Verily he is a God that judgeth in the earth [Ps. 63:11]:” and how majestic, how adorable does he appear, in the direction of its multifarious and complicated movements! All the diversified springs of human action, and every source of human weal and woe are obsequious to his sovereign mandate; constantly inspected by his omniscient eye; and invariably guided by his resistless hand, to the accomplishment of holy and benevolent designs. “Surely the wrath of man shall praise him, the remainder of wrath he shall restrain [Ps. 76:10].” Adventurous, assuming despots are “the rod of his anger, and the staff in their hand is his indignation.” These he “sends against hypocritical nations to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire of the streets;” and when, by their instrumentality, he has “performed his whole work upon the people of his wrath,” he commissions others to “punish the fruit of their stout hearts, and the glory of their high looks [see Isa. 10:5-7, 12].”

Such, how humiliating the melancholy truth! Such is the discipline, which, in many cases, the depravity of our fallen nature requires. Hence, my countrymen, we are admonished,

2. Of our particular exposure to the crimes and miseries of war.

“Subject to like passions [Acts 14:15],” and prone, in common with the rest of mankind, to “emulation, wrath, and strife [Gal. 5:20],” by a just retribution of divine providence, “our own wickedness may correct us [Jerem. 2:19].” Infatuated by the thirst of dominion, the desire of revenge, or “the love of money which is the root of all evil [1 Tim 6:10],” we may become aggressors, and madly engage in conflicts ruinous in their tendency and result: And have we made no advances toward this fatal precipice of degeneracy, whence so many once splendid monarchies, empires, and republics have fallen headlong?

Scarcely had we attained to independence, adopted the federal constitution, and begun to realize the blessings anticipated from these sources, when, as the unexpected eruption of a volcano, after long confinement and accumulation, instantly darkens the air with its suffocating smoke, overspreads the earth with its burning lava, and terrifies the most distant observer with its ominous belches; the French revolution at once disgorged the collected depravity of ages, and diffused consternation and disorder through the civilized world. The tremendous shock was felt even to this western hemisphere, and deplorable indeed were its effects. Taking an imprudent and needless interest in the event, we contemplated deeds of horror, till they ceased to excite our aversion, as when rarely witnessed; and, till some among us were not ashamed to speak of them in terms of applause and gratulation! The doctrines of disorganization and impiety so incessantly sounded in our ears, that their deformity was unperceived by many, and a baleful reaction of the demoralizing influence of the late war was produced and heightened. By exaggerated colorings of the bigotry, superstition, and tyranny of former times, on the one head; and of the enlightened liberty and equality of the present, on the other, a portentous sanction was given licentious principles and manners; and multitudes were emboldened to promise themselves peace, whilst “they walked in the imagination of their hearts [Deut 29:19].” Yea, the pubic at large, from the obvious tendency of familiarity with examples of vice, were imperceptibly led to regard them with diminished abhorrence; and, at length, either for want of inclination, or through a persuasion of its impracticability, seem to have abandoned all attempts to stem the torrent, and fix the stigma of disgrace on dissolute characters. Such characters, therefore, appear with boldness; and as they are not uniformly frowned into retirement, but, in various instances caressed and promoted, they redouble their exertions to propagate opinions and customs, repugnant alike to personal virtue and social harmony. The spread of infidelity, irreligion, and rancorous party zeal is the consequence.

“Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord: and shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this [Jerem. 5:9]?” These things naturally tend to evil, and that continually. Unless repentance and amendment arrest their progress, they may betray us into alliances, or contentions, or both, of the most dreadful description: They may impel us rashly to “help the ungodly, and to love them that hate the Lord [2 Chron. 19:2].”

This, though our greatest, is not our only danger. Could we challenge the most irreproachable character as a people, such may be the rapacity and injustice of surrounding nations, as to render war inevitable. Since the commotions which have so long agitated Europe, there have been periods, when numbers pronounced it expedient and proper to commence hostilities against one or another of the leading belligerents. Recently have we been alarmed by rumors, and even by proceedings tending to this issue, but blessed be God, who “turneth the hearts of kings whithersoever he will [Prov. 21:1],” and “from whom cometh our help [Ps. 121:1], the snare is broken, and we are escaped, as a bird out of the hand of the fowler [Ps. 124:7]. The counsel of the forward is carried headlong; the wise are taken in their own craftiness [Job 5:13];” and the bright prospect of continued amity; of a mutually beneficial intercourse with the land of our fathers’ sepulchers; and of returning prosperity to thousands of our fellow citizens, who have groaned under privations without a parallel, suddenly rises to our view; relieves our boding apprehensions; and cheers our desponding minds.

Whether war, on our part, would have been justifiable at any of the periods to which I have now alluded, is not a question for me to decide: That it was not necessary, and would, therefore, have been impolitic, facts have proved. Hitherto a gracious providence has intelligibly addressed us, in the language of the inspired Levite to Jehosaphat of old: “Ye shall not need to fight in this battle; set yourselves, stand ye, and see the salvation of the Lord [2 Chron. 20:17].” Jehosaphat accordingly placed himself in a posture of defense, and awaited the event; in which the nations, by whom his kingdom was threatened, fell upon each other with such violence, that he had no other task to perform than to “take away the spoil [2 Chron. 20 25].”

Instructed by this record, and in the hope of a similar result, is it not our wisdom as well as our duty to occupy neutral ground: It is not to be dissembled that the most impartial and equitable course, of which we are capable, may fail of correspondent returns. Our commerce may still be obstructed. The magnanimous policy of England may not be readily adopted by France; where the evil first originated, and where, it seems, we are last to look for reparation. We may again be insolently required to act either as friends or enemies to “the terrible nation;” and notwithstanding all our endeavors to the contrary, we may be compelled, by these, or by other causes, with in, and even beyond the limits of our present apprehensions, to unsheathe the sword and assert our violated rights. I, therefore, remark,

3. The obligation, inferred on us, to be habitually prepared for war.

I do not mean to insinuate the propriety of a standing army in time of peace, for any purpose; and least of all for the purpose of enforcing oppressive laws, at the point of the bayonet. What I intend is, that all governments ought, as far as in them lies, to provide resources to meet every exigence, and to repulse every invader.

It has long been the opinion of our greatest men, that armed vessels, constructed not for shoal water, but to live at sea, are indispensable to the protection and glory of our country. Mr. Jefferson, late President of the United States, once reasoned upon this subject, in the following manner: “Wars must sometimes be our lot and all the wise man can do, will be to avoid the half of them which would be produced by our own follies and our own acts of injustice; and to make for the other half the best preparations we can. Of what nature should these be? A land army would be useless for offense, and not the best nor safest instrument of defense. For either of these purposes, the sea is the field on which we should meet an European nation. On that element it is necessary we should possess some power.” 2

In exact accordance with this reasoning, when “in the full tide of successful experiment,” we had an infant navy; and nothing contributed more to swell and dignify the flood. Why was it destroyed in the cradle? At a season equally perilous with any which has since arrived, it enabled us to maintain our rights on the ocean, and to preserve the honor of our flag in every clime.

Can it admit of a question whether the same cause might have produced the same effect, and saved us from the accumulated distresses of the late embargo? It would have been far less expensive; and who will venture to affirm, that it could have been more degrading:

Beside a naval force ofor the security of trade, military arrangements to defend the coast and territory are apparently requisite; and the politician, who is more solicitous to improve roads, than to fortify harbors, will seldom meet the approbation, or advance the prosperity of a commercial people. It is desirable, nevertheless, that these military arrangements should be of a nature, as far as possible, to combine the citizen with the soldier.

Here we are constrained to recognize the wisdom and patriotism of our pious ancestors. Tenacious of the liberty, in quest of which they had bid adieu to their native soil; committed themselves to the mercy of the winds and waves, or rather to the guidance of Him, whom the winds and waves obey [See Matt 8:27, Mark 4:41, Luke 8:25]; and sought an asylum in a newly discovered and unfrequented wilderness; among the earliest of their institutions was a martial academy, 3 which, pursuant to its original design, has been productive of numerous benefits to their descendants. From this academy, have successively gone forth men, expert in tactics, and disseminated the same useful science among their bretheren, in different quarters of their own, and the adjoining states. Hence, the decided superiority of our militia, in discipline and evolution, to that of any part of the Union, or even of the world. Many of our ablest revolutionary officers have graced the rolls and ranks of this select fraternity.

How important, then, is the station, and how responsible the trust, assigned to you, gentlemen, who compose the chosen band, so justly styled “The Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company!”

Permit me, in conclusion, while I congratulate you on the anniversary occasion of your assembling, and cordially wish you “a blessing out of the house of the Lord [Ps. 128:26],” to recommend a conduct becoming those, who “ask of him the ordinances of justice, and take delight in approaching to God [Isa. 58:2].”

Few corporate bodies are under better advantages for extensive usefulness. The rank you hold, is accompanied with power and opportunity to contribute much to the real dignity and welfare of society, and to the correction of certain erroneous sentiments and customs which prevail in “this untoward generation [Acts 2:40].” Ought you not, therefore, at the same time that you “lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty [2 Tim. 2:2],” to frown upon every practice which tends to induce or confirm a persuasion, that the Christian and military character are incompatible! A crime more frequent, perhaps, in our country, than in any other civilized or barbarous region of the globe! a crime, not confined, as elsewhere, to camps; but perpetrated by statesmen, merchants, planters, and even slaves! 4

The awful idea of blending, in one rash act, the daring guilt of suicide and murder; of rushing himself, or of precipitating another into an endless eternity, unprepared, might be sufficient, it should seem, to stay the most vengeful hand from blood! But, unfortunately, it is not the morality of the deed, nor its future recompense, but the estimation of sinful dust and ashes, by which combatants of this sort are governed. They recoil from the imputations of a spiritless pusillanimity!… Is it then demonstrative of a noble mind, in defiance of than dread Being “who is able to destroy both soul and body in hell [Matt 10:28],” to engage in a contest, which the laws of the realm have denounced as a capital offense; and which, without the most cautious artifice to evade those laws, must subject the survivor to the pangs of an ignominious death? Or is it cowardly and timid, like “the horse or the mule, which have no understanding [Ps 32:9],” leaps the rocky precipice at the rustling of fallen, corrupted leaves, whirled in the wind? Is it patriotic, is it generous, is it even manly, for a personal insult or abuse, to demand the sacrifice of a life due to the public, and necessary to the subsistence and comfort of a rising family; and to insist on piercing the victim, through the heart of a doting parent, an affectionate wife, or a defenseless offspring?

“O my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their anger they slay men, and in their self will they dig down” the barriers of domestic and social peace. “Cursed be their anger, for it is fierce; and their wrath, for it is cruel [Gen 49:6-7].”

Is it not devoutly to be wished, that all classes of the community would combine their efforts to discountenance and punish this nefarious usage? May it not be expected that our civil fathers, among their other deliberations for the general good, will turn their serious attention to the subject? God, in mercy, lead them to the discovery and application of a prompt and efficacious remedy.

Some instances of a magnanimous superiority to this impious and absurd practice have appeared in our land. The venerable Pinckney, 5 famed alike as a brave general, an able ambassador, and an enlightened statesman, a few years since [In 1804], proposed a resolution to the Cincinnati, the object of which was to encourage and bind the members of that association, on no pretense whatever, to give or accept a challenge. In perfect coincidence with the virtuous principle, thus publicly avowed by this great man, a distinguished national legislator, from Massachusetts, has lately honored himself and his constituents, by withstanding every provocation to single combat.

Give your sanction, Gentlemen, to this laudable example, and save your own, and the bosom companions of your brethren, both in arms and arts, from the dread and danger of untimely widowhood. Your history, so far at least as it is known to me, is yet free from the stain of fraternal slaughter. Continue, I beseech you, to preserve this distinction; and cultivate every other virtue, which adorned your founders. Seek your individual glory, in the blessings, procured by your prowess for the nation; and voluntarily hold your swords on the terms prescribed by Washington, in the bequest of his: 6 “Not to unsheathe them for the purpose of shedding blood, except in your own defense, or in defense of your country’s rights; and in the latter case to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in your hands to the relinquishment thereof.”

Never “set up your banners, but, in the name of the Lord: Through him alone you can do valiantly; for he it is that shall tread down your enemies [Ps. 20:5 and 60:12].” Attend his call therefore; and, at his call “Be courageous, and play the men for your people, and for the cities of your God: and the Lord do what seemeth him good [2 Sam 10:12].”


NOTES

[1] The ancient Attila was a warlike barbarian, who, at the head of the Huns, spread devastation and terror through the world, about the middle of the fifth century; and who, on this account, was called “The scourge of God.” His genius equaled his ambition. An artful politician and prudent general, not withstanding his ardent courage, he had formed the most boundless plans of conquest; had murdered his brother Bleda, that he might enjoy undivided dominion; and subjected to his power an immense extent of country from the Baltic on one side, to the eastern ocean on the other. He had received ambassadors from China, hemmed in the Roman empire, and threatened to destroy it. Though destitute of every principle of religion, he knew how to turn the vulgar superstition to his own advantage: The people believed his enterprises inspired by the god of battles, and this opinion heightened the courage and ferocity of his soldiers. The more he was courted, the more insolent he became. His pretensions increased in proportion to the proofs of cowardice which were given him, and a threat of war was often sufficient to obtain for him whatever he demanded. See Milot’s Elem. Gen. Hist. Vol. 2. P. 346-7. Salem ed. 1796.

[2] Notes on Virginia by Thomas Jefferson, p. 239,240. Boston Ed. 1802.

[3] The Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company was incorporated A.D. 1638. only two years after the founding of Harvard College.

[4] Few, who are at the pains to peruse these pages, will fail to recollect, that, among the many other accounts of duels, recorded in our public papers, one, at least, has appeared, of two Negroes at the southward, who proved themselves capable of all the sensibility and courage necessary to deliberate single combat. True, indeed, instead of swords and pistols, they fought with sithes, weapons previously agreed upon in arranging the affair of honor. But had they possessed the means, it can hardly be made a question, whether they would gladly have been as fashionably equipped, as fashionably attended, and as fashionably dressed too, as any of their betters, on like honorable occasions. Be this, however, as it may: in the main point they were not deficient. They assailed each other with as much obstinacy, and the successful hero killed his antagonist as completely dead, as the genteelest duelists of the age could possibly have done.

[5] It can hardly be necessary to inform the reader that the Honorable Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, esq. The late federal candidate for the Presidential chair is intended.

[6] See Washington’s last will

Sermon – Election – 1812, Vermont

 

sermon-election-1812-vermontIsaac Beall was born in 1751. In 1801, he rose to the pastorship of the First Baptist Church in Pawlet, Vermont, after serving for ten years as an elder. Beall pastored the church for thirty years until its dissolution in 1831 – he died in 1833. In this election sermon preached before the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and Legislature, Pastor Beall uses Proverbs 29:2 as his principle text. He emphasizes the critical importance of selecting righteous rulers with which to entrust the power of civil government; and defines “righteous” in this context as men of natural ability, sound judgment, good hearts, well-instructed minds, integrity and prudence. He adds that laws must be righteous, mild, and few, and there must be a “sacred regard to the original principles” the government was founded upon. Beall also mentions that not only must rulers be virtuous but so must the great body of the people because “a virtuous people cannot be enslaved.” He concludes by directly addressing Vermont’s elected officials, challenging them to “make righteousness the basis” of their public service.


A
Sermon
Delivered Before
His Excellency Jonas Galusha, Esq.
Governor;
His Honor Paul Brigham, Esq.
Lieut. Governor,
The Honorable Council,
and
The House of Representatives,
of the
State of Vermont,
at
Montpelier,
on the
Day of General Election,
Oct. 8,1812

By Isaac Beall, Pastor of the Baptist Church of Christ in Pawlet.

Proverbs 29:2
When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.

Civil government is one of those blessing which a kind of God has seen fit to bestow upon the lapsed family of Adam. In this present imperfect state, a people could not long remain happy, without a civil government: to remain in such a state of anarchy would be to remain in a state of perpetual war. To prevent such a dire calamity, God instituted this ordinance. Rom. 13.

But as important as civil government is to the happiness of man; yet, like all other gifts of providence its blessing can never be enjoyed, but through a just and wise administration. God has ordained summer and winter, seedtime and harvest; but should we neglect our relative duties, we should neither be fed nor clothed.

Though God has ordained civil government for the good of man, he has not instituted any particular mode or form of government; but this he has left to human wisdom, according to the different circumstances, customs and habits of different nations.

A good and well-adapted constitution is to be preferred; nevertheless, a defective constitution, wisely administered, would be productive of greater good to the community, than a good constitution in the hands of unrighteous administrators.

There may be such ignorance, neglect of injustice in the rulers on the one hand; and such want of attention and submission (not to say opposition) among the ruled on the other hand, as to render civil government rather a curse than a blessing.

That civil power and authority might be vested in such men, under whose administration the people might be rendered happy, seems to be the leading idea in the passage read for consideration.

In adverting to this subject, I shall endeavor to give a short description of those rulers, under whose administration the people rejoice. Secondly, reverse the subject. Thirdly, a short improvement of the whole. Then close with customary addresses.

Agreeably to the proposed method, our attention is called,

I. To the character of those rulers, under whose administration will rejoice.

Righteousness is the only qualification of a civil ruler mentioned by the inspired penman in our text. There are some who strenuously contend that a person must be made righteous by the imputation of the righteousness of the Lord Jesus Christ; or which is the same thing, he must be possessed of Christianity, or he is not suitably qualified for civil office. Should this be granted, in order to be confident, another thing must be granted (viz.) that is the only necessary qualification: for when the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice. That religion would be of great utility to a civil ruler will be granted; but that this is the only, or even an essential qualification, cannot be so easily admitted. For according to this sentiment, any man giving good evidence that he is a Christian, however weak his intellect, might with safety be elected governor of the state or president of the nation. A sentiment so weak and glaringly inconsistent as to need no refutation.

It remains therefore, to be ascertained what that righteousness is which is a characteristic of a good ruler.

