The Rev. Jacob Duche´ (1737-98) was born in Pennsylvania, a descendant of Huguenots who immigrated to America with William Penn. He attended the College of Philadelphia (graduated in 1757) and the University of Cambridge in England. He was made rector of Christ Church in Philadelphia in 1775. Rev. Duche´ was the minister who prayed the famous First Prayer for the 1st Congress in September of 1774, a prayer that deeply impacted those present, including John Adams. While strongly supportive of liberty at the beginning of the Revolutionary War (he even served as Chaplain of Congress), Duche´ gave up hope for the patriot cause after Philadelphia was lost to the British. He brought great dishonor upon himself by sending a letter to George Washington in 1777 urging that the Declaration of Independence be rescinded, which eventually resulted in him being declared a traitor. Even though Rev. Duche´ was later disgraced, his message in this sermon is a powerful and compelling presentation of the liberty Christ provides His people, and the clear application of that liberty to the civil arena.
The Duty of Standing Fast
In Our Spiritual and Temporal
LIBERTIES,
A
SERMON,
Preached in Christ-Church,
July 7th, 1775.
Before the First Battalion of the City
and Liberties of Philadelphia;
And now published at their Request.
By the Reverend
Jacob Duche´, M. A.
Galatians, Chap. 5 Part of First Verse. Stand fast, therefore, in the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free.
Gentlemen of the First Battalion of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia,
Though I readily accepted of the invitation, with which you were pleased to honor me, and am fully satisfied that there can be no impropriety in complying with your request, yet I confess, that I now feel such an uncommon degree of diffidence, as nothing but a sense of duty, and a sincere sympathy with you in your present trying circumstances could enable me to overcome. The occasion is of the first importance: the subject in a great measure new to me – Throwing myself, therefore, upon your candor and indulgence, considering myself under the twofold character of a minister of Jesus Christ, and a fellow-citizen of the same state, and involved in the same public calamity with yourselves; and looking up for counsel and direction to the source of all wisdom, “who giveth liberally to those that ask it” – I have made choice of a passage of scripture, which will give me an opportunity of addressing myself to you as freemen, both in the spiritual and temporal sense of the word, and of suggesting to you such a mode of conduct, as will be most likely, under the blessing of Heaven, to ensure to you the enjoyment of these two kinds of liberty. Stand fast, therefore, in the liberty, wherewith Christ hath made us free.
The inspired Author of this excellent admonition was so sensible of the invaluable blessings and comforts that resulted from that free spirit, with which Jesus Christ through His ministry, had established his Galatian converts, that he was jealous of the least attempt to destroy or even obstruct in them its life-giving operation. He could not brook the narrow spirit of those Judaizing Christians, who, from the most selfish and illiberal motives, sought to force a yoke upon the necks of their Gentile brethren, which neither they themselves nor their fathers had been able to bear. These Gentiles too he severely reproves for not maintaining their ground, and asserting their Gospel freedom against the insidious devices of their brethren who only wanted to bring them into servitude, “that they might glory in their flesh.” – “O foolish Galatians! Who hath bewitched you?” He ascribes their blindness and infatuation to some diabolical charm, which had locked up the powers of their free-born spirits, and made them tamely submit to slavish, carnal ordinances, which the Gospel of Jesus had entirely exploded and abolished. He reminds them, by a spirited explication of a most striking allegory, that they were not “Children of the bond-woman, but of the free;” that their observance of the ceremonial law was a tribute, which they were not bound to pay; or, if they should be so weak as to submit to it, that it could not emancipate them from the bondage of earth and hell; but that their real freedom, their full and complete justification, their happiness temporal and eternal were only to be acquired by a vigorous exertion of those spiritual powers within themselves, which, through the riches of God’s free grace in Christ Jesus, had been communicated to their souls. He concludes this part of his address with the truly noble and apostolical precept of my text: Stand fast, therefore, in the liberty, wherewith Christ hath made us free.
Having thus briefly opened the occasion and meaning of the words, I shall proceed to show, in the first place, what we are to understand by that spiritual liberty, “wherewith Christ hat made us free,” and what kind of conduct that must be, which is here expressed by the words “stand fast.”
I. However sever, my dear brethren, the loss of our temporal liberties may be, there is certainly a bondage far more severe than this, yea, far more cruel, than that of Israel under their Egyptian task-masters. A bondage, not only to men, but to the fallen spirits of darkness, seeking to exercise over us a joint power and dominion with our own irregular and corrupt passions. A bondage universal, from which no son of Adam hat ever been exempt; a tyranny, whose baleful influences have been felt from the fall of man down to this very day. It has seized not only upon the body, but upon the soul. It has erected its throne in the heart, and from thence imposes its arbitrary decrees. It is confined to no age or sex, no state or condition of human life. High and low, learned and unlearned, the savage and the sage, are alike the victims of this despotic power, alike slaves by nature under this bondage of corruption.
It is perpetually manifesting itself under a variety of forms, according to our prevailing desires and pursuits. It follows us into the Sanctuary of God. It steals into our private devotions. It gives a pharisaical tincture to our best good works. It reigns as a matter and absolute sovereign in the wicked and unregenerate. Yea, it frequently enters the most spiritual and regenerate hearts in hostile form, and seeks to shake their confidence in the goodness of their true and rightful Sovereign, and their humble hope of deliverance through the redeeming power of His ever blessed Son.
Now, who would not wish to be delivered from such a bondage as this? And yet, my brethren, such a wish cannot be formed, ’till, by divine grace, the freeborn powers of the soul are brought to be sensible of their burden, and to groan beneath the weight of oppression. “The whole (or they that think themselves whole) need not a physician, but they that are sick.” The madman hugs his chains, as if they were ensigns of royalty. Insensible of his calamity, he cannot even wish for relief.
But no sooner does the child of grace, the offspring of Heaven come to feel the bondage of the infernal usurper; no sooner does he find himself harassed and oppressed by the obedience which he exacts to his unrighteous laws; no sooner is he convinced, that such an obedience must terminate in ever-lasting slavery and wretchedness, than he awakens from his sleep of security, and turns to and avails himself of that light, and strength, and spiritual courage and constancy, which his Redeemer is ever at hand to impart, and without which he feels himself absolutely unequal to the conflict, and incapable of extricating himself from the ignoble servitude.
From hence then it appears, that the liberty, with which Christ hath made us free, is nothing less than such a release from the arbitrary power of sin, such an enlargement of the soul by the efficacy of divine grace, and such a total surrender of the will and affections, to the influence and guidance of the divine Spirit, (“for we are made a willing people in the day of God’s power”) as will enable us to live in the habitual cheerful practice of every grace and virtue here, and qualify us for the free, full and uninterrupted enjoyment of heavenly life and liberty hereafter.
These glorious privileges being once obtained, the sinner being once justified, and adopted into the family of God, and having received the seal of his heavenly citizenship, the conduct recommended to him in my text as the most effectual for the preservation of these privileges, is here expressed by the words “stand fast:” that is to say:
“Maintain, firm and unshaken, the ground which Christ hath given you. Be ever vigilant and prepared against the open or insidious attacks of your adversary.”
He is not commanded to march upon the Devil’s ground, to seek out the tempter or the temptation, in order to make a trial of his strength, or merely that he may have the honor of a victory: But only to “stand fast,’ to act upon the defensive, and armed at all points with a celestial panoply, to be ready to resist and repel the most daring attempts of his perfidious foe: As well knowing, that if he suffers himself to be taken captive, slavery and woe must be his everlasting portion; but, if he comes off conqueror from the conflict, that the life, liberty and joys of Heaven will be his everlasting reward.
Thus far have I traveled in a well known path, and spoken a language familiar to most of you, and which you have long been accustomed to hear from this pulpit.
II. I am now to strike into another path, which, though it may not always terminate in such glorious sense of never-ending felicity as the former, yet, if steadfastly pursued, will conduct the sons of men to an happiness, of an inferior kind indeed, but highly necessary to their present temporary state of existence in this world.
If spiritual liberty calls upon its pious votaries to extend their views far forward to a glorious hereafter, civil liberty must at least be allowed to secure, in a considerable degree, our well-being here. And I believe it will be no difficult matter to prove, that the latter is as much the gift of God in Christ Jesus as the former, and consequently, that we are bound to stand fast in our civil as well as our spiritual freedom.
From what hath been said under my first head of discourse, I think it must appear, that liberty, traced to her true source, is of heavenly extraction, that divine Virtue is her illustrious parent, that from eternity to eternity they have been and must be inseparable companions, and that the hearts of all intelligent beings are the living temples, in which they ought to be jointly worshipped.
We have the authority of divine Revelation to assert, that this globe of earth was once the favored spot, on which she was sent to reside, and that the first man felt and enjoyed her divine influence within and around him. But the same Revelation tells us, what our own experience cannot but confirm, that when man lost his virtue, he lost his liberty too; and from that fatal period, became subject to the bondage of corruption, the slave of irregular passions, at war with himself and his own species, an alien form his native country, a sorrowful stranger and a weary pilgrim in this world of woe.
It was not only to put him into a capacity of regaining his forfeited heavenly bliss, but to mitigate, likewise, the sorrows of his earthly sojourn, that he everlasting Jesus, in and by whom God originally created man, vouchsafed to communicate to him, when fallen, a ray of hope, a spark of heavenly light, wisdom, power and goodness, by which, through the effectual workings of his grace, he might, in future time, inspire him and his hapless posterity with such principles as would lead them to know, contend for and enjoy liberty in its largest, noblest extent.
Whatever of order, truth, equity and good government is to be found among the sons of men, they are solely indebted for to this everlasting Counselor, This Prince of Peace. By nature surrounded with innumerable wants, which his own single unassisted hand could by no means supply, exposed to innumerable dangers, which his utmost strength and sharpest foresight could not possibly ward off, it must surely have been this wisdom of the Father, that first taught man, by social compact, to secure to himself the possession of those necessaries and comforts, which are so dear and valuable to his natural life. And though no particular mode of government is pointed out to us in his holy gospel, yet the benevolent spirit of that gospel is directly opposed to every other form, than such as his the common good of mankind for its end and aim.
Now this common good is matter of common feeling. And hence it is, that our best writers, moral and political, as well clergy as laity, have asserted, that true government can have no other foundation than common consent. ‘Tis the power, the wisdom, the majesty of the people committed to one, to a few, or to many – yea, in some hitherto favored states, the one, the few, and the many, have been entrusted together, that they might mutually control and be controlled by each other.
Inasmuch, therefore, as this solemn delegation was intended for the good of the whole; inasmuch as all rulers are in fact the servants of the public, and appointed for no other purpose than to be “a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well, whenever this divine order is inverted, whenever these rulers abuse their sacred trust, by unrighteous attempts to injure, oppress, and enslave those very persons, from whom alone, under God, their power is derived – does not humanity, does not reason, does not scripture call upon the man, the citizen, the Christian of a community to “stand fast in that liberty wherewith Christ (in their very birth, as well as by succeeding appointments of His providence) hath made them free?”
The Apostle enjoins us to “submit to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake.” But surely a submission to the unrighteous ordinances of unrighteous men, cannot be “For the Lord’s sake: For “he loveth righteousness, and His countenance beholds the things that are just.”
Possessed, therefore, of these principles – principles, upon which the present constitution of Britain was happily settled at one of her most glorious and memorable areas, and upon which alone it can still be supported – Possessed of these principles, I trust it will be no difficult matter to satisfy your consciences with respect to the righteousness of the cause, in which you are now engaged.
The struggle, ’tis true, is an unnatural one. The hard necessity of standing upon our defense against our brethren, children of the same family, educated in the same manners, the same religion with ourselves, bound together by a long reciprocation of endearing offices, by a long participation of common blessings, and of common dangers and distresses, mutually protecting and protected by each other. – The had necessity, I say, of defending ourselves, our just and undoubted rights against such unnatural adversaries, (though sadly to be lamented, as one of the heaviest judgments with which Heaven could visit us for our iniquities) ought not, however, to make us surrender a discretion, or discourage us from “standing fast in that liberty, wherewith Christ (as the great providential Governor of the world) hath made us free.”
We venerate the parent land from whence our progenitors came. We wish to look up to her as the guardian, not the invader of her children’s rights. We glory in the name of children – And children too, that have arrived at years of discretion.
But, if we are to judge from the late ungenerous and ill-digested plans of policy, which have been adopted by those whom she hath entrusted with the powers of administration, we cannot but think, that they began to be jealous of our rising glory, and, from an ill-grounded apprehension of our aiming at independency, were desirous of checking our growth.
Yet why this unseasonable and unrighteous jealousy? – We wish not to interfere with that commercial system, which they have hitherto pursued. We have not even stretched our expectations beyond the line, which they themselves had drawn. We wish not to possess the golden groves of Asia, to sparkle in the public eye with jewels torn from the brows of weeping Nabobs, or to riot on the spoils of plundered provinces 1
We rather tremble for the parent state, and would fain keep off from our own borders, those luxuries, which may perhaps already have impaired her constitutional vigor. We only wish, that what we have, we may be able to call our own; that those fruits of honest industry, which our ancestors had acquired, or those which have been, or may be added to them by the sweat of our own brows, should not be wrested from us by the hand of violence, but left to our own free disposal’ satisfied as we are in our consciences, that when constitutionally called upon, we shall not give “grudgingly of necessity”, but cheerfully and liberally.
And as to any pretensions to, or even desire of independency, have we not openly disavowed them in all our petitions, representations and remonstrances? Have we not repeatedly and solemnly professed an inviolable loyalty to the person, power and dignity of our sovereign, and unanimously declared, that it is not with him we contend, but with an envious cloud of false witnesses, that surround his throne, and intercept the sunshine of his favor from our oppressed land?
If, notwithstanding all this, Britain or rather some degenerate sons of Britain, and enemies to our common liberty, still persist in embracing a delusion, and believing a lie – if the sword is still unsheathed against us, and submit or perish is the sanguinary decree – why then ––––––––––––––– I cannot close the sentence – Indulge a minster of Jesus! – My soul shrinks back with horror from the tragic scene of fraternal slaughter – and the free spirit of the citizen is arrester by the tenderness of gospel love – Gracious God! stop the precious effusion of British and American blood – too precious to be spare in any other cause than the joint interest of both against a common foe!
Pained, as I am at this melancholy prospect, I mean not, however, to decline addressing you in your military capacity, and suggesting such a conduct for the preservation of your temporal rights, as by the blessing of Heaven, will be most likely to ensure your success.
“STAND FAST” then
I. “Stand Fast” by a strong faith and dependence upon Jesus Christ, the great Captain of your salvation. Enlist under the banner of His cross. And let this motto be written upon your hearts, IN HOC SIGNO VINCES, “UNDER THIS STANDARD THOU SHALT OVERCOME.”
II. “Stand Fast” by a virtuous and unshaken unanimity. Of such an unanimity, you have a most striking example now before your eyes – three millions of people, or a vast majority of them, bound by no other ties than those of honor and public virtue, voluntarily submitting to the wise political determinations of an honorable Council of Delegates assembled by their own free and unbiased choice. Avail yourselves of this illustrious example. Be unanimous in your particular department. And as one refractory spirit may defeat the best-devised plan of operations, and throw your whole corps into confusion, see that this unanimity be productive of a just and becoming subordination.
Remember, the gentlemen who command you are your neighbors, friends and fellow-citizens, who have their ALL at stake as well as you. Their authority has not been imposed upon you. They were invested with it by yourselves. ‘Tis surely your part then to support them in the just execution of it; not doubting, but that on their part they will always consider, that they are not called to lord it over mercenaries, but affectionately to command freemen and fellow-sufferers. Accustom yourselves, therefore, to discipline now; or else, when the day of trial comes, (which Heaven avert!) you will too late lament your unhappy neglect.
III. “Stand Fast” by an undaunted courage and magnanimity. And here give me leave to remind you, that there is a kind of courage, which seems to be merely animal or constitutional. – This may stand a soldier in good stead perhaps for a few moments amid the heat of battle, when his blood and spirits are set on fire by the warlike sound of drums and trumpets. But I would have you possessed of more than this, even a courage that will prove you to be good Christians, as well as soldiers, a firm invincible fortitude of soul, founded upon religion, and the glorious hope of a better world; a courage, that will enable you not only to withstand an armed phalanx, to pierce a squadron, or force an entrenchment, when the cause of virtue and your country calls you to such a service, but will support you, likewise, against the principalities and powers of darkness, will stand by you under to assaults of pain and sickness, and give you firmness and consolation amid all the horrors of a death-bed scene.
Such a courage as this too will always be tempered with prudence, humanity, and greatness of soul. It will never degenerate into savage cruelty and barbarity. If to spread undistinguishing ruin and devastation through a country; if with more than Gothic rage, to break into the sweet retreats of domestic felicity and drive the aged and the helpless from their once quiet habitations ––– O my God! If this be heroism, if this be military virtue – suffer not our people to learn the destructive art. Let them rather continue to be injured and oppressed themselves, than taught thus wantonly to injure and oppress others. This caution, however, is unnecessary to you. Permit me, then only to observe, that in our present circumstances, we contend not for victory, but for liberty and peace.
Nor let me dismiss this head of advice without reminding you of the glorious stand that hath been already made for us by our northern brethren, and calling upon you to thank Heaven for his great and gracious interposition. Surely “the Lord of Hosts was with them” – surely “the God of Jacob was their refuge.” –––– Drop a pious tear to the memory of the illustrious slain – and let them yet live in the annals of American freedom.
Lastly, “Stand Fast” by a steady constancy and perseverance. Difficulties unlooked for may yet arise, and trials present themselves sufficient to shake the utmost firmness of human fortitude. Be prepared, therefore, for the worst. Suffer not your spirits to evaporate by too violent an ebullition now. Be not too eager to bring matters to an extremity; lest you should be wearied out by a continued exertion, and your constancy should fail you at the most important crisis. Coolly and deliberately wait for those events which are in the hands of providence, and depend upon him alone for strength and expedients suited to your necessities.
In a word, my brethren – though the worst should come – though we should be deprived of all the conveniences and elegancies of life – though we should be cut off from all our usual sources of commerce, and constrained, as many of our poor brethren have already been, to abandon our present comfortable habitations – let us, nevertheless, “Stand Fast” as the guardians of liberty – And though we should not be able to entertain the Heaven-born maid, with such affluence and splendor, as we have hitherto done, let us still keep close to her side, as our inseparable companion, preserve her from the violence of her adversaries, and, if at last necessary, be content to retire with her to those peaceful, though homely retreats of rural life, in which she was first entertained by our venerable ancestors – determined to contend to the very last for such an illustrious prize, and never to part with her, but for the more sure and complete enjoyment of her blessings in a world of glory.
“NOW, THEREFORE, BE STRONG, O ZERUBBABEL, AND BE STRONG, O JOSHUA, THE SON OF JOSEDECH THE HIGH-PRIEST, AND BE STRONG, O YE Counselors, Generals, and PEOPLE OF THE LAND; FOR I AM WITH YOU, SAITH THE LORD OF HOSTS. —LOOK YE UNTO ME, AND BE SAVED, ALL YE ENDS OF THE EARTH!” Even so, grant, thou great and glorious God, that to thee only we may look, and from thee experience that deliverance, which we ask, not for any merits of our own, but for the sake and through the merits of the dear Son of thy love CHRIST JESUS our Lord! To whom, with thee, O FATHER, and thee O BLESSED SPIRIT! Three persons in one eternal God, be ascribed all honor, praise and dominion now, henceforth, and forever!
F I N I S
NOTES
[1]
Here perhaps it may be objected, that the Americans do with a very ill grace censure their English brethren, either for their iniquitous conquests in Asia, or for the luxuries thereby introduced among them, whilst they themselves are rioting upon the labor of thousands of their own species, torn away from their native retreats, from their dearest relations and friends, and doomed to a most abject and perpetual slavery –
In answer to this objection it may be asked – Where did this infamous commerce originate? And where is it still carried on with all the eagerness which avarice can inspire? Where, but in England? – By what means can it be abolished? Surely by that power alone, which America acknowledges the parent state may justly exercise over all her dominions, viz. the power of regulating their trade? –
Is it not well known, that the legislatures of some of the colonies have done what they could to put a stop to the importation of African slaves, by loading it with the heaviest duties? And that others have attempted the total abolition of it, by acts of assembly, which their Governor refused to pass, have then petitioned the parent state for new instructions to their Governors on this head, and after all, have failed of success?
It is however, devoutly to be wished, that when a happy reconciliation once takes place, this poisonous branch may entirely be shut out, before our great commercial stream becomes so infected by the contagion, as to endanger the health and security of the whole empire.
Moses Hemmenway (1735-1811) graduated from Harvard in 1755, a classmate of John Adams. He preached at Lancaster, Boston, Townsend, Wrentham, and New Ipswich after graduating college; then settled as pastor of Wells (1759-1810). This sermon was preached by Hemmenway on May 26, 1784 in Massachusetts.
A
SERMON,
PREACHED BEFORE
HIS EXCELLENCY
JOHN HANCOCK, Esq.
GOVERNOR;
HIS HONOR
THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;
THE HONORABLE THE
COUNCIL,
AND THE HONORABLE THE
SENATE,
AND
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
OF THE
Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
MAY 26, 1784.
BEING THE DAY OF
GENERAL ELECTION.
By MOSES HEMMENWAY, A.M.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In the House of Representatives,
May 26, 1784.
ORDERED,
THAT Mr. Smith, Mr. Bragdon, and Mr. Hill, be a Committee to wait on the Reverend Mr. Moses Hemmenway, and thank him, in Behalf of this House, for the Sermon delivered by him, this Day, before His Excellency, the Governor, the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and to request a Copy of the same for the Press.
SAMUEL A. OTIS, Speaker.
AN
ELECTION SERMON.
Vth Chap. to the GALATIONS, 13 Ver.
“For brethren ye have been called unto liberty; only use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one another.”
When Moses, being called by God from an obscure state of life, to stand before a court, and deliver the message of Heaven to them, would have excused himself, alleging that “He was not eloquent,” his false modesty was frowned upon; his pleas were all over-ruled; and he was animated to his great work, with a promise of special assistance from God: “I will be with thy mouth, and teach thee what thou shalt say.”
This instance may, I think, encourage us to hope for divine assistance, whenever we are by the providence of God called to undertake services for which we may seem too unequal. It is this hope emboldens me now to appear in this place: and it is also hoped that the present attempt, undertaken in obedience to authority, may be favorably accepted, or at least excused.
On this occasion, it will not, I presume, be expected, or desired, that I should attempt to go beyond my own line, or affect to discourse as a connoisseur in politics; but that I assist as a Christian Minister at the solemn acts of religious worship which are this day publicly offered by a Christian State to the supreme King of nations, whose ordinance civil government is; from whom all the authority of rulers and all the rights of subjects are originally derived; to whom the mutual duties of all orders of men are to be ultimately referred; and by whose blessing alone, communities, as well as individuals, can be happy.
The knowledge of ourselves is confessedly a capital and fundamental point of true wisdom. “The proper knowledge of mankind is man.” And of this there is no branch which more deserves the attention of everyone, than to understand our duty on the one hand, and our rights and privileges on the other. For want of clear and just apprehensions of these things, some have been ready to imagine that there is a kind of opposition between duty and right; or in other words, that the bonds of duty are a restraint and abridgment of liberty; and that liberty is a license to do whatever we please.—Hence different men have inclined to different extremes. Some by urging the obligations of duty in such a manner as tends to beget and cherish a spirit of bondage, and by lying heavy burdens on the consciences of men in things where God has left them free, have entrenched on the rights and liberties of mankind. Others, in their unguarded zeal for liberty, have relaxed the bonds of duty, and have given and taken too much encouragement to licentiousness, “using liberty for an occasion to the flesh.”
But our duties, and our rights or privileges, if rightly stated, are so far from interfering, or being inconsistent, that they mutually infer, establish, and support each other.
The apostle, in the words now read, appears to have had both the mentioned extremes distinctly in his view. As there were some who, by endeavouring to impose the observance of the abrogated ordinances of the Jewish law, encroached on the rights and liberty of Christians, St. Paul asserts these their rights, reminds his Christian brethren that Christ had made them free, and exhorts them to stand fast in their liberty to which they were called, and not be entangled with a yoke of bondage. At the same time he cautions them against the opposite extreme of abusing liberty for an occasion to the flesh; or of indulging themselves in a carnal licentious life; and then directs them “by love to serve one another,” and not think such mutual subjection to be any way unsuitable the honor they were called to, of being the Lord’s free men.
But whatever may be the special occasion of the words, and however we may expound them in reference to that occasion, we may, I think, be allowed to consider them as applicable to all those liberties which belong to us either as men, or as citizens, or as Christians. GOD has called us to liberty in all these different respects; and the gospel furnishes us with a good warrant to assert and claim these our rights. And though the main design of the sacred writers be to instruct us in the great concernments of our eternal salvation; yet they have also given us to understand, that liberty, in a more general sense, is our indefensible right. Christianity is indeed alike favorable to the liberty of subjects, and the rightful authority of rulers; and is the best security and support of both in their proper consistency with each other. And we are more beholden to the oracles of GOD than to the schools of philosophy, for just and generous notions of the rights of mankind.—A Christian, besides his peculiar spiritual privileges, holds his natural and civil liberty by a stronger handle than any other, and can maintain it to better advantage. He has by the gospel, a new covenant right to the common privileges of humanity, as well as to those special ones he is entitled to as a child and heir of GOD. That state of liberty to which he is called, and which he is authorized to claim and maintain, comprehends those natural and civil rights which belong to him as a man, or as a member of the commonwealth, as well as those special privileges which appertain to him as a subject of the kingdom of heaven. If I should therefore take occasion to offer some considerations on LIBERTY in this general view, the argument would, I conceive, be not foreign to my text, nor unsuitable to the present solemnity, nor unworthy of the attention of this grave and respectable audience.
Here are three points which require to be distinctly considered, as the time will allow: and I shall take them in the same order in which they lie before us in our text.
First. That GOD has called us to liberty?
Secondly. Liberty ought not to be used for an occasion to the flesh, or a pretence for carnal and licentious indulgencies.
Thirdly. It is our duty, and no infringement of our rights and privileges, to serve one another in love.
First. GOD hath called us to liberty.—
It is his declared will, that mankind should be free. The cause of liberty is the cause of GOD, which he approves, favors, and befriends. The law and light of nature make it evident that liberty is the right of all mankind. But the scriptures make it yet more evident that the people of GOD, the subjects of his heavenly kingdom, are entitled to, and invested with, this invaluable privilege, of which they have in the gospel an authentic charter, ratified, sealed, and sworn by GOD himself.
But it seems necessary that we here examine what we are to understand by that liberty which we claim as our right, by virtue of a Divine grant. For thou we are generally forward to profess ourselves to be its friends and advocates, and the love of it is said to be natural to us; yet there are many who do not well understand what they say, or whereof they affirm, in their flourishes on this subject. Indeed, if the matter be duly considered, we shall have reason to think that none but persons of real virtue are heartily friendly to true liberty, or desire the enjoyment of it either for themselves or others, whatever flattering encomiums they may bestow upon it.
When we speak of liberty as our right or privilege, we must be supposed to mean something valuable, dignifying, and desirable; something which our nature and state are capable of; something which is consistent with our moral agency, and our being under the obligations of law, and duty to our maker and our fellow-creatures.
Hence it follows clearly, that human liberty cannot consist in lawless licentiousness, or in being independent, and not subject to any authority; or in being allowed to invade the rights of others; to act unreasonably, and make ourselves and our fellow-creatures miserable. Far be it from any of us to imagine that the state of liberty, to which God has called us, dissolves the bonds of our duty, or confounds the essential differences of right and wrong: or to conceive that an exemption from the obligations of morality, and from subjection to rightful authority, would be any desirable privilege.—A lawless person is the basest, most odious and contemptible creature in the world.
Every man is necessarily subject to the authority of God. This is indeed an argument of our imperfection and dependent state. But we are so far from having any reason to be uneasy at it, that it is matter of joy and glorying to us that the Lord is our king. And his authority over us is so far from depriving us of any desirable liberty, that it is indeed the basis, guard and security of it. We therefore claim it as our right to be free from every yoke of bondage which can justly be accounted any grievance, because we are the servants of God, who allows none to tyrannize or usurp authority over any, and forbids our submitting to such unauthorized claims. And though we are required to be subject to our lawful superiors in families, in church and state, yet God requires us to yield this obedience not with a slavish, but a free and liberal spirit—we are to be subject to the higher powers in the Lord, and for the Lord’s sake, whose ordinance they are. And while we obey their lawful commands, it is our right and duty to disown them for our absolute masters. For we are not the servants of men, but of God alone.
If I should attempt a definition or description of liberty in general, considered as a right or privilege claimable by mankind, I would say that it consists in a person’s being allowed to hold, use and enjoy all his faculties, advantages, and rights, according to his own judgment and pleasure, in such ways as are consistent with the rights of others, and the duty we owe to our maker and our fellow creatures. Liberty must never be used but within the bounds of right and duty. God allows us not to hold, use, or enjoy anything to the injury of anyone. A licence to do wrong and encroach on the rights of others, is no part of that liberty which God has granted us; nor is it any restraint of our true freedom for us to be restrained by laws from wicked, unreasonable and injurious actions.
But that we may understand more distinctly the nature and extent of our liberty under the government of God, we may consider ourselves in three different states—1st. As individual persons in what is called the state of nature, that is previous to such confederation as forms a civil community.—2dly. As united and incorporated into a political society.—3dly. As members of the church of God.—Answerably to these several states or capacities, we may consider that liberty which we claim as our right as coming under a threefold distinction and denomination: supposing anyone to be in a state of nature, he has then a right to NATURAL LIBERTY: if we consider him as a member of a civil body, he has a right to CIVIL LIBERTY; and if a member of the Christian church, he is entitled to CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.