As civil government is alluded to in the text, it is just and reasonable to conclude that the righteousness there spoken of is a political righteousness, that is, a righteous administration of the government with which they are entrusted. To which several things are necessary. As

1. They must be men of good natural abilities, men of penetrating mind and sound judgment. For should there be a defect in their intellect (however otherwise qualified) they would never be able to look through the intricate affairs of state; or attain to a consistent scheme of administration, which the good and safety of the public calls for. Therefore, men of weak minds should never be chosen into office by the freemen; and in case of election, they ought not to accept: for though they may be men who possess honest dispositions of mind, yet the great affairs of state, exceeding their natural abilities, renders it utterly impossible for them to administer the government in righteousness. In such a case, it would be more honorable in a man to decline, than to accept of a place in civil government.

2. In order to a righteous administration of government, rulers must not only have good heads, but they must have good hearts. They should possess a large portion of philanthropy, an ardent love for their people. Love is the mainspring of every interchange of kind offices among men. In no case has this divine principle a more efficacious operation than when a ruler’s heart is inspired with a paternal affection towards his subjects. To be the father of his people is the magistrate’s dignity. This constitutes his nearest conformity to our universal Parent. This will stimulate rulers to pursue the common happiness under the greatest difficulties and most pressing trials. It was this that animated a Moses, inspired a David, and fortified a Nehemiah under the most alarming trials, perplexities, and dangers, while managing the great affairs of state. And this will give energy to the exertions of our rulers for the prosperity and happiness of their brethren; and make them esteem the most assiduous painful labors but reasonable and pleasant services for the public good. That they may administer in righteousness, civil rulers must possess a kind and benevolent affection for their people.

3. In order to a righteous administration, rulers must be men of knowledge. Ignorant and uninformed statesmen, however strong their heads or affectionate their hearts, can do but very little for the good and happiness of the community. Their limited views will create local prejudices and subject them to the artifices of interested politicians. While part of the community take undue advantages of their ignorant mismanagement of the affairs of state, the body languished and dwindles away for want of counsel and energy in their administration. It is a matter of great importance that rulers become acquainted with the tempers, capacities, views and interests of the citizens in every part of the government by confining their labors to a small circle; and by losing the services of the best qualified men in the state. What is more preposterous than for rulers to exert their authority and influence for the partial interest of the territory in their own vicinity and to make the interest of one party in the community give way to the avarice and ambition of another party. Rulers should have enlarged hearts and well instructed minds, capable of comprehending the characters and interests of the citizens; and with a generous impartiality to seek the good of the whole.

But this is not all the knowledge which is necessary and essential to a righteous and faithful ruler.

But, 4thly they must be well instructed in the political maxims and laws of the state in which they are to govern. The safety of a republic depends much upon a sacred regard to the original principles of their government. When those principles are disregarded, every right and privilege is endangered; and the administration degenerates into tyranny and oppression. It was a peculiar qualification in Solomon for civil government that God gave him a wise and understanding heart. Rulers should understand the system of laws and those forms of administration to which the people are accustomed; and conform themselves to the original principles of their government: this will form such a line of conduct in their administration, that the people may know what to expect from them. Thus, by wisdom and understanding the government is established, the expectations of this community answered, and their hearts made to rejoice.

5thly in order to a good administration of government, rulers must be controlled in all their measures, by truth and integrity. For wisdom without integrity will soon degenerate into cunning and artifice; by which the interest of the community will fall to prey to those who should be their protectors. A magistrate devoid of truth and sincerity is the snare and perdition of his subjects. All power, therefore, should be founded in truth, both in the attainment and exercise of it. The lip of truth shall be established forever: but a lying tongue is but for a moment. Excellent speech becometh not a fool, much less do lying lips a prince.

An administration founded in truth and righteousness will bear the test of scrutiny and prove advantageous in the end: while the duplicity of deceitful politicians will involve both rulers and ruled in perplexity and general ruin. All leading men ought to adopt righteous measures and prosecute them with simple uniformity and honest sincerity. It should be the first object of them who rule over men, to be just, to be true in their administration; not having a mysterious system of delusion, to deceive others into their fraudulent intentions.

In order to gain the confidence of the people and cause them to rejoice in their administration, rulers must be men upon whom they may safely depend. Without this confidence, subjects can derive very little happiness or advantage from civil government.

6thly Prudence is another trait in the character of a righteous ruler: necessary at all times; but of infinite importance in our present circumstances. Knowing that a kingdom divided against itself cannot stand, their councils will be pacific and their measures conciliatory, being the most likely way to preserve and cement the general union. The advice of Joseph to his brethren, is very suitable at this time, and claims the particular attention of those who are at the head of our public affairs: see that ye fall not out by the way. Happy would it be for the community should their rulers, supreme and subordinate, be directed by the maxims of prudence and discretion in the things of our political peace.

The light of nature and scripture condemn such a confidence in God, and hinders the prudent and industrious use of means for safety. At the same time, the success of the most opposite means and best-concerted measures always supposes the divine concurrence. Jehovah has all times and all hearts in his hand, and can so influence our public councils as to strengthen and perpetuate the union, even as he bowed the hearts of all the men of Judah to David, as the heart of one man.

As in a good constitution of government there is no absolute power but that of the laws, a reverential regard to the divine approbation will have a mighty influence in making and execution such as are prudent and salutary. The great ruler of the universe has not imposed his laws upon men, merely as a test of their obedience; but as lessons to prevent their ruin and teach them how to be happy. A model which eternalizes the benignity of those human laws which are suggested by preventive prudence: a standard of benevolence from which subordinate legislators should never deviate. Acting in character as the ministers of God, for good to the people, they will esteem it more eligible to prevent crimes than to punish them.

It being the great end of government to secure the civil happiness of the community, it is necessary and proper that the laws by which they consent to be governed should be as few, clear, and easy in their application as possible. For laws when needlessly multiplied become a vexatious and intolerable burden.

The laws of Jehovah being a transcript of perfect rectitude, there can be no reasonable objection raised against their being executed. In like manner, human laws ought to be as righteous and mild as to interest the community in their punctual execution, and in no instance fail of being enforced. It is necessary to civil happiness that government be supported and respected. But this will not be the case if good laws are evaded with impunity. What has a greater tendency to weaken the authority of a state than to continue laws in existence, which the powers that be cannot or care not to execute? The scripture character of rulers is that they are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Power is grossly abused and perverted when wicked citizens are fostered and protected by authority. God has ordained rulers to avenge the wrongs of injustice and oppression, and the violation of sedition and rebellion. No favor or friendship, no relation or connection with men in power, should secure the wicked from punishment. Righteous magistrates will, by the sword of justice, suppress immorality and every transgression of relative justice. God commands it, and faithful subjects have a claim upon their rulers to be protected from fraud and oppression: to have the laws executed, their persons their liberty, and their property protected from the depredations of lawless and unprincipled men.

Such an administration as this would afford abundant matter of rejoicing among the citizens, as it would protect their persons and property, secure their rights and privileges; and would render them formidable to the nations of the earth.

Having thus described those righteous rulers, both as it respects their qualifications and administrations, which are calculated to lead the community to happiness; I proceed

II. To contrast the subject.

If people have reason to rejoice when they receive a just, righteous, and prudent administration from the hands of their rulers, by which their independence, rights, persons, property and character and secured; they cannot forbear to mourn and weep when they observe in their rulers a reverse of this excellent character.

Nothing occasions more grief to a people than to find their rulers so devoid of all sense of justice, equity and prudence, as to frame the most pernicious laws, which in their operation have been productive of infinite mischiefs and the people enjoined under severe penalties to enforce them; and which, with tolerable discernment, might have been easily foreseen. Should, therefore, a people have the extreme misfortune to have rulers of such a description, they could expect nothing from them but such an administration as would be the occasion of perpetual sorrow and mourning as long as it should continue.

And hence originates that dishonor and contempt in which the rulers of a people are sometimes holden by their subjects. When a people despise their magistrates, contemn their government, profane the ordinance of God, and insult the ministers of state, we are ready to consider that sometimes such conduct may be the effect ignorance or unrighteousness in the administrators. That rulers should frame laws notoriously unjust, deprive good citizens of their just rights, and subject them to severe penalties, for no cause but to gratify their own evil passions, is such a direct violation of the law of God and rights of men as must fill every sensible heart with grief and horror.

The people have equal cause to mourn when ignorant and unrighteous men are preferred by their rulers and distinguished by their special favors. In times of such degeneracy, wicked and designing men obtain promotion; and sometimes such persons are entrusted with the more important concerns of the public who never possessed ability and economy enough to manage their own. Hence the public are deprived of the abilities of such who are persons of the best understanding and judgment. When the wicked are exalted, the righteous are hidden. Flatterers and parasites are the men who find favor with a wicked administration; but such as are just and honest, are slighted and rejected. Those who are lost to all sense of virtue, duty or moral obligation, will use their power to the worst of purposes, and thereby debase their characters in the estimation of the people who feel themselves truly miserable under their oppressive administration. They cannot but mourn when they anticipate the event of such unrighteous measures, and the sad consequences which must be produced.

But why need I consume time in attempting to prove that which is self-evident?

I have finished my doctrinal observations: and hasten to some practical reflection. As I have in the former, so in this part of the discourse, I wish to speak with that unfettered freedom, which becomes a servant of God.

From our subject collectively, we learn first that the rights and privileges, the liberty and happiness; yea, and the lives also, of the great body of the people, are, under God, entrusted in the hands of their rulers. A weighty charge!

As a stimulus to the important, I had almost said, infinite trust reposed in them, rulers should constantly call to mind their own mortality and accountability to that God whose ministers they are.

I have said ye are gods; and all of you are children of the Most High. But ye shall die like men. Like all other men, they shall descend to the grave, the house appointed for all the living. To death, succeeds their solemn account at the tribunal of Jesus Christ, who is appointed the decisive judge of all men: before his impartial judgment seat, the rulers and judges of the earth will stand upon a level with their meanest subjects. In that solemn moment, when the opinions of men will be lighter than vanity, the flattering tongue shall be put to everlasting silence, when judgment shall be administered without respect of persons, the inquiry will not be whether they have been rulers and judges in the earth and exercised authority over the sons of the dust; but whether they have filled their stations, kept in view their last account, and prepared matters for their acquittal in that solemn trial: in order to this, it will not be sufficient merely to plead that they have been righteous in their administration of civil government; but that they also, by faith, have become interested in the justifying righteousness of the Son of God.

Were this day of retribution, which will soon commence, duly considered by magistrates, how could they fail to discharge with diligence and care, their sacred trust; and to be in earnest to become ministers of God, for good to the people? And how could they be willing to remain ignorant of the religion of Jesus Christ; which could afford them so much assistance in the faithful discharging the duties of their office; and the only thing by which they can be acquitted when they stand before their final judge?

2. That as a faithful discharge of that trust which is reposed in civil rulers is the just due of the citizens; even so all good fidelity and reasonable subjection is due from the people to their rulers. This is the requirement of God, let every soul be subject unto the higher powers: for the powers that be are ordained of God. Whoever, therefore, resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God: and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation. Put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates. Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake; whether it be to the king as supreme; or unto governors, as unto them who are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them who do well. For so is the will of God, that with well doing, ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men. If such submission is required to a kingly government, how much to a republican government?

The obedience we owe to magistrates essentially differs from the obedience we owe to God. Our obedience to God ought to be free and implicit; resulting from a sense of the rectitude of his precepts. But such obedience to human laws is not always required; for sometimes we may doubt of the fitness, yea, of the equity of them. For considering civil rulers as imperfect, and liable to err, though it be highly proper and necessary, considering ourselves members of society, that we conform our actions to their laws; yet it is not always our duty to believe that their laws are most salutary, because human laws may sometimes be otherwise. But our social obligations require us to be subject to laws, which we think very inconvenient, provided they are not sinful in themselves. It were happy if subjects would not employ themselves too much in disputing the policy and prudence of their rulers and the propriety of their laws: He who is ever ready on all occasions to impeach the conduct of rulers, and reproach their administration, and dispute the wisdom and propriety of their laws, obstructs their usefulness, weakens their influence, and doeth all in his power to bring government into contempt and to plunge the state into confusion and disorder: and thereby expose himself to the just resentment of that God, whose ministers they are.

Civil government is of divine institution: and our minds are impressed at first view with the necessity of it. Every one must feel and acknowledge the propriety and utility of that subordination in society which is required in the divine constitution.

Subjection to laws being the first duty of every citizen, it ought and will be cheerfully yielded by every good subject, though in some cases it may be thought that the laws are not the best calculated for the interest of the community. Every individual cannot be thought to be able to determine with certainty on a subject of such importance. But it must be his duty to preserve in his obedience till either the rulers are convinced that their measures ought to be changed; or the citizens in a constitutional way shall change the administrators. May I be indulged here just to observe that it is possible for the people to have such an undue influence even upon righteous rulers as to procure such measures as would prove very mischievous in their operation. But this ought not to be palmed upon our rulers; but we ought in such cases to act the part of honest men, reprobate our own conduct, and in future keep within our own province. There is not a greater evil which can befall a community than to be divided into sects and parties respecting their civil policy. The consequences (if continued in) are fatal to our civil rights and privileges, our peace and independence; and it is this which causes our present situation to wear such a gloomy and threatening aspect!

May I be indulged in intruding on your patience just to add that virtue and integrity in the great body of the people are as necessary to our political happiness and prosperity as it is in those in authority. Whenever we are tempted to complain and to entertain jealousies, lest our rulers should enslave us, destroy our liberties and happiness, let us console ourselves with this idea that a virtuous people cannot be enslaved; and that it would be utterly impossible for rulers to involve the community in any great difficulty should there not be a large portion on unrighteous and evil men to aid them in their base and evil designs: and should a people be so lost to all sense of virtue and interest, and so regardless of their obligations to God, and each other, as to willfully expose themselves to such fatal evils, the folly would be their own.

That our rulers may be ministers of God to us for good, it is our duty to implore the presence of God with them, his spirit to aid and assist them; and his blessing to crown their administration with success: and on our part to demean ourselves as good subjects; and remove all the embarrassments which may render it very difficult, it not totally impossible, for them to manage the great affairs of government in equal justice.

Happy America. If those who govern are inspired with wisdom and benevolence, prudence and integrity for the public safety: and the governed, with worthy and good affections, for the civil and religious institutions of their country: we shall then unite in pursuing the things of our peace: society will be improved, our understandings will be enlarged, our morals refined, and the interests of time, will not interfere with those of eternity. Happy is that people that is in such a case: yea, happy is that people, whose God is the Lord.

It is time that I hasten to a conclusion in suitable addresses. Our first attention is due to our worthy chief magistrate, called of God and the people to the chair of government.

May it please your Excellency, — God in his wise providence hath conferred a signal honor upon you, in repeatedly placing you in the highest seat of government, and entrusting you with so important a part of the management of our public concerns. It cannot, honored sir, but excite in your breast the most pleasing emotion of mind to find your character thus revered and your person holden in such a high estimation by so numerous and respectable a people as compose this state; and to see the evidence which it exhibits that your former administration has been, in some measure, agreeable to that mentioned on our text, which is a source of general joy.

With pleasing anticipation, we behold your excellency, God’s minister for good, bearing the sword of the state, not as a terror to good works, but to the evil. Our eye with delight marks your path, while you lead us your children into the duties of relative and Christian life: and by your example teach us that self-denial, frugality and industry so essential to the happiness of a free people. And however gloomy and difficult the day in which you preside, your administration, being of the description above, you may look for and expect all needed aid from him by whom kings reign and princes decree justice. An uncommon degree of knowledge, prudence and wisdom in a governor is necessary in such an important critical day as the present; to steer the helm of government with discretion, reconcile contending parties, and protecting the rights and privileges of the people, and giving satisfaction to the citizens. Our expectations from your excellency are that liberty shall be maintained by law and all citizens be secure in their possessions: that public faith and dignity be preserved. May the institutions of literature flourish under your friendly patronage; especially may the illustrious university of Vermont be the object of your peculiar care and by your salutary influence be protected in all it’s important rights and immunities.

As your excellency’s character stands high in the estimation of this people, it gives you a great advantage and should be no less a motive with you to study and invariably pursue their best interest. In seeking the common good and welfare of your people, you will secure your interest in their affections and live in their hearts: which must afford the highest satisfaction to a righteous magistrate. We hope in the goodness of the universal Parent, that by affording you his presence and grace, he will show that because he loved this people He hath therefore appointed you to rule over them.

May the angel of divine presence enlighten and beautify the paths of your administration. In your days, religion, truth and peace dwell on the earth: and when filled with days, and replete with grace, you shall be discharged from further services here, that you may share the glories of the heavenly world will be the unceasing prayers of the righteous and the good.

Our respects are now due to his honor the lieutenant governor, the honorable council and house of representatives.

Fathers of our state and elders of our tribes, –The sovereign powers of this state vested in you by the united voice of the freemen, give high importance to your character and entitle you to their respect and confidence. And that you may not disappoint their most sanguine expectations, you will make righteousness the basis of your administration and rule of all your proceedings.

We do not ask you to assign us articles of Christian faith, to establish religion by law, enact statutes for the collection of our salaries, or to become the bulwark of the religion we profess; but that you maintain the laws of the state and the sacred principles of our excellent constitution: a constitution which will prove a bulwark of our independence and sovereignty, a sure protection of all good citizens; the security of freedom, property and life; and a defense against the rude encroachments of anarchy and despotism. May a kind God influence you in to a system of administration which shall defend our constitution, render venerable our laws, protect from violence the seats of justice, and the thrones of judgment.

Our national concerns as a confederated republic are serious concerns. Unless some speedy and effectual measures are invented and pursued, ICHABOD will be written upon our nation. Be entreated, venerable fathers, to lay aside limited views and local prejudices and encompass the Union in the exertions of your patriotism. A considerable advantage may be obtained toward answering the end of you appointment,by electing such men into office (which comes within your province) as are men fearing God, men of virtuous minds, superior to intrigues, whose circumstances are not embarrassed, and who love the people and will perseveringly seek their happiness.