NATURAL LIBERTY does not consist in an exemption from the obligations of morality, and the duties of truth, righteousness and kindness to our fellow men; nor does it give anyone a right to seize by force or fraud whatever he may have a mind for, how much soever it may be to the damage of others; as some have most absurdly taught. The obligation of the law of God, which we are all under, and which requires us to love our neighbour, and do as we would be done unto, does not take its force from human compacts. Our natural rights are bounded and determined by the law of nature, which binds us to be subject to the will and authority of God, to love and worship him; to be just and benevolent to our fellow creatures, doing them all the good in our power, and offering no injury or abuse to anyone. It is therefore no violation of our natural liberty and rights for us not to be allowed to do wrong, and to be restrained by force and punishments, from invading the right and property of others.
But in a state of natural liberty, everyone has a right to be exempt from subjection to the authority of any man. There is also a right to think, speak, and act freely, without compulsion or restraint; and to use our faculties and property as we please, provided that none are thereby injured, nor the obligations of morality infringed. Liberty of conscience is also the natural and unalienable right of everyone: a right of which no man can be justly deprived; which can never be forfeited, never given up to anyone upon earth. Our Supreme Lord allows us not to subject our consciences to the authority of any but himself alone. If therefore anyone should consent to give up this previous branch of liberty, and acknowledge any man as the Lord of his conscience, such an unwarrantable act would be null and void.—In a state of natural liberty, men have also a right to form such associations with others, and enter into such confederations, and submit to such laws and constitutions, as shall be for the general good. In other words, they have a right to form into a civil society, and authorize fit persons to exercise the powers of government necessary to effectuate the good ends for which the social union is formed.
But it is to be carefully remembered, that no man has ever any rightful liberty to consent to any constitution or compact inconsistent with his own safety and welfare, and that of his fellow men: for instance, to authorize any to govern unrighteously and oppressively.—The establishing a pernicious tyranny is a great injury to mankind, and so is beyond the limits of our natural rights. No human laws or covenants can give any authority or validity to an act which God disallows: and if any people have been so imprudent and blameable as to consent to, and put themselves under a tyrannical government, they are so far from being bound in honor or conscience to support it, that it is their duty to overthrow and abolish it as soon as they can—As individual persons in a state of natural liberty have no right or leave from God to make themselves miserable, or to injure and oppress others; so they have no right or leave to join and concur with others in any measures inconsistent with the interest of mankind.—And as no society has a right to oppress any of its members, it cannot convey to anyone a rightful authority to oppress. All tyrannical government is therefore an unauthorized invasion of the rights of mankind, and no obedience is due to it.
A just apprehension of our natural rights is very useful and necessary in order to our conceiving aright the nature and extent of CIVIL LIBERTY, which is next to come under our consideration. And we are now to view mankind as united together in political societies or states, that so the united wisdom and strength of a community may be employed to advantage for the good of the whole, and of the several individual members, in a consistency with the public interest.
That the human species were formed and designed for civil union, appears from the rational faculties, and social affections which God has given them. It appears also from their moral character, and state, and the need they stand in of mutual assistance, in order that their rights and properties may be better secured, and enjoyed to greater advantage. The state of nature, tho’ attended with some peculiar privileges, is yet very unsafe, and subject to great and manifold difficulties and disadvantages. Civil polity is evidently for the interest of mankind: and in a well constituted and regulated state, subjection to civil government is no way prejudicial to true liberty. For though some of our natural rights and property are, as it were, put into a common stock, under the management of the community; yet this is supposed to be done by our own free consent, and in the prudent exercise of our natural liberty. And as each one continually receives his share of the vast profits thence accruing to the community, and has his most important rights so secured and improved as to be much more valuable; he is, upon the whole, a great gainer by all the expense he is at for the public service, and enjoys more liberty for the restraints he submits to.
Nay, further: since civil polity is evidently for the good of mankind, and since no individual ought to hold his natural right of independence, if it stands in opposition to the general interest—it would seem that men’s entering into civil society was a matter of duty as well as right; and that they may be justly compelled to it, when the general interest so requires.—
Now, in every civil body there must be a governing authority and power, to be exercised on the behalf of the community, over the several members—ordering matters of common concernment for the good of the whole: and the rightful authority of those who are entrusted with the powers of government, is the ordinance of God. They are not only the trustees of the state, but the ministers of GOD, who ratifies their commission, requiring every soul to be subject to them, and not resist them on their peril, in the due exercise of their authority.
From the brief account here given of a state of civil polity, it is plain that civil liberty divides into two branches, which will require some distinct notice. It includes the freedom of the state considered as a system or collective body. It includes also the freedom of the several parts or members of which the community is composed.
The FORMER BRANCH of civil liberty is possessed by a people, when they hold and are allowed freely to exercise the rights, powers, and prerogatives of FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES. These are much the same with those of an individual in the state of natural liberty and independence; of which we have given some account: and are alike limited by the law of nature and of GOD, who is the sovereign of nations as well as of particular persons. But it is to be observed, that free states have also right to rule their own members: whereas individuals have no natural right which properly answers to this.
Notwithstanding what has been so boldly pretended by some, of the transcendent authority, and omnipotency of the supreme civil power, and of those who are entrusted with the administration of government, it is plain that the whole authority of a state over its members is limited. The liberty and authority of a free commonwealth to enact and execute laws and ordinances for the public good, must be always understood with this limitation, viz.—that the sacred rules of righteousness are not to be violated at any rate. The liberty and sovereignty of a state implies no right or authority to serve its own interest by unjust or immoral measures; even though such measures should be thought for the public advantage. It has no rightful liberty, under any such pretence, to violate the laws of GOD, or the rights of any of its members, to oppress or injure any of its neighbours, or falsify the public faith. That common maxim, “that the safety and welfare of the people is the supreme law,” how much soever it has been applauded, is, therefore, unfound morality, unless it be understood and applied in an invariable agreement with that divine rule, “that evil is not to be done that good may come.” Every man has his private, unalienable rights, particularly the right of conscience, which he ought to hold and use without restraint or disturbance from any human authority. There can scarce be a worse mistake than to think that the laws of morality must give way to serve any interest, whether public or private; or that all personal rights in the subjects are absolutely at the disposal of the supreme civil power.
The liberty of a state may be violated and abridged several ways. It is so when a foreign authority, to whom the state owes not subjection, claims and exercises a governing and controuling power over it. This is also the case when a part of the state, without right, seizes on the powers of government, or hinders the free exercise of them: or, when those who are entrusted with authority, stretch their prerogatives beyond due bounds, to the enslaving of the people. If the whole authority of a state over its members be limited, as has been shewn, much more is the authority of rulers so, who have not the whole authority of the state put into their hands to be used by them as they please, but only so much of it as is judged to be needful to fit them to answer the end of their appointment. The supreme civil authority remains always in the community at large, whose will and order is the supreme law of the state. And they have always a right, when their rulers are evidently unfaithful and unworthy of their trust, to restrain them and revoke their powers.—They have a right to alter and reform their laws when they are found to be pernicious; any law or compact to the contrary notwithstanding. Civil rulers are indeed to be considered as the ordinary representatives of the state, and the laws enacted by them as the will and law of the state, when the contrary does not appear: but surely such laws ought not to stand in force against the manifest will and interest of the community.—For a people to be so enslaved, either to their rulers, or even their own laws, as not to be able to exercise their essential right of sovereignty for their own safety and welfare, is as inconsistent with civil liberty, as if they were enslaved to an army, or to any foreign power. Whatever form of government a people may choose to be under, the supreme civil authority remains always attached to, and diffused through the whole body: nor can they give it up without injuring and enslaving themselves, their fellow-citizens and their posterity, which they have no natural right to do.
It is therefore a wise provision in our frame of government, that an orderly way is left open, and pointed out, for the state to revise its civil constitution, and make such amendments as may be found necessary. Alterations of this nature, are not, indeed, to be attempted for light reasons, since they are always attended with inconvenience and danger. But when the safety and interest of a people requires that such alterations be made, they have an indefeasible right to make them.
Having thus far considered the first great branch of civil liberty, and then touched a little on the rights of a free state, I will now attend to the other branch, which includes the rights and privileges of the several members of a political body IN THEIR INDIVIDUAL AND PERSONAL CAPACITY.—Liberty is the right of every member, as well as of the whole body, or system. And a person may justly be accounted a free citizen, when he is allowed to hold and use his natural rights and faculties, together with the civil privileges proper to his rank in the commonwealth, according to his own judgment and pleasure, in such ways as are consistent with his obligations to the community, and his fellow citizens, and with the just and reasonable laws of the state.
The order and interest of a civil society require that there should be different ranks of men, with different civil rights and privileges annexed to them; and subject to different restrictions. Nor is the true liberty of any rank infringed by this subordination, but rather secured, improved and enjoyed by all to better advantage. But through the several ranks in a political system may rise one above another in a long scale of subordination, yet we may conveniently distribute them all into two general classes, viz. Rulers and Subjects. Indeed in a free state the right of authority and the duty of subjection are interwoven, and, as it were, incorporated together through the whole system, so that they are mutually tempered by each other. They who are vested with most authority are yet fellow-subjects with their inferiors, who are governed by them. They are not only alike subject to the law of GOD, but also to the law and authority of the state, whose ministers they are. And the lowest orders of men have a rightful share in that sovereignty or supreme civil power which is lodged in and diffused through the whole community.
As the bounds of civil liberty are determined by just and reasonable civil laws, it is plain that when RULERS are allowed freely to use the powers committed to them for the public good, and enjoy the privileges annexed to their rank, they then enjoy that civil liberty which is their right. But when they are overawed and controlled in the exercise of their rightful authority, or are not allowed the privileges they have a right to, their civil liberty is then infringed. But as rulers have no rightful liberty to claim and exercise powers to which they are not entitled by law, or to violate the rules of righteousness, or to oppress the community, or any of its members, by hindering them from holding and using their just rights, their liberty is not infringed in the least, if the state interposes its sovereign authority, when it is necessary to restrain them from effecting unrighteous and pernicious designs; which, whenever they attempt, they act without authority. GOD never gave them authority for any such purpose: the people never meant to do it: they could not do it if they would: they had no such authority to give.
And though subjects, as such, have no rightful claim to the peculiar civil privileges of rulers, they have yet a right to civil liberty, and to all the privileges of citizens of their rank, unless they have forfeited them by some high misdemeanor. And they may justly be said to enjoy this their right, when they are allowed the free use of their natural unalienable rights, the most important of which are, the rights of conscience; and also to speak and act, to use and dispose of their property, to hold and enjoy every rightful privilege, without disturbance or control, in such ways as are not injurious to any, or contrary to the reasonable laws of that civil body of which they are members. And though such laws as lay the subject under needless and burdensome restraints may justly be accounted an abridgment of liberty, yet no one has any reason to complain that he is denied the liberty of a free citizen, when he is restrained by human laws and penalties, from vice and immorality, and obliged to yield due obedience to civil authority, and observe such ordinances, and pay such taxes, as are necessary for the support of government, and to maintain the order, peace and welfare of the commonwealth.
Natural and civil liberty is the right of every man and member of a civil community. But there is yet another branch which belongs peculiarly to Christians, and which we may therefore fitly term, CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.
The gospel does not curtail any of our natural rights, or civil privileges, but allows and acknowledges them, and ratifies the right which Christians in common with other s have to the enjoyment of them. But the new covenant contains a grant of special privileges, and those of the highest importance. It calls us to, and invests us with the “glorious liberty of the children of God.” The apostle seems to have had the peculiar privileges of Christians most directly in his view, when he said in our text, “Brethren ye have been called to liberty.” It seems therefore but fit that some distinct notice should be taken of these, though the time and present occasion will not allow of enlargement.
The liberty we are called to as Christians, does not in any measure relax the obligation we are under to be subject to the authority and laws of GOD, and also to submit ourselves to those who, under him, have rightful authority, whether economical, political, or ecclesiastical. But the gospel calls us to liberty from the bonds of guilt, the condemning power and curse of the divine law, and from the obligations to punishment which sin had laid us under, which is a most miserable bondage. We are also called to liberty from a slavish subjection to the power of sin, and of Satan the God of this world, who rules in the children of disobedience, and leads them captive at his will; than which what slavery can be more wretched, abject and ignominious? We are called also to liberty from a slavish spirit in the service of GOD, and of one another; so that a Christian is not driven on in the way of his duty against his inclination, but acts with a cheerful, free, and ingenuous spirit. “Where the spirit of the Lord is there is liberty.” We are also discharged from subjection to any master or dictator on earth, in matters of faith and worship; and are to acknowledge no lawgiver to the church but Christ alone. We have liberty to use the ordinances instituted by Christ for the edification of his church, and to have communion with him, and his saints in them, and that without any human inventions, or unscriptural terms of communion imposed on us. Finally, we may think, and speak, and act, and use our spiritual privileges with all freedom, according to the measures of wisdom and grace given to us; nor may any human authority forbid or restrain us from it.
I have taken the freedom to enlarge a little in opening the nature and stating the extent and proper bounds of NATURAL, CIVIL and CHRISTIAN LIBERTY; because the right understanding hereof might, I conceive, be of great use to us: and at this day in particular, it may seem to be a matter which needs to be considered with some special attention. In the next place, I am to shew “that we have been called to liberty.” It belongs to us by virtue of a divine grant—we claim it as our RIGHT; and blessed be GOD, we hold and enjoy it as our INHERITANCE. The expression “ye have been called to liberty,” may be taken both ways, and may signify either that GOD has given us a right to liberty, or that he has given the possession and use of this right. In the former sense, he calls us to liberty, by declaring to us that it is his will that we be free, and requiring us to assert and maintain our right. In the latter sense, he calls us to liberty, when he gives us the possession of it, and breaks those yokes of bondage which had been imposed upon us.
That God has called to the RIGHT of liberty; that he allows us to claim and maintain it, against all who would bring us into bondage; that he favors the glorious cause, and would have us stand up for it, is evident from the light of nature, and from the oracles of divine revelation.
The light of our own REASON and CONSCIENCE, that “candle of the Lord” which he hath put within us, makes it plain that we have a right to be free. There is no need of long and subtle trains of reasoning in the case. We appeal to the moral sense, the inward feelings and resentments of every honest heart. Can it be right that men, made in the image of God should be slaves? That fellow servants of the same Lord should usurp and tyrannize over one another? Are not the pretences urged to justify such usurpation so weak, so pitiful, so unfair, that it is a painful exercise of patience to a man of reason and virtue, and generous feelings, to have his understanding and heart affronted, and harrowed with them? It is true, the interests of society require subordination: but this deprives none of liberty, but helps all to enjoy it better. In short, if equity, requires us to do to others as we would that they should do to us; if the plainest and surest dictates of our reason are to be believed; if the law of nature be of force, then liberty is our right; and consequently it is the will of God that we be free. Nor is it easy to determine, whether the injustice of those who would put a yoke of bondage on their brethren, or the meanness of those who would tamely stoop to take it on, be the greater reproach to human nature.
If we now turn our eye to the oracles of DIVINE REVELATION, we shall find clear and manifold evidence that God approves and favors the cause of liberty, and that tyranny is most offensive to him—This appears in his delivering the Israelites from a state of miserable bondage, and punishing their oppressors with a mighty hand, and stretched-out arm. It appears in the laws and form of government he gave them; whereby liberty and property were secured to everyone. It appears in the awful threatnings denounced by the prophets against the enslavers and oppressors of mankind; and which have been terribly executed. It appears in the whole strain, spirit, and tendency of the doctrine and religion taught and inculcated throughout the scriptures; which is to promote the practice of goodness, righteousness and truth, with all other divine and social virtues; and to dissuade men from all acts of injustice or unkindness, whereby the rights or liberties of any might be violated. It appears further, from express directions and exhortations to Christians, that they stand fast in their liberty, and be not entangled with a yoke of bondage; nor be the servants of men; nor call any man master upon earth; nor exercise lordly dominion over one another. Finally, it appears from the example of Christ, and the apostles, prophets, and holy men, whose characters and conduct are recorded for our imitation; who spoke and acted with the most ingenuous freedom, and most reverse to a base servile spirit. These hints might be copiously illustrated from the scriptures, 1 which might be both instructive and entertaining. But I must wave it.—
But this call to liberty, which we are now considering, may be understood to import God’s giving us the ACTUAL POSSESSION of, as well as a right to this invaluable privilege. And here this divine goodness deserves our grateful notice, that, through the kind and wonderful disposals of providence, mankind enjoy so much liberty. For though it is a melancholy truth that there is much tyranny and oppression in the world, and all are more or less entangled with yokes of bondage in some kind, and are not so free as they ought to be; yet it must also be acknowledged, that as every degree of liberty which men enjoy, is the gift of God, so there are none but have a share of this sweet blessing: and indeed the greater part enjoy considerable degrees of it.—Notwithstanding the despotic claims of tyrants, we see that their pernicious and oppressive power is restrained by God in ways innumerable. These fierce beasts are chained, their horns are shortened, their mouths muzzled, and they are diverted from their purposes. By this means men often enjoy no small share of liberty, even under those forms of government which are most unfriendly to it.
It is, however, to be observed, that as God has a sovereign right to deal out his own gifts in what measure and proportion he pleases, so he calls different men to different kinds and degrees of liberty. Though the natural rights of men may, in general, seem much alike, they being, in this respect, “all FREE and EQUAL;” yet it is in different degrees that they are permitted to use them. According to the different civil constitutions which men are under, their civil liberty is larger, or more restricted.—And, indeed, under every form of government it is necessary that some ranks and denominations of men should be allowed more ample civil privileges than others. And as to Christian liberty, this is the peculiar right and privilege of the disciples of Christ: no others have any lot or portion in this matter. And though all Christians are free indeed, and are by the special grace of GOD, entitled and admitted to the liberties and privileges of his heavenly kingdom; yet all do not enjoy them in like measure: nor is the liberty of any perfect in this world; but is more or less entangled and restrained by the power of sin and Satan, and the men and things of the world. It will, however, gradually work itself clear of all these clogs; and our call to the glorious liberty of the children of GOD, will, in the heavenly state, have its full effect.
As it is a great happiness to a people when their civil constitution and laws are favorable to civil and religious liberty; so there is perhaps no part of the world more happy, in this respect, than these United State, or that have been called by Divine Providence to the possession and enjoyment of such a degree of liberty as we have been.
If what has been offered under this first head should seem too long, abstruse, and speculative, I will endeavour to make some atonement by being shorter, plainer, and more practical in what remains.
OUR SECOND GENERAL POINT is, “That they who are called to liberty should be careful not to abuse it for an occasion to the flesh.” They should not run wild because they are free; or take encouragement to indulge themselves in a lawless and licentious temper and practice.
It is a great evidence of the weakness and folly of men that they, in general, can no better bear that state of freedom to which they are called; and when they have such a price in their hands, they so seldom use it wisely and soberly, and to advantage. Their lusts and passions are ready to break out into wild excesses when they find themselves free from outward restraints. The apostle, well aware of this danger, has left this caution in the text, “use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh.” And St. Peter also speaks to the same effect; “As free, but not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness.” We are pleased with the thought of being free; but how often do we shew that we have not a heart rightly to improve our privileges? When we get the helm into our own hands, what wild courses do we often steer! When we find ourselves at liberty to direct our steps, how prone are we to turn aside into crooked paths!
We cannot therefore be too much on our guard against these licentious abuses: for, besides our liableness thereto, it should be considered that they are highly criminal. When we make an ill use of liberty, we shew ourselves most unworthy to have it, and deserve to have our talent taken from us. It is ungrateful to GOD, and injurious and uncharitable to men. It turns our glory into shame, and exposes to reproach that perfect law of liberty by which we profess to be governed.
The public abuse of liberty draws after it also a train of the worst consequences. It is, we may say, “the root of all evil.” It makes our privileges become our grievances, and turns our blessings into curses: yea, it destroys liberty itself, and is an inlet to tyranny and slavery. True liberty is a tender thing: it languishes and dies under licentious abuses. Rulers, by abusing their liberty, betray their trust; and their authority degenerates into tyranny. And when subjects abuse their privileges, and become disorderly, ungovernable, undutiful, factious, and irreligious, their social union is greatly weakened, and they suffer the worst effects of slavery, while they have only an empty shadow of freedom. It is true virtue, and religion, and subjection to the laws and ordinances of GOD, that can only preserve the liberty of any people. Without this, declarations of rights and forms of government are vain: And I know not whether it be not better for a licentious people to be under a despotic government than any other. Such a people may well expect to come under such a government, as the natural and penal effect of their vices—Thus it befell the Israelites as they had been forewarned: “That if they would not serve the Lord they should serve their enemies, who would put a yoke of iron on their necks.”
No less prejudicial is the abuse of religious liberty to the spiritual interests of the Christian church. From this source an inundation of infidelity, and manifold corruption in doctrine, discipline, worship, and practice, with most uncharitable contentions, and schisms, have issued, which have made terrible havoc in God’s heritage. Hence—But I must leave it to my hearers to pursue these reflections. The evils flowing from this source are so many, that it is impossible to give a detail of them.
For the like reason I can only suggest a few short and general hints, respecting the several ways in which we might be in danger of abusing our liberty; a point highly worthy of special attention, and which I had thought to have considered more particularly: But on such a subject one would hardly know where to stop. I shall therefore only say, we should take heed that Liberty of thinking for ourselves, or the right of private judgment become not an occasion of infidelity, or skepticism, or of our being carried away with unsound doctrines, and our minds corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ. Liberty of speaking our thoughts must not be abused to the dishonor of God, and religion and virtue; to the encouragement of vice, or hurtful errors; to the detriment of the commonwealth; or to the injury, grievance, or scandal of anyone. Liberty of conscience must not be abused into a pretence for neglecting religious worship, prophaning God’s Sabbaths and ordinances, or refusing to do our part for the support of government and the means of religious instruction. In a word,–as we would avoid the abuse of liberty, let us all take heed that we use it not irreligiously, by transgressing God’s commands, or by neglecting or prophaning his worship and ordinances: nor undutifully, by refusing due honor and subjection to rightful authority, in families, churches or commonwealth: nor injuriously, unkindly, and uncharitably, to the wrong, the damage, the grief and offence of our brethren: nor inordinately, exceeding the bounds of moderation, sobriety and expediency, even in things that are in themselves lawful.
As a preservative from these, and all other abuses, let it be our care thoroughly to imbibe the spirit of the gospel, “that perfect law of liberty,” and have our sentiments, our temper, and manners, formed by its divine doctrines and rules. Let us cherish in our hearts the fear and love of God, with that benevolence and charity which is the fulfilling of the law, and which only can effectually correct the inordinacy of those selfish affections which are the malignant root of these abuses. And, to add no more, let it be our care to understand, distinctly, the nature and extent of our liberty, and of our duty, in their connection and consistency with each other; and that our freedom can no otherwise be maintained and exercised, so as to be any real privilege, than by our being the servants of God, and “by love serving one another.”
This was the THIRD POINT contained in our text, viz.—That it is our duty, and no infringement of our liberty, to serve one another in love. Though God has made us free, yet it is no disparagement to be, in a liberal sense, servants to each other: nay, it is our honor to be so-this gives true dignity to men of the highest rank. It is a very honorable character given to David, a great and excellent King, that he SERVED his generation by the will of GOD—And a far greater King, even David’s Lord, and the heir of all things, when he assumed our flesh, and dwelt among us, “came to minister,” and “was with us as one that serveth.” We ought, as the apostle directs to “be all of us subject one to another.” Rulers, as has been observed, are all of them FELLOW SUBJECTS with other members of the civil body, and hold their authority under the state. They who exercise the highest ordinary powers of government do it as the trustees and servants of the people; and it is their duty to serve the Commonwealth faithfully, and not tyrannize over any. And it is no less the duty of everyone, whatever his rank may be, to perform the services properly incumbent on him, with like fidelity. But as the duty of mutual subjection was considered at large upon the last anniversary of this kind, I shall insist no further upon it.
There is one thing, however, our text suggests, relative to the mutual service required of us, which should not be passed over unnoticed: and that is the principle by which we are therein to be moved and actuated. “By love serve one another.” Love must be the vital spring to put every member of the body in motion, and set the whole system at work in a circulation of services, and then they will be all free. We act most freely when we are prompted by love. If we have a sincere and warm affection one to another, our services will not be performed with slavish reluctance, but in the full enjoyment of liberty. A ruler, or a subject, who is of a truly public spirit, who tenders the interest of his fellow-citizens, and sympathizes with them in their joys and sorrows, will rejoice in an opportunity of serving them; nor will he grudge the pains it costs him. Love makes his services easy, pleasant and free: and he never enjoys his liberty more to his own satisfaction, than when he is most engaged in the service of his generation.
The REFLECTIONS with which it is time to close this discourse must be confined to the present occasion.
We in this land have great reason to bow our knee before God in humble thankfulness that he has called us to liberty. He has not only given us a right to natural and civil liberty in common with others of our fellow men, but has also given us the possession of this invaluable blessing, and that in such a degree as few in the world are favored with.—It is an happiness almost peculiar to these United States, for an enlightened people to have the opportunity of deliberately forming and freely choosing the plan of government under which they are to live. And though we do not presume to say that there is nothing amiss or defective in our civil constitution; (it is the prerogative of God alone to have his work all perfect) yet the form of our government, and spirit of our laws are, to speak modestly, favorable to the free enjoyment of our natural rights, so far as can consist with our political union, and the interest of the commonwealth. And we should be unthankful to GOD and man, not to be sensible of, and own the wisdom and fidelity of those who had the chief hand in this important and arduous work. Besides the ample civil privileges which are secured to all orders of citizens, we rejoice to find that the right of enslaving our fellow men is absolutely disclaimed. That inhuman monster SLAVERY, which has too long been tolerated, is at length proscribed, and is no longer suffered to lie with us. And it is devoutly wished, that the turf may lie firm upon its grave. The rights of conscience also, in matters of religion, are strongly guarded, and the door is happily shut and fast barred against ecclesiastical establishments by human laws, which have done so much hurt in the world. Everyone is now fully at liberty to worship GOD in the way which he judges to be most acceptable to him, while he demeans himself as a good citizen. Nor should we forget our Christian privileges in having the ordinances of the gospel administered among us, which we may with all freedom attend upon for our spiritual edification, if it be not our own fault. Add to this the sovereignty and prerogatives of FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, which at length are acknowledged and solemnly recognized as belonging to us. How much reason have we to account ourselves happy that our lot has fallen to us in pleasant places, and we have so goodly an heritage. Blessed are our eyes which see the things we see, and our ears which hear the things we hear. And blessed be the Lord who hath visited and redeemed his people; who hath called them to liberty, and grante4d them the blessings of peace, that we, being delivered out of the hand of our enemies, might serve him without fear, in holiness and righteousness before him, all the days of our life.
And is it not then our duty to stand fast in this liberty to which GOD hath called us? We should shew ourselves most unworthy of our birthright, if, like Esau, we should sell it for a contemptible price; nay, if we should sell it at any rate. Liberty is a pearl of too great price to be bartered. We may fitly accommodate the words of Solomon; “She is more precious than the rubies; and all the things thou canst desire are not to be compared to her. Length of days are in her right hand, and in her left are riches and honor. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace. She is a tree of life to them that lay hold upon her; and happy is everyone that retaineth her.” We have done ourselves great and lasting honor by our brave, vigorous, and, by the blessing of GOD, successful and effectual defense of our civil liberty. Though in respect of right, we were free born, as every man is; yet it is with a great sum that we have obtained the possession of this our inheritance, clear of the encumbrance of being dependent on, and subject to the control of foreign power. To secure the continued enjoyment of the prize which has been won with so much expense of blood and treasure, is surely an object worthy of the attention of everyone. And we can do nothing better for this purpose than to make it our most serious care to use our liberty aright, that is, piously, equitably, charitably, and soberly; and that we abuse it not for an occasion to the flesh.
This caution against the abuse of liberty ought to sink deep into our hearts; for here seems to be our greatest danger. Our conduct, at the time when attempts were made to wrest our privileges from us, is a witness for us, that we were not insensible of the value and importance of them. By the blessing of Almighty GOD our struggle is now happily terminated, and we are now unbuckling the harness, having accomplished our warfare with desired success. WE ARE A FREE PEOPLE. We have maintained our claim to liberty effectually against those who disputed it; and have indeed more liberty than we at first thought of claiming. And if we are so wise and sober as not to abuse it, we trust in God that we shall be happy ourselves, and leave this fair inheritance to succeeding generations. But we flatter ourselves, if we think that our having legal securities of civil and religious liberty will ensure our prosperity. Nay, if our privileges are licentiously abused, we shall have no solid advantages of them, but they will rather prove, as was said, intolerable grievances. The name itself of liberty has been reproached, I had almost said blasphemed, on account of these abuses, which have given occasion to some to call it a popular idol. And we shall make an idol of it indeed, if it draws away our hearts from the service of God, and emboldens us to strengthen ourselves in wickedness, and bless ourselves in our own hearts, saying, we shall have peace though we walk in the imagination of our hearts.” That people only can be truly free and happy who have the Lord for their God, their law-giver, and king; and who demean themselves as his obedient servants. O that there were such an heart in us, that we might fear the Lord, and keep all his commandments always, that it might be well with us, and with our children forever.”
Our honored RULERS will consider themselves, as, under God, the guardians of this PRECIOUS DEPOSITUM, which divine providence has put into our hands. In this light we view them, and not with an evil eye of malignant jealousy, as those who would willingly rob the commonwealth of its crown, or steal the jewels out of it; that is, abridge our privileges, to extend their own prerogatives. As the places of highest authority are disposed of by the free suffrage of the people, they are to be considered as marks of great confidence in the wisdom and fidelity of those whom they call to fill them; and as public testimonies to their merit. Nor will they take it amiss to be stiled the servants of the people; but will accept the title as it is meant, for a title of distinguished honor. For it holds equally true in a free commonwealth as in the church, that “He who is greatest, is most eminently servant of all.”