A legislature thus constituted, and what a large number of such worthy characters do I now behold! Such a legislature will rejoice the hearts of their citizens, and shall, in the issue, enjoy the blessings of their country while wicked politicians shall sink into their deserved ignominy.

However, respected fathers, it is not my province to dictate to you any measure of a civil or political nature; your wisdom and good sense do not require this of me. We being sensible that your work is difficult, and that you have an arduous task, to cure all the disorders of the political body, restore harmony and peace, and to unite the jarring interests of parties, and fix them to one common center, do heartily commend you to God who is able to furnish you with all needed wisdom and prudence.

Respected rulers, you cannot be insensible that He who has dignified you above your brethren, has limited your powers by his holy word. You are not authorized to obey the dictates of an arbitrary will; but to act agreeably to the revealed will of God. Look then on the copy which is before you: and as God’s vicegerents on earth, take you directions from his work and imbibe his spirit: acknowledge him in all your ways, and he will direct your paths. And as a reward for your services, may you be honored as the political saviors of this people, and meet their cordial approbation; And from the faithful discharge of an earthly trust, may you in due time be received into the joy of your Lord, with a well done good and faithful servants. Such is the reward, which we pray, every member of our public administration may now deserve and in future obtain from the Judge of all.

Will this grave and venerable audience indulge me a few words in a general address,–

Respected brethren and fellow citizens, — Distinguishing have been the favors of Divine Providence, by which we have become a great and established nation: but little inferior to those by which Israel of old were brought from bondage in Egypt and planted in the fat land of Palestine. Surprising, I had almost said miraculous, has been the chain of events which has marked our emancipation from the iron yoke of bondage and oppression, and raised us to the important rank of power and independence among the nations of the earth: established us under a federal constitution and republican form of government: we sit in the assemblies of our rulers; rulers of our own election, and judges appointed from among our brethren. Under such a government, we enjoy all necessary freedom and liberty, rights and privileges, both civil and religious.

But though civil liberty and freedom are so desirable blessings; and though it is our duty in all lawful ways to strive to support and maintain them, yet it is of infinitely greater importance that we should be delivered, by God’s special grace, from the bondage of guilt and the slavery of sin and satan, and called effectually to the spiritual freedom of the children of God. Little reason shall we have to boast of liberty and freedom, or to bless ourselves on the account of our external privileges, if we are the ignominious servants of corruption. This spiritual liberty Christ hath obtained for all his true disciples; and it can no otherwise be enjoyed by any of us, than by taking his yoke upon us, and learning of him; and continuing in his word. Then shall we know the truth, and the truth shall make us free indeed. It is the true Christian alone who is the Lord’s freeman and a citizen of the New-Jerusalem. An honor and privilege to which we cannot maintain our claim unless we realize our profession of Christianity by serving the Lord Christ with all good fidelity and serve one another in love. Be this the object of our greatest care and attention: we may then with hope and earnest expectation wait for the day of our complete redemption. At length the grand jubilee will be proclaimed by the archangel’s trumpet, which will call the heirs of God to the perfect liberty of his everlasting kingdom and glory, and to that inheritance which is incorruptible and that fadeth not away.

To this exalted felicity, God grant, that we may all be brought in due time, through Jesus Christ our Lord. AMEN.

Sermon – Election – 1809, Massachusetts


David Osgood (1747-1822) graduated from college in 1771 and spent a year studying theology in Cambridge. He preached in many different places (including Boxford, Charlestown, and Medford – all in Massachusetts) throughout his life. Osgood preached the following Election sermon on May 31, 1809 in Massachusetts.


sermon-election-1809-massachusetts

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED

BEFORE THE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR,

THE COUNCIL,

AND THE TWO HOUSES COMPOSING THE LEGISLATURE

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

MAY 31, 1809.

Being the Day of General Election.

BY DAVID OSGOOD, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN MEDFORD.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In Senate, June 1, 1809.

ORDERED, That the Hon. William Spooner, Peter C. Brooks and John Welles, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. David Osgood, D. D. and in the name of the Senate, thank him for the Discourse delivered yesterday by him before His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, the Honourable Council, and the two branches of the General Court; and also to request of him a Copy for the Press.

Attest,
NATHANIEL COFFIN, Clerk of Senate.

 

DISCOURSE.

JUDGES IX. 56, 57.

Thus God rendered the wickedness of Abimelech which he did unto his father, in slaying his seventy brethren:
And all the evil of the men of Shechem did God render upon their heads; and upon them came the curse of Jotham, the son of Jerubbaal.

In these words the inspired writer gives us his reflections upon the preceding history of the family of Jerubbaal, originally called Gideon. Like those old Romans who were called from the plough to the dictatorship, Gideon was threshing wheat at the time when he received his commission to head the armies of Israel. Among all the celebrated heroes of antiquity, none could have been entitled to greater respect, than is expressed by the angel of God in this salutation to Gideon, THE LORD IS WITH THEE, THOU MIGHTY MAN OF VALOUR. Though he had not as yet advanced far in life, this greeting suggests the idea of an illustrious established character, that, by some prior achievements not recorded, his great talents and heroic qualities had already been signalized. Many opportunities for his becoming thus distinguished, must have occurred during the overwhelming calamities under which his country had groaned for the last seven years. Through each revolving season, what the Israelites had sown, their enemies had reaped, and the pillaged inhabitants who had escaped with their lives, were left destitute of the means of subsistence. Dispersed among the mountains, in dens, caves and strongholds; they were languishing through want, while the combined forces of their enemies, numerous as grasshoppers, were spreading their ravages far and wide and destroying the country.

Such was the situation of the Israelites when their God interposed by the hand of Gideon, to effect their deliverance. Never perhaps before or since, was so great and splendid a victory gained by such a handful of troops. With but three hundred men, through divine assistance, Gideon put to instant and total rout an army of more than one hundred thousand. All these and twenty thousand more, fell in the course of his success. He ceased not the pursuit till he had captured and slain the combined kings and chiefs of the enemy.

Amidst all his efforts against foreign invaders, he had to contend with the unfriendly views, the baseness and treachery of a numerous party among his own people. A great nation is seldom, if ever, reduced to the condition in which the Israelites are here stated to have been, without its being occasioned in part, at least, by disunion and discord among themselves. When they are destined to subjugation and conquest, their intestine divisions prepare the way and facilitate the event. The intrigues of their conquerors are usually as efficacious as their weapons. Among the Israelites at this time, whole cities, if not tribes, had taken so decided a part against the cause of their country; and either through fear or corruption, were so attached to that of its invaders that, after Gideon’s first great and miraculous victory, they would not admit the probability of his final success. Instead of the feelings of gratitude and the language of praise, they uttered that of contempt. To his demand of refreshment for his exhausted and fainting soldiers, the magistrates of Succoth and Penuel returned this most insolent answer, Are Zeba and Zulmunna now in thine hand, that we should give bread unto thine army? In the punishment of these faithless cities afterward, patriotism, as well as justice, was displayed. The common safety required an example of terror in such vile traitors.

On various other occasions, Gideon exhibited the abilities and virtues of a great and good commander. While he was yet in pursuit of the flying enemy, he found himself unexpectedly involved in controversy with a part of his own forces. The succours from the powerful and warlike tribe of Ephraim, took offence at their not having received an earlier summons to the war. Their anger was as unseasonable, as utterly unfounded; yet for these very reasons, the more wild and intractable. Had Gideon answered them as Jepthah did afterward, the consequences might have been equally lamentable. We cannot but admire his self-command, his superior wisdom and goodness in turning away their wrath. By passing unnoticed the absurdity of their allegations, and by his modesty and humility in extolling their exploits as superior to his own; he disarmed their insolence and so flattered their vanity, as prevented any detriment to the public service by so foolish an altercation.—In short, by his valour and good conduct, greatness of mind, soundness of judgment, moderation, prudence, and disinterestedness in serving the public; he completely succeeded in breaking from the neck of his country, the yoke imposed by foreign powers, vanquishing and expelling those invaders, chastising their partisans among his own people, quelling sedition, reconciling parties and divisions, and, at length, establishing the independence, peace and prosperity of his nation.

So manifold, great and extensive were his services that, the Israelites, feeling the happiness derived from his administration, were constrained to the most grateful acknowledgments. Nay, their gratitude led them to offer much more than he was willing to accept.—Always prone to imitate the customs and manners of the nations around this, they already entertained the desire of resembling them in the form of their government. Having received such proofs of Gideon’s abilities and of them agreed to make him king and to render the crown hereditary in his family: Rule thou over us, both thou and thy son, and thy son’s son also. Gideon seems to have been sensibly hurt and grieved that his fellow-citizens were capable of making such a proposal. Most memorable is his answer; and for patriotism, piety, and disinterestedness, almost unexampled: I will not rule over you, neither shall my son rule over you: the Lord shall rule over you. Thu firmly and sternly did he oppose the wishes of an infatuated people to make a surrender of their liberties by turning their divinely constituted republic into a monarchy. Thus nobly did he reject a scepter when offered, showing a mind superior to the charms of power, the splendors of royalty, and all the allurements of worldly grandeur – at the same time solemnly admonishing the Israelites that, as God was their king, no one, unauthorized by him, could lawfully exercise the supreme dominion over them. Gideon was a true republican. Would to God that the principal leaders of those who affect to be so called in modern times, were not, in their principles and conduct, their views and pursuits, perfect contrasts to this Israelite indeed!

Though he refused the title and prerogatives of king, yet Gideon’s great service and the weight and respectability of his character, gave him an influence in the affairs of the nation, superior to that usually attendant on royal authority. Such was the constitution of the Jewish commonwealth, that idolatry partook of the nature of treason and rebellion. If it were not immediately punished and extirpated by the executive authority, it uniformly brought divine judgments upon the nation. Yet it seems that through their whole history down to the Chaldean captivity, this sin continued to be precisely that which most easily beset them. Prone however as they were to this sin, in such awe did they stand of Gideon, that, during his life (which was mercifully prolonged to a good old age) it was not openly practiced. For this reason the historian adds, The country was in quietness forty years, in all the days of Gideon. What an uncommon and almost singular instance of national peace and prosperity! And all apparently derived form the authority, influence, and example of an individual! What a blessing to mankind are such individuals! How truly are they the salt of the earth and the light of the world!

The characters of great and good men are essentially the same in every nation and through every age. Under the name of Gideon, we have marked much of the conduct and many of the virtues of that illustrious Chief to whom our own country was indebted for its deliverance, peace, and prosperity. The government of such rulers is compared in Scripture to the rain coming down upon the mown grass, showers on the thirty earth – to the light of the morning when the sun is rising, to a morning without clouds; while on the other part, rulers of an opposite character, devoid of the principles of true religion and virtue, are depicted in the consequences of their administration to the people, as roaring lions and ranging bears. The truth and justness of these representations are confirmed by the experience of all nations and by the whole history of the world. Is it then conceivable that the nation of Gideon or the nation of Washington, after having for years rejoiced in the rich blessings derived form such rulers, after having had perfect acquaintance with the principles and maxims of their administration, after having received from them their last solemn paternal advice, should, in direct contradiction to such advice, be capable of giving their suffrages for rulers known to be of a different and opposite character? Of all the follies to which human beings are liable, is there any more unaccountable, more astonishing than this?

The Lord shall rule over you, said Gideon to the assembled Israelites; and this he continued repeating, inculcating and, with the utmost exertion of his power and influence, energetically enforcing throughout his lengthened days to the last hour of his life. But, says the historian, as soon as Gideon was dead, the children of Israel turned again, and went a whoring after Baalim, and made Baalberith their god. This choice of new gods could not so immediately have taken place had not the people been previously thus inclined. The probability is, that, like a mighty stream obstructed in its course, their idolatrous inclinations had been long swelling and tumultuously rising against the authority of Gideon. On the ceasing of this authority therefore, they rushed precipitately the downward way of their hearts—From the subsequent history however, we are led to conclude that the commencement of this apostacy was, not at Ophrah where Gideon had dwelt and was buried; but, in a distant territory at Shechem a city of the first rank in the numerous tribe of Ephraim. The inhabitants of this place had been long waiting with impatience for the tidings of old Gideon’s exit, that they might, without fear, openly avow their attachment to Baal. No sooner therefore were those tidings announced, than all hands were employed in erecting a temple to their favorite idol, preparing sacrifices and establishing the ritual of his worship.

With the zeal of new proselytes, and with the malignity which apostates from the true religion always feel towards those whom they have deserted; the Shechemites were thus employed when there appeared among them, a base born son of the late Gideon, named Abimelech, signifying in the original Hebrew, my father a king. The vanity of his other, in all probability, gave him this name, that it might denote her connection with the most eminent personage in Israel. Nor is it unlikely, that its early impression upon the mind of her son, continually cherished by maternal pride in his education, kindled in his bosom that ambition which, on the death of his father, led him to aspire at royalty. The difficulties to be encountered, the obstacles to be removed or surmounted, were undoubtedly such as would have discouraged any other spirit less daring and wicked. Samuel made his sons judges in the land: In this, he most probably followed the example of his predecessors, who, very naturally, introduced their sons as subordinate officers and assistants in the administration of the government. Gideon left seventy legitimate sons. Forty years had elapsed since Jether the eldest, attended his father in the war against the Midianites. By this time, the most, if not all, of them had arrived to that age which usually gives men the greatest sway in the affairs of the public; and were probably in stations of power and trust at the death of their father. If they were in general attached to his religion and government, as it is certain, one of them was, they must, with their friends and connections, have formed a most formidable phalanx against the ambitious designs of Abimelech. The disadvantages of his birth, as the son of a maid-servant, rendered his claim more questionable than that of any of his brethren. In short, he was well aware, that he had no prospect of success but through their previous destruction; and he seems to have possessed too much of the modern philosophy, to feel any check or restraint from that consideration.

We may fairly suppose that, upon his first coming among the Shechemites, he openly applauded their innovations in religion, declared his own faith to be the same with their’s, expressed his abhorrence of the former worship, and inveighed equally against the late government and against all who had been concerned in its administration. His object was, by his management and address, so to work up and inflame the passions and prejudices of the multitude, that they might the more easily afterward be brought to favor that scheme of ambition which as yet, he forbore openly to avow. When, by these arts, he had attracted notice, become popular, and found himself high in the esteem of the citizens; he began his secret intrigues with a chosen few. His mother was a native of this city, and through her numerous relations, had a great interest with the citizens. These relations were now made the confidents of Abimelech. To them he opened his plot, and solicited their assistance in carrying it into effect. He communed, says the historian, with the brethren of his mother, and with all the family of the house of her father. Having brought these to espouse his cause, he prescribed to them the means for gaining over the other citizens. They were instructed to display all their eloquence in painting to the people, the pride and arrogance of his brethren, their arbitrary and tyrannical dispositions, their ambitious views, and the scenes of civil discord, unavoidably consequent upon the rivalries of so many young princes—all aspiring to the sovereignty. The history being totally silent with respect to any ambitious designs entertained by the other sons of Gideon; these insinuations of Abimelech, were the grossest forgeries, vile and wicked slanders, contrived and promulgated for no other purpose but to cloak the deeds of horror which he already meditated. After possessing the minds of the people with those prejudices against his brethren; Abimelech’s partisans were next to sound his praises, and finish their harangue with reminding the people that, as originating from their city and related to many of them, he was their bone and their flesh.

The brethren of his mother and their kindred seem most faithfully to have fulfilled their instructions: They spake of him in the ears of all the men of Shechem all these words; and by their eloquence and influence, succeeded in winning the hearts of the citizens, and attaching them to his interest. He is our brother, one and another exclaimed; and so, his party daily increased. When it had become strong, the first thing requested of them was, that the money in the public treasury, might be at his disposal. To this the elders of the city consented, and were probably not ignorant of the cruel and bloody, though as yet, secret enterprise for which it was wanted. As they were the worshippers of that idol whose altar Gideon had thrown down, their religious principles, as well as political views, might render them willing that a severe revenge should be executed upon his family. With their money, Abimelech hired a troop banditti; the history says, vain and light persons, to surprise and massacre his brethren. As a stone was often used as an altar, the history, in stating that they slew the three score and ten sons of Jerubbaal upon one stone, may be understood as insinuating that all these persons were offered as so many victims to Baal, by way of atonement for the injury which that idol had formerly received from their father.

With this sacrifice, shocking and horrible as it was, the Shechemites seem to have been well pleased; believing, no doubt, that it would render their idol and more propitious to them. Soon after, they assembled in a formal manner to place the crown upon the head of Abimelech, and take their oath of allegiance. Thus they publicly approbated his crimes, bound the guilt of them upon their own consciences, and rendered themselves liable to share in their punishment. Instances of such extraordinary wickedness and cruelty rarely escape punishment even in the present world. In the common retributions of divine providence, they who take the sword, often perish by the sword: Men of violence and blood usually come to a violent end. What they have sown, they also reap. They are snared in the work of their own hands, and fall in the pit which themselves have digged.

But, as the Israelites were the chosen people of Jehovah, he usually gave them previous warning of those judgments which their crimes drew down upon them. To Abimelech and the Shechemites, this warning was dispensed by Jotham the only one, of all Gideon’s legitimate sons, who escaped the massacre. Him the spirit of God undoubtedly prompted and inspired to foretell the just doom which awaited the murderers of his brethren. His own ingenuity, perhaps, framed the allegory with which his prediction is introduced. Nothing pertaining to language, seems to have been more ancient, than the use of parables and apologues to set forth the most serious matters, and inculcate the most interesting truths. The Greeks claimed to have been the inventors of this mode of instruction; but their claim had no other foundation besides their own vanity. Ages before the existence of Aesop or any other author known to their nation, the Orientals, and particularly the Hebrews, had adopted this ingenious method of teaching by amusing. “As speech became more cultivated, says the learned Warburton, the rude manner of speaking by action, was soothed and polished into an apologue or fable; where the speaker, to enforce his purpose by a suitable impression, told a familiar tale of his own invention, accompanied with such circumstances as made his design evident and persuasive.”

The city of Shechem being situated at the foot of mount Gerizzim, from this mount, in the hearing of all the people assembled at a public festival subsequent to the coronation of Abimelech, Jotham pronounced his curse, not a causeless one, it being a divine prediction. “Hearken unto me, ye men of Shechem, that God may hearken unto you. The trees went forth on a time to anoint a king over them; and they said to the olive-tree, Reign thou over us. But the olive-tree said unto them, Should I leave my fatness, wherewith by me they honour God and man, and go to be promoted over the trees? And the trees said to the fig-tree, Come thou and reign over us. But the fig-tree said unto them, Should I forsake my sweetness, and my good fruit, and go to be promoted over the trees? Then said the trees unto the vine, Come thou, and reign over us. And the vine said unto them, Should I leave my wine, which cheereth God and man, and go to be promoted over the trees? Then said all the trees unto the bramble, Come thou, and reign over us. And the bramble said unto the trees, If in truth ye anoint me king over you, then come and put your trust in my shadow: and if not, let fire come out of the bramble, and devour the cedars of Lebanon.”

As this fable is confessedly the most ancient upon record; so it is beautiful, impressive, and striking beyond almost any other example. By the speeches which Jotham makes for the good and useful trees, he seems, with filial reverence to allude to the noble conduct of his father in refusing to be made king; while at the same time he reminds the Israelites of their unspeakable obligations to him. 1

The general moral of the parable, is highly important, and is inculcated with all imaginable force. Following the arrangement of scripture, which uniformly includes all men under the two opposite characters of the righteous and the wicked, it sets forth the different effects produced by these characters when exalted to power; the healing, cheering and beneficent influences of the one; and the wounding, fretting and baneful influences of the other. The different ways by which they frequently attain to power, are also strongly marked. No arts however vile, no intrigues however base and wicked, are scrupled or declined by unprincipled men when circumstances are such as to give them any hope of success. For the honors and emoluments of office, their thirst is insatiable, and hurry on to their attainment per fas & nefas. Though in themselves, weak and worthless, and, from their want abilities or from their want of integrity, totally incompetent to the duties of a high station; yet, these are the men whose souls are devoured by ambition, in whom it reigns predominant. They are always aspiring to the chief dignities, always on the watch to burst the doors of public confidence and thrust themselves forward to the chair of State; while, on the other part, the truly wise and good are too modest and dissident thus to obtrude themselves upon the notice of the public. Instead of placing their happiness in the exercise of dominion over others, they are content with the due government of themselves, and prize the ease and freedom of private life. It is with no small reluctance, that such men are drawn from their beloved retirement. The olive tree, the fig tree, the vine, and every good and useful tree, are afraid to turn aside from that course of beneficence allotted them by nature and the author of nature. Aware of the responsibility annexed to a high station, they dread its snares and temptations. Doubting of their own capacity to serve the Public in the best manner, they dread lest by some mistake in their administration, the peace, safety or prosperity of the State should be endangered. They therefore wish to decline a province to which they fear their talents are not equal. Nothing but a conviction of duty, of a call in providence will enable them to surmount these scruples. On the other part, unprincipled men have no difficulties of this kind. The bramble, whose very nature unfits it to be useful in any place or condition, boldly comes forward, self-assured and self-confident, to be made the head of the whole vegetative creation.

The vanity of base men when thus invested with power, is painted in colours the most vivid and striking; and the ridicule thrown upon that vanity, is inimitably marked and pointed in those circumstances where the bramble bids his new subjects, who needed no shadow, to come, and put their trust in his—“If in truth ye anoint me king over you, then come and put your trust in my shadow”—in the shadow of a bramble!

Such a claim is never made by rulers truly wise and good. From a deep and habitual sense of their liableness to err, they dare not demand implicit confidence. “Though I am unconscious of intentional error, says one of the best of rulers, I may have committed many. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert the evils to which they tend.” The election of such a ruler seems to have been, at first, proposed by the republic of trees. To such a choice, the revealed wisdom of God confines the republic of men. Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating coveteousness. The whole nation is to be scrutinized that its best characters may be selected. Able men, possessing extensive knowledge, clear and rational ideas of a just and equal government—ideas matured by deep reflection, nice observation, and long experience. SUCH AS FEAR GOD, who are under the habitual impression of their accountableness to him for all their actions, possessing established principles of true religion—principles continually cherished and strengthened by a regular and conscientious attendance upon religious duties. MEN OF TRUTH, in whose conduct and transactions either in their private or public capacity, no appearance of guile, of duplicity, of insincerity or of subtle craftiness, can be found; all whose measures both of internal policy and of foreign negotiation, are above the suspicion of artifice and design, bearing the evident marks of fairness, simplicity, truth, justice, and strict impartiality;–men whom no considerations will induce knowingly to swerve from these principles of true dignity and rectitude. HATING COVETEOUSNESS, whose very souls abhor all mean and selfish views, all interested schemes for their own advancement or for the advancement of any party; who recognize no party, but behold with equal affection and solicitude, all parts of the community; and make the general weal the great object of all their counsels, endeavours, and pursuits; whose whole administration reflects greatness of mind, liberality of sentiment, generous and noble aims, disinterestedness, and public spirit.

Would such rulers, on their first elevation to power, with an air of serious concern, anxiously ask, “how are vacancies to be obtained?” After a long and tedious struggle, having, at length, “burst the doors of honor and confidence,” and forced our entrance all hungry and starving for lucrative employments, “how are vacancies to be obtained?”

Would rulers who are men of ability, that is of some understanding, on the reception of injuries and insults from foreign nations, avenge such wrongs by a most rigorous blockade of all the ports of their own country?—Would rulers who are men of truth, speaking of this identical measure, declare to their own subjects, that its sole object was to distress foreign nations; and at the same time, in the most formal and solemn manner, protest to those foreign nations, that it was wholly a municipal regulation, not in the least aimed against them?—Would rulers partaking of the nature of the olive and other good trees, on their exaltation, bear their faculties with the airs of victors at the head of a triumphant party, and exercise their power for the humiliation of all who had not favored their promotion? Would they heap reproaches upon their predecessors in the administration, stigmatize them as a sect, charge them with “having proscribed half the society as unworthy of any trust”—and with having conferred offices upon others guilty of political “delinquency, oppression, intolerance, and anti-revolutionary adherence to our enemies?”—Then exhibit themselves as brought forward to correct such abuses, declare their purpose to effect it, and warn the nation that till it shall be accomplished, it must not be expected that “the honesty, capacity and faithfulness” of candidates will be the qualities principally regarded in appointments to office.

In free governments, during the excitements and tumultuous scenes of popular election while the partisans of rival candidates are discussing the merits and exerting their influence in behalf of their respective favorites; unpleasant things are unavoidable. But no truth in the Bible is more certain than this, that great and good minds, upright and enlightened statesmen, possessed of a true patriotism, will retain no remembrance of these irritations afterward. Placed at the helm, from that moment they will cease to know, and from every wish to know, who voted for or against them. It will be their most studious concern throughout their administration, to show themselves alike blind to, and ignorant of, all parties; bearing an equal relation to, and an equal affection for, each individual and each class and description of the people; entertaining no other thought or design but by an equal, universal, most strenuous and impartial beneficence, to dissolve and melt down into one common mass, all party distinctions. They will consider themselves as sustaining the representative sovereignty of the country for the good of the whole and of every part; and in the execution of their high office, will regard nothing but the general weal, peace, and prosperity.

Such rulers can have no occasion for a veil of mystery over their proceedings. The general good being the object of all their counsels, they are willing that their plans for its promotion, should be examined by the people for whose sake they are proposed and whose interests will be affected by them. Nor are they hasty in their decisions. No question of great moment, is determined till it has been first weighed and thoroughly considered in all its bearings and relations. It was an acknowledged trait in the character of that ruler whom our country recognizes as its father, that his eyes and ears were always open to information from every quarter. He chose that a difficult question, previous to its receiving his decision, should be exposed to public discussion, that he might avail himself of any light that might be thrown upon it by the collision of parties. He wished the necessity or usefulness of every act of his administration, should be so manifest as to meet the approbation of all reasonable unprejudiced minds.

Alas! when we think of him, do we not feel a gloom at the reverse witnessed in our public affairs since they have fallen into other hands, into the hands of those, I mean, who uniformly opposed his most wise and salutary measures? What a different temper and conduct have marked their course? And, to what a result have they progressed? The very things against which He, with such anxious solicitude and boding apprehension, most solemnly, again and again cautioned us, have taken place. “Excessive partiality to one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another;” timid and mean submissions to the outrages of the one, and hostile menacing airs towards the other, continued through a long course of equivocal negotiation, at length, brought us to the brink of a precipice. To effect our escape, gracious heaven! What was done? Measures strange, new under the sun, not recorded in any history, not tested by the experience of any nation, were precipitately proposed and as precipitately adopted. “I would not deliberate” exclaims the infatuated senator: and so laws are at once enacted whose execution brings distress upon thousands, arrests a commerce said to be the second in the world, and turns the naval and military force of the country against the industry and peace of its inhabitants; laws which, in a free republic, outrage all the principles of freedom, trample upon the most essential rights of man, and dissolve the bonds of the social compact.—The obstinacy with which the blundering 2 authors of these measures adhered to them, was truly astonishing. To the cloud of petitions, remonstrances and resolves, from whole states, as well as from towns, counties and other collections of people, all pointing out the absurdity, unconstitutionality, oppressive and ruinous tendency of those laws—the only answer was, this language of the bramble, come and put your trust in my shadow. In case of disobedience, menaces followed. If every mouth were not stopped, if every tongue were not silent from censure or opposition, the most tremendous punishment was denounced: Let fire come out of the bramble and devour the cedars of Lebanon.

It seems essential to public liberty, that the choice of rulers should be in the hands of the people. Among the nations who have understood the nature, and been capable of estimating the value of liberty, what rivers of blood have been shed, and what countless millions of treasure have been expended to obtain or to preserve this privilege! Yet what people, in the full enjoyment of it, have not, sooner or later, abused it to their own destruction, by giving their suffrages in favor of a bramble? Melancholy instances of this frenzy among republican states, occur in all history, sacred and profane, ancient and modern. If parasites and flatterers besiege the throne of princes, hollow hearted patriots, and noisy aspiring demagogues are not less assiduous, or less intriguing, in paying their court to the sovereign people. By such agents and such means, the ancient republics of Greece and Rome, once so flourishing, great and renowned, were cheated out of their liberties, and ultimately degraded to the bottom of the scale among the nations of Europe. The nature of all republican governments is such, that they almost necessarily engender parties and factions, divisions and contests. In these contests with each other, men professing themselves republicans, lose sight of their principles in their blind, yet violent attachment to their respective parties. Enlisted under the banners of Caesar and Pompey, both sides fight most furiously for their republic, that is, for its shadow, its empty name after all its essential powers and privileges have been surrendered into the hands of their respective leaders, now sovereigns and despots. Are not we ourselves far advanced toward a situation like this, when the leaders of a dominant party commence an invasion on our bill of rights, and boldly usurp powers not granted by the constitution? In such case, the only hope or consolation left us, consists in this, that no free people will submit to such usurpations, and thus suffer their liberties to be wrested from them till, by vice and corruption, they have become prepared for slavery. Had the Shechemites been Israelites indeed, firm in the religion of their ancestors and under the influence of virtuous principles; all the arts of such a character as Abimelech, would have failed of success. But having apostatized from Jehovah, and become thoroughly depraved both in their principles and morals—being thus ripe for ruin, divine justice permitted them, with their own hands, to pull that ruin upon themselves. They were given over to the infatuation of putting their trust in the shadow of a bramble.

The sacred historian mentions it as not the least among the sins of the Israelites, that they shewed no kindness to the house of Gideon according to all the goodness which he had shewed unto Israel. Nay, this their ingratitude to the family of their great human benefactor, is mentioned in close connection with their ingratitude to Jehovah their covenant God, as next in aggravation and heinousness to their guilt of apostacy.—My respected auditors, we have had our Gideon. After procuring us a great victory, and establishing our independence, he assisted in framing for us a system of liberty with order. The noble machine being finished, he applied his own shoulders to the task of putting it in motion, in connection with coadjutors partaking of his spirit. Thus guided in its operations, it progressed to the admiration of the world; and after rescuing these States from disgrace and danger, exalted them in honor and prosperity. A dreadful counterpart to this felicity would, in all probability, have taken place had the reins of the national government at that early period fallen into the hands of aspiring demagogues, men destitute of religious principle, intent upon nothing but the aggrandizement of themselves and their party, tainted with wild and romantic notions of liberty, heedless of the experience of former ages; and hurrying on to the trial of their own new and fanciful theories. That the infancy of our general government escaped the ignorance, violence, and wickedness of such vile attendants, is surely, among the most brilliant proofs of the watchful care of heaven for our preservation. 3

Washington steered us through the first breakers; then giving us his blessing in his FAREWELL ADDRESS, quitted the helm; but to the end of his life, his general influence continued, and with it, our prosperity, advancing indeed to a height before unexampled. At length, HE, like the Gideon of Israel, died; and we, everywhere, made the most pompous show of mourning, by solemn dirges, eulogies and funeral processions. But, scarcely had we finished these farcical scenes when we committed the direction of our affairs to the very men who had been his most inveterate opponents; and by their exaltation, politically slew all his children. 4 Does it not become a Christian nation seriously to consider whether ingratitude towards those whom Heaven has made eminently their benefactors, and the instruments of their most signal prosperity, may not draw upon them the tokens of the divine displeasure?

These are the concluding words of Jotham’s curse mentioned in the text,–Let fire come out from Abimelech, and devour the men of Shechem and the house of Millo; and let fire come out from the men of Shechem, and from the house of Millo, and devour Abimelech. The accomplishment of this anathema speedily commenced. The new king and his subjects soon became hostile towards each other. The men of Shechem, says the history, dealt treacherously with Abimelech—and cursed him in the house of their God. Towards them, he proved a most cruel tyrant. By dear bought experience they learnt what it was to repose under the shadow of a bramble. Their sufferings seem to have been for some time protracted that they might have opportunity to feel all their sharpness; and in the issue, both parties succeeded in destroying each other. After recording the particulars of this destruction, 5 the historian concludes, Thus God rendered the wickedness of Abimelech which he did unto his father, in slaying his seventy brethren: And all the evil of the men of Shechem did God render upon their heads: and upon them came the curse of Jotham, the son of Jerubbaal.

In bringing about this retribution, no miracle seems to have been wrought, nor the operation of any particular cause or agent raised above the pitch or tendency of its nature: The great Ruler of the world suffered the current of events and the succession of causes and effects to proceed on in their accustomed course while this course was so guided by his all-pervading providence that they who had enlisted themselves as the creatures and partisans of an intriguing ambitious usurper, were imperceptibly taken in their own snares and became the victims of their own devices. Let those hear and fear who, in their prejudices and partialities, bear any resemblance to the Shechemites. The same Providence which governed the world in the age of Gideon, governs it still, and has the same means for making the transgressions of the wicked to reprove them, and their backslidings to correct them.

Legislators of the commonwealth, as the representatives of the people, chosen and deputed to make their laws, guard their liberties and take care of their concerns; it is natural to suppose that men thus selected and for such purposes, rank among the wisest and most upright of the community. We have seen however, that a free people, on some occasions, confide these trusts to hands unworthy of them. They are in special danger of committing this folly at a time when the spirit of party is prevalent. Under the influence of this spirit, the electors consider, not the talents and virtues of good rulers; but whether the candidate be the bone and flesh of their party—having capacity and zeal to serve its interests. Their inquiry is, whether he be a brother of the faction to which themselves are attached. Thus circumstanced, the most violent partisan often obtains the vote. Could we suppose a legislative assembly, composed of such characters, thus chosen and coming together with such views and dispositions; what would they be but a copse of brambles, the best of them a brier, the most upright sharper than a thorn hedge?

God forbid that a majority of rulers in any New England State, should ever consist of such characters! Indeed they cannot, while any portion of the spirit and principles of the first settlers of the country, be retained among their descendants. Christian piety, a thing without partiality and without hypocrisy, in its very nature most opposite to the spirit of party, was considered by our forefathers as the only root from which any true and genuine patriotism could spring. This sentiment has been so far handed down to modern times, that it is explicitly recognized in the constitution of this commonwealth. Each member of our legislature, on his entrance into office, solemnly declares that “he believes the Christian religion and has a firm persuasion of its truth.” This declaration, virtually acknowledging all the obligations of Christianity, adds them to the other obligations by which our rulers are bound to legislate upon such subjects only and for such purposes only, as are specified in the social compact. Within this enclosure, ye legislators, all your labours are confined. If ye pass these limits, your laws become unlawful; in making them ye betray your trust, violate your oaths, and bring upon yourselves the guilt of perjury.

Should our federal rulers thus abuse the trust reposed in them, and violate the principles of the national compact, you will, as the guardians of the rights of your constituents, make a prudent, yet firm opposition, resolutely treading on in the steps of your predecessors of the last year. The wisdom and dignity of their proceedings upon this subject, have ranked them with those immortal patriots who began that resistance to usurped power, which issued in the independence of these States. If we would preserve the liberties, by that struggle, so dearly purchased, the call for resistance against the usurpations of our own government, is as urgent as it was formerly against those of our mother country. No unbiased mind can review the measures pursued by those who, for some time past, guided our national counsels, without being convinced, not only that the constitution has been violated, but violated for a purpose the most pernicious; that a state of hostility against Great-Britain, now nobly contending for the rights of nations; and a consequent alliance with her adversary, the execrable scourge of Europe, were most treacherously and wickedly contemplated. To my apprehension, the danger from such a policy, is more to be dreaded than any which had ever before threatened our country. It is a gulf in which our national honor and prosperity, our liberties, our religion, our morals, our happiness, will all be lost irretrievably—in which we shall be plunged in everlasting infamy and wretchedness.