We have confidence in our civil fathers, that their upright and faithful endeavours will not be wanting to secure and perpetuate the blessings of peace and liberty, which God hath given us, and to promote the true interest of this people; and that their integrity will preserve them and us. While the measures of righteousness are faithfully observed in their administrations, we doubt not but that they will, by the blessing of God, be crowned with good success. “Unto the upright ariseth light in the darkness,” to direct, cheer, and comfort them, in their greatest difficulties and straits. It is “by righteousness that the throne of government is established, and the nation is exalted.” And indeed the grand secret of political wisdom is to maintain a steady, thorough and untainted integrity: a secret hidden from those serpentine politicians, who think it necessary to turn aside into crooked paths to compass their designs. Unfair artifices and intrigues may sometimes answer a present turn; but they do more hurt than good: they breed worse distempers than they remedy or prevent. Whatever designs cannot be carried by fair measures, had better not be carried by fair measures, had better not be carried at all. God will curse that policy which sets the rules of righteousness at defiance. If this sentiment should be ascribed to the simplicity of one who is unexperienced in the affairs of the world, it may be confirmed by the attestation of the great HARRINGTON, who says, “That the pretended depth and difficulty in matters of state is a mere cheat. From the beginning of the world to this day you never found a commonwealth where the leaders having honestly enough wanted skill enough to lead her to her true interest, at home and abroad.” And, that I may not seem to have gone beyond my own line, a yet greater authority may be adduced; even that of the wise and inspired king Solomon, who says, “He that walketh uprightly walketh surely; and the integrity of the upright shall guide him.”
Alas! for that people whose rulers think it can be good policy to break over the sacred rules of justice. We hope in God that the conduct of our public affairs will never fall into the hands of those who are given up to such an awful infatuation. If indeed we could persuade ourselves that the world was governed by chance, such a strict adherence to these rules might not seem needful, or fit to be insisted on. But under the government of a righteous GOD, we may be sure that unrighteous measures can never be for the true interest of a people. It is the blessing of GOD that must render the means successful we make use of to answer our ends. What madness then must be in their hearts who imagine that GOD will annex a blessing to the presumptuous transgression of his own laws!—It is ordered indeed for the trial and discipline or virtue, that it should sometimes have to struggle with great difficulties and opposition, which might be avoided if we would let go our integrity: but the avoiding these difficulties in this way, will, without fail, run us into much worse ones. The advantages of unrighteousness are dearly bought. If our country, nay, if the world can no otherwise be preserved than by violating the rules of truth and righteousness, IN THE NAME OF ALL THAT IS SACRED LET IT SINK. But while the throne of GOD stands unshaken, we may trust in him, and not fear that we shall ever be losers by our fidelity and obedience to his laws.
That corrupt craft, and those cunning contrivances, which politicians have often had recourse to in state affairs, when they were resolved to carry a favorite point at any rate, have been the disgrace of policy, and the pest of states. They who turn aside into these crooked ways, will soon find themselves in a perfect labyrinth. Tricking will soon sink a man’s credit and reputation, and lose him the confidence of mankind, which is of the utmost importance in order to a successful prosecution of designs of public concernment. Unfair artifices are an insult upon the moral government of GOD, who knows how to take the wise in their own craftiness and turn to foolishness the counsels of the Ahitophels, who applaud themselves most in their skill and address.
It may well discourage wise observers from attempting to promote the public interest by iniquity, that such attempts are constantly found to be of unhappy and pernicious consequence. The laws by which GOD governs the world must be quite altered, the course of nature must be reversed, before it can reasonably be hoped that unrighteous schemes will operate for the real advantage of a people. And it is the fervent wish of those who have the true interest of their country most at heart, that there may be a full and fair experiment made what effect a strictly righteous and equitable administration of government will have upon the national interest. And they have raised expectations, that in that case we should soon see our public affairs in a situation much to our satisfaction and honor, and the honor of virtuous policy, which would appear in its proper dignity after such a triumph over its intriguing rival. The eyes of the world are turned to observe our conduct at this important period, which will be likely to fix the stamp of honor, or the brand of infamy, on our national character. We hope our rulers will not be less tender of the honor of the commonwealth than of their own, or that of their families: and that they will not give occasion to any to apply to them what has been observed by some, “That such deeds have been often done by bodies or communities of men, as most of the individuals of which such communities consisted, acting separately, would have been ashamed of.” And it is also to be remembered (which ought much more to move us) that the eye of the great KING OF NATIONS is upon us to observe whether we will be obedient to his laws: and he is, as it were, saying to us in the words of the prophet, “Prove me now herewith, whether I will not open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing.”
As for those who sneer at righteous policy, integrity and public spiritedness, and who represent all men as being alike perfectly selfish, I shall only say, that if the picture of mankind which they give us was taken from their own hearts, we will not dispute their skill in drawing, but will own it may be a striking, yea, a shocking likeness of the persons who sat for it. But let them go—My honorable hearers know, as every honest man does, that there is such a thing in the world as integrity, and virtue, and public spirit, and that it is no hypocritical pretence.
As righteousness is the root and bias of liberty, I have not, I hope, wandered from my subject in inculcating a due regard thereto in the administration of government. And it is also hoped that the freedom of speech which has been used on this occasion, (a freedom which the presence of those before whom it has been taken, has no tendency to check, but rather to inspire and animate,) will not be deemed an abuse of liberty. But if more has been said than may be thought needful, or if any expressions should seem to warm or bold, they will I hope, be candidly imputed to an honest zeal for public virtue, and for the liberty, the interest, and the honor of my dear country; and to an earnest and inexpressible desire that this vast political structure, which to the wonder of the world has rose so suddenly as a temple of liberty6 in North-America, the building of which has been carried on so far with such happy success, may receive the finishing touch to the utmost advantage, and may stand as a glorious and lasting monument far more grand and magnificent than MAUSOLEUMS, PYRAMIDS, OR TRIUMPHAL ARCHES.
The present state of our affairs is such as calls for the utmost attention of our civil rulers, and affords them uncommon opportunities for services of the most important kind. It is, I think, needless, and might seem presumptuous, for me to go into a detail of those objects which claim their special attention: their own more just, penetrating, and comprehensive views, will readily suggest the vastness of their trust, in having the care of the liberties and properties, the religion and morals, the means of education and literary improvement, of this people; besides such regulations as are necessary to maintain and strengthen that connection between the several parts of this united system of states, which is of so much importance to the welfare of the whole. We are not insensible of the difficulties they have to struggle with,–and sympathize with them on that account. But these should rather animate than discourage them. THESE ARE THE TRIALS AND PROOFS OF VIRTUE, whereby it is distinguished from counterfeit pretences, and is found unto praise, and honor, and glory. If they are faithful they may expect to displease some: but they will have the applause of their own consciences, and of the best friends of their country: their children will rise up and call them blessed, and GOD himself will think on them for good. “The armour of light” will repel the darts of calumny which may be thrown at them. They will only need to stand forth in open day. The light will render them invulnerable; and their being known will be their security.—And GOD forbid that any of us should be backward to support them in their faithful endeavours, or that we should cease to pray for them, that GOD would be with them: that their hearts may be encouraged, and their hands strengthened with a double portion of his spirit: that they may be inspired with the wisdom, integrity, fortitude, and unfainting resolution necessary to prosecute and accomplish their designs for the public good. “We wish them a blessing from the house of the Lord; yea, we bless them in the name of the Lord.”
This day may well be accounted the day of the gladness of our hearts. We enjoy, at length, the blessings of peace and liberty:–Blessings,–for which, saints, now with God, have earnestly prayed—heroes, of glorious memory, have fought and bled—and patriots have worn out themselves with care, travail and exertion. The joy of reaping the harvest which has been sown and watered with so much tears and blood, is reserved for us. This day, UNITED AMERICA sees the issue and fruit of her travailing throes, and is satisfied. The fight of so sweet and lovely a birth, comforts and rejoices her, after her agonizing labor.
This day, we have the happiness to see our CONGREGATION, even the legislative assembly of the commonwealth, established before the Lord—our NOBLES from among ourselves—and our GOVERNORS proceeding from the midst of us. We view this august body as representing the whole republic, vested with its majesty and authority; the distinct branches of which unite and concentrate in the Governor, the common representative of the whole state. As his EXCELLENCY and his HONOR are here present, it would seem scarce decent for us to give them their due encomium, or to express freely how worthy we esteem them of the pre-eminence to which they are advanced; but their continued and often repeated election to the highest seats in the Commonwealth, speaks louder and more significantly than words can, the peculiar esteem and confidence of the people, and in such a way as leaves no suspicion of flattery.
We regard his EXCELLENCY in particular, as most eminently authorized to act as the guardian of our rights, and take care that the Republic receive no detriment. His prerogatives and powers we consider as a wise provision for our security against the pernicious effects of that narrow policy which may prompt some to aim at serving their own particular connections in ways prejudicial to the general interest, or injurious to other parts of the state—Nor do we wish that the due exercise of these powers and prerogatives should be cramped or discouraged; but that they be exerted with all freedom and firmness for the good of the people, whenever it shall be needful. It is, we doubt not, his sincere aim to improve those talents with which GOD has distinguished him, in promoting the true interest of the Commonwealth, and of the United States.—May he have the sublime satisfaction of seeing the accomplishment of his wishes, and the success of his endeavours, to serve his generation.—And the honorable COUNCIL will, we trust, be always ready to assist and co-operate in these arduous and important services, with their wise, upright, and faithful advice.
The honorable SENATORS and REPRESENTATIVES of the Commonwealth, who sustain and exercise so great a share of its authority, and in whom the people repose so much confidence, will not take it amiss to be reminded of the expectations and just claims of the State, that its interests be faithfully attended to and pursued by them, not only in the elections of this day, but in all other matters on which they may afterwards have occasion to act. Their views will be as extensive as the field of service they have before them; and not only the interests of their particular constituents, but that of the whole Commonwealth, yea, of the whole United States, will be duly regarded in their deliberations and resolves—liberality of sentiment, love to their country, a truly public spirit, with untainted, unshaken integrity, will give dignity to their proceedings, and throw light upon their paths: whether they consider themselves as the ministers of God, or the trustees of the people, they can no otherwise support the dignity of their character, or answer the just expectations of God and man, than by a faithful discharge of the duties of their station; nor should it be forgotten that all mankind of whatever rank, must another day stand before an impartial tribunal, where an account will be taken how every talent has been improved, and a recompence will be adjudged to everyone according as his work shall be. Happy then will he be beyond expression, who has maintained his integrity in a corrupt and ensnaring world; who has kept “a conscience void of offence towards GOD and towards man;” who can hold up his face before the Judge and say, “Remember, O Lord, how I have walked before thee in truth, and with a perfect heart;” and who will receive from him an answer of acquittance and approbation, “Well done good and faithful servant, enter into the joy of thy Lord.”
Will this grave and venerable audience bear with me while AI add one reflection of general concernment;–that if we would enjoy true liberty, we must not only maintain our civil privileges, and guard against a licentious and malicious abuse of them, but it is above all things necessary that we be delivered by GOD’s special grace from the bondage of guilt, and the slavery and service of sin and Satan, and that we be called effectually to the spiritual freedom of the children of GOD. Little reason shall we have to boast of liberty, or bless ourselves in our external privileges, if we are the ignominious servants of corruption. This spiritual liberty, Christ has obtained for all his true disciples: and it can no otherwise be enjoyed by any of us, than by taking his yoke upon us, learning of him, and continuing in his word”—Then shall “we know the truth, and the truth shall make us free indeed.” It is the true Christian alone who is the LORD’S FREE MAN, and a denizon of the new Jerusalem. An honor and privilege to which we cannot maintain our claim, unless we realize our profession of Christianity, by serving the Lord Christ with all good fidelity, and serving one another in love. Be this the object of our greatest care and ambition. We may then with hope and earnest expectation, wait for the day of our complete redemption. The GRAND JUBILEE will at length be proclaimed by the sound of the Arch-Angel’s trumpet, which will call the sons and heirs of GOD to the CONSUMMATE LIBERTY of his heavenly kingdom, and induce them to the inheritance incorruptible, undefiled, and that fadeth not away, reserved for them.
May this be the lot of us all, through the grace of GOD our Saviour.
John Lathrop, also spelled Lothrop, was born in Norwich, Connecticut. He graduated from Princeton in 1763 and began working as an assistant teacher with the Rev. Dr. Eleazar Wheelock of Lebanon, Connecticut, at Moor’s Indian Charity School. He studied theology under Dr. Wheelock (who later founded Dartmouth College) and became licensed to preach in 1767, ministering among the Indians. In 1768, he became the preacher of the Second Church of Boston, but as Boston was central in the rising tensions and violence with the British leading up to the American War for Independence, he relocated to Providence, Rhode Island. When the Founding Fathers declared independence from Britain in 1776, Lathrop returned to Boston. When Dr. Pemberton of New Brick Church was taken ill, Lathrop was asked to become the assistant to the pastor. When Pemberton passed away a year later, Lathrop became pastor of New Brick Church but also retained the pastorate of Second Church, merging it into New Brick in 1779. Lathrop remained pastor until his death from lung fever in 1816. He had served as President of the Massachusetts Bible Society and the Society of Propagating the Gospel in North America, and he was also a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the American Antiquarian Society. Numerous of his sermons were published, including the following one delivered on December 15, 1774.
A
DISCOURSE
PREACHED,
December 15th 1774.
Being the Day Recommended
By the Provincial Congress,
To Be Observed
In thanksgiving to God for the Blessings
enjoyed; and humiliation on account of
public Calamities.
By
JOHN LATHROP, A. M.
Pastor of the Second Church in Boston.
A
DISCOURSE,
FROM
PSALM CI. I. I will sing of mercy and judgment: unto thee O Lord will I sing.
AUTHORIZED by a divine precept, 1 and excited by the feelings of gratitude, the inhabitants of these northern provinces, have made it their constant practice, to meet in their religious assemblies, at the close of the year, and devoutly offer unto the Lord, their sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving.
When the fruits of the earth are gathered in, and we are furnished with provisions for an expensive winter season, nothing can be more proper, than for a people professing godliness, to unite in paying their thankful acknowledgments to the father of the universe, for the expressions of his goodness.—And we rejoice, that the representatives of this Province, who, in the present distracted state of our public affairs, have been consulting the most proper ways to recover and secure our invaded liberties, were not unmindful of the blessings we receive from God almighty; but have invited us to observe this day of general thanksgiving.
But although we have much reason to bless the Lord, for the many expressions of his goodness, through the course of the last year, it is proper, even on this day of festivity, “to humble ourselves before God, on account of those sins, for which he hath suffered our present calamities to come upon us, and implore the divine blessing, that by the assistances of his grace, we may be enabled to reform whatever is amiss, that so God may be pleased to continue to us the blessings we enjoy, and remove the tokens of his displeasure.” 2
The exercises of this day, will therefore be different from what have been usual; and I could think of no passage of scripture, more suitable to place at the head of a discourse, in which we are to have respect, both to the blessings of divine providence, and the public calamities which have befallen us, than the words of David, which have now been read.
A celebrated commentator on the text, has the following observations;–“When God in his providence exerciseth us with a mixture of Mercy and Judgment, it is our duty to sing, and sing unto him both of the one and the other: We must be suitably affected with both, and make suitable acknowledgments of both.” Agreeable to the Chaldee paraphrase,–“If thou bestowest mercy upon me, or if thou bringest any judgment upon me, before thee, O Lord, will I sing my hymns for all.” 3
Let me then ask your attention, while I mention some of the blessings which God is pleased to bestow upon us; and take notice of the principal calamities, which, in righteous Judgment, he has suffered to befall us.
You will be sensible, the time allowed the preacher on a day of thanksgiving, will not admit of an exact enumeration, either of the Blessings bestowed upon us, or the calamities under which we suffer; we must therefore confine our attention to those which are confessedly of the most importance: But should I a little exceed the limits commonly observed on these Occasions, the nature of the subject, I hope, will be an apology for me.
All who possess their belief of the holy Scriptures, will be free to acknowledge, the mercy of God revealed in the gospel, demands our first, our principle attention.
Such is the darkness of the human mind, that had not the children of men, been favoured with the light of divine truth, they would never have found the say to glory. But the father of the universe, in compassion to the human race, exposed to misery, in consequence of the spread of moral evil through the World, was pleased to give his Son, that whosoever believeth on him should not perish, but might have eternal life.– 4 The day-spring from on high hath visited us, to give light to them that sit in darkness, and in the shadow of death, to guide our feet into the way of peace.-—We have reason to join with the angels, and multitude of the heavenly host, ascribing glory to God in the highest, that on earth there is peace, and good will towards men.5
The mercy of God revealed to a guilty World, in the gift of his Son Jesus Christ, will claim an everlasting tribute of Praise.—How deplorable would our condition have been, had the author of our existence, seen fit to leave us to the power of those lusts, which war against the Soul.– 6 Satan, the enemy of all good, was able to seduce our once innocent parents from their loyalty, and render them obnoxious to the wrath of their creator.—And had not Jesus Christ who is stronger than the strong man armed, and is able to subdue all things to himself, 7 undertaken the work of redemption, none of our guilty race, could have entertained a hope of future happiness, or even of life from the dead.
But by the gospel of the grace of God, life and immortality are brought to light.—By the gospel we are made certain of a future state; and the author of our Salvation, has not only suffered for our offences, and rose again for our justification, but clearly pointed out the path to heaven.
We have reason to be thankful, that notwithstanding, all our unworthiness, the gospel is continued among us, and we have liberty to worship our creator, according to the dictates of conscience, without disturbance or molestation.
Many have endured the greatest afflictions, and suffered the most cruel death, not only under pagan Monarchs, and the influence of Romish inquisitions, but under the arbitrary government of tyrants, who in ages past, disgraced the throne of Britain.
Not to mention persecutions in foreign countries, or look back to the ages of darkness and gross ignorance, in our own nation, and in the short time which past between the restoration of Charles the IId, and the glorious revolution, besides many that were inhumanely murdered, five thousand Protestants died in prisons, on account of their religion. 8
But while multitudes have suffered, because they did not choose to submit to unscriptural usages, or attend to modes and forms of human invention, we have enjoyed full liberty of conscience: In no part of the world has the right of private judgment, in matters of religion, been more sacredly maintained, than in America.
In some provinces, all sects and denominations, professing Christianity, Roman Catholics not excepted, are freely tolerated.
In those provinces where the church of England is established by law, dissenters are allowed their own forms of worship; but required indeed, as in most parts of the world, where a form of worship is established by authority, to pay their proportion towards the support of the established clergy.
And in these northern provinces, where the order and discipline, which have generally been observed in the congregation or Presbyterian churches, are favoured with an establishment, dissenters from our worship and discipline, are not only tolerated, but upon their professing to be of other denominations, they are excused from bearing any part of the ministry, and form of worship established by law. 9
Such tenderness to our brethren who differ from us in their sentiments with respect to the modes of worship, or the discipline of the church, is much to the honour of this and the other New-England Provinces.
As the blessings of the gospel, and the privileges of a religious nature which we enjoy, are exceeding precious, we ought to remember them with gratitude, and render to the Lord the warmest affections of our heart for the continuance of them.
We have reason to be thankful “for the smiles of divine Providence upon us with regard to the seasons of the year, and the general health which has been enjoyed.”—God has smiled on the labour of the husbandmen through the course of the year: He has been pleased to grant those showers of rain, and kind influences of the Heavens, which were necessary to perfect the fruits of the earth. Our markets are filled with a variety of provisions; and notwithstanding the multitude of strangers among us, we cannot complain that the necessaries of life are sold us at an extravagant price. 10
We have been visited with no uncommon sickness in this Town, or through the land. This pestilence has not walked in darkness, nor has the destruction wasted at noon day.—Such indeed is human frailty, that every year we must expect to bury some of our friends and valuable acquaintance: But we have reason to be thankful, when mortal diseases have not been general.
“And in particular”, we have reason to be thankful, “from a consideration of the union which so remarkably prevails, not only in this Province, but through the continent, at this alarming crisis.”
It must be acknowledged, America never saw a day so alarming as the present—The unhappy controversy which now subsists between Great-Britain and these Colonies is more painful than any of the distressing wars we have formerly been engaged in.—When the Savages annoyed our infant settlements, or those who we used to consider as natural Enemies threatened to invade us, duty and interest pointed us to the means of safety.—Our young men offered themselves freely to engage in the defence of their country; and being succeeded by Heaven, victory from time to time, crowned their endeavours.—
But when the parent State is contending with us, nothing but the last extremity,–nothing but the preservation of life, or that which is of more importance Liberty, can ever prevail with us to make resistance.
We glory in our attachment to the House of Hanover.—We consider Britain as our native land.—We shall therefore bear much, we shall suffer many hardships, before we can entertain a single wish to the disadvantage of our brethren on the other side the Atlantic.—We never will rebel against the Sovereign of the British dominions.—However provoked,–however oppressed,–however threatened with Slavery and wretchedness, we will never be excited to any other resistance, than what the impartial world shall Judge absolutely necessary to our own defence.
Britons and Americans, subjects of the same Crown, connected by the ties of nature, by interest and by religion, maintained the most perfect harmony, and felt the purest joy in each others happiness for more than a hundred years: And would to God, that harmony had never been disturbed!
But by reason of false, and injurious representations which were made by some, from whom indeed we might have expected better things, a system of government, not long since, was formed for the colonies in America, too degrading and oppressive for British Subjects, quietly to bear.
The Parliament of Great-Britain, some years ago, passed an Act, declaring “That his Majesty in Parliament, OF RIGHT, had power to bind the people of these Colonies by Statutes IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER.”—“The import of the words above quoted, needs no discant: For the wit of man, cannot possibly form, a more clear, concise, and comprehensive definition and sentence of slavery, than these expressions contain.” 11
In this light was the declaratory Act viewed by Americans in general.—And by several Acts which have passed since, the inhabitants of these colonies have been confirmed in their apprehensions, that the Government at home, had determined to treat them, not as obedient children, but rather as Servants; and let them know that they held life, and property, and whatever is dear to them, at the pleasure of masters three thousand miles distant; on whose ambition they can have no check, on whose power they have no control.
Alarmed it may well be supposed the Americans were, and not doubting but their gracious King would hear their Petitions, and deliver them from their gracious King would hear their Petitions, and deliver them from their troubles, they addressed the throne in the most humble and dutiful manner; but their Petitions were rejected, and treated with contempt. Arbitrary measures were taken to prevent the complaints of the injured and distressed from reaching the Royal ear.—“Assemblies have been frequently dissolved, contrary to the rights of the people, when they attempted to deliberate on grievances.” 12
“The attacks on our rights were incessant”: Not satisfied with taking away our money, in such quantities, and for such purposes as they pleased, the Parliament proceeded, in direct methods, to invade our Charters, and threaten us with transportation to Great-Britain, in order to be tried, on supposition any resistance should be made, to what the Americans might consider as intolerable oppression.
“Hard is our fate, when, to escape the character of rebels, we must be degraded into that of slaves: As if there was no medium, between the two extremes of anarchy and despotism, where innocence and freedom could find repose and safety.” 13
Such were our sufferings, particularly in this Province,–such our fears, and such the apprehensions of all America, that it was judged expedient a Continental Congress should be convened as soon as possible to take our public grievances under consideration, and point out the most proper means of redress.
Deputies were accordingly chosen by the several colonies from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina.—They entered upon the important business to which they were appointed, as it become men professing the religion of Christ.—They made their humble addresses to the Lord of the universe for the influences of his Spirit, to lead them in a safe path, succeed their endeavours to extricate an injured people from their present difficulties, and lay a foundation for lasting tranquility, both in Great-Britain and America.—Many prayers were made for them in our respective churches, and by serious people in their private retirements.
The members who met in that illustrious Assembly, were men of the first character in the several provinces: Men who best understood the rights of America, and were best able to judge what measures would be most proper for the inhabitants in general to adopt, in order to recover and secure them.
After Solemn deliberation on the important subjects which lay before them, they came to a result, which has been made known to the World, and with which you are all acquainted.—We have much reason for thankfulness that the members of the Congress were so remarkably united.—Those among us who wished the late oppressive acts of parliament to be carried into execution, were free to declare, the Colonies would never unite, and endeavoured to make us believe, the Gentlemen who were chosen to represent the several Provinces, were of sentiments extremely different from each other. Had the Congress dissolved without forming any general plans, or had the members been greatly divided in their opinions, it would have discouraged the friends of Liberty, and perhaps given a fatal turn to our public affairs: But their Union has not only expressed the Union of their constituents, but had an happy influence to establish many in their friendship to the American cause, who were before, wavering—Their doings will, as they most certainly ought to, have the force of laws.—The man that ventures to rise in opposition to them, opposes both the wisdom and strength of this amazing continent; and certainly no man in his senses will act so foolish, so desperate a part.
The penalty to be inflicted on such, if any such there should be, as in contempt of the American Association, determine to pursue their own private emoluments, regardless of the public good, is not immediate death, but it must be confessed, it is very little short of it.—You will allow me to repeat some parts of the resolves which declare it.—Whenever it shall appear to the Committees which are, or may be chosen in every county, city, and town, for executing the plans of the continental Congress, that any person within their respective limits, has violated the Association, the truth of the case is to be published,–“To the end, that all such foes to the rights of British America, may be publickly known, and universally contemned as the enemies of American Liberty; and thenceforth we respectively will break off all dealing with him or her.—And we do further agree and resolve, that we will have no trade, commerce, dealings or intercourse whatsoever, with any Colony or Province in North-America, which shall not accede to, or which shall hereafter violate this Association, but will hold them as unworthy of the rights of freemen, and as inimical to the liberties of their Country.”
Who would not dread such a punishment, as much as any temporal evil that can be mentioned?—To cut off from the privileges of human society and lie exposed to universal contempt, is next, if not equal to being cut off from among the living.—People may affect to sport with popular resentment as much as they please, when they have a few companions to flatter and encourage them; but when that punishment, which they may ridicule at a distance, or think little of in its beginnings, falls upon them in earnest, they must have fortitude more than human, to support long under it.—A man of any tender feelings will be unhappy, when he knows a few of his acquaintance are offended with him; how wretched must he then be, who is assured the resentments of almost this whole continent, are raised against him, and that there is no town or village that he can visit, on business, or for amusement, without being exposed to the indignation of the inhabitants!
I have dwelt the longer on this particular, because it appears to me of singular importance.—The union which remarkably prevails through the Continent, at this alarming crisis affords great encouragement, and requires our thankful acknowledgments to almighty God.
It is our duty, as we love righteousness,–as we love peace,–as we love our Country,–as we love the parent state,–ourselves and millions of unborn posterity, it is our duty, to do all in our power, to strengthen and perpetuate, this union.—And was I not sure, you are ready even of yourselves, I would urge you my friends and fellow citizens, by arguments which influence my own mind, “To abide by and strictly adhere to the Resolutions of the continental Congress, as the most peaceable and probable method of preventing confusion and bloodshed, and of restoring that harmony between Great-Britain and these colonies, in which we wish might be established not only the rights and liberties of America, but the opulence and lasting happiness of the whole British Empire.” 14
I CANNOT finish this part of the discourse, without mentioning another reason the inhabitants of this Town in particular have for thankfulness, which, is a consideration of the unexpected liberality of our brethren towards us, since the Port has been shut up, by which thousands were reduced to poverty and distress.
Our condition would have been calamitous beyond expression, had not the hearts and the hands of our Brethren been opened to assist us, when suffering in the general cause.
We thank our generous benefactors: We thank the Father of the universe, for enabling and inclining them to do so much for us: And we thank those worthy Gentlemen, who cheerfully devote a great part of their time to take care of the money and provisions which are sent in from various parts, and make distributions to the needy among us, for no other reward, than the consolation of doing good.15
Thus have we attended to some of the blessings God is bestowing upon us in the course of his providence, which furnish us with proper reasons for praise and thanksgiving.
But as we are called, by the alarming situation of our public affairs, to sing of the judgments of the Lord, as well as of his mercies, we shall now, agreeable to the method proposed, take notice of the calamities which God has suffered to befall us.
The calamities to which we are more especially called to give our attention, are those which arise from “the present controversy between Great-Britain and the colonies.”
We are unhappy in being represented to the parent state as factious,–impatient of government, and wishing for independence; when “we can safely appeal to that Being, from whom no thought can be concealed, that our warmest wish, and utmost ambition is, that we and our posterity may ever remain subordinate to, and dependent upon our parent state. This subordination our reason approves, our affection dictates, our duty commands, and our interest enforces.”16
Great-Britain is possessed of a naval power, able to protect our trade, and guard our coast against a foreign enemy: And the colonies produce almost every article necessary to support the parent state in her present greatness, and add unspeakably to her future glory.
A CELEBRATED author, writing on the advantages which would naturally result from the happy connection between Great-Britain and the colonies, was no fatal interruption to prevent, has the following elegant and striking expressions.—“The immense advantages of such a situation, are worthy the closest attention of every Briton. To a man that has considered them with attention, perhaps it will not appear too bold to aver, that if an archangel had planned the connection between Great-Britain and her colonies, he could not have fixed it on a more lasting and beneficial foundation, unless he could have changed human nature.—An Alexander, a Caesar, a Charles, a Lewis and others have sought through fields of blood, for universal empire. Great-Britain has a certainty by population and commerce alone, of attaining to the most astonishing and well founded power the world ever saw. The circumstances of her situation are new and striking. Heaven has offered her glory and prosperity without measure. Her wise ministers disdain to accept them—and prefer” 1718
Since advantages of the most important nature might be derived to both countries were they to be perpetually united in affection, as they are in interest, how ardently is it to be wished, no unhappy controversy had arose between them.—But a controversy now subsists, which has a threatening aspect on America, and Great-Britain herself.
Many calamities are already felt, more and greater are much to be feared.—Instead of mutual love, and a desire of each others greatness, mutual jealousies are strongly exercised: The unfailing consequence of which will be, mutual endeavours to prevent each others interest. A principal of self preservation, that law of nature, which has an uniform influence on the children of Men, will excite them to wish the diminution of that power which they suppose, is at present engaged against them, or in some future time may rival them. And what they wish they naturally express, and will pursue in every measure that promises success.