But, apart from this danger, which, blessed be God, seems at present to be happily escaped, most probably in consequence of the patriotic opposition just mentioned: to what purpose did we frame the national compact if we suffer its provisions to be disregarded? Why did we, with such extreme caution, after long deliberation, first in an assembly of delegates from all the states, then in separate conventions in each individual state, prescribe the terms of national union, after each of those terms had been sifted and scrutinized over and over again, in every form and shape, through all their possible consequences and effects—why this vast apparatus, these extended discussions, these unwearied pains in settling the terms of national union, if, when settled, we permit them to be dispensed with at pleasure, place our confidence in the men who wantonly spurn their limitations, and reproach, as hostile to the federal union, that warning voice which would dissuade us from such insanity? The truth is, that the worst and the only enemies of this union, are those who break its ties and burst its bonds asunder. Its only real and substantial friends, are those who perseveringly oppose such infractions. By such opposition only, can the very end for which the constitution was framed be answered, and the constitution itself, together with the liberties which it guaranties, be preserved.

This constitution has indeed been altered, in some instances, for the worse. It is hoped that its next alteration will be for the better, by clearing it of that strange absurdity, which, through the slaves of our southern brethren, gives them an undue and baneful influence in our national counsels. These northern states must be lost to a sense of their own rights and dignity—They must acknowledge themselves to be something less than men, if all their parties do not unite in their endeavours to effect this alteration. It is also equally incumbent upon them, to unite in procuring a navy for the protection of their commerce. Had the many millions, foolishly squandered in the delusive purchase of a wilderness utterly useless, been expended in building ships of war; our trade, in all probability, would have escaped its late, as well as present, embarrassments.

Every man, in the least acquainted with history, must know that, of all other means, commerce is preeminently useful and indeed necessary for promoting national wealth and prosperity, spreading general information, advancing arts and knowledge, increasing civilization, refining and polishing the manners of a people, and giving them those improvements which adorn society and constitute its highest felicity. But nothing can be more absurd, than to dream of a great and extended commerce without a navy for its protection—this being equally necessary both at home and abroad—in our own harbors and while traversing the ocean—The Gun-boat policy, excepting for embargo purposes, is so despicable and puerile that, were Buffon still alive, he might bring it s another proof of the “dwarfish nature of every American production.”

These interesting objects will find their place in the deliberations of our civil fathers. Sooner or later they will be obtained if this nation be destined to flourish and become great. If present success should be doubtful, this should not discourage our exertions. If heaven, provoked by our sins, should, in its wrath, give us up to our prejudices and partialities, that, like the Shechemites, we may be vexed and harassed by the tyranny of brambles; still every good ruler and every good citizen should persevere in their endeavors to ward off these calamities. This is the course of true virtue and patriotism. If in this course, like the children of Gideon, our lives should be cut short by the prevailing faction;–even the foresight of this should not damp our ardor. We are to remember that there is still a reward for righteousness. We are all placed here for the present, on purpose that it may be seen how we can acquit ourselves through that variety of private and public trials allotted us by Him to whom we are at last responsible. Every true patriot has learnt to think and to say with Paul of Tarsus, it is a small thing with me to be judged of man’s judgment. Of what real and intrinsic value is that patriotism which requires to be continually fed with present praises or with present rewards? The true patriot, after the best part of his life has been spent in a series of important and faithful services to his country, will descend the vale of years, serene and happy from the consciousness of a part well acted and from a hope thence arising of the final rewards of virtue. If, instead of this, we behold him wavering in his former patriotic opinions, sour and discontented through mere chagrin that the incense of adulation and the glittering tinsels of office have ceased to nourish his vanity;–while we lament such weakness, we can hardly forbear suspecting whether a patriotism which becomes thus shriveled at its latter end, were not from its beginning, defective in principle. Our country abounds with professed patriots; but after an abundance of leaves and of blossoms, the genuine fruits of that virtue remain wonderfully scarce. It is earnestly recommended to all who wish to cultivate it, that they attend carefully to the soil. If it be planted in an honest and good heart, like the seed of Evangelical truth, it will certainly be fruitful, yielding thirty, sixty, perhaps, a hundred fold. Nor will its fruitfulness be checked by any present difficulties or discouragements. It is animated by the spirit of that Israelitish commander with whose words I conclude. Be of good courage, and let us play the men for our people, and for the cities of our God: And the Lord do that which seemeth him good.

 


Endnotes

1. The expression of wine’s cheering God and man, ought perhaps to be rendered gods and men. Jotham here adopts the pagan style as best adapted to the notions of the idolatrous Shechemites, and more likely to be understood by them. Instead of referring to Jehovah, he means that wine cheereth hero-gods, such as the Shechemites worshipped. They had made Baal-berith their god, a deity confessedly originating from among men. As having this allusion, the expression contains a fine stroke of ridicule and insinuates to the Shechemites, the pitiful origin of their deities—they being such as were supposed to be, or to have been, refreshed with wine.

2. Blundering—This epithet needs no apology, since, by the late accommodation with Great-Britain, on the very terms offered from the beginning, our government has implicitly acknowledged that the embargo measures were unnecessary; of course, foolish and blundering. Must not the advisers and abettors of those measures, the source of so many evils, have faces of brass if they ever show them again in our national councils? My prayer to God for them is, that they may be restored to the use of their reason, freed from those prejudices and partialities which have hitherto permitted them to see only through the eyes of a Jefferson. Had it been the study of these men to give the most perfect illustration of a government administered by a bramble, could they have hit upon an expedient more to their purpose than their embargo system? Of all shrubs, the bramble affords the thinnest and most wretched shade, of which all who attempt to avail themselves, if they turn their body, or move their head, their hand, or foot, instantly they are wounded and pierced with thorns. Were not all these particulars realized in the vexations restrictions, exorbitant exactions, and numberless fines and forfeitures of the vile laws in question?

3. During that period, it was assailed by hosts of enemies. In addition to the difficulties and embarrassments incident to every new government, and the factions incessantly springing up in all republics; it was eminently exposed to the most fatal disasters from that before unheard of revolutionary hurricane which, down to this day, continues sweeping away or new modeling all the old governments of Europe. In those times, had not a Washington been at helm and others to co-operate with and succeed him, whose wisdom and firmness preserved our neutrality; our free governments, State, as well as National, might ere this day, have gone by and left us under the shackles of a foreign or domestic tyranny. The people of America, following the example and partaking of the fate of their former allies in Europe, after being with them, “tossed on the tempestuous sea of liberty,” would most certainly have sought repose at any expense. When rest is absolutely necessary, it must be taken through under the shade of a bramble.

4. Even this did not satisfy their successors in office. They wished to marry the carry the matter still further, and literally to complete their own resemblance to the Shechemites. For years already they had been massacring the reputation of the friends of Washington. Unprincipled scribblers had been hired to write libels upon them, and half the newspapers of the country were the vehicles of these libels;–the sufferers of this abuse, in the mean-while standing, like the band of Leonidas at the Straits of Thermopylae, to save us from the perdition of French influence. It was this very circumstance however, which inflamed the rage of the new rulers, who, on their coming into power, prosecuted those honest and faithful patriots upon charges so utterly unfounded, that the world was astonished at their indiscretion in thus betraying their malignity.

5. Mutual hostilities seem to have been carried on for some time when Abimelech, with his mercenaries, succeeded in storming the city of his mother’s relations, putting its inhabitants to the sword, leveling it with the ground, and sowing it with salt. By this last ceremony he expressed his hatred of the Shechemites, and his wish that their city might always lie desolate, a perpetual monument of his revenge.—He next attacked the tower of Shechem, an appendage to the temple of the god Berith, out of which he had some time before received the money to hire the assassins of his brethren. Into this temple and tower the house of Millo had fled, that is, the nobles or elders of the city; for this seems to be the meaning of the Hebrew word, Millo. This collection of the principal citizens having had the chief hand in making Abimelech king, now received a just recompense. The temple and tower being set on fire, they and their wives, to the number of a thousand persons, perished in the flames. Thus fire came out of the bramble, and devoured the cedars of Lebanon.—Not far distant from Shechem, stood the city of Thebez whose inhabitants had so far sided with the Shechemites as drew upon them the wrath of the tyrant. ON his approach, not attempting to defend the walls of the city, they retreated into its tower. Abimelech thought to have set this on fire, as he had before done that of Shechem; but on his coming nigh for that purpose, he met his fate. He had slain all his brethren upon one stone; and now a stone, thrown by the hand of a woman fractured his skull. He felt the blow to be mortal and that he was actually dying. Thus summoned into the presence of his final judge, what has such a monster of wickedness to expect! If everlasting punishment awaits guilt of any kind; what must be the doom of the man who destroyed whole cities of his fellow creatures! Yet Abimelech has no bands in his death; and the only thought which gives him any uneasiness is, lest it should be said of him, a woman slew him. Good God! to what a degree of stupidity and brutish insensibility may the moral faculties of thy rational offspring be reduced!

Sermon – Fasting – 1812


The following two discourses were given by Rev. John Giles on the occasion of a national day of fasting. This fast day had been proclaimed by President James Madison. Following these two discourses are “reviews” of them.


sermon-fasting-1812

TWO

DISCOURSES,

DELIVERED

TO THE SECOND PRESBYTERIAN SOCIETY

IN NEWBURYPORT, AUGUST 20, 1812.

THE DAY RECOMMENDED BY

THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,

FOR NATIONAL

HUMILIATION AND PRAYER.

BY THE REV. JON GILES.

Newburyport, Aug. 24, 1812.

Rev. and Dear Sir,

WE the subscribers have been requested, by your parishioners and others, who attended on the delivering of your very patriotic and interesting discourses on the late Fast, to solicit a copy of them for the press.

We are, dear sir, with sentiments of very great respect,

Your obedient servants,
JOHN O’BRIEN,
WILLIAM DAVIS,
STEPHEN FROTHINGHAM.
REV. JOHN GILES.

To Capt. John O’Brien, Capt. William Davis, and Mr. Stephen Frothingham.

Gentlemen,

IN compliance with your request, I furnish you with copies of the discourses which were delivered, with the design of attaching my parishioners, still more, if possible, to our invaluable rights and privileges, and to incite in them increasing gratitude to that God who has so eminently distinguished us above every other nation.

I am your servant in the gospel of Christ,
J. GILES.
Newburyport, Aug. 26, 1812.

 

DISCOURSE I.

PSALM evi. 24.
YEA, THEY DESPISED THE PLEASANT LAND.

THIS Psalm is a short and concise history of the multiplied and unprovoked rebellions of the ungrateful Israelites; and the writer of it enumerates their sins and provocations against the goodness and blessings of God unto them. Jehovah had conducted them safely through scenes the most trying, and through dangers the most formidable and imminent, and brought them to the confines of the promised land; but the spies brought an ill report of it, though they owned it was a land which overflowed with milk and honey; but that there were such difficulties to possess it, which they thought insuperable; and hence the people despised it—in as much as when they were bid to go and possess it, they refused; and did not chuse to be at any difficulty in subduing the inhabitants of it, or run any risk or hazard of their lives in taking it, though the Lord had promised to give it them and settle them in it. But they seemed rather inclined to make themselves a captain, and return to Egypt, which was interpreted a despising the pleasant land.—See Numb. Xiv. 1.

This history conveys much instruction to us, and is well adapted to the designs of the day. And, before we proceed in illustrating and improving it; the speaker must premise, that it is not his intention to irritate and inflame the feelings of any, in what he may deliver upon the present occasion. His motives are, the discharge of duty, and publicly to avow his warm, firm, and decided attachment, to the country which has adopted him as its citizen, and to the illustrious character who at present presides over it; and to this duty he is urged by lively gratitude, and the solemn oath which he has taken, of undeviating allegiance to it.

First…Enquire what are those things which are absolutely necessary to constitute a land pleasant. And we observe,

1. That a climate the most salubrious, and a soil the most fertile and luxuriant, which may spontaneously produce, not only all the necessaries, but even the luxuries of life, may be rendered unhappy, and all these sweets blighted, and marred, through the intruding hand of some assuming and unfeeling tyrant. Such has been the state with the fertile lands of Portugal, Spain and Italy; and such is the still existing state of more prolific Turkey. The God of nature has, in those countries, scattered his gifts most profusely; but they are placed beyond the reach of the great mass of the people; a favoured few, engross the sweets to themselves, and like the forbidden fruit of Paradise, no hand dare pluck them without incurring the displeasure of their lords and masters. Thus, the kind bounties of an indulgent providence, are prostituted, and his creatures, who have a natural right to enjoy them, are tantalized with having them in continual view, but never are filled with the sweetness of them. This must turn the most pleasant and fruitful land into a sterile and painful wilderness; a land, which none of us, my hearers, would chuse as his home to dwell in, or as his place of sojourneying.

2. To render a land pleasant, its inhabitants must enjoy equal rights and privileges, otherwise it can be only to a favoured few, while the great majority are rendered objects of misery, through penury and distress; and thus, the comforts and blessings of civilized society, be abused and subverted, and even prostituted to the most ignoble and basest of purposes. We will demonstrate and illustrate this, not only from ancient, but modern governments. And here we observe, that society in every state is a blessing; but government in its best state is but a necessary evil,—in its worst state, an intolerable one. For when we might expect in a country without government, our calamity is heightened, by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer.—Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence. The palaces of kings, are built on the ruins of the bowers of Paradise. In ancient Greece, monarchy was the government which they first formed; but this they soon found degenerate into tyranny. Hence the term tyrant, was justly applied to them. And, indeed, the word originally signified no more than king, and was anciently the title of lawful princes. But monarchy gave way to a republican government, which, however, was diversified into almost as many various forms as there were different cities, according to the different genius and peculiar character of each people. But still there was a tincture, or leaven, of the ancient monarchical government, which frequently inflamed the ambition of private citizens, and made them desire to become masters of the country. In almost every state of Greece, some private persons advanced themselves, by cabal, treachery and violence, and exercised a sovereign authority, with a despotic empire; and in order to support their unjust usurpations, in the midst of distrusts and alarms, they thought themselves obliged to prevent imaginary or suppress real conspirators, by the most cruel proscriptions, and to sacrifice to their own security, all those whom rank, merit, wealth, zeal for liberty, or love of their country, rendered obnoxious to a suspicious and unsettled government, and which found itself hated by all, and was sensible it deserved to be so. What we have remarked of Greece, will, with a few shades of difference, apply to ancient Rome.

Let us now take a view of the modern governments of Europe, and examine how far they are calculated to add to the peace, comfort and happiness of mankind; and in the attempt our souls must overflow with gratitude to God, if sensible of the superior blessings and privileges we enjoy in this our favoured land. For,

3. A land to be pleasant, must have governors and magistrates, qualified and suited to the dignity and high stations they fill; nor can they command the respect and affection of those they rule over, unless they are the men of their choice. For the truth of this, I appeal to your judgment. Should we feel happy, were a man to be forced upon us, as governor of this state, or as president of the United States? And, granting the man, even qualified, in every point of view, would not our feelings revolt? But should such an one act the part of a tyrant, by oppressing your persons, taking from you your property, and reducing you and your posterity, from affluence to extreme want and beggary, the case would be still more afflicting. This representation is not ideal; it exists in all the aggravating circumstances here stated, and that in the fast-anchored isle of Great-Britain. The chief magistrate, or what they call king, is hereditary. How degrading this to an enlightened people! It is a system of mental leveling. It indiscriminately admits every species of character to the same authority. Vice and virtue, ignorance and wisdom, in short, every quality, good or bad, is put on the same level. Kings succeed each other, not as rationals; it signifies not what their mental or moral characters are. Such a government appears under all the various characters of childhood, decrepitude, and dotage; a thing at nurse, in leading-strings, or in crutches. It reverses the wholesome order of nature; it occasionally puts children over men, and maniacs to rule the wise. It requires some talents to be a common mechanic; but to be a king requires only the animal figure of a man, a sort of breathing automation. But I must observe, that I am not the personal enemy of kings. No man more heartily wishes, than myself, to see them all in the happy and honorable state of private individuals. But I am the avowed and open enemy of what is called monarchy; and I am such, by principles which nothing can either alter or corrupt—that is, by my attachment to humanity—by the anxiety, which I feel within myself, for the ease and honor of the human race—by the disgust which I experienced, when I observed men, directed by children, and governed by brutes—by the horrors, which all the evils that monarchy has spread over the earth, excite within my breast—and by those sentiments, which make me shudder at the calamities, the exactions, the wars, and the massacres with which monarchy has crushed mankind. Would not you, my hearers, consider such a land, however salubrious the clime, however fertile the soil, however embellished with the progress of the arts and sciences, deprived of its birth-right and groaning under special marks of divine displeasure? Let us rejoice, that we are in the full possession and free exercise of the privilege of selecting from ourselves men to be our rulers; and while we give them a compensation for the services which they render the public, in their several stations, which is but just and reasonable; for the labourer is worthy of his hire. Yet government in America is what it ought to be, a matter of honour and trust, and not made a trade of, as in England, for the purpose of lucre.

4. That which constitutes a land pleasant, is the state of society. To see every member of it in the enjoyment of all the essential necessaries of life; we do not mean, that one and all should possess equal property, for this never was designed by the God of nature; for there will be some who are comparatively poor, for the exercise of the benevolence of the rich. But that none should suffer through want or hunger, all who are in the enjoyment of health, and are industrious, should be able by moderate labour, to procure the comforts of life. We bless God that such a pleasant land is our inheritance. Here is a sufficiency of bread for all. Let the people here be but diligent, and a few years will place them in a state of independence. O how different is this, from what we see on the other side of the Atlantic! Should the enquiry be, what makes the difference, has not providence favored them with a fruitful land? We reply, providence has not been to them sparing in its gifts: but through the cunning craft of men, these gifts are engrossed by a few choice spirits, who riot in luxury, at the expense of the labourer, the mechanic and the husbandman. We will explain our meaning—The chief magistrate of England receives a million sterling every year; the other branches of his family, nearly the same sum, and a long list of placemen and pensioners, swell the burden to an enormous size. And all this is wrung from the hard earnings of the laboring poor. It is this wretched system which causes the land to mourn, which crowds the streets with beggars, and which drives men to the desperate act of invading the property of others; for what will not hunger impel men to! This picture is not overcharged; some present have seen with their eyes, these things, and can bear witness to the facts. But let us turn our view from these sickening scenes, and contemplate our own condition on these happy shores, and we see an extent of territory, twelve times larger than England, and the expense of the several departments of the general representative government not amounting to what is allowed even to the king alone.

5. To render a land pleasant, it is essential that the means of grace should be enjoyed. It is these which add to the glory of any land, and render a people truly great. This it was, which made the Israelites so much greater than other nations. Thus Moses describes them: “What nation is there so great, that hath statutes and judgments so righteous, as all this Law which I set before you this day?” Without the Gospel, the most enlightened people, are no better than refined savages. The Gospel is a pearl of great price; it is the glory and honour of a church, a people, or a person. This only instructs us in the way of salvation. Trade and commerce, may gain and preserve an estate, bread may support the body, but this only can nourish and prop up the soul. When the Gospel is removed, the light is removed which is able to direct us, the pearl is removed which can only enrich us. In the want of this, is introduced a spiritual darkness, which terminates in an eternal darkness. As the Gospel is compared to Heaven, and so called the kingdom of heaven; and a people in the enjoyment of it are said to be lifted up to heaven; so in the want of it, they are said to be cast down to hell. See Matt. 10, 23. So that what resemblance there is between heaven and the means of grace; that there is between the want of them and hell. Both are a separation from God; so that when the Gospel departs, all other blessings depart with it, and judgments succeed. When the glory of God was gone up from the first cherub to the threshold of the house, see Ezek. 9, 3. The angels are commanded to execute the destructive sentence against the city. Ver. 4, 5. When the word of God is removed, the strength of a nation departs. The ordinances of God are the towers of Sion. The temple was not only a place of worship, but a bulwark too. The ark was often carried by the Israelites into the camp, because there their strength lay. And when David was chased away by his son Absalom, he takes the ark of the tabernacle, as his greatest strength against the defection of his son and subjects. This blessing, my hearers, we enjoy in a peculiar manner. The heavenly manna profusely descends around our tents, and every one may worship God in that form and manner which he thinks accords best with the volume of inspiration.

6. That which renders our land the glory of all lands, is to be free from all religious establishments, the bane of society, and curse of human nature. Let us enlarge a little on this sentiment. All religions are in their nature mild and benign, and united with principles of morality. They could not have made proselites at first, by professing anything which was vicious and persecuting or immoral. How is it then, that they lose their native mildness, and become morose and intolerant? It proceeds from an alliance between church and state. The inquisition in Spain and Portugal, does not proceed from the religion originally professed, but from this mule animal, as one calls it, engendered between church and state. The burnings in Smithfield, proceeded from the same heterogeneous production; and it was the regeneration of this strange animal, afterwards, in the nation now called the bulwark of our religion, which revived rancor and irreligion among the inhabitants there, and which drove the people called dissenters and Quakers to this country. Persecution is not an original feature in any religion; but it is always the strongly-marked feature of all law-religions, or religions established by law. Take away the law-establishment, and every religion reassumes its original benignity. Here in America, a catholic priest is a good citizen, a good character, and a good neighbor; the same may be said of ministers of other denominations, and this proceeds, independent of men, from their being no law-establishment in America.

The constitution of the United States hath abolished or renounced toleration, and intoleration also; and hath established universal right of conscience. Toleration is not the opposite of intoleration, but is the counterfeit of it; both are despotisms. The one assumes to itself the right of withholding the liberty of conscience, and the other of granting it. The one is the pope armed with fire and faggot, and the other is the pope selling or granting indulgences. The former is church and state; the latter is church and traffic. This is the perverted state of things in that kingdom, called the world’s last hope. And though the gospel is there preached, yet it is the misfortune of many who love it, to have a minister imposed upon them, who is an enemy to it; and which minister they must support, with the tenth of their tithes; even though dissenters from the established church; and what adds to the turpitude of all this, no man can hold any place of trust or employ under the government, who is not an Episcopalian, without first receiving the sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, on his bended knees, to qualify him for office. Must it not be duplicity, nay, the very essence of hypocrisy, in any man, to call such a kingdom, “the bulwark of our religion.”

Use I. Let us to-day, deplore, and lament over our manifold sins which have tempted God to let loose upon us one of his sore judgments. The sword is drawn, and more than probable, while I am addressing you, it is bathed in the blood of some of our fellow-citizens. It is true that at present, through mercy, it is placed at the distance from us; but some on our frontiers, and on the sea, have already fallen sacrifices, and we know not how soon it may be permitted to approximate our habitations. The fate of war is always precarious and uncertain. Let not him who putteth on his armour, boast like him who putteth it off. Remember it is God alone who giveth us the victory. Let our eyes then be directed to him, and all our expectations from him. This by no means supersedes the necessity of our warmest exertions. No, it is the sword of the Lord and Gideon. Let us then assist the brave, generous defenders of our country, who are vindicating our rights, and redressing our wrongs. Let us, I say, assist them by prayer and fervent cries, for prayer has ever proved a powerful weapon. If it overcomes God, it certainly will overcome men. Thus, while the hand of Moses was upheld by the prayer of Aaron and Hurr, he prevailed in the battle against Amalek. And it is promised, that one such, shall chance a thousand, and two, put ten thousand to flight. Thus Jehoshaphat, after he had proclaimed a fast, when a great multitude came against him, addresses God in prayer: O, our God, wilt thou not judge them, for we neither know we what to do , but our eyes are upon thee. And when they began to sing, and to praise, the Lord routed their enemies, with a great slaughter.

2. Let us encourage ourselves in the Lord, from the nature of the enemy we are now engaged with. In our infancy, we humbled their most celebrated generals; one of which boasted on the floor of Parliament, that with 3000 men, he would march in triumph, from one end of our continent to the other. Part of his assertion seemed to be prophetic, for he passed through a section of our continent, not as a conqueror, but a crest-fallen prisoner. If we achieved such exploits in our infant state, what shall we net, through provident, be able to do now in our manhood? Add to this the multiplied crimes of the government we are opposed to; a government founded and cemented in blood, and its tottering state, still upheld by blood; a government with which, it is evident, the Lord has a controversy. How different the state of this, our happy land. Never had a country so many openings to happiness as this; her setting out into life, like the rising of a fair morning, was unclouded and promising; her cause was good; her principles just and liberal; her conduct regulated by the nicest steps, and every thing about her wore the mark of honour. Here I will give you the language of Mr. Rush, the orator of the day, at the seat of our government, the 4th of July last. When, let us ask with exultation, when have ambassadors from other countries been sent to our shores, to complain of injuries done by the American States? What nation have the American States plundered? What nation have the American States plundered? What nation have the American States outraged? Upon what rights have the American States trampled? In the pride of justice and true honour, we say, none. But we have sent forth from ourselves the messengers of peace and conciliation, again and again, across seas, and to distant countries—To ask, earnestly justice to sue, for a cessation of the injuries done to us. They have gone to protest, under the sensibility of real suffering, against that course which made the persons and the property of our countrymen, the subjects of indiscriminate and rapacious spoliations. These have been the ends they were sent to obtain. Ends too fair for protracted refusal, too intelligible to have been entangled in evasive subtitles, too legitimate to have been neglected hostile silence. When their ministers have been sent to us, what has been the aim of their missions? To urge redress for wrongs done to them, shall we ask again? No, the melancholy reverse. For in too many instances, they have come to excuse, to palliate, or even to endeavour, in some shape, to rivet, those inflicted by their sovereigns upon us.

We, my hearers, have nothing to fear eventually, in our contest with a government so depraved and corrupt, as that of the British. Her fictitious wealth is depreciating; her most wise and virtuous statesmen cannot be prevailed upon to join, and unite in her councils; her prince regent has, by his intemperance and debaucheries, reduced himself to the state of an idiot; and the multitudes of her poor, rendered desperate by hunger, are already threatening to overwhelm it with their vengeance. In short, every sign of the times, indicates her speedy dissolution. Certainly the righteous God will not suffer her wicked and horrid ravages to go unavenged, even here upon earth. Let us wait awhile, and we may live to see the time, wherein it shall not be said by the voice of faith, but by the voice of sense itself, Babylon, the great, is fallen, is fallen!

 

DISCOURSE II.

PSALM 106. 24.
YEA, THEY DESPISED THE PLEASANT LAND.

The speaker, in the forenoon, called your attention, to the distinguishing goodness of God, which has exempted us as a people, from the burdens, oppressions, and calamities, under which the nations of Europe groan, and which wring from the inhabitants, the most piercing cries. Our lines are fallen in pleasant places: yea, we have a goodly heritage: but some among us, like Jeshurun of old, have waxed fat and are kicking against the rock of salvation. This leads us,

Second…To exhibit the characters who despise the pleasant land.

We charge no party, solely, as implicated in this crime; but shall attempt to demonstrate that there are such men among us. And we will, as we proceed in our description, adhere to the criterion laid down by our Saviour—you shall know them by their fruit.

1. Men may be said to despise it, when they make light of their privileges, either in a natural, moral, or political view.

First, in a natural view. The Mercies, which we call natural, are those which are necessary for our nourishment and support; and that we, as a people, abound in these, is evident to all. We live in a land ever-flowing with a rich variety of God’s providential goodness Here is no leanness of teeth; our streets are not crowded with our fellow-creatures, soliciting the aid of our benevolence—nor our ears assailed with the melancholy tales of indigence and distress. The parent, with pallid cheeks, hollow eyes, and trembling limbs, arrest not our steps with importunate cries for relief to their helpless infants, pining in want, and the lamp of life ready to expire, because destitute of means to nourish it. We are placed far from these sickening scenes. But, alas! Do we not make light of these mercies? We enjoy the mercies, and forget the donor. We take what he gives; but pay not the tribute he deserves. The Israelites forgot God their Saviour, which had done great things in Egypt. We send God’s mercies, where we would have him send our sins, into a land of forgetfulness; and write his benefits, where he himself will write the names of the wicked; in the dust, which every wind effaces. We forget his goodness in the sun, while it warms us—in the showers, while they enrich us—and in the corn, while it nourishes us. It is an injustice to forget the benefits we receive from man, but a crime, of a higher nature, to forget those dispensed to us by the hand of God, who gives us those things which all the world cannot furnish us without him. It is, in God’s judgment, a brutishness beyond that of a stupid ox, or a duller ass. The ox knoweth his owner, and the ass his master’s crib, but Israel doth not know, my people do not consider. How horrible, that God should lose more by his bounty, than he would by his parsimony. If we had blessings more sparingly, we should remember him more gratefully. If he had sent us a bit of bread in distress, by a miracle, as he did to Elijah, by the ravens, we should retain it in our memories. But the sense of daily favours, soonest wear out of our minds, which are as great miracles, as any in their own nature, and the products of the same power.

Secondly. We despise our moral and spiritual privileges, when we reject the truths of revealed religion. This is one of the crying sins of our land. Errors which were almost obsolete, are reviving, and the professors of those pernicious doctrines, are daily multiplying and increasing, by which the glories of Christ are laid prostrate in the dust; and the object of the Christian’s dearest hope is degraded, and brought down to a level with a creature, so that we had need to tremble at the prospects before us; for these sentiments, like the explosion of a subterraneous fire, may ere long burst forth and spread fain, slaughter, and death, all around, should they become the creed of an established religion. Let no one say, we live in an age too enlightened, for religious persecution to gain head. But stop; let us for a moment examine the force of this reasoning; and one remark shall suffice. Could any of you, venerable patriots, who joyfully took the spoiling of your goods, and waded your way through blood to gain the pinnacle of liberty, could you suppose, at the close of our national struggle, that in the year 1812, your fellow-citizens should become objects of persecution, for an attachment to those very sentiments, for which so many of our fathers bled and died? And who are the characters who foment and the very ringleaders of this intolerant spirit? Are they not those who profess the aforesaid sentiments?

Men despise the pleasant land, who make light of the gospel, and will not attend to the preaching of it; or if they give it a hearing, refuse to comply with its just nd reasonable requisitions. It is not enough, to be within the visible ark; so was a cursed Ham. Let us not receive the grace of God in vain; but adorn the gospel, by a gospel spirit, and a gospel practice, and walk as children of light. Let us not trample it under our feet, but put our souls under the efficacy of it, and get from it the foretastes of a heavenly and everlasting light. Let us not loiter while the sun shines, lest we be benighted, and bewildered, and misled, and finally miscarry.

Those may, with the strictest propriety, be ranked among the despisers, who dragoon religion into their service, and make it the trumpet of sedition and rebellion. The gospel, is the gospel of peace. It was introduced by angels with Glory to God in the highest, and on earth good will to man. Christ, the author of it, is called the Prince of peace; and it inculcates peace on all its followers. How malignant, then, must that soul be, which would convert it into an engine to irritate, goad, and inflame the passions of men, to strife, blood, and slaughter? When the sacred desk, is converted into a vehicle of scandal, and calumny, and charges predicated on misrepresentation and the most glaring falsehood; this is a prostitution, not only of place, but office, and sinking the ministerial character into that of a public informer. It is a melancholy consideration, that such occurrences should have taken place, as to force from the speaker such observations; but when the poison is openly and widely diffused, it is the duty of every good man to administer an antidote, to counteract the effects of it. Such conduct strikes at the root, and is subversive of a free government, and has a tendency to introduce anarchy and confusion. It likewise flies in the face of divine authority, and sub serves the cause of infidelity; for no truth is more explicitly revealed, than due subordination to government. We will quote a few to corroborate our assertion. Exod. 22. 28. Thou shalt not revile the Gods, nor curse the rulers of thy people. And Rom. 13. 1, 2. Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation. Jude calls these disorganizers, v. 8. Filthy dreamers, who defile the flesh, despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities. Can there be a greater prop to infidelity? Did Thomas Paine, with all his frantic ravings against the Christian religion, give it so fatal a stab as these pretended advocates of it, who, in direct opposition to its express commands, defame and pour a torrent of abuse upon our worthy President; a man who, when first inducted into the presidency, was represented, by these his now defamers, as a converted man, and an experimental Christian. But all these puny attempts to sink, will but elevate him the higher, in the esteem of every genuine American; and with dignified composure, and silent contempt, he hears all these unfounded accusations, as the ebullitions of ignorance or of a maniac; and he who has so long withstood the roaring of lions, has nothing to fear from the braying of an ass.

3. Men despise our political privileges, when they use every stratagem to render our government contemptible, and to alienate the affections of their fellow citizens from it. This is to imitate Satan, who would rather reign in hell, than be subordinate in heaven. Never did human wisdom devise so fair a fabric as our Federal Government. Each state united to the other, like the several members of the human body, co-operating for the good of the whole; so that one cannot say, I have no need of you. All are bound by solemn compact, to adhere to each other; for the good of the whole, is the good of each. How malicious! How cruel! How savage! To attempt to mutilate so fair a fabric, and to loose the bond of union, and destroy a system, which, with its increasing years, hath produced increasing prosperity. We grant that our apparent prosperity, has partially been interrupted; but this arose not from any defect in our government, nor in those at the head of it; but from the existing state of the European world, which for a few years past, has been in an uncommon fermentation. Nor could Solomon, had he presided over us, have guarded us against the collisions of the belligerent powers. French ambition, and British cupidity have committed spoliations on our commerce to a vast amount. But must not every impartial person admit, that, to promote a spirit of discord and disunion among ourselves, is not the way to redress, but the sure method to incite them to greater aggressions. Let us frown, indignant, at every attempt to dissolve our federal constitution, however sacred may be their functions; let us regard them as missionaries of him who is the father of lies, and a murderer from the beginning.

When men counteract the means which the wisdom of our Executive devise to assert our rights, redress our wrongs, and maintain our national dignity and honour—or even when they be cold and lukewarm in promoting them, they come within the charge of our text. Such characters may use plausible pleas, to extenuate their conduct—such as the temper of the public mind, the persecutions they shall be exposed to, and the losses they shall sustain; but if these pleas are valid now, they were valid during our revolutionary war; and had the patriots of that day, displayed the same spirit, we should be groaning now in Egyptian bondage. Let such tremble; let them arise from their torpor, lest they subject themselves to the anathema pronounced against some in days of old. See Judges 5. 23. Curse ye Meroz, said the angel of the Lord; curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof, because they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty.

When men turn liberty into licentiousness, and take shelter under the lenity of our law, to degrade and abuse the majesty of the law; this has a tendency to destroy the liberty we enjoy, and lay prostrate in ruin, the fair edifice, which has for thirty years withstood all the rude shocks to which it has been exposed; either by exciting our legislators to lay some restrictions on the press, which at the present teems with so many inflamitory, virulent, and infamous publications, or else reducing us to a state of anarchy. Let me, on this occasion, advise you my hearers, to adhere, inflexibly adhere, to the principles of Republicanism. But at the same time, bear and forbear, with the insults which your principles may expose you to. Remember, our constitution is founded on the right of private judgment, and that principles cannot be destroyed by the force of arms. No; let reason and argument be the only weapons which you will use; and if violence be heard in our land, wasting and destruction within our borders, let them not originate from those who call themselves republicans, and friends of our government; but from those who assume to themselves, the exclusive privilege of being the friends of good order.

Use 1. Let us, to-day, lament over the ruin of lapsed nature, and over the jarring discordant, and destructive effects, which sin has introduced in all our national calamities, under all the pressure of the times, and in the midst of personal sufferings. Let us hear the answer of God to all our murmurings: Thy way, and thy doings, have procured these things unto thee: This is thy wickedness, because it is bitter, because it reacheth unto thy heart. Let us humble ourselves under the mighty hand of God, and by faith in the Redeemer, and genuine repentance, disarm a frowning God of that vengeance which we have demerited at his hands.

2. Let us, like so many Moseses, stand in the gap, and plead with God, that he would spare us, a guilty people, and still indulge us with a continuance of those privileges for which our fathers fought, bled, and died. O, let us not barter them away for present enjoyments, but patiently submit to, and bear a few privations whilst the present contest continues; and though much of our property may be exhausted in the struggle, yet it is better to leave our families the possession of our present privileges, without the possession of a cent, than to leave them millions of dollars, with the entailment of slavery.