And can it remain a matter of uncertainty, whether many in Great-Britain are jealous of the increasing greatness of the American interest, and wish to check the growth of the colonies, when we are told what opposition was made to the settlement of a new Province by a late minister of State.—When we hear another minister declaring he will lay the Americans at his feet.—When we hear with Application to one of the largest and most important Towns on the continent, “delenda est carthago”19 “We know how acceptable to many an earthquake would be to sink some of the colonies in the Ocean.—That we are thought too numerous. And how much it would be judged for the interest of Great-Britain, if a Pestilence should sweep off a million and a half of us.” 20
If Great-Britain is jealous of the increasing interest of the colonies, no doubt she will exert her power to check their growth, or her policy to draw off their riches as fast as they acquire them. And from the measures which have been pursued, with unremitting zeal for several years past, the Americans are made to believe, that Great-Britain does not wish the Colonies to make further advances towards “powerful States.”—The business then is to embarrass new settlements,–to lay such burdens on the colonies now planted as to prevent emigrations to them from the crowded parts of Europe, and establish such laws as shall render, not only the money, but the persons of Americans, the property of the British Parliament, or of the crown. 21
And should I say, this business has been earnestly pursued, “since the close of the late “war”, I should have the authority of the greatest and best men in the nation,–I should have more than nine-tenths of America to support the assertion.
The execution of this business has given rise to the calamities, we are this day called to lament.—The time would not allow us to go into a very particular consideration of the calamities we now feel, together with those which we tear may be permitted to fall upon us: Let it suffice to mention those which most sensibly affect us.
Several laws, have of late been enacted by the Parliament of Great-Britain, for the express purpose of raising a revenue in America. Had hose laws been executed according to their original design, the natural operation of them, would have constantly weakened the interest of the people in general, by giving their wealth to the servants of the crown.—Had those laws been regularly executed the servants of the crown, would have had it in their power, either to riot on the spoils taken from the honest and industrious, or accumulate to themselves great riches. The body of the people, being oppressed, would in time be obliged to sell their lands, and other estates, and content themselves, if contentment be possible in such a state, to be the slaves of imperious lords, on whom, hard necessity had taught them to depend, for their bread.—And should they, remembering their former happy circumstances, grow uneasy and factious, a standing army, supported by money taken from them, would be ready to humble, or destroy them.—Figure to yourselves all the calamities which are felt by the inhabitants of France and Spain, or other parts of the World where despotism is established, and I will be bold to say, we could have no security against calamities equally great, unless in the virtue of the reigning Prince, were the laws which have been passed, with respect to America, since the last war, fully carried into execution.
If the British Parliament, may “of right,” without our consent, “give and grant” any particular parts of our property, for any particular purposes, they may the whole: They say with equal pretentions to right sell our persons as slaves to what masters they please. For “Liberty, Life, or Property, can, with no consistency of words or ideas, be termed a right of the possessors, while others have a right of taking them away at pleasure.” 22
That such laws have been enacted, and that any of them are now in force, we consider as a calamity, and lament that God has in judgment, suffered it to befall the American colonies.—The laws now referred to, have already done unspeakable damage. The struggles which have been made by administration to enforce them, and by the Americans in opposition to them, have not only kept the whole continent in a ferment, but created such an alienation of affections, and unhappy jealousies between the two countries, as we have reason to fear, will never be wholly removed.
It is a calamity that the parliament have resolved, “That colonists may be transported to England, and tried there upon accusations for treason,–or concealments of treasons committed in the colonies.”—Should any unhappy Americans be accused of treason, and prosecuted according to this act, a severe punishment would necessarily be inflicted on them, before it could be determined whether they were guilty or not.
It is a calamity that the Roman Catholic religion is established through the vast province of Quebec, when, as a writer observes, “The abject of the bill, is to cut off all liberties of the rest of the colonies.” 23
Should that vast country which is now taken into the province of Quebec, be filled up with roman Catholics, who are by their religion unfriendly to protestants, and especially to dissenters, it may be in their power, assisted by the Indians to do unspeakable damage to the other colonies. We may easily conceive it will be extremely difficult for Protestants, who now have possessions in that part of the world, to live quietly, or for others to settle where the established religion teaches its professors, that they may violate the most solemn engagements with heretics, and exterminate them from their country when it can be done with safety.
We view it as a calamity, that, by the Lords spiritual, that venerable Bench of protestant Bishops, a warm opposition was not made to a bill brought in to establish a Religion in the most important colony of his Majesty’s dominions, which has disgraced humanity, and crimsoned a great part of the world, with innocent blood.
By the part which the venerable seat of Bishops took in the Canada act, the unparalleled sufferings of our ancestors, by the influence of some protestant Bishops, 24 in former Reigns, are brought fresh to view: And we cannot but apprehend, a foundation is laid, for like ecclesiastical tyranny, at least, in the province of Quebec, should a prince of arbitrary sentiments, hereafter be placed on the throne.
We view it as a calamity, that our most gracious King was pleased to give his royal assent to the Canada Act, by which he has grieved the greatest part of his faithful subjects.—But I forbear.—That unfortunate Prince, who was obliged to fly from Great-Britain, to make way for the Hanoverian succession, was charged among other things, with promoting the Roman Catholic Religion—May the reign of our present rightful Sovereign be long and happy.—May he ever enjoy the full confidence, and affection of all, and especially of his protestant subjects.
We view it as a calamity, that the Parliament have passed an act to alter our ancient method of appointing Juries.—With a Governor and Council entirely dependent on the crown: With Judges and Sheriffs dependent on the Governor, and all entirely independent on the people, we cannot suppose there is provision for the impartial administration of justice: But we have the greatest reason to fear, should any Americans be so unhappy, as to be brought into dispute with crown officers, or any, who on account of their good disposition towards some late acts of Parliament respecting the Colonies, are called friends of Government, a jury returned by such sheriffs, would be under an influence, extremely threatening to the lives and liberties, of such unfortunate subjects.
The noble Lords who entered their dissent, have given a reason, which has respect to this part of the Act for regulating the government, sufficient to convince every mind capable of seeing the force of argument, and is worthy to be writ in letters of gold.—They dissent,–“Because the Governor and Council have the means of returning such a Jury, in each particular cause, as may best suit with the gratification of their passions and interests. The lives, liberties and properties of the subject are put into their hands without control, and the invaluable right of trial by jury is turned into A SNARE FOR THE PEOPLE, who have hitherto looked upon it as their main security against the licentiousness of power.” 25
We view it as a calamity that the British Parliament have lately passed “an Act for regulating the government” of this Province, by which the most important rights of our character are violated, and the way is prepared for exercising an arbitrary and despotic government over us.
Attempts to execute this act have already flung the Province into great disorder.—The inhabitants consider their charter, granted on the faith of Kings, as sacred, and they cannot be prevailed with, either by flattery or threats, to give it up.—Those Gentlemen who have accepted the place of Counselors on the new plan, are viewed as unfriendly to our constitutional liberties:–Our Courts of Justice are shut up: And we are nearly reduced to a state of nature,–In short we have no security for life, or property, or any of the blessings of society, but from the virtue and resolutions of the inhabitants in general.
“To change the government of a people”, says the Bishop of St. Asaph, who is an honour to the sacred order, and an ornament to human nature,–“to change the government of a people without their consent, is the highest and most arbitrary act of sovereignty that one nation can exercise over another. The Romans hardly ever proceeded to this extremity, even over a conquered nation, ‘till its frequent revolts and insurrections, had made them deem it incorrigible.—The very idea of it implies a most total and abject, slavish dependence in the inferior state.”
That great and good man well knew, that attempts to change the government of this province, would be productive of the utmost confusion:–“It will make them mad”.
The noble Lords, who opposed the bill for regulating the government of this Province, entered their dissent,–“Because, say they, we think the appointment of all the members of the Council, which by this bill is vested in the crown, is not a proper provision for preserving the equilibrium of the colony constitution. The power given to the crown of occasionally increasing and lessening the number of the council on the report of governors, and at the pleasure of ministers, must make those governors and ministers masters of every question in that assembly, and by destroying its freedom of deliberation will wholly annihilate its use.”—
But the calamities arising from the unhappy controversy at present subsisting between Great-Britain and America, with which we, the inhabitants of this town, are most sensibly, and in a peculiar manner affected, are yet unnoticed.
When we look back, on our once happy state, and compare the blessings of peace and plenty, which we freely enjoyed, with our present distresses, “the tears are on our cheeks”. “How doth the city set solitary that was full of people! How is she become as a widow! She that was great among the nations, and princess among the provinces, how is she become tributary! 26
The God of nature has taught us by the situation and uncommon advantages of this place, that it was designed for extensive business: And here our fathers planted themselves, that they and their posterity might prosecute those branches of trade and merchandise, which give riches and strength, to nations and states.—And this, for many years, has been the peaceful residence of commerce and wealth.
What joy have we felt to see this capacious and safe harbor, white, with the canvass of our own ships, or of foreigners who came to exchange their treasures, for the commodities which we had to spare.
But how affecting is the change; How gloomy is the present appearance!—Look to our port, and you see it blocked up with British Ships of war—No vessels of trade are allowed to enter this harbor.—Commerce which gave wealth to many, and the means of a comfortable subsistence to thousands, has now ceased.—The well built wharfs are either left naked, or lined with transports, which have been employed to bring the King’s troops to this place.—Stores which were designed for merchandise, are, either unoccupied, or strange to relate!—turned into barracks!—Our public streets,–our most pleasant walks are filled with armed soldiers.—The only avenue to the town by land is fortified on each side, with heavy cannon, and strongly guarded day and night.—In short, all things wear the shocking appearances of war: Of war, not with the natives of the wilderness, or those foreign enemies with whom we have formerly engaged with success.—But,–how shall I speak?—Of war between Great-Britain and the colonies!—Between fellow subjects!! Between brethren!!!
But why these strange appearances? Why is the power of Great-Britain so unnaturally directed against America?—Why is this Town filled with troops? Why is this port blocked up, and the trade of the place ruined?—certainly we must have been guilty as a people of the most daring crimes.—Nothing less than an open and generally avowed rebellion against the best of Princes, one would think, could justify such treatment.—Have we been thus guilty?—Are we, thus charged?—No.—What then is our crime?—It is not pretended to be any more than a trespass, committed by some unknown persons, on private property.—Because a number of people, we know not who, destroyed some cargoes of East-India Tea, this whole community has been condemned, without trial, and is this day suffering in a manner that can scarcely be paralleled in the history of the world.
It is supposed by the rigorous manner in which the port act is executed, poverty, distress and calamity, are brought on 30,000 souls. 27
Other calamities might have been mentioned, and those we have taken notice of enlarged upon, did the time admit.—You will just allow me to say, should the British administration determine fully to execute the laws, of which we complain: Or in other words,–should the prime minister determine to LAY THE AMERICANS AT HIS FEET; and should the new parliament grant supplies for that purpose, we have yet to fear the calamities of a long civil war: For, from the spirit now raised through this continent, and the firm union which subsists, it may be presumed he struggle would be obstinate.
Americans, who have been used to war from their infancy, would spill their best blood, rather than “submit to be hewers of wood, or drawers of water, for any ministry or nation in the world”. 28
But we hope in God, and it shall be our daily prayer, that matters may never come to this.—We hope some wise and equitable plan of accommodation may take place.—For the salvation of the parent state, as well as of these provinces, we sincerely hope the measures, with respect to America, adopted by the last parliament, and pursued with vigour by the ministry, may be essentially altered by this.
We hope the rights and liberties of the colonies may be established on a solid and immoveable basis: And that this Town may emerge from its present distressed and most calamitous state, and be a more prosperous, more rich and happy place than ever yet it has been.
Let us then humble ourselves before God on account of our sins: Let us reform whatever is amiss,–“That so God may be pleased to continue to us the blessings we enjoy, and remove the tokens of his displeasure, by causing harmony and union to be restored between Great-Britain and these Colonies, that we may again rejoice in the smiles of our sovereign, and the possession of those privileges which have been transmitted to us, and have the hopeful prospect that they shall be handed down entire to posterity, under the protestant succession, in the illustrious House of Hanover.”29
8 See the History of England during the Reigns of the Stuarts.
9 The following extract from an Act “passed by the Great and General Court” of this province, “to exempt the People called Quakers, and Antipedobaptists, from paying Taxes for the support of Ministers settled by the Laws of this Province, and for the building and repairing Meeting Houses or places of public Worship,” may serve to evince what was said above with respect to religious liberty, and the tenderness which is exercised towards such as dissent from the mode of worship and discipline established by law. Be it enacted by the Governor, Council, and House of Representatives, that none of the Persons who are either of the Persuasion of the People called Quakers, or Antipedobaptists, who allege a scruple of Conscience as the reason of their refusal to pay any part or Proportion of such Taxes, as are from time to time assessed for the Support of the Minister or Ministers of any Church settled by the Laws of this Province, shall have their Polls or Estate, Real or Personal in their own Hand, and under their actual Improvement; taxed or assessed, in any Tax or Assessment hereafter made for the raising any Monies towards the Settlement or Support of such Minister or Ministers, nor for building or repairing any Meeting-House or Place of public Worship, or be obliged to collect any Taxes granted for the purposes aforesaid.
And to the intent that it may be better known who are to be exempted by this Act.
Be it enacted, That no Person in any Town, District or Precinct in this Province, shall for the future be esteemed or taken to be of the Persuasion of the People called Quakers, or Antipedobaptists, so as to have his, her or their Poll or Polls, or any Estate to him, her or them belonging, exempted by virtue of this Act from paying a proportionable Part of the Ministerial or other Taxes in this Act mentioned, but such whose Names shall be contained in a List or Lists taken and signed by three Members of some Quaker or Antipedobaptist Society or Congregation, who shall be chosen by said Society or Congregation, who shall be chosen by said Society or Congregation for that purpose; one whereof to be the Minister where there is any, who shall therein certify for substance with respect to the People called Quakers in the form following, viz. We the Subscribers being chosen a Committee by the Society of the People called Quakers, who meet together for religious Worship on the Lord’s Day or first Day of the Week in (blank space) to exhibit a List or Lists of the Names of such Persons as belong to said Society or Congregation, do Certify, that (blank space) do belong to said Society or Congregation, and that they do frequently and usually when able attend with us in our Meetings for religious Worship on the Lord’s Day or first Day of the Week, and we verily believe are of our Persuasion.
Dated Signed A. B., C. D., E. F.; Committee.
And with respect to the Antipedobaptists in the words following, viz. We the Subscribers being chosen a Committee by the Society of the People called Antipedobaptists, who meet together for religious Worship on the Lord’s Day in (blank space) to exhibit a List or Lists of the Names of such Persons as belong to said Society or Congregation, do Certify, that (blank space) do belong to said Society or Congregation, do Certify, that (blank space) do belong to said Society or Congregation, and that they do frequently and usually when able attend with us in our Meetings for religious Worship on the Lord’s Day, and we do verily believe are, with respect to the ordinance of Baptism, of the same religious Sentiments with us.
Dated Signed A. B., C. D., E. F.; Committee.
Which Certificate so signed, the said Committee shall cause to be delivered to the Town, District or Precinct Clerk respectively, where such Person or Persons contained in such List or Lists dwell or have Estates liable to be taxed, on or before the first Day of September Annually; and the Clerk on receiving such Certificate, shall enter the same at large in the Town, District and Precinct Book in his keeping, with the time when the same was delivered to him, and shall deliver an attested Copy of such Certificate and the time when the same was delivered to him, to any Person desiring the same, receiving therefor, four Pence only, which Copy shall be received as Evidence on any Tryal respecting the Taxing the Persons whose Names are contained in said Certificate for any Ministerial Charge or Charges, or for building or repairing any Meeting-House.
10 The following Regiments are now Stationed at Boston, and at Castle-William.—Fourth Battalion of the Royal Regiment of Artillery.—Fourth (or King’s own) Regiment.—Fifth Regiment.—Tenth Regiment.—Eighteenth (or royal Irish) Regiment. Twenty-Third-Regiment, Or royal Welch Fusileers.—Thirty-Eighty Regiment.—Forty-Third Regiment.—Forty Seventh Regiment.—Fifty Second Regiment.—Fifty Ninth Regiment.—Sixty Fourth Regiment.—Sixty Fifth Regiment.—We have also the following large Ships of War,–Preston, of 50 Guns. Somerset, of 68. Asia, of 64. Boyne, of 64: Besides a number of smaller Ships and other armed Vessels; together with the Transports which have been employed to bring Troops to this unhappy Metropolis.–
11 See the Pennsylvania Instructions to their Representatives.
13 Essay on the constitutional Power of Great-Britain over the Colonies in America.
14 See the Address of the Provincial Congress, presented to the several Ministers of the Gospel in this Province.
15 Some evil minded persons, have wickedly insinuated, that the Committee, with whom the donations are entrusted, and by whom they are distributed to such as stand in need, take pay for their trouble, or they would never devote so great a part of their time to the service.—This insinuation is equally false and malicious.—Those respectable Gentlemen have indeed the thanks of the public, and the blessing of many ready to perish; besides which they neither have nor wish for any reward—is it not base and cruel then, to insinuate, as some have done, that they pay themselves out of the charities which were designed for the immediate sufferers.
But some people have a scurvy trick of lying, to support a certain interest, and if possible injure those who are most faithful and unwearied in the service of their country.—But great is truth, and it will prevail.
16 Essay on the constitutional power of Great-Britain over the colonies in America, p. 52.
19 Which is to be interpreted, let Boston be demolished. The sage advice of Mr. Van a member of the late parliament.
20 Essay on the constitutional power of Great-Britain &c. p. 61.
21 “The authority of Parliament, has, within these few years, been a question much agitated; and great difficulty, we understand, has occurred, in tracing the line between the rights of the mother country, and those of the colonies. The modern doctrine of the former is truly remarkable; for though it points out, what are not our rights, yet we can never learn from it, what are our rights. As for example—Great-Britain claims a right to take away nine-tenths of our estates—have we a right to the remaining tenth? No.—To say we have, is a “traitorous position”, denying her supreme legislative. So far from having property, according to these late found novels, we are ourselves a property”.
See Essay &c. p. 33, 34.
22 See Essay &c. 41. See Locke on Government. Chap. V. “What property have they in that, which another may by right take, when he pleases to himself?” Mr. Pitt’s Speech.
23 The Canada Act has met with some small advocates in these parts, who pretend the roman catholic religion is not established by it; and that nothing more is designed by that part of it which has respect to religion, than a confirmation of what was stipulated by the treaty of peace.—But what say the Grand American Congress to this matter?—“In the session of Parliament last mentioned, an Act was passed, for changing the government of Quebec, by which Act the Roman Catholic religion, instead of being tolerated, as stipulated by the treaty of peace, is established.”
The Earl of Chatham has declared, that by the Canada Act, popery is established: And Lord Lyttleton, in his Letter to the above-mentioned Earl, does not deny that the Roman catholic religion is established in the Province of Quebec, but endeavours to defend the whole Act, without exception.—After having said, “The Canadians are “above one hundred thousand, the English not more than two thousand men, women, and children.” And that the legislature was therefore to consider whether the law and government ought to be adapted to the many or the few,” he goes on, to consider that part of the bill which has respect to religion; and says,–“The best distinction I know between establishment and toleration is, that the greater number has a right to the one, and the lesser to the other. The public maintenance of a clergy is inherent to establishment; at the reformation, therefore, as much of the church estates as were thought necessary for its support were transferred to the protestant church, as by law established. Surely then when the free exercise of the national religion was given to the Canadian nation, it could never b understood that they were to be deprived of their clergy; and if not, a national provision for that clergy follows of course.”’.—What we have here quoted from his Lordship’s Letter, is sufficient to shew, that he not only considered the Canada Act as establishing the Roman catholic religion in that country, but that he supposed the British Legislature, acted a wise and equitable part in so doing.—But his Lordship’s reasoning does not carry with it the fullest conviction.—Suppose, by a strange Jesuitical influence, in some future period, more than one half the inhabitants of Great-Britain should be converted to the Roman catholic religion, would the legislature be bound in duty to establish that religion, and only tolerate Protestants?—It must be so, it seems, if the best distinction between establishment and toleration is, that the greater number has a right to the one, and the lesser to the other.
Wise legislative bodies, will examine the nature and doctrines of a religion, before they favour it with an establishment; If they find the doctrines of any religion are contrary to that the holy Scriptures, and are persuaded that it is, in its nature, unfriendly to the safety and happiness of the community, certainly they will not establish it, although, the greater number, (of the community) may, at present, be fond of it.—
Let us hear what the learned and pious Bishop Burnet has said of Roman Catholics, and their religion.—“It is certain, that as all Papists must, at all times, be ill subjects to a protestant Prince, so that is much more to be apprehended, when there is a pretended Popish heir in the case.”—“learn to view popery in a true light, as a conspiracy to exalt the power of the clergy, even by subjecting the most sacred truths of religion to contrivances for raising their authority, and by offering to the world another method of being saved, besides that prescribed in the gospel.—Popery is a mass of impostures, supported by men, who manage them with great advantages, and impose them with inexpressible severities, on those who dare call anything in question that they dictate to them.”
Bishop Burnet’s History of His Own Times. If the Roman Catholic religion is what the good Bishop has here declared, is it not astonishing, that any Protestant can plead for its establishment! For a British legislature to tolerate such a religion, is as much, one would think, as they could do consistent with their duty to God, and to that constitution of civil government, which they are bound to maintain.—
It may be said a religion is established, where there are laws for the support of it.—Thus is the church of England established in a great part of the British dominions.—Thus are the congregational order and discipline established in this Province, and thus is the roman catholic religion established in Canada.
24The high Church party says Bishop Burnet, have all along been unfriendly to the government established on revelation principles: They have not been wanting to reproach those who were of moderate sentiments, and abuse the dissenters,–Why? Because moderate church-men and Dissenters in general, have been friends to the rights of mankind, and honest enough to oppose Tyrants in church and state. I would here beg leave to insert a paragraph from a Pamphlet which fell into my hands since this discourse was delivered, called, An address to Protestant Dissenters of all Denominations &c.—“The measures that are now carrying on against the North-American colonies are alone a sufficient indication of the disposition of the court towards you. The pretence for such outrageous proceedings, conducted with such indecent and unjust precipitation, is much too flight to account for them. The true cause of such violent animosity must have existed much earlier and deeper. In short, it can be nothing but the Americans (particularly those of New-England) being chiefly dissenters and whigs. For the whole conduct of the present ministry demonstrates, that what was merit in the two late reigns, is demerit in this. And can you suppose that those who are so violently hostile to the offspring of the English dissenters, should be friendly to the remains of the parent stock? I trust that both you and they will make it appear, that you have not degenerated from the principles and spirit of your illustrious ancestors, and that you are no more to be outwitted or overawed than they were.”
25 Much to our purpose is the following extract from Doctor Pettingal’s celebrated Enquiry into the use and practice of Juries among the Greeks and Romans.
“The privilege that every Englishman enjoys of having his person and property so far secured, that no injury, under pretence of law can be done to one or the other, but by the consent and approbation of twelve men of his own rank, is the greatest happiness that can belong to a subject, and the most valuable blessing that can attend society; for by this means the poor stands in no fear of oppression from his governor or powerful neighbour; and the hands of the great are tied up from disturbing the public by making inroads upon the ease and property of individuals below them.—So that the powers of each, in their respective stations, are hereby happily directed to carry on one and the same end, the peace, order, and good government of the whole.”
In another place the same great Man writes,–“The trial by Jury was founded on liberty, and contrived both in the Grecian and Roman polity, as a guard and protection of the lower people, against the power and arbitrary judgments of their superiors.”—And again, “Civil liberty, being thus, both in Greece and Rome, founded in equality, that is, a joint power and participation of enacting and executing laws, we hence see the reason why the trial by our equals, the legale judicium parium suorum, makes so great a figure in the character of English liberties; for while we are bound by no laws but those we consent to, and suffer no judgment under those laws but by the approbation of honest men of our own rank and condition, who have no interest in injustice, but an expectation of the same candor and integrity in us upon some other occasions, where perhaps we may be a jury on them or their affairs, there is no danger of being ruined and undone by arbitrary laws, or oppressed by the partial determination of a corrupt Judge. This was the liberty and happiness that arose from the equality which was the foundation of the Greek and Roman constitution, and is the very spirit and life of our own.”—p. 8. In Preface, I. 25, & 26, in the Enquiry.–
27 The damages arising from the execution of the Port Act are immense: Supposing 30000 people suffer the loss of 1S sterling per day, one with another; which I believe will be judged far short of what is real, considering the destruction of Trade,–the multitudes flung into idleness,–the useless condition of shipping, Wharfs, Stores, Ware-Houses &c. And the damages the last Six months will be 270000 pounds Sterling.
28 See the address of the American Congress to the People of Great-Britain.
29 See the recommendation from the Provincial Congress for a day of thanksgiving.
Huntington was born in Connecticut, and growing up, his father urged him to a clothier; but Joseph had other plans. He loved learning, and his pastor encouraged him in that pursuit. He entered Yale, graduating in 1762, and shortly thereafter became pastor at First Church in the city of Coventry, where he remained until his death. Along the way, he earned a Doctorate of Divinity from Dartmouth, and became a member of the Board of Trustees at Dartmouth. Several of his sermons were published, including the following one, which was preached in front of the Connecticut Governor and state legislature on May 13, 1784.
It was on this day that long-time Governor Jonathan Trumbull retired from office. He was the only governor of the thirteen states to serve in that capacity throughout the entire War. He probably did more than any other single individual to supply men, munitions, and materials to General George Washington. Washington called him “Brother Jonathan,” and whenever he needed counsel or a listening ear, it was to Governor Trumbull he turned. Trumbull had originally studied for the ministry and had served as a preacher of the Gospel, but when his state called him to the helm of government, he did not refuse. He held that post for fourteen years before resigning at the age of 73.
Why did he leave office? As he told the legislature, he wanted to return to his ministerial studies because “at the evening of my days, I may sweeten their decline by devoting myself with less avocation and more attention to the duties of religion, the service of my God, and preparation for a future and happier state of existence.” Matthew Griswold (an active patriot during the War) became governor on Trumbull’s resignation—a transition that occurred on the day that Huntington preached this sermon to the state governmental leaders.
God ruling the Nations for the most
glorious end.
A
S E R M O N,
In presence of his Excellency, and both
Houses of Assembly.
HARTFORD, May 13th, 1784.
By JOSEPH HUNTINGTON, D. D.
“For the moth shall eat them up like a garment, and the worm
Shall eat them like wool; but my righteousness shall be forever,
And my salvation from generation to generation.”
Jehovah.
At a General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1784.
ORDERED, That William Williams, Esq. and Capt. Jeremiah Ripley, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev’d Dr. Joseph Huntington, for his Sermon delivered before the Assembly on the 13th instant, and desire a Copy Thereof that it may be printed.
A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
George Wyllys, Sec’ry.
DEUTERONOMY, xxxii. 8.
When the Most High divided to the nations their inheritance when he separated the sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children of Israel.
JUST thoughts of Deity are sublime and exalted thoughts; such are the sentiments of the great legislator and judge of Israel, in my text, while he has in full view the attributes and character of that being who is over all.
Moses had seen much of the glory of his Maker in Egypt, at the red sea, in the Arabian deserts, especially on Mount Sinai, where his infinite majesty, his awful and endearing glories, beamed forth conspicuous in giving the law. More was then seen of God than ever had been seen before.
This great man having sustained the toils and burdens of an eminent public station forty years; and having conducted the chosen tribes to the borders of the promised land; the divine poem out of which my text is taken, was put into his mouth, and designed for the benefit of the people of God, in every age of the world.
The burden of the song is the infinite rectitude, greatness and glory of God; the exceeding depravity and perverseness of sinful man, the wisdom and blessedness of obedience, and the folly and misery of rebellion against heaven.
In the fourth verse the prophet speaks of the eternal Being in most becoming language. “He is a rock, his work is perfect, all his ways are judgment, a God of truth, without iniquity, just and right is he.”
And in my text three points of doctrine meet our view, and demand our serious attention.
I. All nations of the earth are at the absolute disposal of the Most High, to be divided and separated at his pleasure.
II. His express will that mankind should live on equal terms, as brethren.
III. That all the nations of the earth shall be subservient to his own peculiar nation and kingdom.
These thoughts, with their application, may improve the present hour.
I. All nations of the earth are at the absolute disposal of the Most High.
“When the Most High divided to the nations their inheritance.” Here God appears inhabiting eternity, and having in his own infinite mind a most glorious and perfect plan, relating to all the future inhabitants of the world; the situation, numbers, rise and fall, of the various states and empires that were to overspread the earth.
God determined all these things, in his boundless wisdom and goodness, before he began to operate in his providence; that point in the vast round of eternity cannot be conceived of, when he had not so decreed.
He saw all his works, and all the works and ways of men, the whole business and result of the world, as clearly before he began to create, as he will at the consummation of all things.
What God has determined shall be done, is often in sacred scripture, spoken of in a past tense, as already done; instances in the prophets are many; and the manner of expression is designed to impress our minds with a sense of the divine immutability.—“My counsel shall stand and I will do all my pleasure.” “He ruleth in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the world, and none can stay his hand.”
What is past we all know to be certain, and what God has determined and foreknown is equally certain. So when future scenes of glory and blessedness to mankind, were opened to saint John, scenes that require many ages for their accomplishment, he that sat on the throne said, “It is done: I am alpha and omega, the beginning and the end.” 1
If any stumble at this part of the divine character, let them remember God is incomprehensible: if any would thence infer that there is no freedom of will, or moral agency in men; no desert of praise or blame; let them look into their own bosoms, and consult the certain feelings of their own hearts.
The divine decrees and certain foreknowledge, are necessary to the perfection of Deity, and perfectly consistent with the entire freedom and moral agency of intelligent creatures; and if men or angels cannot explain all that is connected with these doctrines, it only verifies that we cannot “by searching find out God, or the Almighty unto perfection.” We know not what it is to be God, to think as God thinks and decree as he decrees.
The divine Being in his wise fixed purpose, “divided to the nations their inheritance, and separated the sons of Adam,” long “before he had formed the earth or the sea or the highest part of the dust of the world.”