3. Let those, who openly express their disaffection to our government, pause, and reflect upon the criminality of their conduct; for God himself bears witness against those sins which disturb society. In these cases, he is pleased to interest himself in a most signal manner, to cool those, who make it their business to overturn the order he hath established for the good of the earth. He doth not so often in this world punish those faults committed immediately against his own honour, as those which put a state into a hurry, and confusion. It is observed, that the most turbulent, seditious persons in a state, come to most violent ends: As Corah, Adonijah, Zimri, Ahitophel draws Absalom’s sword against David and Israel, and the next he twists a halter for himself. Absalom heads a party against his father, and God, by a goodness to Israel, hangs him up, and prevents not its safety, by David’s indulgence, and a future rebellion, had life been spared by the fondness of his father. His providence is more evident in discovering disturbers, and the causes which move them, and in digging the contrivers out of their caverns, and lurking holes. He doth more severely in this world, correct those actions, which unlink the mutual assistance between man and man, and the charitable and kind correspondence he would have kept up.

4. How lost to gratitude, and love of country, must be such of our deluded citizens, who can rejoice in the disasters of those, who are engaged in warfare, against our proud, insulting foe; and are ready to weep at any success which attends our arms. Even the brute beast is attached to the spot which affords it pasture; but they, more brutish, would tear to pieces the foliage of the tree which screens them from the storm, and, unlike the beast, maliciously invite others to join them in blasting our fairest prospects, and laying all in wide ruin and destruction! Is not this too evidently the wish of those among us, who make use of every artifice, and twist and turn all the patriotic measures of our Executive, as being under the control of French influence? Which their own conscience cannot subscribe to, neither do they themselves believe so. But the evil object they have in view, they studiously conceal; and this outcry against French influence, is raised as a mist to blind the eyes of the public, and to sub serve the design of pulling down our present rulers, and to raise themselves on their ruin. Should they succeed in their nefarious plan, what would be the destructive consequence? Why, we soon should see these very same people, who are so clamorous against foreign influence, forming an alliance with Great-Britain, offensive and defensive, which would involve us in the same ruin with herself. Let us, for the truth of this, appeal to stubborn facts. Who is it that justify, and, if they cannot justify, palliate all the insults which we have for ten years past received from that government? If they outrage all laws, moral and divine, by impressing thousands of our gallant seamen; and if, either by bribes, or cruel whippings and floggings, they are forced to enter the service, their advocates extenuate their conduct, by observing, that it is impossible for them to discriminate between our people and their own, as our features and language are so similar. With such reasons and arguments, they justify the cruel wrongs, inflicted on our unhappy countrymen, who are forced to join and assist the common enemy, in their murderous work, and who are perhaps this moment, imbruing their hands in the blood of their nearest friends and dearest relative. These predilections for a government, which is sowing among us the seed of discord, sedition, and treason, and which wishes to tear from us our dearest rights, demonstrates where the bias of their minds tends to. Nor can a word be uttered in their hearing against the British, but what they resent more than they would blasphemy; this speaks volumes, and evidently points to us the object which they have in view. But let them tremble for their conduct. The great mass of our citizens, have too long tasted the sweets of liberty, to exchange it for the gewgaws of monarchy. It is enough for us to will to be free, and maugre all the attempts of anarchists and monarchists, we are free. And let them not suppose, that their misdeeds shall go unpunished. The day of reckoning is fast approaching, when the strong arm of law and justice, will overtake them, and make them sensible that even in a republican government, there is energy enough to crush the guilty.

5. Let not the exertions of the religious inhabitants of England, influence your attachment to the British government, as if the large donations contributed for the support of Missionaries, the distribution of Bibles, and other religious purposes, were the acts of government. These are the generous efforts of its subjects, of individuals, groaning under the pressure of taxes. And how much more would these individuals contribute toward these benevolent purposes, were the demands of government not so numerous! So far is it from true, that the British government is friendly, that it is opposed to the spread of the gospel among the millions in Asia. For, within eight years past, the government of England rejected the application of the Missionary Society to send missionaries to India, to preach the gospel; and which subjected that society to the expense of sending them to New-York, from whence they embarked to the place of their destination. To conclude,

Men brethren, and Fathers,

Let us, today, take a fresh survey of our National, our State, and our personal Blessings, and let us entertain them with a godly jealousy. Let no man under a pretext of liberty, cajole us out of our privileges. With all our calamities, we are comparatively, a happy people. We can boast of what no other people can. The sovereignty is in our own hands. We are not bound, as in France and England, to crouch like beasts of burden to those who goad, and add to the weight of their chains. Our rulers, are our servants, and not our masters. It is by our free suffrages, they have been elevated to their exalted stations; and if they swerve from the principles of liberty, we can destroy their official dignity, and reduce them to the ranks of private citizens, without having recourse to acts of violence. The miseries attending the French revolution, must be yet fresh in your memories; and we hope, and pray, that no aspiring demagogues may be permitted to rise up among us, whereby the proscriptions, assassinations, and murders, of a ferocious Marat, and an ensanguined Robespierre, may pollute and stain our hallowed land of liberty and equality.

And you, my young hearers, read, frequently read, the history of your country. Emulate the deeds of your sires, whose patriotic arms, put to flight the ruffian hordes, which Britain vomited on our shores. O, prove yourselves to be the descendants of those, whose names will shine with luster on the historic page; and should you, like them, be called to avenge your country’s wrongs, prove, that you not only inherit their names, but likewise their courage; that you will not detract from their glory, but maintain with your blood, undiminished, the fair inheritance which they have bequeathed you. And, O, that a double portion of their spirit may rest on you. AMEN, and AMEN.

 

APPENDIX.

To the above discourses we subjorn the following reviews, which have been communicated; in the first of which they are considered merely as literary, and in the second, as political productions:– -to which we add a parallel, exhibiting to the reader not only the pure source from which this reverend gentleman draws the instruction with which he feeds his flock; but the honourable manner in which he does it, by refusing to give the tribute of acknowledgment to whom that tribute is due.

REVIEW I.

THE present is an age of pamphlets. The light which beams from the press, in these days of darkness and blood, seems to overwhelm us with “One tide of glory, one unbounded blaze.” Nor is this light copious only,—it is remarkably intense. The human mind, in the uninterrupted enjoyment of peace, becomes inactive, and fancy ceases to spread her wings, and reposes in torpid slumbers. But, blow the blast of war, and all is life, ardour and strength:—the pen of the erudite is pointed for the combat, and the lips of the eloquent are open to persuade;—genius, by collision with genius, is dazzled with its own scintillations, and reason turns with astonishment from the subject she is pursuing, to admire the profundity of her own researches. The press is the vehicle by which this mental light is communicated from mind to mind; and in the present age, that light appears not only with all the intensity of the solar rays, when condensed by the lens, but with all their variety of colour, when refracted by the prismatic glass, or by the rain drops of the east. Thus we find in the news papers and pamphlets of the present moment, religious light, moral light, political light and various degrees of scientific light.

In a pamphlet now before us, entitled “Two discourses delivered to the Second Presbyterian Society in Newburyport, Aug. 20, 1812, the day recommended by the President of the United States for national humiliation and prayer;—by the Rev. John Giles”—we are pleased to see not only the several kinds of light which we have mentioned, of all which, we presume, there is quantum sufficit, but also a very animating gleam of rhetorical, and a particularly splendid blaze of grammatical light. In the observations we shall make upon these discourses, our object will be principally, to illustrate these unusual traits in productions of this kind, by holding up, to the attention of the reader, passages in which they are more particularly conspicuous,—and that not in the order of their relative merit, but in that of their succession in the book. These beauties meet us on the very threshold:—in the second sentence, the writer, speaking of the Israelites and the Land of promise—says;—“but the spies brought an ill report of it, though they owned it was a land which flowed with milk and honey; but there were such difficulties to possess it which they thought insuperable.”—&c.—

P. 4. “To render a land pleasant its inhabitants must enjoy equal rights and privileges, otherwise it can be pleasant only to a favored few, while the great majority are rendered only objects of misery, through penury and distress; and thus the comforts and blessings of civilized society, he abused, subverted and even prostituted to the most ignoble and basest of purposes.”

Till now we did not know that such and which were correspondent or correlative terms as used in the former of these passages.—And we were at a loss to determine how be abused” was governed either in the infinitive or subjunctive mood, till in the next sentence the clue is given by the luminous proposition that “government in its best state is but a necessary evil.” Here no one can but observe what a flood of light bursts at once upon us.—The reverend republican, since leaving England has contracted such an antipathy to government, of every description, that, not satisfied with emancipating man he generously undertakes to disenthrall even his language from these odious restraints of government.

Again p. 5. “Let us rejoice that we are in the full possession and free exercise of the privilege of selecting from ourselves, men, to be our rulers; and while we give them a compensation for the services which they render the public in their several stations, which is but just and reasonable; for the labourer is worthy of his hire.”

Now some, who do not see things, would suppose there was here a kind of hiatus, as the hearer must be expecting to be told something proper to be done, while, &c. but here the delicate hand of the master is seen, in suffering the imagination of the hearer to have a little play, and fall, by its own efforts, upon the rest of the sentence.

But to proceed: page 10, “The parent, with pallid cheeks, hollow eyes and trembling limbs, arrest not our steps with importunate cries for relief to their helpless infants, &c.—Again “The Israelites forgot God their Saviour, which had done great things in Egypt..”

In old times, when Addison, Johnson and Blair, were at the grammar school, they contracted a habit of making a verb agree with its nominative case, in a number and person, and of making the relative who refer to persons, which to things: and this habit was so fixed upon them that they carried it with them to the last. Even Pope felt himself constrained, by the same illiberal rule, when addressing the same Infinite Being of whom the sacred politician is here speaking, to say

“Thou Great First Cause, least understood,
Who all my sense” &c.

But in these days, of superior light and liberty, all ideas of concord in a sentence appear as useless and absurd as do those of government. We presume that when this learned gentleman was in England, alias “Babylon,” (vide p. 9,) the Babylonians, being tired of these old fashioned rules, were beginning to get things up in a little better style; and being conversant with the heads of department, or perhaps, more properly with the department of heads, he was the first to receive from authors and orators of the first grade, those emanations of light which he here sheds abroad from himself, as from the radiant point. Not being up to these splendid novelties ourselves, we can but admire in him, the ease with which he declares that “the parent arrest not our “steps” respecting “their helpless infants,” and the dignity with which he invests the Divinity when he makes the Israelites forget God their Saviour which had done great things”—

The specimens heretofore exhibited go, principally, to illustrate the beautiful: but our author occasionally soars to the sublime. The very page from which the two last examples were taken furnishes us with an instance. “But the sense of daily favors, soonest wear out of our minds, which are as great miracles, as any in their own nature, and the products of the same power.”—Here, if our author does not shed his usual light, it is, we presume, not without design. Sublimity is so great an excellence in style, that it is cheaply purchased at the expense of every other. We must not expect, particularly, to have a clear and definite view of the object, nor a full conception of the sentiment that fills our minds with sublime emotions. We must not therefore inquire whether “the sense of daily favors”—the “favours” themselves or “our minds” are the “miracles;”—for the moment we determine, that moment the sublimity vanishes. We could not possibly suppose that sense could be the miracles, because “sense” is singular and “miracles” plural,—were it not that by the magic power of “Liberty and equality” introduced on the last page of the book, our writer has made the singular “sense” equal to the plural “wear” by making them agree as nominative and verb,—of course we do not know how far he may think proper to advance it in dignity: nor do we see any objection, upon principle, to its becoming not only a miracle, but many “miracles.” Between “favours” and “minds,” we think the chance is nearly equal; for as much as is gained by “favours” in relation to the antecedent sentences, so much is gained by “minds,” from its proximity to the relative. This we think is a brilliant instance of the “void obscure”—a bright display of “palpable darkness.”

We pass over the eloquent and gentlemanlike compliments which on pages 11 and 12 he lavishes upon his fellow-labourers in the vineyard of the Lord. But while we admire the generous flow of civility and respect which must be so gratifying to his brethren, the clergy, we must not lose sight of that meek and modest spirit of Christian charity which breathes in every sentence and animates the whole current of his remarks upon them. Our attention however is arrested by the closing sentence of this clerical eulogy, which runs thus—“Let us frown indignant at every attempt to dissolve our federal-constitution, however sacred may be their functions; let us regard them as missionaries of him who is the father of lies and a murderer from the beginning.”—Let those who can, pass this sentence without admiration,—as well as the one next following. “When men counteract the means which the wisdom of our Executive devise to assert our rights”—&c.—These two sentences, must, we presume, be politically correct, and theologically orthodox,—for he who is able to predicate “their functions” of “every attempt”—and then convert “every attempt” into “missionaries” and to make “wisdom” harmonize with “devise” must surely be able to make the rough things of divinity smooth, and the crooked things of the policy straight.

Again, p. 14. “Ahitophel draws Absalom’s sword against David and Israel, and the next he twists an halter for himself.”—The next what? Here again he compliments the reader by suffering the deficiency to be supplied ad libitum by his own imagination.

If we may be indulged yet a little longer, we will endeavour to confine our specimens within as narrow limits as we can, in justice to the subject upon which we have entered. We cannot but dwell a moment upon a very chaste and nervous sentence (p. 15,) which flows in manner and form following, to wit,” “These predilections for a government, which is sowing among us the seed of discord, sedition and treason, and which wishes to tear from us our dearest rights, demonstrates where the bias of their minds tends to.” Here again is displayed that republican hatred of government, which seduces from its nominative the allegiance of the verb—If however the eye is weary with too long contemplating these polished samples of grammatical elegance, each of which might be considered as unique, the ear will undoubtedly be ravished with the rhetorical harmony, and the force of numbers with which this sentence closes.

There are many minor beauties to which we cannot descend, without occupying more space than can be devoted to lucubration’s [intensive study] of this nature: the reader cannot but observe them, on even a hasty perusal—they all go, like those who have brought into notice, to shew a genius improved by science, a taste formed upon the most approved models, a style chastened and elevated, and a fancy whose vagaries have been restrained by the cool dictates of reason. Both the religious and political sentiments we intended to pass over, they are above our humble reach, and must be left to those who are better capable of judging of such “high matters.” If the matter however be equal to the manner, too much cannot be said of it.

There are yet three things which we cannot in justice to the reverend gentleman, neglect to notice. These are his consistency, his modesty and the love he displays towards his native country.

First, his consistency: Our readers must undoubtedly recollect that His Excellency Caleb Strong, who has been raised to the dignity of ruling the free, sovereign and independent people of Massachusetts, in his late proclamation for a State Fast, speaks of Great-Britain, among other things, as the bulwark of the religion we profess. Our republican divine, (may we not say our divine republican) on page 7, speaking also of England, closes his notice of that nation, with these words—“Must it not be duplicity, nay, the very essence of hypocrisy, in any man, to call such a kingdom the bulwark of our religion”—and then goes on (page 12,) to prove from scripture that they who “speak evil of dignities, and curse the rulers of the people, stand at least a chance of “receiving to themselves damnation.”

Of his modesty we have room to say but little; nothing, indeed compared with the subject. It shall however be illustrated in a degree, and faintly shadowed forth, by first recalling to the minds of our readers the recollection of the fact, that during our revolutionary struggle, he was a native inhabitant of the country that strove to strangle America in her cradle, and a subject of the “government with which it is evident the Lord has a controversy;”—and then, while this recollection is fresh in the mind, presenting them one passage from page 8.—

“In our infancy we humbled their pride, and chained to the chariot wheels of our triumph, two of their most celebrated generals; one of which (generals which again) “boasted on the floor of Parliament that with 3000 men he would march in triumph from one end of our Continent to the other. Part of this assertion seemed to be prophetic, for he passed through a section of our Continent to the other. Part of this assertion seemed to be prophetic, for he passed through a section of our Continent, not as a conqueror, but as a crest-fallen prisoner. If we achieved such exploits in our infant state, what shall we not, through providence, be able to do in our manhood.”

Reader, dost thou recollect the story of “we apples”? If thou dost, the modesty of this passage, which is but a small portion of what is exhibited in the whole, cannot be illustrated by more appropriate types and figures.

But we cannot take leave of this very accomplished author, without adverting to the deep and feeling sense, he seems to entertain, of the obligations he owes to his native country: that holy devotion to the land that gave him birth, and infused into his mind, by the liberal education it afforded him, those exalted sentiments, those generous recollections which are poured forth through his whole book.—That profound veneration for the religious establishments, that ardent enthusiasm towards the laws, and that respectful and affectionate zeal for the chief magistrate of England, which form the Alpha and Omega of his discourses cannot but convince every reader that he who is thus filial in his attachments to his mother country, must be unshaken in the grand purpose of ennobling and exalting the character of that which has adopted him.

We cannot, perhaps, close this article better than with the following lines from Churchill,—a man who once dressed in the gown and surplice; which however he left off, after disgracing them and the holy profession to which they were dedicated, by the most wanton practices of debauchery and intemperance; but who at times felt and expressed in his writings, sentiments worthy at least of a layman, tho’ they may not be fully equal, in point of patriotism and elegance, to what now flow from those among us who minister in holy things.

“—–Be England what she will,
With all her faults, she is my country still.—
The love we bear our Country is a root
Which never fails to bring forth golden fruit
‘Tis in the mind an everlasting spring
Of glorious actions, which become a king,
Nor less become a subject; ‘tis a debt,
Which bad men tho’ they pay not, can’t forget;
A duty which the good delight to pay,
And every man can practice every day—-
That spring of love which, in the human mind,
Founded on self, flows narrow and confin’d,
Enlarges as it rolls, and comprehends
The social charities of blood and friends,
Till, smaller streams included, not o’er past,
It rises to our country’s love at last,
And he, with lib’ral and enlarged mind,
Who loves his country, cannot hate mankind.—-
Howe’er our pride may tempt us to conceal
Those passions which we cannot chuse but feel,
There’s a strange, something, which without a brain
Fools feel, and which e’en wise men can’t explain,
Planted in man, to bind him to that earth,
In dearest ties, from whence he drew his birth.
If Honor calls, where’er she points the way
The sons of Honour follow and obey;
If need compels, wherever we are sent
‘Tis want of courage not to be contnt;
But if we have the liberty of choice,
And all depends on our own single voice,
To deem of ev’ry country as the same
Is rank rebellion gainst the lawful claim
Of Nature; and such dull indifference
May be philosophy, but can’t be sense.

 

REVIEW II.

“What manner o’ thing is your Crocodile?”

THE press has lately teemed with a brace of Sermons from the pen of the Rev. John Giles. These performances are somewhat curious, but they might go down to oblivion quietly, did we not think them a fair specimen of democratic reasoning and declamation; which is a tissue of contradictions, absurdities, vituperations and nonsense.—In a short review of these productions, the writer will not stop to notice the bad grammar with which this work abounds, nor point out the false logic conspicuous in every page; for whoever views these twin born graces of democracy, will see that the Rev. John Giles is as much unacquainted with Isis and Cam, as he is with the constitution of his native country, and abuses the King’s English as freely as he does the Court of St. James, or the Prince Regent.

The text for these Sermons is a pointed and biting sarcasm on the stiff-necked and rebellious Israelites—“Yea they despised the pleasant land,” —and this, by a side-way allusion is meant for those who are not idolaters to his Dagon of power.—From a perusal of this scanty, and distorted picture of national happiness, we do not hesitate to say, that the writer is infested with the political poison drawn from the sewers of Godwin and Paine. There is a peculiar driveling in the pupils of this School, by which we always know them; for they struggle to gain attention by bold assertions,—course, and vulgar epithets; and by quaintness and eccentricity strive to make popular flimsy reasoning, and false sentiments, which are subversive of all order the government.—“Government like dress, is the badge of lost innocence,” says Parson Giles, (and I believe Parson Paine1 said it before him.) This is dazzling and fine, but it is neither witty nor illustrative.

Let us pursue this thought, for a moment, for whether the preacher begot it or purloined it, is all the same. If “Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence”—the savage, who wears but a rag to cover his nakedness, is nearer primitive purity than President Madison dressed for his levee; and the gentleman himself is more a saint in his every day dress, than when adorned with his flowing canonicals.—The nations of Europe pass in review before the preacher, and all are filled with the abominations of government; and even the shades of departed Greece and Rome are called up, that he might “lay them” with a curse.—But England, poor old England, bears the burden of its blows, here he collects his manly wrath and raves most heroically against Kings and courtly trains. Had the good man been made a Bishop in his native land, never, oh! Never, should we have heard this elegant invective; it would have been lost, we fear in the soft accents of his loyalty to his gracious master.—There are sufferings in all countries, and no doubt many in England, but the difference between this country and that is not so great as he represents it, and if this War continues it will be worse here than in G. Britain.—Is the Gentleman ignorant? This I cannot believe—or did he intend to mislead, when he stated without any explanation, that the King of England receives a million a year for his salary from the people?—Why did he not tell them, that from this sum the whole civil list were paid, and that but a small proportion of it is retained for his own private use? This would have been true, but truth seems not to have been his object.

What Parson Giles has suffered in his native country, that should make him curse his mother so bitterly, is not known with us; but surely he must have suffered some terrible oppression, to justify in any measure, this infuriated resentment.—If common report is not a liar he has, in former times, praised his own country, and spoken with contumely and reproach of the common rabble of these United States, and despised the dear people he now so ardently loves.

When a writer animadverts with manliness, if he is severe, no one has a right to complain; but when malignity calls falsehood and ribaldry to her assistance, we have an unquestionable privilege to despise and condemn.—His attack on the Prince Regent, is mean and false. (“The Prince Regent has by his intemperance and debaucheries, reduced himself to the state of an Idiot.”) That the Regent has been a gay man, is not to be disputed—but, for years past, he has attended the affections of his subjects. Such pitiful slander, such absolute falsehood, such miserable abuse, comes most ungraciously from a preacher of the Gospel of Christ.—All this could be forgiven, but his covert and indirect attack on a man—“in whom there is no guile,” a man whose memory will be fresh, among the virtuous, when the parson, and his sermons are forgotten, cannot and will not be forgiven. It is the attempt, not his success, that we mention, for the Egis of Minerva would sooner have been shattered from the puny strength of an infant arm, than the shaft from the parson’s bow,—however deeply dipped in gall,—have reached one “armed so Strong in honesty.”

The second Sermon commences as follows,,—

“The speaker, in the forenoon, called your attention, to the distinguishing goodness of God, which has exempted us as a people, from the burdens, oppressions, and calamities, under which the nations of Europe groan, and which wring from the inhabitants, the most piercing cries. Our lines are fallen in pleasant places; yea, we have a goodly heritage: but some among us, like Jeshurun of old, have waxed fat and are kicking against the rock of salvation. This leads us, “Second…To exhibit the characters who despise the pleasant land.

“We charge no party, solely, as implicated in this crime; but shall attempt to demonstrate that there are such men among us. And we will, as we proceed in our description, adhere to the criterion laid down by our Saviour—you shall know them by their fruit.

“1. Men may be said to despise it, when they make light of their privileges, either in a natural, moral, or political view.”

The preacher is here extremely confused, at which we are not a little surprised, for nothing is more simple and easy than the lines between natural, moral, and political privileges.—Under the division of natural, he has given us moral, religious and political advantages, and drawn a picture of national prosperity,—even such an one, as meager as it is, we wish to Heaven were accurate; but a prevalence of the principles he professes, has shorn our country of her beams and robbed her of her luster,—dimed the sun of our prosperity, evaporated “the showers,” and blasted “the corn.”—His moral head is a mere farrago [jumble] upon religion, and, in the beginning, discovers a want of liberality that ought not to be found in so great a stickler for religious freedom, who execrates so vehemently the hierarchy of England. He more than intimates that persecution is to be feared from the opponents to his politics, if they should be in power—rest easy, Rev. Sir, your opponents, possessed of power, would forget “your venom and your froth.”

It is extremely amusing to observe some of the inconsistencies in this work.—In one page the preacher appears the most strenuous advocate for the divine rights of Kings; for the doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, and calls in the aid of Omnipotence to prove his belief; not remembering that in a few pages before he breathed blasphemy on the ruler of his native land.—This is republicanism fresh from the Schools of France.

How bitterly the gentleman denounces his brothers of the cloth, who venture to lisp a word against the immaculate rulers of our land. No, the clergy must not talk politics,—it is infamous,—it is seditious—according to his creed, while he, forsooth, is belching slander and calumny.

Amidst the descriptions of those who despise the pleasant land, the preacher has contrived to introduce the “Worthy President” of the United States by way of contrast.—A Jupiter on Olympus, surrounded by clouds, and darkness, and attacked by evil spirits—yet firm, and godlike he stands as unmoved at “the roaring of lions,” as at “the braying of an ass,” consulting the good of mortals, notwithstanding their rebellion. He is equal to the war waged against him,—“and with dignified composure and silent contempt, he hears all these unfounded accusations as the ebullitions of ignorance or of a maniac.” This epic flight may not go unrewarded—the “worthy President” has offices and honours to bestow, and money to distribute, and how sweet must this fine strain of panegyric [praise] sound in the ears of the President, who has been so long accustomed to solemn but unpleasant truths from New-England Divines.

The sentiments in these Sermons are so nicely involved, and so charmingly jumbled, that one might as well follow the flight of the raven in the mist, and note all his croaking’s, as to follow the parson in his democratic ramblings through Time and Eternity, over Matter and Mind, War & Peace, Democracy and Federalism—but it is clearly understood that this Minister of Peace is a Friend to War, and calls loudly on his followers to maintain it stoutly.

Patriots, ye who were born on the Atlantic shores, who have once buffeted the storm, and braved the tempest of war, how must you blush to be taught your duty by a foreigner, whose love for you, and your country, surpasses everything, but his hatred for your enemies? How kind it is in him to te4ach you your duty! That lovely and sincere Frenchman Genet was once as kind and courtly, but this ungrateful nation have forgotten him and his services. Genet, it is true, had more talents and ability, but he was not more earnestly devoted to your welfare than the parson,—who will toil in his little sphere with the same holy zeal for his great master, but probably with less success.

It is time to be serious—our all is in jeopardy.—We could continue, at any other time, to treat with playful severity this performance laugh at the author’s folly, and pity his weakness. Our homes, our comforts, our privileges, our rights are all at stake. A weak, false-hearted and pusillanimous government have led us into a miserable war.—A war which has swept Commerce from the Ocean, changed honesty to corruption, and industry to pilfering enterprise. The great sources of wealth are stopped;—the little currents of competency are dried, and scantiness has become absolute want. The voice of complaint is every where heard. The sufferings of the people, must, and will produce a spasm in the body politic, serious and awful to the authors of these evils.—At such a time as this, “every offence should bear its comment,” and folly, virulence, and falsehood, which in prosperous days, might pass with only a sneer, should now be noted with indignation; and wherever found, be pointed at with scorn and derision. It is, and long has been the curse of this country, that we have been taught our rudiments of government from imported patriots, and taken the dregs of Europe for our Masters and Teachers. This country should be an asylum for all nations; but no foreigner should ever have a voice in our Councils.—There are many good men who have come from foreign countries to this, but these men are still, and quietly enjoy the protection of our laws, while a thousand vipers swarm around us, and the moment they are revived by the generous warmth of our breast, sting us to the very soul.

We cannot leave this Rev. Gentleman, without expressing our abhorrence of the following sentiment from his Sermons:—

“Let us wait awhile, and we may live to see the time, wherein it shall not be said by the voice of faith, but by the voice of sense itself, Babylon, (England,) the great is fallen, is fallen!”

This is the most diabolical wish that ever rankled in the heart, or was ever breathed from the lips of a human being. But coming from a minister of the Gospel, in a civilized country, in these New-England States; preached in a place hallowed for religious purposes,—it wears the marks of the beast about it.—Surely the spirit of Napoleon is here; no fiend less than he could have inspired such a thought.

We will now take leave of the Rev. John Giles, and assure him that we should not have noticed these illiterate labours, if such works had not been rare, among our Clergy. The thistle, in Paradise,—if such noxious plants ever grew there, was more noticed—(for the purpose of being avoided,)—than any flower of the valley, or cedar of the hills.

This pleasure we have felt, constantly, near our hearts, in the darkest hour of our political despondency, that men of intellectual wealth, of probity, and principle, in our country were found mostly in the ranks of Federalism. The pulpits (with a few wretched exceptions) have been kept from the tainted air of democracy. The preachers of the everlasting Gospel have seldom failed to oppose the torrent of corruption.

If Federalism be extinguished, the Priest will perish at the Altar, and the Altar be razed to the ground; and the sad fate which the enemies of England wish for her, will be realized in the history of our downfall.—Suffer it not, O God! Stretch thy protecting arm to save us.

Mr. Editor,

For the general conviction of the public respecting the literary character of the Rev. John Giles, I send you a few extracts from the writings of the notorious Thomas Paine, with correspondent ones from the Reverend Divine above mentioned which, to say nothing more, have the appearance of being copied verbatim from Mr. Paine, and palmed upon the world as original.

GILES—published in 1812.

And here we observe that society in every state is a blessing; but government in its best state is but a necessary evil, in its worst state an intolerable one. For when we suffer or are exposed to the same miseries by a government, which we might expect in a country without government, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence. The palaces of Kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of Paradise.”
Discourse 1st, p. 4.

PAINE—published in 1776.

“Society in every state is a blessing; but Government even in its best state is but a necessary evil, in its worst state an intolerable one. For when we suffer or are exposed to the same miseries by a government which we might expect in a country without government, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer. Government like dress is the badge of lost innocence. The palaces of Kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of Paradise.” Common Sense, p. 1.

“It is a system of mental leveling; It indiscriminately admits every species of character to the same authority. Vice and virtue, ignorance and wisdom, in short every quality good or bad is put on the same level. Kings succeed each other not as rationals; it signifies not what their mental or moral characters are. Such a government appears under all the various characters of childhood, decrepitude and dotage; a thing at nurse, in leading strings or in crutches. It reverses the wholesome order of nature, it occasionally puts children over men, and maniacs to rule the wise.—It requires some talents to be a common mechanic, but to be a king requires only the animal figure of a man, a sort of breathing automation.” Discourse 1st, p. 5.

“It is a system of mental leveling; it indiscriminately admits every species of character to the same authority. Vice and virtue, ignorance and wisdom, in short every quality good or bad is put on the same level. Kings succeed each other not as rationals but as animals. It signifies not what their mental or moral characters are.”

Rights of Man, 2d part, p. 14, published 1792.

It appears under all the various characters of childhood, decrepitude, dotage; a thing at nurse, in leading strings or in crutches. It reverses the wholesome order of nature. It occasionally puts children over men and the conceits of nonage over wisdom and experience.” p. 15

“It requires some talents to be a common mechanic, but to be a king requires only the animal figure of a man, sort of breathing automaton.” p. 16.

But I must observe that I am not the personal enemy of kings. No man more heartily wishes than myself to see them all in the happy and honourable state of private individuals. But I am the avowed and open enemy of what is called monarchy, and I am such by principles, which nothing can either alter or corrupt—that is by my attachment to humanity—by the anxiety which I feel within myself for the ease and honour of the human race, by the disgust which I experienced when I observed men directed by children, and governed by brutes—by the horrours, which all the evils that monarchy has spread over the earth excite within my breast—and by those sentiments, which make me shudder at the calamities, the exactions, the wars, and the massacres with which monarchy has crushed mankind.”
p. 5.

“I must also add that that I am not the personal enemy of Kings. Quite the contrary. No man more heartily wishes than myself to see them all in the happy and honorable state of private individuals. But I am the avowed, open and intrepid enemy of what is called monarchy; and I am such, by principles which nothing can either alter or corrupt—by my attachment to humanity—by the anxiety, which I feel within myself, for the dignity and honor of the human race—by the disgust which I experience, when I observed men, directed by children, and governed by brutes—by the horror, which all the evils that monarchy has spread over the earth, excite within my breast—and by those sentiments, which make me shudder at the calamities, the exactions, the wars, and the massacres with which monarchy has crushed mankind.”

Paine’s Letter to Abbe Seyeys, 1791.

“Let us enlarge a little on this sentiment. All religions are in their nature mild and benign, and united with principles of morality. They could not have proselytes at first, by professing any thing which was vicious and persecuting or immoral. How is it then that they lose their native mildness and become morose and intolerant? It proceeds from an alliance between church and state. The inquisition in Spain and Portugal does not proceed from the religion originally professed, but from this mule animal [as one calls it] engendered between church and state. The burnings in Smithfield proceeded from the same heterogenous production; and it was the regeneration of this strange animal afterwards [in the Nation now called the Bulwark of our Religion] which revived rancor and irreligion among the inhabitants there, and which drove the people called dissenters and quakers to this country. Persecution is not an original feature in any religion; but it is the strongly marked picture of all law religions, or religions established by law. Take away the law-establishment, and every religion re-assumes its original benignity: Here in America, a catholic priest is a good citizen, a good character, and a good neighbor; the same may be said of ministers of other denominations, and this proceeds, independent of men, from there being no law-establishment in America.”
Discourse 1st, p. 8.

“Let us bestow a few thoughts on this subject. All religions are in their nature mild and benign, and united with principles of morality. They could not have made proselites at first by professing any thing that was vicious and persecuting, or immoral. How then, is it that they lose their native mildness, and become morose and intolerant? It proceeds from the connexion which Mr. Burke recommends. The inquisition in Spain does not proceed from the religion originally professed, but from this mule animal engendered between the church and state. The burnings in Smithfield, proceeded from the same heterogeneous production; and it was the regeneration of this strange animal in England afterwards, that renewed rancor and irreligion among the inhabitants and which drove the people called quakers and dissenters to America. Persecution is not an original feature in any religion; but it is always the strongly-marked feature of all law religions, or religions established by law. Take away the law-establishment, and every religion re-assumes its original benignity. In America, a catholic priest is a good citizen, a good character, and a good neighbor; an Episcopalian is of the same description and this proceeds, independent of men, from there being no law-establishment in America”—Paine’s Rights of Man, 1st part, p. 60.

“Toleration is not the opposite of intoleration but is the counterfeit of it; both are despotisms. The one assumes to itself the right of withholding liberty of conscience and the other of granting it. The one is the Pope armed with fire and faggot, and the other is the Pope selling or granting indulgencies. The former is church and state, the latter is church and traffic.” p. 7.

“Never had a country so many openings to happiness as this; her setting out into life, like the rising of a fair morning, was unclouded and promising; her cause was good: her principles just and liberal; her conduct regulated by the nicest steps, and every thing about her wore the mark of honor.” p. 8.

“Toleration is not the opposite of intoleration, but is the counterfeit of it. Both are despotisms. The one assumes to itself the right of withholding liberty of conscience and the other of granting it. The one is the Pope, armed with fire and faggot, and the other is the Pope, selling or granting indulgencies. The former is church and state, and the latter is church and traffic. 1st part, p. 58.

“Never I say had a country so many openings to happiness as this; her setting out in life, like the rising of a fair morning, was unclouded and promising; her cause was good; her principles just and liberal; her temper serene and firm; her conduct regulated by the nicest steps, and everything about her wore the mark of honor.”
Paine’s Crisis, No. 13, p. 18.

These are some of the sentences, which Mr. Giles has pillaged from the writings of a man, deservedly consigned to infamy, and incorporated with his discourse, without even the form of an acknowledgment. He was probably not insensible to the disgrace of being so richly indebted to a man, whose works, he had termed “frantic ravings against the Christian Religion;” although he atoned for his severity by pronouncing these works innocent, compared with the writings of his Federal brethren in the Gospel.


Endnotes

1 We observed in reading this work that almost every page is disgraced by plagiarisms.—Very copious extracts are made from the books of Tom Paine, without any acknowledgment—probably a slight sense of shame is still left.—The hearers of this minister are highly favored Christians! Who have all the benefit of the Age of Reason, Rights of Man, and other works of this infidel Paine, from the pulpit.