But before the days of Moses he had in part unfolded his infinitely wise and good purposes, in the movements of his Providence. The world was created and the human kind to replenish it: The garden of Eden was given to them as their inheritance in the days of innocence but for rebellion against heaven they were soon turned out of it.
Nothing but sacred history looks back to this early period, there we find mankind multiplied and spread abroad on the earth, in how many tribes or nations we are not informed; but may argue from the long period of time before the flood, about seventeen hundred years: And the longevity of the people, that a great part of the world might be inhabited.
No doubt the numerous children of Adam were before the flood separated in many divisions and dilated far and wide on the face of the earth.
After the deluge we find the small remains of mankind on the mountains of Ararat, which divine the present empire of Persia from Circassian Tartary, on the north: whence they first moved south-east and lived together in one growing family or tribe about an hundred years.—From whence they journeyed westward as far as the river Euphrates; near the place where the garden of Eden was situate, in quest, it is supposed, of the ancient paradise, but found it was wholly demolished by the flood. Yet vainly fond to build something in imitation of it. They had also the same disposition natural to the nations ever since, viz. to hold together as long as possible and extend one general empire: But he who saw fit to separate the sons of Adam, laid the grand foundation of it, in his Providence, at this time.
For while, on the plains of Babel, they were attempting to “build a city and a tower whose top might reach to heaven” the Almighty confounded their language.
The language of paradise, and that spoken by God’s covenant people to this day, was in all probability the Hebrew tongue: But now the Almighty wholly obliterated from the minds and memories of most of them, that ancient language, leaving only one division of the people to retain it, and impressed on the minds of all the other divisions respectively, a different dialect, which each immediately spoke with the same freedom, with which they before spoke their native tongue.
How many different languages were now given we are not told, nor how many distinct nations or tribes were made in consequence; God meant it to “separate the sons of Adam” 2 and they were scattered abroad on all the face of the earth.
All the languages now in the world were radically contained in the various dialects which God then gave on the plains of Shinar; though with much composition and variation; as no man ever invented a language entirely new, this seems the prerogative of God himself.
And the Most High in rolling on his purposes, has, in every age, made use of this as one great medium, even diversity of language, to make or keep the nations distinct and separate.
But to proceed, infinite Wisdom has many other means, which all co-operate for the same end.
The enormous growth and extent of nations, and empires, has often brought them to division.
So the vast extended empires of Greece and Rome, after covering a great part of the world, broke to pieces under their own weight.
Again God has often made this the event of war foreign or intestine, and many new nations have rose out of blood.
Also, a tyrannical and oppressive spirit in potentates and rulers has often had the same effect.
These have made many people so uneasy as to throw off the yoke of subjection, and set up distinct by themselves. Witness Egypt, in ancient days; the cruel tyranny of the Monarch lost him the best part of his subjects, the people of God, the many thousands of Israel. God’s purpose was fulfilled, as in all things; but the tyranny of Pharaoh was the means.
Witness also the despotic language of that unexperienced young Prince in Israel: No sooner had he answered the supplicating tribes “my little finger shall be thicker than my father’s loins” than a grand division in the nation took place.
Many examples might be adduced; but we have a recent one almost without a parallel. How well connected and quiet was the great British empire, from the accession of the Prince of Orange, till after the death of George the second? And how did every branch of the empire dread the thought of disunion? But, when a British King became a tyrant, and the Parliament a band of despots, and would be content with nothing less than to bind a great part of the empire in chains of perpetual slavery, yea, in all cases whatsoever; when they caused the sea and the waves along our coast to roar with their hostile thunder, and our defenceless towns to flame to the midst of heaven. When they plunged their daggers in the breasts of an innocent people, and called upon us the savages of the wilderness, with all their infernal massacres, our feelings were greatly changed. We once loved Britain most dearly; but Britain the Tyrant, we could not love; our souls abhorred her measures; when matters were pushed thus far, we desisted from all our humble prayers to deaf ears and unrelenting souls. We rose from the dust where we had been long prostrate—our breasts glowed with noble ardor—we invoked the God of our fathers, and we took the field; and we have found that “there is none like the God of Jesurun who hath rode on the heavens in our help and in his excellency on the sky.”
And yet further; God has often made the lawless ambition, and proud aspiring spirit of men instrumental of making new kingdoms, or dividing ancient ones. As in the case of Nimrod, a proud and lawless man; a man of blood in contempt of heaven, “a mighty hunter before the Lord,”3 he soon began a kingdom distinct for himself.
The proud spirit of Jeroboam contributed to the same end, in conjunction with the rashness of the young king and his raw counselors.
Moreover, prospects of gain and worldly advantages, have often laid the foundation of future empire. With these views many times a few adventurous people have emigrated from their native land, and when success has crowned their exertions, and they have so increased in numbers and wealth, and become so favoured with learning, as to be fit for a distinct empire, the event has seldom long delayed.
And, indeed, there is the same reason, and it is equally the design of divine providence, that when any people become adult—are blessed with numbers, wealth, knowledge, and in all regards equal to the management of national affairs, they should then become distinct and independent, as that the branches of a family should be so, when adult and capable to manage for themselves. Successful emigrations are the seeds of future empire.
Add to all these religious persecution, which God has made instrumental of new states and empires. Those who have true religion, prize it far above all sublunary enjoyments; the rights of conscience they hold as their dearest rights; and when they are persecuted and may not enjoy the worship and ordinances of God, as they judge agreeable to his will, they will combine and defend themselves, if in their power, and have a commonwealth of their own, and rulers of their own spirit and principles. Witness the united Netherlands. What floods of trouble and blood did they wade through, much actuated by a sacred regard to the rights of conscience. The great empire of Spain was divided in consequence, and the United Providences assumed sovereign power, with the most happy constitution, perhaps, then in the world.
This hateful persecution led the way to all the growing greatness of the United States of America. The sufferings of our progenitors, many and great, for their religion and strict piety, impelled them to forsake their native land, and all the affluence they enjoyed there; they preferred a waste, howling wilderness, with their God, and his ordinances unpolluted, to all the wealth and splendor of their native Albion. The God whom they served forsook them not; he commanded the deep in their favour, and guarded them from the power of the numerous heathen savages: they made him the glory in the midst of them, and he was a wall of fire round about them. “The wilderness and the solitary place was glad for them, and the desert rejoiced and blossomed as the rose.” 4
Considered as a people, these were the days of our early youth; and in all the great things God has done for us of late, he has remembered us “the kindness of our youth, and the love of our espousals, when we went after him in the wilderness, in a land not sown.” 5
By these, and the like means, the Most High has thus far effected his purpose, and thus all the numerous nations of the earth have been formed:–the temper and the exertions of men concerned, have been, in many instances, very wicked; but God is holy and pure; and when we behold Jehovah taking occasion from the wickedness of men, to accomplish his own most glorious purposes, and display his own character, in the most amiable and astonishing view, who shall not adore him!
II. We next take notice of the manifest will of heaven, that mankind should live on equal terms as brethren.
This is fully intimated in two expressions in the text, the first is, “their inheritance.” Here we behold Deity as universal parent giving portions to his children: He is absolute proprietor, has whatever he pleases to give, and imparts to his great family according to his sovereign good will: What he gives to each nation in the course of his providence is equally theirs respectively, and each individual has his property alike confirmed by the father of all.
An empire, or commonwealth newly formed, hath its own inheritance, all its rights and privileges, as firmly established as the most ancient empire in the world. The inheritance of a small nation is as truly theirs as that of a great one.
The power there is in great and war-like nations to plunder and destroy those that are weak and small, gives them no more right so to do, than the wealth of the rich gives them right to oppress and swallow up the poor that are about them.
Potentates who have, in their ambition, pride, and other lusts, robbed many millions of their substance, in former and later ages, and slaughtered millions more, because it was in their power, have been the most atrocious murderers, the most execrable robbers, and the most horrid wretches that ever disgraced human nature.
The other expression in the text which I have alluded to is this, “the sons of Adam,” all near kindred, of one common nature, children of one father. The Apostle seems to comment on this when he says, God “hath made of one blood, all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation.” 6
Human nature has one common feeling of pleasure and pain, wants and necessities, sorrows and troubles are common, all have a quick sense of injury and abuse, all rejoice in kindness received.
Tyrants bent on slaughter and the misery of mankind, ought to realize that the multitudes they rob and murder, feel plunder and death just as they themselves would were it their woeful lot to fall into such merciless hands.
“Separated the sons of Adam.” Here the branching out of nations, is represented under the idea of the branching out of families; and as an aged parent who is blessed with a number of families, formed out of his own house, calls them all his children, and looks on the whole only as his own family still, tho’ dispersed in several branches. So, in very deed the whole world is but one complicated family.
No parents are so unnatural as to be willing that one of their household should be tyrant and despot over the whole, to vex, oppress, and slaughter the rest at his pleasure; or that the stronger children should be cruel to the weaker.
Had Adam seen all of this kind that has since fallen out in his family, he would have wept more bitterly than the poet feigns, when he saw the Lazar house, with all its dreadful stores of complicated misery,
“Sight so deform what heart of rock could long
Dry-ey’d behold? Adam could not, but wept,
Though not of woman born; compassion quell’d
His best of man, and gave him up to tears.”
Milton
As individuals and families are brethren and neighbours to each other, so are societies, towns, states and nations, and should always act the fraternal part, and the neighbour, with that amiable spirit which Jesus describes in his parable of the neighbour. 7
All are under that divine precept “whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law and the prophets.”
It is the law of reason, the law of nature, and enforced by the whole of divine revelation.
However mankind have lost a spirit of love, and whatever hatred they often have to one another; yet they are all very near kindred; and the great parent, who is love “sees and abhors them, because of the provoking of his sons and his daughters.”
There has never been any intermarriage from without the family of Adam, to divide the blood, and make the kindred more distant; the family is now very great, it has many branches, but it is still one, it remains the same; and if we do not feel our connection with all the human kind to be very near, very tender, we are past feeling, and our spirit is opposite to nature, to reason, and to our common father, the fountain of love.
And here again the horrors of wanton, offensive war appear in their proper colour. It is only Cain murdering Abel his brother.
In this men sin more against nature than ever apostate angels did. Well might the poet exclaim,
“Oh! Shame to men: devil with devil damn’d
Firm concord hold: men only disagree.
They live in hatred, enmity and strife,
Among themselves, and levy cruel war,
Wasting the earth each other to destroy.”
But God will bring final glory to himself and his church out of all nations. And here we fall in with the third general head proposed, viz.
III. The divine determination, which shall not be frustrated, to make all nations subservient to God’s own peculiar nation and kingdom.
“He set the bounds of the people, according to the number of the children of Israel.”
Whatever more immediate, or special reference this may have to the situation of the seven nations of Canaan, and adjacent kingdoms, yet no doubt the words have that extensive sense I have intimated; the phrases are wholly indefinite, the nations—the people—the sons of Adam—and the whole analogy of scripture warrants the idea.
God, from eternity, in his most glorious plan, his infinitely kind decree; set the bounds of all nations, with a most tender regard to his own covenant people, in every age, wherever they might dwell, or whatever their number might be; and in his almighty Providence carries the whole into effect.
There are many phrases in sacred scripture which denote the covenant people of God, in one age of the world, as well as in another: In these, and in future days as well as in ages past. Zion, Jerusalem, the seed of Abraham, the seed of Jacob, the children of Israel, and the like, are expressions well known of this import. The children of Israel, and the like, are expressions well known of this import. The children of Israel are the church, the people of God in every age.
Were it not for the concerns of religion and immortal happiness, there would be nothing worthy of God, as the author and disposer, in the creation of the world, or in the kingdom of providence. Separate from any connection with eternal glory, all the mighty movements, and all the glory of the kingdoms of this world are but solemn trifles: But in this connection of great importance.
Immortal happiness is for immortal souls, and not creatures but God himself is their portion. Among the covenant people of God, the way of happiness is displayed, and God exalted in the glory of his grace.
So we find that king that God has set on his holy hill of Zion reigning for his church, “Far above all principality and power and might and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world but also in that which is to come: And hath put all things under his feet, and gave him to be head over all things to the church, which is his body, the fullness of him that filleth all in all.” 8
In the context we find “the Lord’s portion is his people, Jacob is the lot of his inheritance.” So God says “I gave Egypt for thy ransom, Ethiopia and Seba for thee,” and speaking of Zion “all my springs are in thee.”
The affairs of the world, in every empire, every place, will finally result in this, “be still and know that I am God; I will be exalted among the heathen. I will be exalted in all the earth.”
Much of the divine conduct in the kingdom of providence is not to be investigated by man: Yet we can easily see enough to illustrate the point now in view; want of time forbids my giving many instances; let a few suffice as a specimen of the whole.
Look back into Egypt in the days of Jacob, and succeeding ages. God had set their bounds not far from Canaan where Jacob dwelt: He had made Egypt in those days superior to any other empire in the world, for power, wealth, arts and sciences. And this with design that they should be an asylum for his covenant people: That there they might be fed in days of famine, and might greatly increase. The great learning of Egypt was for the education of Moses, that he might well sustain the important character afterwards devolved on him. Aaron and other leaders, yea the whole people of God, no doubt, were much the better for the many schools and the learning of Egypt, to sustain their respective characters in the great scenes that were before them. Even the gold of the nation was laid on the tabernacle of the Most High. Their great kindness to Israel, for a time, and their hard dealing afterwards, conspired to advance the interest of the people of God. Again.
The nations situate between Egypt and Canaan, in the way that Israel took, had their bounds for the same end. “He led them forth by the right way, that they might go to a city of habitation.” When the hosts of Israel came out of Egypt they were not acquainted with war; nor had they instruments of war, sufficient to encounter the mighty nations of Canaan; but by fighting their way through smaller opposition, conquering the Amorites and the people of Bashan with their kings, and breaking through other hostile resistance, they became expert in war, and well equipped with swords and bows, helmets, spears and shields taken from their enemies.
These manoeuvres made Joshua a great general, and taught the whole army of Israel all military achievements, and so prepared them to face all the mighty warriors of Canaan in due time, with all the gigantic sons of Anak in their front.
There were many and great miracles we know, in conducting the people of God to the land of promise and their settlement there; but all that might be done for them in the common course of Providence was done in that way: Thus God has ever dealt and ever will.
We may look next into the land of Canaan, and we shall find the Most High planted and supported seven nations there, to cultivate the land and prepare it for his own people, that they might find it a land flowing with milk and honey, and very commodious for their residence. The pious governor of Judea speaking of this, says, “They took strong cities and a fat land, and possessed houses full of all goods, wells digged, vineyards and oliveyards, and all fruit-trees in abundance, so they did eat, and were filled, and became fat, and delighted themselves in thy great goodness.” 9
In the days of David, what vast territory round about had the nations cultivated and made fertile, which that great warrior, at the command of God, brought into the possession of Israel?
In the days of Solomon, how did the nations of the east submit and minister to the people of God?
They have also had protection whence it was not expected. “Let mine out-casts dwell with thee, Moab, be thou a covert to them, from the face of the spoiler.” 10
The vast Persian empire, with Cyrus their renowned prince and general were for the same end. Persia was then mistress of the world, and Cyrus the greatest general in it; all for the people of God, “to say to the prisoners go forth, and to them that sit in darkness shew yourselves.” In this way the church of God was delivered from her Babylonian captivity. And some of his successors did much for their resettlement in the holy land.
The growing greatness of the Grecian empire, in the days of Philip, and more especially in the time of his son Alexander, was ordered in Providence with the same view to favour the cause of religion, and prepare the way for a widespread of divine knowledge. A great part of the world then received law from the Greeks and also their language; a solemn, elegant and copious tongue, most fit for the promulgation of the New Testament. This language was extensive among the nations when the evangelists and apostles wrote. And had it not been for a dispensation of Providence of this kind, it had been impossible, without mere miracles, that the New Testament should have been, in any measure, so extensively read as it was, at the time of its first promulgation.
The greatness of the Roman empire when the Most High placed Constantine at the head of it, is another proof of his regard to his own people; great, very great, were the privileges they enjoyed in the days of that monarch. Though alas in their abundant favours they soon after waxed wanton and apostatized from the way of holiness.
Passing over many examples, I shall add but one more so conspicuous, indeed, that we must not be inattentive to it. I mean the great monarchy of France, great in wealth, power, numbers, and learning. Great and much honoured in the prince that now sits on the throne: All this indeed to protect the rights of mankind, to patronize liberty, and serve the cause of religion in such a day as this. Not only to divide to us our inheritance and separate us from the rest of the sons of Adam, but to promote the glorious cause of liberty and religion among the nations.
In these instances and many more that I would name, would the time admit, we can clearly see the ways of divine Providence, and investigate the footsteps of the Most High; and we may rest fully assured that all other nations from the beginning to the end of the world shall finally appear to have been subservient to the same glorious purpose. And when they have answered this great end they fall and rise no more; but the kingdom of God stands firm on an everlasting basis. As it is written, “The moth shall eat them up like a garment, and the worm shall eat them like wool; but my righteousness shall be forever, and my salvation from generation to generation.” 11
IMPROVEMENT.
From what has been said we learn our duty and interest as a people. We have lately received our inheritance, as a distinct sovereign empire, from the great disposer of all things, and a better God never gave to the sons of Adam; a land as fertile as the land of Canaan, and of much larger extent. He hath given us the best civil constitution now in the world, the same in the general nature of it, with that he gave to Israel in the days of Moses. And it is remarkable that our number of people is about the same with theirs in the days of Moses—i.e. about three millions. Israel had thirteen free independent states, or tribes, one of them, viz. that of Joseph being subdivided: out of these states their supreme Council or general Congress was chosen, by delegates from each, often called their Sanhedrim. Each state managed its own internal police, each had a General Assembly, composed of their best men, at the free election of the people, often called the elders of the tribe: their government was theocratical; so for substance is our free elective government, according to that old maxim, vox populi vox dei. And they had their executive courts and officers in various stations, for substance answering to ours. No matter for the difference of names, titles and phrases, where the substance of things is the same.
We may well argue from the wisdom and goodness of God, that this general plan of government is the most perfect, and best for men, as God himself devised it and give it in the greatness of his love, to his own peculiar people. Had any other been better in the nature of things, God would have given them a different one. So when they rejected it for monarchy, they rejected the wisdom and goodness of God, and were great loafers. They had the light of divine revelation; we in a far more glorious manner. Canaan was their inheritance, Columbia is ours; and our southern dominions cover the same climate in which they dwelt.
Now our great duty and interest is to secure and improve our blessed inheritance, and hand it down to posterity. There is but one way to do this, and that is to keep the commandments of our God. This will secure to us every blessing, and make us “high above all nations,”—“great in name, in praise and in honor;” but if we rebel against God we shall be miserable. We must, above all things, attend to true religion, and practice every moral virtue, even that righteousness that exalteth a nation, and fly from every vice and abhor the ways of immorality.
Our danger at this day lies in that shameful irreligious temper that is too obvious in many—a man that condemns true religion is a disgrace to human nature and a great curse to his country. We are endangered by many vices—injustice and extortion, idleness and luxury, profane swearing, the sure mark of a thoughtless sinner; profanation of the holy Sabbath, intemperance, lasciviousness and wantonness, pride and extravagance, the Lord in his infinite mercy deliver us from all these.
But there is one abominable vice that is so pernicious to us every day, and so immediately threatens us with dissolution and anarchy, that I must bear my testimony more largely against it.
It is that unreasonable, raging spirit of jealousy pointed against all in power, especially against those in the most burdensome and important trusts. Jealousy is the rage and distraction of men, as well in civil as domestic life. We elect all our rulers, and often enough in all reason: we choose such as we esteem men of the greatest wisdom and probity: we have no jealousy of them until we exalt them into office, and burden them with a great weight; then we turn jealous, for no reason but because they are exerting all their wisdom and goodness to pour out blessings upon us, and sacrificing their lives to make us happy. They are as good men after they are in office as before, but we have a very different spirit towards them. Nay, some are not ashamed openly to say, we ought to, we must keep a jealous eye over our rulers in every station in order to secure our privileges; which, by the way, is just as good sense as to say that a woman ought to be very jealous of her husband, that so she may live happily with him, and all domestic concerns may go on in peace.
Our rulers in every station, are open and accountable to their constituents in all they do; and if criminal, are subject to law and punishment, even as any private man, and we may turn them out of office when we please. But still the people will inspect them with a jealous mind, and the certain consequence is, they judge very falsely and abusively of them.
A man under the force of jealousy, never yet judged right in any case, and never can. Jealousy will soon find enough in the most perfect character in the world to make it a very bad one. That old poet who so greatly excelled in his discernment of human nature, has told us the very truth.
“Trifles light as air,
Are to the jealous demonstrations strong
As proofs of holy writ.”
Shakespeare.
Jealousy makes men uneasy with the best administration, and with the best men at the head of it; uneasy with all their rulers do, and they will stone for a good deed as soon as for a bad one. It makes men rebellious, obstinate and heady, and obstructs a multitude of blessings which good rulers are pouring down on the people they love.
We expend much to maintain authority, as indeed they ought to have an honorable support; and would we only let them do us all the good in their hearts, and in their power under God, they would repay us a thousand fold. But what can the good patriots do? First we must be jealous of them, next we certainly think them wicked, and then we destroy their influence and their good names together. Thus we loose our benefit and our cost of supporting them. We bind them hand and foot, and are like a man who should hire a number of the best workmen at a great expence, to build him an house, and as soon as they began to operate with all their skill and fidelity, should load them with chains,–pay might continue, but the work must miserably proceed.
Let our rulers as well as others, be weighed in an even balance: jealousy makes the balance very uneven: let us judge of those in power as well as of other men, with all that charity which the Apostle describes, and which, without solid reason, “Thinketh no evil.”
I am as much engaged for liberty, in the utmost extent of it, as any man on earth; I would have all in power elective by, and accountable to the people; and if in any case criminal, on fair trial, let them not be spared. But this hydra of jealousy and evil surmise, it is not liberty, it is tyranny, it is confusion, it is death. Proud, selfish, wicked men take the advantage of it; they lust for offices, for which they are utterly unfit; but they must first remove those worthy men that hold them: they make or propagate a thousand lies, to stir up the jealousy of the people, enrage the multitude, and clear the seats of honour for themselves. And when such brambles get in power, “a fire soon comes out of the bramble and devours the cedars of Lebanon.”
If this vile spirit may have its full growth and universal sway, we shall soon have few men of wisdom and probity, in seats of honour and trust; and the good will adopt the words of the prophet, and lament over our land, saying “A fire is gone out of the rod of her branches, which hath devoured her fruit, so that she hath no strong rod to be a scepter to rule: this is a lamentation and shall be for a lamentation.” 12 God grant we may e delivered from this iniquity, and all other land defiling crimes, practice every virtue, and serve the God of our fathers with a perfect heart. And shall not all the goodness of God, to our fathers and to us, especially, recent, wonderful favours lead us to repentance, and engage us to universal holiness?
God had determined from eternity to divide us our inheritance, a he hath lately done; his Providence began to operate in the days of our fathers though they had no thought of the result of it.
Thus all those cruel persecutions that were under the kings of the Stuart family, served, in the Providence of God, to bring into this land people of the bet principles and morals; it is especially true of this part of it.
God established a glorious church in a dreary wilderness: and those words in the context are as applicable to them as to Israel of old, “He found him in a desert land, in a waste howling wilderness; he led him about, he instructed him, he kept him as the apple of his eye.”
Our fathers were men of solid wisdom, piety and virtue, and therefore it was their early concern to promote learning, to establish seminaries, which have been wonderfully blessed for that end; to provide for the support of a learned orthodox gospel ministry, to guard the churches: then Moses and Aaron were brethren indeed, and they went hand in hand, “Thou leddest thy people like a flock by the hand of Moses and Aaron,” our civil constitution was excellent while inviolate. The people amazingly grew, in numbers, and the Most High was their defence in all their perils: he was then laying the foundation for what we now see; and in all the movements of the great and complicated wheels of Providence, as in the high and dreadful vision of Ezekiel the prophet, “a man, that man who is God, fat above upon them,” rolling us into future empire.
With the same view, God has raised up so many statesmen, and military commanders, and so many renowned pillars in sacred characters. And as the time of separation drew near, a spirit of learning, liberty, and a martial spirit greatly increased. The all wise Being knew what instruments would be most proper in every department. For this end our late General was born with all his greatness of soul; called into military service in the days of youth, and trained up with every noble accomplishment. And the hearts of the whole nation wonderfully united in him. Divine Providence ordering all the circumstances of the late war, calls aloud upon us to love and serve the great Ruler of all.
When our tyrannical enemies first attacked us, it was with a force just enough to rouse and invigorate us; but by no means equal to a conquest. Had they fallen upon us, with all their might, unarmed, unprovided as we then were, what would have become of us? They pressed upon us, with increasing force, just fast enough to confirm our union and martial spirit, and prepare us to give them the reception they deserved. “Howbeit they meant not so, neither did their hearts think so,” all this was of God.
The forming of the great council of our nation was indeed wonderful; our association, bill of rights, articles of confederation, and alliance, display divine wisdom and goodness; our naval achievements, especially when we were weakest, have shewn that God is mighty.
We have been favoured with such uncommon health through the states in general, for seven or eight years past, that not more of our people have died in proportion to their number, than has been usual in time of peace, notwithstanding the reeking sword, and the horrible prison-ships of our enemies. The more than ordinary fruitfulness of the seasons, has, perhaps, been a counterbalance to our extraordinary consumption, during the war. And surely God has brought great good to us, out of one very great evil, faithless depreciating paper currency, indeed one of the worst things that ever a people are scourged with: yet Providence has so ordered, that it has answered the end of a mighty tax upon us, and has made even filthy rags a cord for the necks of our enemies.
The goodness of God is to be noticed in many battles, from the first effusion of blood at Lexington, to the grand decisive scene at Gloucester and York-Town. Even all the delays and retreating of our General, shew us that he was guided from on high; like another Fabius, cunctando reflituit rem.
The kind spirit towards us infused into several princes and nations of Europe, was from on high, and when proud, haughty Britain bows at last, we see God is mightier than Britain.
I only hint at these things as so many motives to induce us to love and serve the God of our fathers. He has given us a glorious and honourable peace, “That being delivered from our enemies, we should serve him without fear, in righteousness and holiness, all the days of our lives.” And may we not reasonably hope God has done all these things to prepare the way for the most glorious effusion of his holy spirit in this western world: and to bow the hearts of millions to himself? That the latter day glory may soon break out here in its meridian lustre and diffuse over all the world, soon darting its blessed beams to the farthest borders of the east. Oh blessed day! “Come Lord Jesus come quickly!”
Nothing now remains but the usual addresses, and the character of our first magistrate, demands our first and most respectful notice.
May it please your Excellency.
We doubt not but thoughts of the greatness and glory of God, and his overruling hand in the kingdom of Providence, like those now offered, but much better suggested in your own mind, have been your support and consolation from the days of youth. More especially when your burdens and cares have been the greatest.
Very few men, since the world was made ever lived so much for the public, as you have done. After a liberal education, in early youth, your Excellency was immediately called into public office, and the burden of complicated public offices has been your lot ever since. And though it has ever been abundantly manifest, that your Excellency never fought promotion, or popular applause; but always made truth and righteousness your guide, as well when you knew it to be unpopular, as at other times: Yet he who gave all your rich endowments (and to his name alone be the praise) knew what to do with you, in his great love to his people.
When our late troubles began, your Excellency’s lot was very singular; when to avoid perpetual slavery, it became necessary to oppose the tyranny of Britain; your brethren in office, the other Governors all forsook you, but you did not forsake your God and the people you loved. Your Excellency stood alone, but you stood firm, “The archers shot at you and you was sorely grieved by the enemies of our peace; but your bow abode in strength, and your hands were made strong by the hand of the mighty God of Jacob.”
It was not for want of the highest opinion of your Excellency’s abilities and integrity, that self seeking men and enemies to liberty have labored to make you trouble: But that they knew you stood firm against the measures of all such, and was the chief support of our righteous cause, and the liberties of your country. I presume your Excellency has often thought of those words of the great Roman patriot, “Nemo his viginti annis, reipublicae hostis fuerit, qui, non eodem tempore, mihi quoque bellum indixerit.” Cicero.
This is more or less the lot of all great and good men, in public character.
In leading us out of a provincial, into an independent state, your Excellency had the path to beat: You walked before us in a rough and rugged way; but God remembered his promise, “Thy shoes shall be iron and brass, and as the day is so shall thy strength be.”
When the wrath of a tyrant king roared against you as a lion, and your Excellency, above all, was marked out for a victim, you endured not fearing the wrath of the king, choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, so dear to you, than to enjoy any emoluments how great soever they might have been, had you, like many others sought the royal favour. So long as the storms bear, the thunders roared, the lightning’s glared around your head; all the while the tempest so black and dreadful, you set steadfast at helm without a covert. Your Excellency then, desired no man to take that seat of peril: But now you have rode out the storm and conducted us into the desired haven of peace, your Excellency has requested that you may retire another take the now more peaceful seat. On this I have no remark to make, it is wholly needless at present: The whole nation will speak; posterity will not be silent.
If we have disobeyed your Excellency this once, and have not released you, we beg your pardon: and earnestly entreat your further blessings, in the character you have so long sustained. If the people have obeyed, and have granted your Excellency retirement, you retire, Sir, with every possible honour: And may the residue of your days be happy, and your immortality glorious!
And when your Excellency shall be taken up from us, to shine as a star of the first magnitude, in the kingdom of your Father, forever and ever, your name shall live, historic pages will shine with your deeds, and generations unborn shall know you well. “In Freta dum fluvii current, dum montibus umbrae Lustrabunt convexa, polus dum fidera pafcet; Semper honos, nomenq; tuum laudesq; manebunt. Virgil
The address next turns to his honour the Lieutenant Governor, the Honourable Assistant Counsellors, and the whole Venerable Assembly of the State.
Venerable Fathers,
I shall meddle with no policy, but what lies within my own profession, as a preacher of righteousness: As such, I may stir up your pure minds, to attend most zealously, to the suppression of all vice and immorality, for this end let us always have, not only the best laws, but the best men to execute them, men of ability, men that pay a sacred regard to religion and virtue, in their own example. Your Honours will continue to be nursing fathers to the church of God, and will promote the interest of that kingdom which shall finally triumph over all.
The interest of learning will engross your great attention and patronage, as it is the strength and glory of a nation—what could we have done in our late contest with Britain, had we been destitute of learned men? We have fought to as good purpose with the pen as with the sword.
I beg leave, earnestly, to recommend the University in this State, to the intimate acquaintance and most cordial friendship and munificence of this Honourable Assembly, it is exceeding happy when a college is embosomed in the bare love and friendship of those that are first in the affairs of state; and when there is any distant reserve between them it is very unhappy, the college surely is a most valuable interest and brilliant ornament to the State. Your Hon. Ours see what learned and excellent instructors the college is furnished with; as also the great increase of students: But alas! the edifices and the finances how adequate? How happy if that seminary might always be embraced and nourished by this Honourable Assembly, as a darling child, by a kind indulgent parent? Whatever can be done to add to the strength and glory of the college, will be well done: And should a liberal stream of bounty flow to it, annually, out of this fountain, we should find our account in the blessing of heaven on the whole State, and on our land. All inferior schools in this State claim your kind notice and favour, your Honours will think upon them for good: But our great and growing university pleads for your special intimacy and liberality, that, as times change, and necessities require, nothing may be wanting to make it most respectable in every view, and most useful to persons of all ranks and professions. This is an happy era to do everything noble and important for such a seminary.
Moreover, your Honours know what demands on this state, and on the nation, are justly made, by those who have lent us their livings to support the war, or have served an hard service in it. You know likewise what just obligations we are under to nations beyond the water, who have lent us their aid. Most certainly it is high time that this state, and every state, and all in conjunction, so far as demands are national, make full provision to pay every honest debt, and till this is done public guilt lies upon us. The cries of suffering individuals from whom we withhold their bread, enter into the ears of the Lord of Sabbath; and when foreign nations make just demands, we shall find God will vindicate their claim. We are not poor; we are far from a state of bankruptcy; in a large and good land, flowing with rich treasures. Pray point out the best way and oblige us to do what is right to all men.
Those that have lent us their money and are now suffering for want of it, are sons of Adam as well as ourselves, and ought to live on equal terms with us, and not be wronged and oppressed because the public are many, and mighty, and can do as they please.
Those who have fought our battles for us are our own brethren: And even foreign nations to whom we are under just obligations, with the other states, the whole in union, are children of our own parents. To be just, righteous, and faithful is humanity. Righteousness is religion pure and undefiled.
A state or nation ought ever to be as upright and faithful, in dealing with an individual, or a community, as one neighbour with another: It lies with your Honours to concert effectual measures, that this state, and, as far as to us appertains, the whole nation may be so.
The great fountain of light, grant your Honours all wisdom in this dark and trying day, support you under all your burdens and cares, make your days many, and fill them with growing usefulness, in mercy to his people. And may we at last see you all in exalted seats of glory!
I next turn to my Reverend Fathers and Brethren in sacred character.
Much Honoured and dearly Beloved.
It is our peculiar happiness, that our lives and labours are more immediately employed in that kingdom and interest, which is dearer to God than all things else, and to which all his other works are made subservient.
We have every motive to be faithful, and rejoice with exceeding joy. The kingdom of Jesus on earth is often not in apparent splendor, or in much favour with the world; but all the concerns of it are ever moving forward, with a divine dignity, and rolling on to a most glorious and universal triumph. Our lot in this kingdom is the happiest lot. We are not indeed in the way to attain the wealth and splendor and other dying allurements of this world as we might in other employments: But the very business of our lives is heaven upon earth; it is to converse with Deity, in all his beauty and glory, through Emmanuel, beaming forth in his word and in all his works, and to preach Deity displayed, God manifest in the flesh, to a lost world. As we love true pleasure we shall be great students, and very active for the good of immortal souls; shall preach nothing but sound, practical divinity, unite in gospel charity, cement in love, “for God is love.”
In the days like these, we are willing to bear our portion of expence and burden with our brethren; and truly most of us have done that, and many of us much more: But yet we are well provided for, and ever shall be; no part of the world was ever kinder to ministers of the gospel than this has been from the first. Our rulers are benevolent fathers to us; our people loving brethren and dutiful children.
And only to except him that is now speaking, and, perhaps, a very few beside, this land has been blessed with the most learned, orthodox, and pious clergy, from its first settlement to this day, of any part of the world. And we see the fruit of our labour, in resisting the torrent of wickedness, which flows dreadful from the human heart; we see good fruit when we are instrumental to enlighten and regulate our people, and form them for moral and social duties; and in all the strength and support we give to the commonwealth. But above all, when God is pleased, by his holy spirit, to make our labours effectual for the saving good of souls; this no doubt he does in some measure, more or less, with the labours of every true minister of Christ. And oh! how glorious and joyful, when the divine spirit is poured out in copious effusions, “as rivers in the wilderness, and as floods on the dry and thirsty ground,” and converts to righteousness become as the drops of morning dew! This hath God done in days past, nor has he forsaken us in the present day. We hear glad tidings from several parts, yea, we do in some measure “see the good of his chosen, and rejoice in the gladness of his nation, and glory with his inheritance.”
And do you not learn, my Reverend Fathers and Brethren, from all the movements of divine Providence and from the prophetic words, “That the time, the set time to favour Zion is near at hand?” Light and true religion have beamed forth from east to west, from the beginning: These goings down of the sun, are the last regions to be thus visited, before the latter day glory. By the isles and the ships of Tarshish in scripture prophecy, is plainly imported all the western islands, and all communications from the western part of the world: And shall not “the isles soon wait on God and the ships of Tarshish first?” “So shall they fear thy name from the west, and thy glory from the rising of the sun,”—God shall return the captivity of Jacob’s tents, and the fullness of the Gentiles shall come in. Shall not Ethiopia soon stretch out her hands to God? Is not the accomplishment of those words now in the pleasing dawn? “Then will I turn to the people a pure language, that they may all call upon the name of the Lord, to serve him with one consent. From beyond the river of Ethiopia my suppliants, the daughter of my dispersed shall bring mine offering.” 13
Your faith and prayer, oh ye sacred ones, will always concur with the good-will of him that dwelt in the bush: And when Messiah reigns in visible glory over all the earth, how will your souls rejoice.
God has now given us a blessed inheritance, and spoke peace to this nation, in its growing greatness; he has spoke peace to some of the nations of Europe, and can soon speak peace to all the world; “Glory to God in the highest, peace on earth, good will towards men.”
I would now close with a word to this great and respectable Audience at large.
My Fathers, Brethren, and dear Friends,
It is of the last importance that we bear in mind the design of the Most High in creating all worlds, and disposing of all beings; this world with all the nations that dwell in it. It is that God may reign; immortal souls concur with him, in his providence and grace, and be happy.
Whatever part we act in this world; whatever we attain on this side the grave; if we have not made religion our great business, Jesus our hope, and God our portion, we shall, in a few days, know we have been but deluded trifles, and sorely regret that ever we saw the light, or had a portion among the living.
A life of religion is the only proper life of rational, immortal man; to know God in his dear son is our best knowledge, and to serve him our best work. Those only who have this temper of mind, and thus lie, are the true children of Israel, to whose happiness and glory, as you have heard, all the nations of the earth shall bow, “To bind their kings with chains, and their nobles with fetters of iron, to execute upon them the judgment written; this honour has all his saints; praise ye the Lord.” 14
We shall all meet no more until the day of the complete triumph of the redeemed of the Lord,
When they shall return and come with songs, to the heavenly Zion, and everlasting joy shall be upon their heads, they shall obtain gladness and joy, and sorrow, and mourning shall flee away.” Oh may you, beloved, all be found among them, in that day! When princes and potentates, and all the great ones of the earth, shall mingle with common people, yea with slaves and vassals, in one great, and undistinguished throng, unless true religion shall gird them with glory: When all the mighty movements of Providence in this world shall cease; and kingdoms, states, and empires be no more, then shall we all know what is the true wisdom and happiness of immortal man; “Then shall ye return and discern between the righteous and the wicked; between him that serveth God, and him that serveth him not.”
Naphtali Daggett (1727-1780) graduated from Yale in 1748. He was a pastor of a church in Long Island (1751-1756), professor of divinity at Yale (1756-1780), and president pro tempore at Yale (1766-1777). Daggett was taken prisoner in 1779 after personally taking part in fighting the British. He preached the following sermon in Boston on May 19, 1773.
The Testimony of Conscience a most Solid Foundation of Rejoicing
A
SERMON
PREACHED AT THE
ORDINATION
OF THE
Rev. Joseph Howe,
To the Pastoral Care of the New-South Church in Boston, May 19th, 1773.
By the Rev. Naphtali Daggett, A. M.
President of Yale College in New-Haven, and
Professor of Divinity in the same.
To which is added,
The CHARGE by the Rev. Aaron Brown, and the RIGHT HAND
Of FELLOWSHIP by the Rev. Dr. Chauncy.
Printed at the Desire of the Church.
Herein do I exercise myself to keep a Conscience void of Offence, both towards God and towards Man.
St. PAUL.
My Integrity I hold fast, and will not let it go: My Heart shall not reproach me as long as I live.
JOB.
The Testimony of Conscience a most solid Foundation of Rejoicing under all Circumstances of Life.
II COR. I. 12.
For our Rejoicing is this, the Testimony of our Conscience, that in Simplicity and godly Sincerity, not with fleshly Wisdom, but by the Grace of God we have had our Conversation in the World, and more abundantly to you-wards.
The Apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ had a very arduous and trying service enjoined them.—They were required to go forth into all the world, and teach all nations the Christian religion in direct opposition to the numerous, deep-rooted prejudices, corruptions and false religions then established upon earth; and to insist upon it, that all, who heard them, should believe in, trust and submit to One, as their God and Saviour, who had been lately executed in the ignominious character of a malefactor by his own nation, the Jews.
It was easy to foresee, that in the execution of this their commission they would necessarily meet with the most virulent opposition and persecution from an ignorant, degenerated, prejudiced world, who had slain their Lord and Master with wicked hands. And he had indeed clearly assured them before hand of this event; that they would be hated and persecuted of all men for his sake.
They had neither learning, civil or ecclesiastical power, nor the encouragement of the great ones of the earth to befriend their undertaking. On the contrary, all these were firmly and inveterately leagued against them, with Satan, the prince of the powers of the air, as their head and leader, who had long indulged the most implacable spite against the seed of the woman. Under these discouraging circumstances, it must have been the most extravagant, romantic enterprise ever attempted by mad-men, to set out upon the design of Christianizing the world, unless they had been absolutely certain of the truth of their doctrine, their mission from God, and his unfailing promise of assistance and success.
But God doubtless chose this chose this method for bringing the world to the Christian faith; that it might most evidently appear to after ages to have been effected, not by might, by worldly power and wisdom; but by the spirit of the Lord. So that the surprising success and progress of the gospel under all those unfavourable and forbidding circumstances might be a lasting evidence of its divine original, while at the same time 1 “the foolishness of God is hereby demonstrated to be wiser than man; and the weakness of God to be stronger than man.” The apostles in first propagating the gospel had nothing to support them but the evidence of truth, the God-like grandeur and dignity of their doctrines, the holiness of their lives, and those incontestable miracles which they were enabled to work in confirmation of their divine mission, together with the promised influences of the Holy Spirit upon the minds and hearts of men. By these they made their way surprisingly through all imaginable opposition, converting great multitudes to the Christian faith; yet not without meeting with the most cruel persecutions, reproaches, scourging, imprisonment and death itself; which sufficiently evidenced, how opposite the world was to embracing the religion of Jesus. And while multitudes died martyrs in the cause, still the cause lived, and gained ground, according to the prediction of Gamaliel,– 2 “If it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it.”
The apostle in this chapter mentions some of the tribulations, distresses and trials they had to undergo for the sake of the gospel. “The sufferings of Christ, says he, i. e. sufferings in some measure resembling his, abound in us:–For we would not, brethren, have you ignorant of our trouble which came to us in Asia, that we were pressed out of measure, above strength, insomuch that we despaired even of life.” In another place in this epistle he gives a more particular, but summary account of his sufferings;– 3 “In stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft. Of the Jews five times received I forty stripes, save one. Thrice was I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a day I have been in the deep, in journeying often, in perils of water, in perils of robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren; in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness.”
And yet amidst all their arduous labours, their severe trials and sufferings, we see the apostles were comfortably supported, and went on cheerfully in the work, in which they were engaged, notwithstanding all the ungrateful abuses, reproaches and ill treatment they met with from the world. They had no worldly honours, or secular advantages in view; no inviting prospects of an earthly nature to invite and animate them. It is therefore evident, they must have had supernatural assistance and support, which not only kept up their courage and resolution, but raised them superior to all difficulties, and made them even rejoice in tribulations. One important article of this divine support the apostle mentions in the text: For our rejoicing is this, the testimony of our conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, &c. an inward consciousness of our integrity in the sight of God, with a confident reliance on his promise for success, and the glorious rewards of another world to crown our labours. The words suggest this doctrine:–
Doc. That the testimony of conscience in our favour is the most solid foundation of rejoicing under all circumstances in life.
The explanation of the text, if it needs any, will naturally come in, while we consider—What the testimony of conscience is:–What is requisite to its being in our favour:–And why it is the most solid foundation of rejoicing under all circumstances in life.
I. We may consider, what this testimony of conscience is:–Conscience, considered as a faculty, is nothing but our reason exercised in judging of the lawfulness or unlawfulness of our actions, compared with the divine law, the rule of duty. By this reason, which God hath given us, we judge of the truth and evidences of divine revelation, and search out the meaning of it. By this, under the assistance of the Holy Spirit, we examine into the nature, the tenour, and conditions of the gospel, the requirements of it, and the terms of salvation therein revealed. This is necessarily supposed in all the commands and directions given us, to search the scriptures:–To examine, try and prove ourselves, whether we be in the faith?—Whether we be the sons of God, or the children of disobedience. This supposes us able to understand the rule of trial, and to have a capacity of comparing ourselves, or our true character, in order to judge of our conformity to the rule.
Accordingly we find, that we have an immediate consciousness of what passes within us: Not only what our actions are; but what our dispositions, views and governing motives to action. The testimony of conscience then is the inward witness of our spirit to the sincerity and uprightness of our hearts before God, when compared with his laws, and the qualifications necessary to salvation required in the gospel. The testimony of conscience is that reflex act of the mind whereby we judge of the moral goodness or evil of our actions and dispositions, or of the goodness of our state, according to the prescribed rule of judging. Agreeable hereto the apostle says of the heathen,– 4 “Their conscience also bearing witness, and their thoughts the mean while either accusing, or else excusing one another.” And elsewhere,– 5 “if our heart condemn us not, then have we confidence towards God.” We read in scripture of a good conscience, and of an evil conscience. The latter intends a guilty, accusing conscience; the former means directly the reverse of this. The apostle in the text intends the testimony of a good conscience, as this only can be a just foundation for rejoicing. We are likewise to understand him to mean a well-regulated, and duly enlightened conscience: For although the testimony of an erroneous conscience in our favour will necessarily be attended with joy; yet this is only the joy of the hypocrite, that will perish.—Such a misguided conscience is so far from being a just and solid foundation for rejoicing, that ‘tis one of the most awful judgments.
In a word, the testimony of conscience intended in the text, is the inward approbation and witness of our heart, that we have sincerely complied with the offers of the gospel; have truly devoted ourselves to God and his service through Jesus Christ; and in consequence hereof do habitually and prevailingly endeavour to have our whole conversation such as becomes the gospel, in simplicity and godly sincerity.
But do not many enjoy the pleasure of this self-approbation, while in truth and reality they have no solid foundation for rejoicing? Does not the ignorant, conceited Deist feel very comfortably elated in thinking, that by a superior greatness of genius and rare discernment, he has been enabled to soar above he vulgar errors and prejudices of those weak souls, who perceive their need of a revelation from the Father of Lights; and are hence induced to believe, “that God at sundry times, and in divers manners spake to the fathers by the prophets, and to us in these last days by his Son;” and so are credulous enough to believe the bible to be the word of God? while he is conscious to himself that he hath most uprightly followed that sure unerring guide, the dictates of human reason, not only in those social virtues, which he may have occasionally practiced; but also in those more manly freedoms, which the contracted Decalogue unpolitely forbids?
Does not the self-righteous legalist feel extremely satisfied to think he hath been so upright, so sincere, practiced so many virtues, done so many good deeds to mankind, and performed so many acts of piety and devotion towards God, that he cannot imagine the best of beings will be so severely incomplaisant, as to mark against him the few slips and sins he may have been guilty of through inadvertency, or some unhappy inclination of nature?
Does not the affectedly humble, but really proud enthusiast exult with exceeding joy, while he pleasingly fancies himself indulged in the greatest familiarities with the Supreme Being, as one of his most distinguished favourites;–is caught up into the third heavens in the multiplicity of his revelations, and seems to hear from the throne of the Majesty on high such transporting declarations as these, in the very language of scripture,–“O, man, greatly beloved of God:–Son, be of good cheer, thy sins are forgiven thee?”—No doubt these and many other instances of groundless, delusive joy do, and will, take place in the hearts of men, notwithstanding the clearest external teachings and instructions heaven can give. Nor can we rely on anything, but sovereign grace, to secure us from being the unhappy subjects of these fatal delusions. The consideration of which may very justly excite us to have our eyes to the Father of Lights to direct us in judging impartially of ourselves, and in making a due application of the truth, while we consider,
II. What is really requisite to the testimony of conscience being in our favour. It is very plain, negatively, that it is not requisite, that it should bear testimony to our perfect innocence. This is impossible in this state of sin and great imperfection. The conscience of the holiest saint on earth must testify against him, that he hath sinned and come short of the glory of God: That he is in himself a guilty sinner; and that if God should mark iniquity against him, he could not stand:–That he hath been greatly deficient in every duty, and chargeable with continual criminal imperfections in all the holiest services he hath ever performed. The apostle very freely acknowledged he had not already attained what he was aiming at, neither was yet perfect; so that when he had a prevailing disposition to do good, evil was still present with him. Under a deep, affecting sense of this he sighed forth that heavy complaint, O wretched man that I am!
But then the apostle tells us positively, in the text, what was the matter or substance of the testimony which conscience bore in their favour, viz. that in simplicity and godly sincerity they had their conversation in the world.
Now the truth and reality of this is the grand requisite to conscience bearing testimony for us, so that it may be a just and solid foundation of rejoicing to us. I will therefore only briefly consider, what is necessarily comprised in this testimony, as
I. A consciousness that we have sincerely devoted and dedicated ourselves to God through Christ, according to the call and demand of the gospel.
Our hearts must testify this, that we have truly given ourselves up to the Lord and his service, with an hearty desire of glorifying him in such business and employments as Providence shall point out to be our duty. That we have at least a prevailing hope of what the apostle was so well assured of respecting himself, when he says, “I know whom I have believed.” Conscience must give some comfortable evidence to us, that we have really complied with the call of the gospel, have received, and humbly submitted to Christ, as our king to reign over us, as his willing and loyal subjects.
II. That we have faithfully endeavoured to do the work and business which he hath assigned us.
Let our calling be what it will, faithful, vigorous activity and diligence therein is our indispensable duty. And if we do not labour industriously in the service of our Lord, instead of having the testimony of conscience in our favour, it will condemn us, as wicked and slothful servants. If we be called to the sacred work of the ministry, we must “do the work of an Evangelist.” Assiduous labour and vigilance, and that not of the easiest kind, is most plainly assigned to ministers of the gospel. This is evidently required in their character of labourers and soldiers &c. and it is needless to mention how repeatedly and solemnly this is enjoined upon them in the word of God, or to enumerate the various articles of service and labour allotted to them. Nor can slothfulness and idleness in any case be followed with more fatally dreadful consequences than in this. Most applicable to this is what was said by the prophet concerning another work, 6“cursed be he that doth the work of the Lord deceitfully.” How frequently do we find this apostle making mention of his, and his fellow-labourers striving and laboring, even night and day with the greatest ardour and diligence in the work of the ministry? 7 “Whom we preach (meaning Christ) warning every man, and teaching every man, in all wisdom, that we may present every man perfect in Christ Jesus. Whereunto I also labour, striving according to his working, which worketh in me mightily.” The apostles being able to make these and such-like declarations with truth, was what laid a solid foundation for his rejoicing: And we must be able to say the same, if we would share in, and be partakers of that noble joy.
III. A consciousness that we have been incited and influenced by a right principle of action in our conversation.
By the principle of action here I would be understood to mean that temper of mind, or disposition of foul, whereby a person hath been inclined to that course of actions which he hath performed in the world. ‘Tis exceeding manifest, that persons may be influenced to the same visible conduct, or materially good actions from very different springs or principles at heart. The apostle therefore observes, in the text, that their conscience bore testimony with regard to this, that their conversation in the world had proceeded from a principle of godly sincerity, or the grace of God, in opposition to fleshly or carnal wisdom. They had been powerfully inclined to devote themselves to the service of God in the gospel-ministry by the grace of God ruling in their hearts.
If we be induced to action merely from a natural principle of self-love, without a supreme regard for God, his honour and glory, we have not that godly sincerity mentioned in the text. The apostle could say, “We preach not ourselves, but Christ Jesus the Lord; and ourselves your servants for Jesus’ sake.” He may be justly considered as explaining what he means by the grace of God, or godly sincerity in the test, where he tells us in this same epistle, “That the love of Christ constrained them” to their ministerial labours. It was by a supernatural principle of divine grace implanted in their hearts by the spirit of God, that they were irresistibly borne along and carried forward in the service of God; so that while this reigned in their hearts, no obstacles could stop them in their course.
Natural sincerity is, when a person acts from the impulse of mere natural principles, or a regard merely to self-interest, in what he does. Godly sincerity is, when the love of God bears sway, as the ruling spring of action in the soul.
The apostle elsewhere speaks of the wisdom of the flesh, and the wisdom of the spirit; and of that wisdom which is from above, and that which is from beneath, as different or opposite principles of action. And the testimony of conscience can be of no avail to us, unless it witnesses by an inward consciousness, that we are actuated by the wisdom of the spirit, or by a gracious disposition wrought in our hearts by the spirit of God.
IV. That we have fixed upon, aimed at, and pursued a right end in what we have done in the world.
This hath an essential influence in determining the quality of our actions. If our highest, ultimate end be wrong, our conduct, completely viewed, cannot be right, or meet with the divine approbation. Could we suppose the apostles to have been inspired, and have performed all their extraordinary labours and services for any lower end, than the honour and glory of God, the testimony of their conscience would have been essentially defective. But their conscience witnessed for them, that they had behaved with simplicity in the world: That their grand, governing end and design was such, as was naturally indicated by their actions. “Their eye was single.” The word simplicity, in the original, seems to be nearly of the same signification with sincerity. It denotes an uprightness of intention and design, in opposition to hypocrisy, or acting under a disguise: In which case a person’s real end is different from that which he professes, or makes a shew of: When his profession or actions naturally indicate a certain end to be aimed at by him, while he really hath a different one in view. The meaning of the word simplicity, above-given, is agreeable to the etymology of it, and the sense in which it is frequently used in the new testament, as in Romans xii. 8. “Let him that giveth, do it with simplicity;” with an upright intention, and not with any such low, selfish end, as that of being seen of men. Eph. vi. 5. “Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh, with singleness of heart, as unto Christ.” The apostles plainly professed, both by words and actions, that they aimed not at any thing this world could bestow, but at the highest and noblest end in the extraordinary services they undertook. This was the tenour of their declarations: “We seek not yours, but you.”-—“For whether we be beside ourselves, it is to God; or whether we be sober it is for your cause.”-—“For we which live are always delivered unto death for Jesus’ sake.” 8 “Therefore I take pleasure in infirmities, in reproaches, in necessities, in persecutions, in distresses for Christ’s sake.” This being their profession, they must have had an ultimate view to God and his glory, and a disinterested regard to the good of mankind, in order to support the truth of this testimony, that they had their conversation in simplicity. Godly sincerity requires and implies a supreme regard to God as our last end. 9 “For whether we live, we live unto the Lord, or whether we die, we die unto the Lord.” Whatever regard we may lawfully have for our own honour, ease or interest, these must not be uppermost in the view of our minds; but all subordinated to God, and his honour. This is a most material thing, when we come to view ourselves in the sight of God, and under his omniscient eye, who searcheth the heart, and most perfectly views all the springs of action in us, all our motives and designs. It is plainly of the last importance, that a well regulated conscience be able to testify to our sincerity in this respect.
I am not insensible how difficult it is for us, in this imperfect state of blindness and self-partiality, clearly to know our deceitful hearts in this matter, nor of the danger we are in of drawing up a wrong judgment in our own favour, which should make us exercise the greatest care and caution, while we examine ourselves by attending to the workings of our hearts, and comparing them with the tenour and habitual course of our conduct, enquiring what we are enabled to do for God, and how far we can readily deny ourselves for his sake, and give up, and sacrifice our interest to his honour and interest. And yet I am fully persuaded, that those, whose hearts are right with God, and found in his statutes; who daily exercise themselves to keep consciences void of offence towards God and towards man, may, by due attention and careful self-examination, upon solid evidence, obtain a comfortable, satisfactory testimony of conscience in their favour, and be able to appeal to God, with humble modesty, “Thou knowest that I am not wicked,” i.e. allowedly so.
V. That we have, according to the best of our knowledge and skill, used the proper means for attaining this best end. Conscience must be able to testify, that we have not regulated our conversation by the principles and maxims of fleshly wisdom. Fleshly wisdom is that craft or policy whereby the men of this world govern their conduct in order to attain their ends. And as they are prevailingly determined by a regard to their own gratification, they will not ordinarily stick at the greatest unlawfulness of the means they use, provided they can judge them most subservient and conducive to their purpose.
This was not the manner of the apostles conduct: Nor did they govern themselves by these rules of prudence. They were harmless and blameless, as the sons of God, without rebuke: Yet very far from being supinely inactive. They were vigilant and attentive; sagacious to espy dangers, cautious not to create them needlessly, and wary to escape them. Their prudence consisted much in giving no just occasion of offence to Jew or Gentile: In performing every innocently-winning office of goodness and condescension, without meanly seeking applause of men. They were discrete and wise: But then their wisdom was not only consistent with, but greatly consisted in, the innocence of the dove. They were harmless as sheep in the midst of wolves;–yet not cowardly timorous.—They were bold as lions, when the honour of God and the Redeemer, the cause of truth and pure religion was endangered: Nor did they, when called to action, shun to expose themselves to the most formidable dangers in defence of it. They would not comply with an unlawful measure, to conciliate the favour of monarchs and the whole world, or extricate themselves out of the greatest difficulties and dangers. They would not neglect a plain, known duty, or shun to declare the whole counsel of God, even the most obnoxious, offensive truths, that were profitable, and that before kings, in order to avoid the severest persecution. For it was their governing maxim, to obey God rather than man, when their commands clashed with each other. When the Holy Ghost assured them, that bonds and imprisonments awaited them in every city, and the affectionate, kind entreaties of Christian friends urged them hard not to expose themselves to the threatened dangers, though they could not indeed be unaffected with the expressions of their kindness, they felt it deeply, almost to the breaking of their hearts; but still a deeper sense of duty and obligation to their divine Redeemer supported their resolution undaunted, as we have it expressed with inimitable beauty, and the liveliest sensibility in such language as this, “What mean ye to weep and break my heart? For I am ready not only to be bound, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus.”
There was a just and noble simplicity in their conduct in this respect; that they would not descend to mingle carnal measures, and crafty devices of their own invention, with the means which God had directed them to use. They kept strait and close to the line of truth. Thus they express themselves; 10 “We can do nothing against the truth, but for the truth.”-—“We have not followed cunningly devised fables, when we made known unto you the power and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.” They had no party to espouse, besides that which Christ had made himself the head of, who came to bear witness to the truth. They had no little party designs or interest to serve; were not therefore necessitated to deal in ecclesiastical intrigues and politics. 11 “They renounced the hidden things of dishonesty; not walking in craftiness, nor handling the word of God deceitfully; but by manifestation of the truth commending themselves to every man’s conscience in the fight of God.” They were not indifferent about the great distinguishing truths of the gospel; nor did their Catholicism consist in (what some have since valued themselves upon) regarding the treating almost all the doctrines of the gospel, as indifferent points of speculation. They boldly and fairly oppose all false religion, and all corruptions of the Christian doctrine by blending error with the truth. This condescending apostle, who was willing to become all things to all men, in matters of mere indifference, did not scruple to anathematize an angel from heaven, that should dare to advance any other, i.e. contrary, doctrine to what he had preached, as knowing that he had received his from the unerring spirit of truth. 12 Those who advanced pernicious errors in doctrine, subversive of, or highly prejudicial to, the gospel-scheme and plan of salvation, or favouring licentious practices, they openly and boldly declared to be enemies to the cross of Christ. But then they practiced no little fly craft, no low, under-hand measures to blacken the character of their enemies needlessly.—They willingly left the honour of such low dealing to their enemies, who did not fail to practice it very freely, as many since have done, who will scarcely allow common sense to those who differ a little from them in some immaterial points, not unfrequently characterizing them for fools and dunces. Or if they oppose any of their peculiar, darling whims, or more hurtful errors, they will be sure, either by fly insinuations, or confident majesterial assertions, to endeavour to stigmatize them with the frightful, ambiguous name of heretics, or the still more unmeaning epithet of contracted bigots. I know it is good to be zealously affected always in a good thing; nor is it surely any evidence of meanness or malevolence to contend earnestly for the faith once delivered to the saints with the meekness of wisdom, and with that zealous boldness, which the high importance of sacred truth justly requires, in opposition to all those adversaries, who endeavour to corrupt or pervert the gospel of Christ. All that I mean to condemn is, the using sly, crafty, ill natured artifices in support of what we deem to be the cause of Christ, which cause always disdains such ill chosen and unfriendly assistance. It rests securely on the open, honest evidence of truth: It never deigns to call in, or ever thinks it can be served by, any aid that wickedness can afford it. It may not be improper to observe here, those who are engaged on the side of error are by much the most likely, in their straits, to have recourse to such an impolitic, wicked refuge, like Saul to the witch of Endor, when God had departed from him.
All these practices are intirely inconsistent with that simplicity and godly sincerity, on which the apostles justly valued themselves.
However good therefore our cause may be, we must be ware that we do not take undue methods for the support of it; but trust it with God, in the use of those means which he hath prescribed. The cause of God, in which the salvation of souls is concerned, may not, cannot be maintained or served by craft, carnal policy, or any measures not consistent with the strictest truth, justice and goodness. And if by a close, prudent adherence to these we cannot obtain the desired success, or accomplish what we sincerely aimed at, yet we shall have the testimony of a good conscience, if it witness for us, that we have used all lawful and proper means for attaining the end. Not the greatness of success; but the sincerity of our intentions, and the suitableness of the measures used are the grand articles requisite to be attested by conscience.
III. I proceed to consider why or how this testimony of conscience is the most solid foundation of rejoicing under all circumstances of life.
Not because it implies, that we have done the whole of our duty. No, there will still be an humbling consciousness of many criminal defects and neglects of duty, which will effectually exclude all boasting or glorying in ourselves, under any such notion as this, that we have hereby in the least merited the favour or approbation of God. A deep sense of guilt will stop the mouth, and lay the holiest saint on earth low before God. His rejoicing therefore will not be in himself, but in the Lord, in his sovereign abounding mercy through Christ. And yet this testimony of conscience will afford as many just reasons for rejoicing, as,
I. That we have in any good measure, or only in some small degree acted up to our character and obligations.
Our being entirely indebted to rich grace, for any good we may have been enabled to do, doth not at all exclude a real, just self-approbation, wherein we have in any measure complied with the will of God, and performed our duty. Perfectly consistent are these several declarations of this great apostle Paul;–“By the grace of God I am, what I am.—I labored more abundantly than they all; yet not I, but the grace of God which was with me.” And yet this is my rejoicing, the testimony of my conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, &c. I have had my conversation in the world.”
While we ascribe to God the whole praise of whatever good he hath been pleased to bestow upon us, or enabled us by his grace to do, there is just room to feel a humble, self-complacency in being what God hath made us, although the more we are enabled to do for him, and act up to our character, the more we are indebted to him.
II. ‘Tis just cause of rejoicing, that we have been instrumental of doing any good to mankind.
It is an high honour to be faithful servants to our generation.
The apostle Paul magnified his office, while at the same time he declared himself a debtor to the Greeks and Barbarians, to the wise and the unwise:–And that a necessity was laid upon him to preach the gospel. “It is more blessed to give than to receive;” to communicate good to others, than to receive it from them, however indisposed our selfish hearts may be to relish this blessedness. The ever blessed God delights in thus communicating good: And an imitation of him herein affords a pleasing gratification to a benevolent heart, and yields the soul a sublime, refined joy and pleasure. If we have the same mind in us, which was also in Christ; if we have that law of kindness written on our hearts, requiring and disposing us to love our neighbour as ourselves, we cannot fail of feeling a sensible joy in the thought of having contributed to the promoting their happiness.
III. This testimony of conscience is just cause of rejoicing, as it assures us of our having been designed active in advancing the glory of God and the Redeemer.
The infinite blessedness of God renders it impossible for us to be really profitable to him; yet we may be said in some proper sense to honour and glorify him by serving him: And he condescends to represent himself as honoured by the willing, faithful services of his creatures. It is, it will forever be, the inseparable effect of love to make us rejoice and take delight in pleasing and honouring the object of it. Gratitude for the infinite blessings of redemption by Christ will necessarily make the creature’s heart rejoice in thinking he hath contributed his mite in displaying the honour of the Redeemer, and the glory of God’s grace:–That he hath herein been a worker together with God; and is unto him a sweet savour of Christ in them that are saved, and in them that perish.
IV. As it furnishes us with a comfortable refutation of the reproaches and calumnies that may be cast upon us.
To be suspected, vilified and reproached, and injuriously robbed of that good name, which is as precious ointment, hath something in it very painfully grating to human nature. There is likewise something tenderly affecting in the thought of the injuriousness of this conduct, especially when it springs from, and has base ingratitude mingled with it. Innocence however, like a brazen wall of defence, affords a comfortable shelter, a mighty support under such attacks of ignorance or malice; enables the soul to rise superior to them, and to esteem it comparatively a little thing to be judged by man’s judgment, while he can appeal to the Searcher of Hearts, as the Judge of his integrity, assured that he will bring forth his judgment as the light, and his righteousness as the noon-day.
But just reproaches, the echo of the voice of conscience, sting and cut to the quick, when they come keenly edged with conscious guilt; which will often be our mortifying situation, if we have not the testimony of conscience to our simplicity and godly sincerity.
But a well-grounded testimony of conscience in our favour appears a matter of still infinitely greater importance, when we consider it.
V. In connection with the divine approbation, and as giving assurance of final acceptance with him.
In this view of it the mind cannot conceive of any equally just foundation for rejoicing. This makes heaven:–This must give joy unspeakable and full of glory.—Let us pause a moment, my brethren, and consider what an importantly critical situation we are in this moment, while probationers for eternity, I mean in this life, which is but a moment. We stand, as it were, in the middle between Heaven and Hell, this moment of life determines the event, and consigns us over to the one or the other for eternity. The favour and approbation of the Almighty is life and endless felicity: His frowns and displeasure are death and hell. Imagination cannot suggest any real good, any thing possibly desirable for us, but it is all fully comprehended in final acceptance with God.—When therefore we anticipate in our thoughts the decisive sentence to be very shortly given from the tribunal of Christ, with assurance from the testimony of conscience, that we shall be able in that solemn day to give up our account with joy and not with grief, it is impossible not to feel ourselves supported by the most solid foundation of rejoicing, a foundation as firm and solid, as the immutable rock of ages. The rejoicing that can spring from any other consideration, of riches, honour, and all the enjoyments of time and sense, will bear no more comparison with this, than a moment’s laughter of the fool with the endless, ever-fresh, unsatiating joys of Paradise, and those deep rivers of pleasure, which flow perpetual at God’s right hand. With the utmost reason then did the apostles make this the matter of their rejoicing, even a consciousness of their simplicity and godly sincerity.
APPLICATION.
The considerations which have been suggested may justly excite in us all the greatest solicitude now to lay well this foundation of rejoicing, and secure it for our own.
The present state, though very wisely calculated for a state of probation, is far from yielding uninterrupted joy and pleasure. We cannot travel long on earth, under the most promising circumstances, before we shall descend into some Bokim, a vale of tears; and very often are but just ascended from one to higher ground and fairer prospects, before we are obliged to descend again into another, which we must wade through in grief and sorrow, with the wearisome, lonely steps of pilgrims. Under these dark, solitary scenes, when the joy of our heart is ceased; when the fig-tree blossoms not, nor creation wears a smile, to what shall we betake ourselves for rest and consolation? The whole creation cannot give it.—Happy then, if we can find solid cause of rejoicing in the testimony of our conscience: This will give peace and joy; not as the world giveth: Will enable us to rejoice in the Lord, and joy in the God of our salvation, yea, even to rejoice in tribulations. Or, if we suppose the best that possibly can be supposed relative to the present state, that we may live many days and rejoice in them all; yet let us remember the days of darkness, for they will be many. All that cometh is vanity. For what is our life! It is even a transient vapour, which appeareth a little while, and then vanisheth away. When therefore our declining sun is just setting, and we are got into the dusky, lonely evening of life; or when any other indubitable symptoms declare death to be just entering our doors, to what shall we then have recourse for support or consolation? Will all the past pleasures or enjoyments of the world afford us any relief? ‘Tis impossible; for they are annihilated;–they are not. Will any future expectations from earth come in to our aid, when we shall stand in the most pressing need of it? Alas! we cannot reach them: They are absolutely cut off by the supposition, and flee away before us. Will the kindest assistance of friends be of any avail to us? No; we are in the very article of biding a lasting adieu to them, our dying hands withdrawing from theirs. Nothing therefore will be able to administer any relief, or solid rejoicing, or even tolerable support, but that testimony of conscience which assures us of the divine favour, “That when our heart and strength shall fail, God will be the strength of our heart, and our portion for ever.”
At these solemn seasons, and indeed through the whole of life, this testimony of conscience will be of infinite importance to all, whatever their rank, condition or employment may be. But when we consider the words of our text, as coming from the mouth of a minister of Jesus Christ, under inspiration, with a particular application to himself and his brethren in the ministry, they seem in a special manner to demand the most serious attention of those who sustain that sacred character.
Permit me then, my reverend fathers and brethren in the ministry, with all humility and freedom, to address to you and to myself the hints that have been offered on the subject.
Such a solemnity as this before us cannot but impress our minds afresh with a sense of the very sacred obligations we laid ourselves under to God, when we devoted ourselves to his service in the gospel ministry. And it highly concerns us at such a time to review our past conduct with the strictest impartiality, as in the awful presence of him who searches our hearts, and enquire how we have acted up to these obligations: And to enter into ourselves, and examine, whether conscience testifies for us, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace of God, we have hitherto had our conversation in the world?—Have our prevailing motives and principles of action been such, as will meet with the divine approbation?—Have we made God, his interest and glory, the highest end of our ministerial labours, while at the same time we have been prompted and constrained to faithfulness by a benevolent solicitude for the souls committed to our charge?
For our quickening to industry and diligence in the work of the Lord, let us consider, that we may well afford to be active and laborious therein. We have not such an hard, trying service, in many respects, assigned to us, as was laid on the apostles and primitive ministers of Christ. Instead of the want of all things, hunger and nakedness, which they were called to endure, we are comfortably supported, have a competency, if not an affluence, of worldly good. Instead of that infamy, reproach and contempt, with which they were loaded, we are kindly treated with all the esteem and honour we deserve (and sometimes more) by the world around us, except some few profligate sons of Belial, in whose power it is not to honour us so much any other way, as by their spiteful reproaches, thereby giving a lively specimen of the ancient enmity put between the woman’s seed and the seed of the serpent: At the same time they treat us full as respectfully as they do their Maker. It must then be most criminal ingratitude in us to be slothful in our business, while we are serving the Lord, who hath made our work so much easier than was that of the apostles. Not but that we have toil and labour enough, with many sinking discouragements, and exercising scenes to pass through, in the faithful discharge of our trust. But let none of these things move us, any otherwise than only to animate us to labour and strive, that we may obtain the rejoicing testimony of conscience. And let us daily bear in mind the solemn, closing scene, when we must give up an account of our stewardship, and be no longer stewards; when our departure shall be at hand, and we shall be ready to be offered up. When it shall be at hand, did I say? It is at hand now, even with the youngest of us; for the time is short. And with respect to some of us the shadows of evening, already arrived, are extended long from the hoary head, and remind us, that our sun is just setting. May we all be faithful to the death; and while we live, have the testimony of our conscience for our rejoicing, as a sure earnest of a crown of glory to be bestowed upon us at the last day.
But I must briefly address myself more particularly to this our younger brother, who is now to be solemnly set apart to the work and service of the sanctuary.
Dear Sir,
The solemn hour is now come, in which you are publicly to devote yourself, and be consecrated, to the noble, arduous work of the gospel-ministry, and take upon yourself one of the weightiest trusts ever committed to a mortal. You are about to inlist under the Captain of our salvation, as a fellow-soldier with the apostles, a fellow-servant with angels, who are ministering spirits to the church; yea, as a worker together with God himself, for the grand purpose of accomplishing the designs of redeeming mercy towards your fellow-sinners. Doth not the weight of the charge make your heart tremble, and constrain you to look up by faith and fervent prayer to God through Christ for that grace, which alone can make you an able and faithful minister of the new testament? Both duty and affection incline me to say a few words to you on this solemn, joyful occasion. I trust you have weighed well the importance of your undertaking, and often seriously considered the great necessity of those being truly and experimentally religious, whose business and profession engages them to spend their lives in making others so. let it then be your first care to save your own soul: Then will you be the more likely to save the souls of them that hear you. May this affecting thought daily engage your attention to the concerns of your soul, and quicken you to walk humbly and closely with God. The agreeable, intimate acquaintance I have had with you, while you faithfully discharged the office of a tutor in our college for several years to its great advantage, and with equal reputation to yourself, gives me the pleasure of knowing both your natural and acquired accomplishments for the work you are engaging in, as well as your soundness in the faith. Hold fast that form of sound words, which you have learned from the sacred oracles, and which (may I not say) you have in part heard of me. Practice all that condescension to the weakness and prejudices of others, which the apostle intended by becoming all things to all men. Be gentle towards all men. To which I know your natural disposition is very inclinable. But then be on your guard, lest a condescending and pacific temper at any time betray you into compliances, injurious to your virtue and dishonourable to your profession. Set down your foot at the line of truth, and let not fear, frowns, flatteries or reproaches, or any temporal inconveniencies whatever, make you swerve an hair’s-breadth from it. Condescendingly sacrifice any thing for the sake of peace, except truth and duty: But invariably keep to these. In all your instructions study to be plain and intelligible, which is the prime end of language. And let not your taste for elegance of stile, accuracy of diction and composition, by any means prevent the most plain, close and pungent application to the hearts and consciences of your hearers. Study infinitely more to recommend Christ and his religion to your hearers, than yourself. Keep the great end of the gospel-ministry always in view, the advancing the glory of God and Christ in the salvation of souls committed to your charge. Let me just intreat you to pay a particular attention to the youths and children, and those under serious, religious impressions in your congregation, as having the greatest prospect of success with these: And herein imitate the great Shepherd of the sheep, “who carries the lambs in his arms, and gently leadeth those that are with young.” I cannot now suggest to you the numerous, weighty motives, that might be urged to excite you to the greatest faithfulness and diligence in discharging the high rust you are now to have committed to you. I trust you will daily bear in mind the vast importance to yourself, as well as others, of being able to adopt, with application to yourself, through the course of your ministry, and especially at the close of it, the declaration of the apostle in the text. May you experimentally know the solid rejoicing, which this testimony will not fail to give all those who are faithful to the death; and may you than receive the promised crown.
Let me now say a few words to the church and congregation, at whose call and request a minister is now to be ordained over them in the Lord.
Beloved Brethren,
My unacquaintedness with your particular circumstances will excuse me with only saying a few words to express our joy and congratulation with you in having been directed to, and succeeded in, your unanimous choice of one to be your pastor, who, we have reason to hope, will be an able and faithful minister of the new-testament among you, and naturally care for the welfare of your souls. We desire to join with you in thankful acknowledgments to the great Shepherd and Head of the church, for the provision he is making from time to time for the edification of the same, by raising up and qualifying men to feed his sheep and his lambs, the flock which he hath purchased with his own blood. And that you have this day the experience of this his kind care for you, in providing one to take the oversight, and act the part of a bishop towards your souls; in consequence of which you are like to enjoy the ministry of the gospel and the administrations of its ordinances resettled among you; and that under prospects very encouraging, and joyfully promising happy success. O let your eyes and fervent prayers be directed this day to the God of all grace for his blessing to accompany these solemn transactions, and render the means of grace provided for you a favour of life unto life to the salvation of all your souls: That you and your pastor may have sweet communion with God and one another, while you dwell here in the house of the Lord, feasting on the rich provisions, with which the gospel abundantly furnishes you. Dear brethren, I trust our hearts all ardently breathe out this wish and prayer, The Lord send you the blessing out of Sion.
I close with a word to this great assembly in general. What doth conscience now testify to you, respecting the manner of your conversation in the world? That it is conducted and regulated in simplicity, godly sincerity, and by the grace of God? Blessed are ye indeed, if this be the case. How thankfully and joyfully may you live; and how cheerfully go on in the ways of the Lord, while you have this for your rejoicing, even the testimony of your conscience; a testimony that carries with it an assurance of the divine approbation and final acceptance with God? But if it be the reverse of this with you, and conscience either be asleep, or pronounce plainly to you, that you have your conversation with fleshly wisdom, and live after the flesh, in the neglect of God and religion, think seriously, with what torturing fears and distressing apprehensions, this conscience, if it be duly enlightened, will distract your guilty souls at the near approach of death, when your next speedy remove must be into eternity, and to the bar of God, who is greater than your conscience, and knoweth all your wickedness. And what an everlasting source of unutterable anguish will its accusations be to you, when it shall be fully awakened to the liveliest sensibility, in the regions of horror and despair, and pour in continual reproaches and self-condemnation upon your souls, like a stream of fire from incensed Omnipotence! O be persuaded now to turn its testimony in your favour, by turning from all your sins unto God through Jesus Christ: Then will it speak peace to you here, as a sure pledge of peace and joy everlasting in the presence and favour of God in the coming world.
AMEN.
The CHARGE, by the Rev. Aaron Brown.
Reverend and Dear SIR,
It having pleased God to lead this church into the unanimous choice of you to be their pastor, and to incline you to accept of their call; we, whose hands are imposed, do in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, and by virtue of authority derived from him, ordain and separate you, Joseph Howe, to the great, important and laborious work of the gospel-ministry; especially committing to your pastoral care and oversight the Christian Society, who usually assemble in this place for public worship.
And in that same all-glorious name, we do now most solemnly charge thee, before God and the elect angels (which are doubtless witnesses of these solemnities) that to the utmost of thy power thou discharge thyself, in all parts of that ministry and trust we are now committing to thee.—Preach the word, and declare the whole counsel of God, that you be pure from the blood of all men; for it is required of ministers, who are stewards of the mysteries of God, that a man be found faithful.—Keep back nothing that may be profitable to this people. Let them know from the word of God, that they are naturally guilty and depraved, that “there is a vast and unspeakable difference between a sinner and a saint,” between those who are in a state of nature and those who are in a state of grace. Testify unto them repentance towards God and faith towards our Lord Jesus. Preach Christ and him crucified, the doctrine of his atonement and satisfaction, justification through faith in his blood, and sanctification by his spirit.
Remember that you are a minister of the gospel of Christ: Let Christianity therefore, and not the subtleties of wit and philosophy, be the grand matter and aim of your discourses.—Be not of those who corrupt the word of God, or handle it deceitfully; but by manifestation of the truth commend yourself to every man’s conscience in the sight of God. Nor speak with the enticing words of man’s wisdom, but in the demonstration of the spirit and of the power. Study more to be profitable, than to be popular,–more to gain the divine approbation, than the applauses of a polite and respectable assembly.
Reprove, rebuke, exhort, with all long suffering and doctrine; and in the discharge of this part of your trust, variously accommodate yourself to the needs and circumstances of every one; instructing the ignorant,–convincing the unconvinced,–reproving the transgressor,–refuting and putting to silence the gain-sayer,–exhorting the indolent and slothful, and comforting the feeble minded.—In a word, like the great and good Shepherd, gather the lambs in your arms, carry them in your bosom, and gently lead those that are with young.
We, moreover, authorize and charge thee to administer to all persons, duly qualified, the sacraments of the new-testament, (baptism and the Lord’s supper) with becoming solemnity, and agreeable to the rules of the gospel.—Feed Christ’s sheep and feed his lambs.
Exercise also that holy discipline with which, as a gospel-minister, you are entrusted; exercise it with fidelity and tenderness; not lording it over God’s heritage, nor doing any thing by partiality.
We likewise commit unto you authority to assist in ordaining others to the sacred office, as you may be called of God thereunto: But lay hands suddenly on no man.
Let no man despise thee, but esteem thee highly in love, for thy works sake: Therefore be thou an example to believers, in word, in conversation, in charity, in spirit, in faith, in purity.—Give attendance to reading, to exhortation and doctrine. Neglect not the gift that is in thee, which is given by the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery. Meditate on these things give thyself wholly to them, that thy profiting may appear unto all.
Pray fervently, constantly for this people, and bless them from time to time in the name of the Lord. Pray also for yourself, that the grace of Christ may be sufficient for you; for who is sufficient for these things?
Finally, and in a word, in all things approve thyself a faithful minister of the new-testament, a workman that needeth not to be ashamed.
Long may you be continued a great blessing to this people, and they a comfort to you. May the blessing of many souls ready to perish, come upon you; and the God of peace, which brought again our Lord Jesus Christ, the great Shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, make you perfect in every good work to do his will, working in you, that which is well pleasing in his sight, through Jesus Christ our Lord, to whom be glory forever and ever,
A M E N.
The Right Hand of Fellowship, by the Rev. Dr. Chauncy.
Dear Sir,
As you have now been separated to the work of the Gospel ministry, and to the charge of the Christian society who worship God in this place, “by prayer and the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery.” In conformity to the common usage upon these occasions, founded on apostolic example, at the desire of the venerable council present, and in their name, I give you my right hand. and I do it, to signify to you, to this great assembly, and to all the churches in the land, that we esteem you a true minister of Jesus Christ, well furnished for, rightly called to, and regularly instated in, the ministerial office; that we affectionately embrace you, as one who has been solemnly devoted to the service of souls; and that we shall always be in readiness to lend you our help by our prayers, advices, and in all other Christian ways, according to our respective abilities, as you may need, and desire it; especially in things “pertaining to the kingdom of God, and Jesus Christ.” Expecting the same expressions of pious charity from you, as the interest of religion may make them proper.
At the same time we “bow our knee to the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of mercies, and God of all grace,” humble and importunately beseeching, that he would adorn you more and more with the gifts and graces of His spirit; that He would animate you to your work, guide and assist you in it, and support and comfort you under all the trials you may be called to meet with in the upright and faithful discharge of it; that he would make you “wise to win souls,” and happily instrumental in “turning many to righteousness;” and that, at “the time of the time,” you may be found among those servants of our Lord Jesus Christ, who shall shine in the kingdom of His Father as “the brightness of the firmament, and as the starts for ever and ever.”
We now salute you, the Christian church, who statedly worship in the Deity in this house; rejoicing with you in that kind Providence, which has given you, with so much unanimity, love, and peace among yourselves, “a pastor (as we trust) after God’s own heart;” one who is well qualified to “feed you with knowledge and understanding.”
Brethren, we own you as members, in common with yourself, of that “one body” of which Christ is “the head;” we profess a cordial regard to you as such; and we promise, that we will cheerfully afford your own assistance, to all the purposes of “spiritual edification;” as we are able, and may be called thereto; expecting and desiring the like office of brotherly love and duty from you.
Finally, we commend both you and your pastor “to God, and to the word of His grace; which is able to build you up, and give you inheritance among the sanctified by faith in Jesus Christ,” to whom be glory in the church, on earth, and in Heaven, both now and throughout all ages.
Born in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, Clarke grew up in a strongly patriotic family during the American War for Independence. In fact, his uncle, Timothy Pickering, was not only a military general under George Washington and later became Postmaster General, Secretary of War, and Secretary of State under President Washington. Clark graduated from the Boston Public Latin School in 1761, while only six years old. In 1774 at the age of nineteen, he graduated from Harvard. He returned for his Master’s Degree (1777), and then studied theology, receiving his Doctor of Divinity from the University of Edinburgh. He took a job on the staff of First Church of Boston, alongside the great preacher Dr. Charles Chauncy, who himself had been a significant influence in the years leading up to the American War for Independence. When Chauncy died in 1787, Clarke became pastor, where he continued until he suffered a stroke while preaching in 1798, passing away the next day at the age of forty-three. A two-volume set of his sermons were published after his death. The following sermon was the one he preached at the interment of the Rev. Samuel Cooper of Boston on January 2, 1784. (Note: the Rev. Cooper was a highly influential clergyman, identified by Founding Father John Adams as one of the individuals “most conspicuous, the most ardent, and influential” in the “awakening and revival of American principles and feelings” that led to American independence.)
The following sermon was preached at the interment of Rev. Samuel Cooper in Boston on January 2, 1784.
A
S E R M O N
DELIVERED
AT THE
CHURCH IN BRATTLE-STREET,
JANUARY 2, 1784.
AT THE
INTERMENT
OF THE
REV. SAMUEL COOPER, D.D.
Who Expired, December 29, 1783.
BY JOHN CLARKE, A. M. Junior Pastor of the First Church in Boston.
And Samuel died; and all the Israelite—lamented him.
Samuel XXV. I.
A
SERMON, &c.
ACTS XX. 38.
Sorrowing most of all for the words which he spake, that they should see his face no more.
There is not, my respected hearers, a more tender and affecting scene, than the last solemn interview of the apostle with the church of Ephesus. Knowing that he was appointed to bonds and afflictions; and that those, among whom he had been preaching the kingdom of God, would see him no more,–he could not pursue his way to Jerusalem, till he had first dropped a parting tear; and bid his very dear and valued friends a final adieu. From 1Miletus therefore, he sent for the Elders of that church: And, with a tenderness peculiarly affecting, he reminds them of the zeal and fidelity with which he had discharged his duty as a minister of Jesus Christ. He had kept back nothing that was profitable to them. He had taught them in public, and in private. The whole counsel of God he had solemnly declared. And, for the space of three years, he had ceased not to warn everyone, night and day, with tears. In proof of this, he appeals to those who were acquainted with him from his first arrival at Asia; and knew after what manner he had been with them at all seasons.
Having done that justice to his own character, which he was conscious it deserved,–he proceeds to his future expectations. And now behold, says he, I go bound in the spirit unto Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me there: Save that the Holy Ghost witnesseth, in every city, that bonds and afflictions abide me. But none of these things move me, neither count I my life dear unto myself, so that I might finish my course with joy, and the ministry which I have received of the Lord Jesus. This tender and affectionate speech, joined to the gloomy predictions with which it was interspersed, and the liberal sentiments with which it concluded, melted them into tears. They all wept sore. They fell on Paul’s neck, and kissed him. Sorrowing much on his account, because bonds and afflictions awaited him; but more on their own, because they should see his face no more.
The behavior of the Ephesian Elders on this tender occasion, does no less honour to their feelings as men, than their profession as Christians. As fellow-creatures with the excellent apostle, they could not be unmoved at his approaching sufferings. As fellow-christians, it had been ingrateful to refuse a tear. Religion, blessed be God, does not extinguish the social feelings: It refines and improves them. It quickens our sensibility; points out the proper objects of our affection; and when they are torn from us, it teaches us to sorrow, though not as those who are without hope. The grief therefore, discovered by the apostle’s friends, does honor to their hearts. And the lively sorrow, which marks every countenance, and pierces every bosom in this assembly, is no less becoming our religious character!
A faithful minister of Jesus Christ, is deservedly esteemed by the people of his charge. Such was the apostle Paul to the Christians of Ephesus. And such are all those who imbibe his spirit; and are actuated by his noble and disinterested motives. Under God, he had been the instrument of their conversion. He had built tem up in the most holy faith of the gospel. And he had labored, night and day, to form them to that character, and to qualify them for that felicity, which is the glorious object of the Christian dispensation. In prosecution of this work, he had discovered a great and generous mind. Superior to the motives which actuate other persons, he had studied merely their good. And he was undeterred from the pursuit, though it had exposed him to may temptations, and cost him many tears.
This generous and ardent zeal of the apostle they repaid with the tenderest affection. Sensible of his labours of love, and all he had done, and suffered for the church, they beheld him with eyes of gratitude; and openly acknowledged the obligation. Oppressed, as it were, with the memory of his kindness, they wept fore. They fell on his neck: They embraced him: They gave a loose to all those tender feelings, which had been excited by his pathetic discourse.
At this distressing apprehensions from wicked and unreasonable men, they were most painfully affected. Like the master he served, they saw him despised and rejected of men. They beheld him cited before unjust tribunals; and condemned without cause. And, to complete the horrour of the scene, imagination painted him expiring under the cruel hand of persecution; and sealing the truth of Christianity with his blood. And though he appeared unmoved at these approaching sufferings, they beheld them with extreme anguish. The arrow pointed at the breast of the apostle, already pierced them with many sorrows.
But what more deeply wounded their hearts, was the mournful consideration, that they should see his face no more. This was the last interview they should ever have with their most valued friend. No more should they hear his heavenly instructions: No more should they hand upon his lips; admire his gracious words; or be transported with his divine eloquence! His example also, which had been so bright and dazzling, they were to contemplate no more. The apostle was going from them,–going to bonds and afflictions, to sufferings, and to death. He would therefore, take a final leave of them, in this world, hoping for an eternal intercourse in the world to come!
The tears, which were shed on this occasion, were a tribute due to the memory of the apostle. He deserved them all of his Christian friends. No tokens of regard, which they could pay, could possibly exceed the merits of their benefactor. For which reason, we should justly impeach their gratitude had they not melted at his discourse: And their whole Christian character, had they not sorrowed most of all, because they were to see his face no more. These words, when applied to a common friend, call up the most gloomy ideas; but how emphatically moving, when they refer to a generous benefactor, or any one for whom we entertain an ardent affection!
But, from the same principle we applaud the sensibility, and the undissembled sorrow of these Ephesians, we must enter into their feelings; and imitate theirconduct, when he faithful fail from among the children of men. To learning, patriotism and piety, we can not refuse the tribute of a tear. And when all these unite in the person of a Christian minister, his very dust will be precious to us, and we shall weep, with unaffected sorrow, over his cold remains.
It would indeed, be unpardonable arrogance, to pretend that any of the followers of this divine apostle could have his claim to the affections of their flock. However, there have been persons, in the ministerial profession who were burning and shining lights—who, to the learning of the scholar, united the virtues of the patriot; and to the easy familiarity of the companion, the seriousness and devotion of a Christian. In the church of Christ, there have been servants who were an honour to their order. Well instructed in the truths of religion, they have kept back nothing which was profitable to their charge. Generously concerned for the welfare of their flock, they have displayed the grace of the gospel with a most captivating eloquence; and enforced the precepts of it by a splendid example. In one word, there have been persons conspicuous, not only for the love of God, but the love of their country;–distinguished by their patriotic as well as their religious virtues; and no less beneficial to society, than ornamental to the church of Christ! And when such excellent characters are taken from us, shall we not feel, and lament the loss? Shall we not dress their tomb with fresh laurels? With faithful epitaphs shall we not engrave their stone? And, in our bosoms, cherish the everlasting remembrance of their virtues? Could latest time efface their image from our hearts, we should ill deserve the blessings we derive from them.
The death of an amiable, and distinguished servant of Jesus Christ is a loss, which every good mind will sincerely lament. It is a loss to his family and connexions,–a loss to the people of his charge,–a loss to the learned world,–his brethren of the profession,–the Commonwealth,–and, I will add, it is a loss to mankind! The first have peculiar reason to mourn, when the husband, the parent, and the friend is taken from them. And we should justly charge them with insensibility, did they not melt at the reflection,–that they shall see his face no more. How could they restrain the flowing tear, when they behold those eyes closed in night, which once beamed with tenderness and love;–that tongue locked in silence, on which ever dwelt the law of kindness;–and that visage deformed by death, which always wore the smiles of friendship! Surely, no human heart could be unsubdued by such a spectacle.
Next to his more immediate connexions, the people of his charge will mourn his death. They have lost an able minister, and an affectionate friend. How often have they been warmed by his devotion; and instructed by his discourse? How often have they listened to the gracious words, which proceeded from his lips? And, with what pious rapture have they accompanied him to the throne of Almighty God? When sick, how have they been supported by his Christian admonitions? When oppressed with sorrow, how have they been relieved by his tender application of the promises, and consolations of the gospel? When clouds and darkness hae over-shadowed their minds, how have they been enlightened by his religious conversation? And when ready to despair, how have they been reived by his elevated descriptions of the grace of God, and the merits of a Redeemer! Such reflections will crowd upon the minds of a grateful people, when their pastor is taken from them. They will mourn for the loss sustained by his particular friends; but most of all on their own account, because they shall see his face; hear his voice; and listen to his instructions no more!
Again—the death of such a person, will prove an unspeakable loss to the learned world. By his accurate taste, the brilliancy of his imagination, and the clearness of his judgment, he adorned and enriched the republic of letters. Others therefore, will lament his death, besides those who were bound to him by the ties of friendship or religion.
His brethren in the ministry, will never forget the hour, which consigned their dear and valued friend to the grave. The solemn sound of his funeral bell will dwell upon their ear. And his much loved image will present itself in the silent hour of night; or called up by fancy, will meet their waking eyes, in every place sacred to retirement, or religious contemplation. There will they call to mind his many virtues. There will they review the pleasing scenes in which he partook; and the happy intercourse they mutually enjoyed. And often will they repair to the sacred shrine, which contains his venerable dust. The memory of his virtues will create a sigh; while their bosoms will be wrung with the sad reflection,–they shall embrace their friend, and their brother no more!
Finally,–such a distinguished character, when cut off in the midst of his usefulness, will be an irreparable loss to society. The deadly arrow, which destroys him, will deeply wound the bosom of his country, She will feel, in a lively manner, the afflictive dispensation of divine providence: And will mourn over him as an only child. The man, who to the extensive benevolence of a Christian, unites a generous regard to that society of which he is a member, ought to be had in everlasting honour. His prayers, which have been gratefully received by the court of Heaven, ought not to be ingratefully overlooked by his fellow-men. They should remember how they have seen and heard, should call to mind his noble exertions in their behalf; and how uniformly and zealously he has always studied the public good. This part of his character should be the object of their frequent contemplation. They would they be deeply impressed with the loss they had sustained; and they would bless his memory as a patriot, while they revered his name as a minister and a Christian.
Thus have I described the person, who, as a domestic friend, a scholar, a member of society, but more especially, a minister of religion, deserves to be honoured when alive; and when dead, to be universally lamented. And did such a character never exist but in imagination? Did you never see the original of that portrait, I have thus imperfectly drawn? The grief which clouds your brow, the sighs which rend your bosoms;–and the tears which fall from your eyes, proclaim aloud, that such you esteemed your dear and venerable pastor, whose remains are now before you2; but whose face you shall see no more! Behold, the precious dust of your most honoured friend! Behold, all that now remains of the scholar, the patriot, and the divine! Venerable shade! Why dost thou revisit this sacred habitation? Was it to open our wounds anew! Was it to imbitter the cup which divine providence has poured out to us? Or was it to impress our minds with this mortifying truth—that EVERY MAN, AT HIS BEST ESTATE, IS ALTOGETHER VANITY!
We mourn with you, Christian friends, on this very distressing occasion. You have lost a most amiable and engaging minister; we a most friendly and entertaining companion. Some, in this assembly, mourn a husband, a parent, or a brother dead: And others are now paying the last tribute of respect to a patriot no more! We, who have more lately entered into the ministerial profession, bewail a friend, from whom we expected the greatest comfort; and whose counsel, assistance, and the pleasures of whose conversation, we promised ourselves for years to come. But vain are all expectations from so uncertain a thing as human life. Our friend, and your pastor is called to the mansions of the dead; and we shall see his face no more!
Within these walls, sacred to piety, and the public worship of God, you shall no more hear his voice. No more hall you catch the flame of his rational and animated devotion. No more shall your prayers ascend, clothed with his pious eloquence, an acceptable tribute to the father of mercies. No more shall the great truths of religion be set forth with his beauties of style; or recommended with his engaging delivery. That voice, those powers, and that manner, which once charmed, will charm no more!—Wherefore, give a loose to those tender feelings which his death has excited. There is a luxury in religious grief, unknown to vulgar minds. And the greatest understandings will not think it a weakness, in faltering accents, or a broken voice, to express their sorrow.
Justly should I incur the censure of his friends;–and greatly should I injure the memory of Dr. Cooper, should I not say, he was a peculiar ornament to this religious society. His talents as a minister were conspicuous to all; and they have met with universal applause. You know, with what plainness, and, at the same time, with what elegance, he displayed the grace of the gospel. You know, with what brilliancy of style he adorned the moral virtues; and how powerfully he recommended them to universal practice. When the joys of a better world employed his discourse, can you ever forget the elevated strains in which he described them? And his prayers, surely they must be remembered, when his qualifications for the other duties of his office, and his many shining accomplishments are forgotten! If those, who constantly attended upon his ministry are not warmed with the love of virtue;–if they are not charmed with the beauty of holiness;–if they are not transported with the grace of the gospel, must they not blame their own insensibility? Remember therefore, how you have seen, and heard, and hold fast, and repent.
But the place in which I now stand, was not the only theatre, on which he appeared with such applause: In private, also, he displayed his talents for the office he sustained. With peculiar facility, could he enter into the feelings of others, and adjust his conversation to the particular state of their minds. He could raise the bowed down, and encourage the feeble hearted. In the house of mourning, he could light up joy. He could inspire those, who were approaching the shades of death, with Christian fortitude. And by expatiating on the mercy of God, and the merits of a Saviour, he could revive those who were ready to despair! Thus various and accomplished his character, how justly are you affected on this occasion!
However, the people of his charge are not the only persons who mourn this event. The death of their honourable pastor is a general calamity. It is severely felt by all our societies: And by that, in a particular manner 3, which has been so long united with this church in a stated lecture. It is felt by this town, which gloried in him no less as a citizen, than a minister of the gospel. It is felt by the University, to whose honour and interests he was passionately devoted. The governours of that learned society will testify, how ardently he labored to raise it to superior eminence; and how he encouraged those sciences, the sweets of which he had so early, and so liberally tasted. His death will be lamented by this Commonwealth; and most sincerely, by some of the first characters in it. For with them he was intimately connected, and they distinguished him by every public token of respect.
In one word, his death will be a common loss to these American States; for, as a patriot, he was no less celebrated, than as a divine. Well acquainted with the interests of his country, he constantly and ardently pursued them. But while, as a states-man, he discerned what would tend to our glory and happiness, as a minister of religion, he prayed it might not be hid from our eyes. And you can tell with what fervor he offered up his supplications.
I MIGHT now descent to the more ornamental parts of his character. I might display him as the familiar friend, and the entertaining companion. I might remind you of his correct and elegant taste; and that most engaging politeness, which rendered him so agreeable in every private circle. But why should I aggravate a wound, which already bleeds too much! Why should I call up the pleasing image of a person, whom you shall see no more? Let me rather suggest those consolations, which will enable you to bear your loss with Christian fortitude, and to sorrow not as those who are without hope.
And behold, your 4 redeemer liveth; and he shall stand at the latter day upon the earth. Yet a little while, and5 Lord shall descend from Heaven with a shout with the voice of the archangel and the trump of God! And then shall the dead in Christ awake to immortal felicity! 6 That body, which is now sown in corruption, shall be raised in incorruption: That which is sown in dishonor, shall be raised in glory: That which is sown in weakness, shall be raised in power: And this natural shall be transformed into a spiritual body! Behold, I shew you a mystery! We shall not always remain under the power of the grave; but, in a moment, shall we awake, at the last trump; and our bodies shall be changed. And7Jesus Christ shall fashion them like unto his glorious body, according to the working, whereby he is able even to subdue all things unto himself. Happy day! When they who sleep in Jesus, shall hear his voice and come forth! When they shall be delivered from all the infelicities of this mortal state! When8they that are wise, shall shine as the brightness of the firmament;–and he that hath turned many to righteousness, as the stars for ever and ever!
9In the multitude of your thoughts within you, may these prospects delight your souls. May they support you at the silent tomb, to which you will soon repair; and leave the precious dust of our departed friend. May you realize them at the holy communion, on the approaching Sabbath. And may they be your joy and consolation, whenever you call to mind his amiable character; and remember that you shall see him no more.
And now, brethren, we proceed to the last tokens of respect to these remains. Could that voice, which has so often delighted this assembly, be once more unlocked, I can easily conceive, how you would be accosted by our deceased brother. Forgive me, if I presume to be his voice on this occasion Beloved Charge—Let not your hearts be troubled, ye believe in God, believe also in his Son. 9 If ye loved me, ye would rejoice, because I go to your father and my father; to your God and my God. To that God I now 11commend you, and to the word of his grace which is able to build you up; and to give you an inheritance among all them that are sanctified.12 And now, brethren, a long, a last farewell: Be perfect, be of good comfort, be of one mind, live in peace; and the God of love and peace shall be with you!
A M E N.
The following character of Doctor COOPER, drawn by another hand, is taken from the Continental Journal, of January 22, 1784.
Dr. Cooper was the second son of that distinguished divine, the late Rev. William Cooper, one of the pastors of the church in Brattle-Street: He was born the 28th of March, 1725. While he was passing through the common course of education at a grammar school in this town, and afterwards at the university in Cambridge, he exhibited such marks of a masterly genius as gave his friends the pleasure of anticipating a life eminently useful to his country.
His pious father having designed him for the gospel ministry, was happy to find his son’s inclination meeting his own. Divinity was therefore the Doctor’s favorite study; and having early felt the impressions of serious religion, the honour of being a minister of the gospel weighed down every consideration of temporal advantages.
He early made his appearance as a preacher, and so acceptable were his first performances, and such the expectations they had raised, that he had scarce attained to the age of twenty years before he received a call from the church and congregation in Brattle-Street, to succeed his father who died December 13th, 1743, as colleague with the celebrated Doctor Colman. In this office he was ordained May 25th, 1746, just thirty years after the ordination of his father.
The Doctor did not disappoint the expectations he had raised; his reputation increased, and he was soon one of the most universally acceptable preachers in the country. Through a course of near thirty-nine years public ministry, he conducted himself with such wisdom and integrity, prudence and ability, as procured him the like love and esteem from his venerable colleague, and the people of his charge which his father had enjoyed, and the notice and respect of all the clergy in the Commonwealth. Indeed his whole life was worthy the imitation of all who wish to live admired, or die lamented.
He early discovered a happy talent for composition; his sermons bore the mark of a genius and taste: they were clear and elegant—sensible and truly evangelical, and delivered with an energy and pathos which warmed the heart,–in a stile which charmed the ear,–and with an eloquence which always gained the attention of his auditory.
In prayer he was greatly distinguished;–his thoughts and language were devotional, pertinent and scriptural; well adapted to the particular occasion, and delivered with such humility and reverence, and at the same time grateful variety, as could hardly fail of kindling a flame of devotion in the most dull and lifeless of his fellow-worshippers. When celebrating the peculiar mysteries of our holy religion—how was he carried even beyond himself, with such a flow and fullness of expression, as often bore away the intelligent and spiritual worshippers as on angels wings towards heaven!—
About twelve months after his call and before his ordination, a malignant and mortal fever then prevailing, he was introduced by his reverend colleague to the chambers of the sick, and the beds of the dying. He has often observed, it was a happy introduction to the work of the ministry—It was one means of eminently qualifying him for that part of pastoral duty; and it is universally allowed that few, if any, were more judicious and successful in their applications and addresses to persons in those circumstances.
His religious sentiments were rational and catholic, being drawn from the gospel of Christ; in them he was ever steady, and though a friend to the rights of conscience and a free enquiry, he yet wished to avoid, in his common discourses, those nice and needless distinctions, which had too often proved detrimental to Christian love and union.
It was happy for his country, that his early intension of devoting himself to the work of the gospel ministry, or the cares of that important office to which he was ever attentive, did not prevent his completing his character by an intimate acquaintance with other branches of science besides divinity, particularly with the classicks. Upon their sparkling field he pleasingly roved from flower to flower, and finally became one of the most finished scholars of the present day.
He was a friend to learning, and to the university in which he was educated, and was a faithful member of the board of overseers. After the loss of Harvard hall, with the library and apparatus, by fire, in 1762, he exerted his extensive influence in procuring subscriptions to repair that loss. There having been a vacancy in the corporation in 1767, the Doctor was elected one of that board, and continued a very attentive, firm, and judicious member until his death.
His fame for literary accomplishments, and his character as a divine, became too great to be limited to his native country; it introduced him to the university of Edinburgh, from whence he was complimented with a diploma of doctor in divinity.
Dr. Cooper was an active member of the society for propagating the gospel among the aboriginals of America, the work was pleasing to his benevolent mind, and he was ever watchful that the pious intensions of the donors in those charities should not be disappointed.
When his country had asserted her right to independence, he was anxious to lay a foundation for the encouragement of useful arts, and the growth of the sciences in this land of civil liberty. In his opinion knowledge, as a handmaid to virtue, was necessary to support free governments and promote public happiness. He was therefore one of the foremost in forwarding the plan on foot, in 1780, for establishing an American academy of arts and sciences; and this society, from a sense of his literary merits, elected him their first vice-president.
To his acquaintance with divinity, and the other branches of science, were added a just knowledge of the nature and design of government, and the rights of mankind.—The gospel taught him to wish and promote their happiness, and the shining examples of the first ministers of this Commonwealth in the cause of their country, were ever before his eyes.
He well knew that tyranny opposes itself to religious as well as civil liberty; and being among the first who perceived the injustice and ruinous tendency of those measures of the British court, which at length obliged the Americans to defend their rights with the sword, this Reverend Patriot was among the first who took an early and decided part in the politics of his country.
He did what he could, not only by his prevailing address, his counsels and advice, but by his pen, in conjunction with other distinguished patriots, to alarm the sleepy, animate the timed, support the sufferer, encourage the warrior, and unite the people.
The abilities and steadiness thus manifested in this glorious cause, endeared him to his country, and he was esteemed, consulted and confided in by some of the principal leaders in the opposition—The success of it lay near his heart, and he regarded as friends all who aided it, whether here or in Europe.
He did much to obtain foreign alliances, and his letters were read with great satisfaction by the ministry of Versailles, whilst men of the most distinguished characters in Europe became his correspondents.
When France made a proffer of her friendship in the most disinterested manner, and became the supporter of our freedom and independence, it was necessary to subdue the prejudices against that nation which Britain had early sown in New-England, as also to conciliate the habits and manners of the two nations—Dr. Cooper appeared as one peculiarly formed by heaven for this happy purpose.
He possessed an elevation of thought, a delicacy of sentiment, and quickness of apprehension, which, united with an easiness of manners, and the most engaging address, never failed of gaining the attention and giving pleasure to the most respectable circles. Noblemen of the first distinction in Europe and fame for their literary accomplishments, having been by the course of the late war brought to America, were fond of being introduced to him;–when they had once seen him, they coveted an intimate acquaintance.
The great friendship subsisting between him, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, was one means of his being known in France; and he gentlemen coming from that kingdom were generally recommended to him by those ambassadors.
When the fleets of his Most Christian Majesty have adorned our harbor, he was always the confidential friend of the gentlemen who commanded; and the many officers and subjects of that august and beloved Monarch who visited him, were ever received with an ease and cordiality that was pleasing, and highly endeared him to them.
When the civil constitution of this Commonwealth, in which he had some share, was formed and approved of by the people, he was, according to the custom of the country, called upon to introduce it with a sermon: this discourse, with others of his writings, have been printed in several languages, and are some specimens of his singular abilities.
The nature of his illness, which from the first he apprehended would be his last, was such as rendered him some part of the time incapable of conversation.—He had, however, intervals of recollection: at these times he informed his friends that he was perfectly reconciled to whatever Heaven should appoint—willing rather to be absent from the body and present with the Lord; that his hopes and consolations sprang from a belief of those evangelical truths which he had preached to others; that he wished not to be detained any longer from that higher state of perfection and happiness which the gospel had opened to his view.
He declared his great satisfaction in seeing his country in peace, and possessed of freedom and independence; and his hopes, that by their virtue and public spirit, they would shew the world that they were not unworthy those inestimable blessings.
With the tenderest expressions of love and kindness to his near connections and friends and the dear people of his charge, who have always shewn him every mark of their love and esteem, he closed this mortal life, and has, we trust, entered into the joys of his Lord.
Thus lived and thus died, the great and amiable Doctor Cooper, and his death is a loss which learning and religion, patriotism and friendship, will long feel and lament.
Joseph Willard (1738-1804) graduated from Harvard College in 1765 and served as a tutor at the College until 1772. He was ordained in November of 1772 at First Congregational Church in Beverly, Mass. In 1780, he was one of the founding members of The American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He was elected President of Harvard in 1781 and served until his death in 1804.
A Thanksgiving
Sermon
Delivered at Boston
December 11, 1783,
To The Religious Society
in Brattle Street,
Under the Pastoral Care
of
The Rev. Samuel Cooper, D.D.
By
The Rev. Joseph Willard, A.M.
President of the University in Cambridge.Thanksgiving Sermon.
Psalm CXVIII, 27.God is the Lord which hath showed us light; bind the sacrifice with cords, even unto the horns of the altar.
This is a Psalm of David; and it appears to have been penned by him, in the way of grateful acknowledgement to God, for some remarkable deliverance, which He had granted him from the hands of his enemies, who had been almost ready to destroy him, and over-run the kingdom of Israel. “All nations compassed me about, says he, but in the name of the Lord I will destroy them. They compassed me about; they compassed me about like bees, they are quenched as the fire of thorns; for in the name of the Lord I will destroy them. Thou hast thrust sore at me, that I might fall, but the Lord helped me. The Lord is my strength and song, and is become my salvation.” Thus was he delivered from the hands of his enemies, and he gives the glory to God—to that God upon whom, he tells us, in a verse proceeding, he had called in his distress; and he is desirous that he should be praised. “God is the Lord, says he in our text, which hath showed us light; bind the sacrifice with cords, even unto the horns of the altar”; i.e. As the omnipotent Lord appeared for us in our days of darkness—in our times of trouble, distress and danger, and hath caused light to shine upon us—hath made a way for our escape, and hath granted us salvation, let us be grateful to him—let us show our gratitude by offering him sacrifices of thanksgiving—let us bring our victims, for this purpose, to the altar, and there keep them bound, ready to be offered to God, to show our gratefulness and the joy of our hearts. Such was the exhortation of David to the people of Israel, when God had showed peculiar favors to him and them; and, in similar circumstances, a people, at this day, should consider the exhortation as directed to them. And in treating upon this text we shall show, that when God has remarkably interposed for a people in their days of darkness or calamity, and granted them light, or signal deliverances and favors, they ought to offer to Him a tribute of thanksgiving and praise.
God is the Lord, says David, which hath showed us light. This implies that he and his people had been in darkness. And here we may observe, that darkness and light are frequently used in a metaphorical sense, in the Holy Scriptures. Darkness is put for trouble, perplexity and calamity. Thus Joel speaking concerning the famine and other judgments under which the Israelites labored, calls the season, “A day of darkness and of gloominess, a day of clouds and of thick darkness.” And Zephaniah prophesying of the judgments of God, which were coming upon Judah, says concerning the time when they should fall upon them, “That day is a day of wrath, a day of trouble and distress, a day of wasteness and desolation, a day of darkness and gloominess, a day of clouds and thick darkness.” These and many other passages make it evident that darkness is sometimes used in the Holy Scriptures metaphorically for trouble and calamity; and it is with propriety thus used. In days of public calamity how distressing is sometimes the prospect? Which way soever we look, trouble and melancholy appear, and gloom is apt to seize upon and overwhelm the mind as darkness in the night involves the body.
We find light in the Holy Oracles spoken of in an opposite sense. It is put for prosperity and serenity of mind, or joy. And when God is mentioned as interposing for his people and removing their troubles and calamities, he is said to give them light, and they are spoken of as enjoying light. Thus, when God made a way for the Jews to be delivered from the wicked devices of Haman, and to be saved from that destruction, in which their enemies were ready to involve them, it is said that they had light and gladness and joy. Many such days had the children of Israel, while they continued to be a nation. After they had been involved in darkness they saw light; they had their troubles removed; and from adversity, through the goodness and mercy of God, they emerged to prosperity.
If we read their history with any attention, we shall find that they had many dark days. Their troubles and calamities were sometimes exceeding great; and they seemed to be threatened with destruction. The greatest scourges they had were generally their enemies, who, when they revolted from God were permitted to make war upon them, and oftentimes to reduce them to abject circumstances and great distresses. These were to them seasons of great gloom and darkness, and they sometimes knew not which way to turn. But when they repented, God interposed for them and granted them deliverance, whereby the clouds were dispersed and light shone upon them. And in whatever way they had light after their darkness it was God who was the Author of it.
David openly acknowledges God to be the Author of the deliverance that he and his people had, from the hand of their enemies, as celebrated in the Psalm from which we have taken our text. Like a man of true wisdom, he perceived the divine government—he saw the providence of God concerned in the important events that took place in his affairs; and as became a man of sincere piety, he freely spoke of it and gave glory to the Ruler of the world; and all who think with propriety and are men of real religion will join with David, and will allow, that God’s hand ought to be acknowledged, in all great and happy events which concern them.
We have enough to convince us, that God is the Governor of the Universe, and doth his pleasure in the armies of heaven and among the inhabitants of the earth. He hath almighty power, infinite wisdom, the strictest justice, and unbounded goodness; he is therefore able to rule in the best manner. Were we to argue only from what reason should dictate to us concerning such a Being, we must be convinced that he would rule in the best manner, if he should undertake the government of the world; and the same reason would dictate to us, that such a Being would not leave it without government: None could be equal to the undertaking but a Being of infinite perfections. God therefore must direct in all or the whole would run to confusion.
God’s providence and government are treated of in the plainest manner, in the Sacred Oracles. By them we are informed that He hath set up his empire among the children of men, and that He disposes of all things concerning them, as he pleases. He is represented as directing the concerns both of individuals and communities or nations. He orders what respects the outward circumstances of each one of us; and as to what concerns nations, he speaks to build and to plant them—and He speaks to pluck up, and to pull down and to destroy.
There are proofs, innumerable proofs of a superintendency over the affairs of men, which they cannot but be sensible of, if they open their eyes and reflect in the least. Such facts must arise to view as must fully convince every unprejudiced mind of providence. Oftentimes are events entirely contrary to human plans, and even to the most sanguine expectations. Men fail, when they appear to be upon the eve of carrying their purposes into execution, and their expectations perish. Sometimes men are as unexpectedly successful in their undertakings. They have been driven to attempt things, in which human probability has been entirely against them, and yet they have carried their attempts into execution. Thus are men taught, that there is Power above who orders and directs in all the affairs of the children of men. This has so often been the case with respect both to individuals and communities that he must be obstinately blind who does not see it.
God sometimes fulfills the desires of the children of men, without any human instrumentality. Thus, by a series of miracles wrought in Egypt, he caused the king of Egypt to let the children of Israel go out of his land, where they had for a long time been groaning under the most cruel bondage. And by working a miracle, he pated the red sea, when the king of Egypt with a large army pursued the Israelites; and after the Israelites had marched through and escaped, he caused the sea to return upon the Egyptians, who followed them, whereby they were all drowned; and thus was a most wonderful and memorable deliverance wrought for his people. In a like miraculous manner, God granted deliverance to the Samaritans, after they had been for a long time besieged by the army of Benhadad king of Syria, and had endured the rigors of famine. The sacred historian tells us, 2 Kings vii[7]th chapter, that, The Lord made the host of the Syrians to hear a noise of a great host, and they said one to another, Lo, the king of Israel hath hired against us the kings of the Hittites and the kings of the Egyptians, to come upon us. Wherefore they arose and fled in the twilight, and left their tents and their horses, and their asses, even the camp as it was, and fled for their life. As remarkable a deliverance God gave Hezekiah from the army of Sennacherib king of Assyria. He had greatly distressed the land of Judea, and by his army and threatenings had thrown Hezekiah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem into much consternation. He boasted what he would do to the kingdom of Hezekiah, and spoke blasphemous words against the God of heaven. But the Almighty soon blasted his purposes. His angel went out, and in one night smote in the camp of the Assyrians, an hundred fourscore and five thousand men; and Sennacherib, without attempting anything farther, returned to his own land. This memorable account we find in 2 Kings xix, and in Isaiah xxxviii. These are a few instances of many that might be produced from sacred Writ, where God, in the most remarkable manner, interposed and granted salvation to his people, without human means; so that the glory could not but be entirely ascribed to him.
But the hand of God does not always appear so immediate and conspicuous, in those great and happy events which a people sometimes experiences; yet his providence may be seen in them; and though human means may have been made use of, the finger of God may still evidently appear in bringing about what takes place. A number of instances favoring this position, may be found in the sacred pages, respecting the children of Israel, which there is not time to mention, but which those conversant with their bibles may easily advert to.
There never has been a nation for whom God has so miraculously interposed, in their days of darkness, as he often did for the children of Israel; and scarcely ever is his providence marked with such very signal footsteps. Yet divine interpositions for other nations have sometimes been so evident, that he must have been willfully perverse who has not owned them. They have sometimes appeared to be upon the brink of ruin; everything has seemed to be fast tending to their overthrow; they have been so enveloped in darkness, that almost ever mind has been filled with gloom, and has presaged the saddest events: But a series of prosperous circumstances have ere long taken place; every undertaking has been smiled upon; ways and means have unexpectedly been found for them to reinstate their affairs, and a train of successes has attended all their operations. Everything has turned out so contrary to human appearances and expectations, that none but an atheistical mind could resist the evidences appearing for the interposals of a divine providence. Even Heathens have remarked such interposals, and have highly celebrated them; and surely it would be a disgrace to those, who are favored with the knowledge of the true religion, when they see such remarkable events taking place, or which have taken place, not to acknowledge the hand of Him who rules in heaven and among the inhabitants of the earth, and who orders things as it best pleases Him. And they who are interested in events, which have been graciously overruled to their advantage and happiness, would conduct entirely unworthy the benefits they have received, should they not acknowledge that they are indebted to the providence of God for them. A humble sense of their dependence upon Him ought to possess their minds, as well when they have received favors, as when they are in want of them. And it is highly provoking to God, when men entirely arrogate that to themselves, for which they have been indebted to his blessing and the success which he has granted to their endeavors, and they have reason to fear lest he should withdraw his favors. But they who have a sense of their obligations to God, for the light and prosperity which they enjoy, and with grateful hearts acknowledge it, may hope that he will be further merciful to them, and will grant them all needed salvation.
Gratitude to God always becomes the children of men, who are continually receiving benefits from his hand; and it in a peculiar manner becomes them, when they have received any signal favors. This was the temper of David, as we find in our text. As the Lord had showed him and his people light, he exhorts to bind the sacrifice with cords unto the horns of the altar. He was ready to offer a tribute of praise to the God of his salvation himself, and to lead others to do the same. This is a conduct which all ought to pursue.
God has been pleased to endue us with passions and affections, as well as reason; and when we see particular actions or modes of conduct, we not only reason upon them, but we immediately feel ourselves impressed with the idea of their propriety or impropriety. When we perceive a malignant temper in any one of our fellow creatures, and see him manifesting it by malevolent actions, not only does our reason tell us that his temper is evil and his actions wrong, but we immediately feel ourselves impressed with the idea of his vileness; and indignation arises in our breasts against him. On the contrary, when we see one of our fellow creatures of diffusive benevolence, who shows the goodness of his heart by frequent acts of kindness and beneficence, and who delights to make all those who are around him happy, our hearts must be immediately impressed with a love of his character; unless we are devoid of the common feelings of the human heart; and if we have been benefitted by him, we shall not only love his character, but, shall feel gratitude enkindled in our bosoms.
Shall we feel thus disposed towards one of our fellow men, in whose character there is benevolence and goodness, and can we see remarkable manifestations of the goodness of God towards us, and not have our hearts deeply impressed with gratitude and thankfulness to Him! None can possibly bestow upon us such favors as God, but all must in acts of goodness fall infinitely short of him; and shall any feel more grateful to a fellow creature, who bestows a few favors, than to that infinitely good Being, who loads us with benefits, and to whom we are obliged for disposing others to do us good? Did men but seriously consider from whence all their mercies flow—that it is God to whom they are indebted for the blessings they enjoy, they could not but feel highly grateful to him. A grateful mind must always be acceptable to God; all therefore should be solicitous that their mind be thus disposed; and if they are truly grateful to him they cannot but be ready to offer him a tribute of praise, and to conduct in such a manner as to glorify him.
To live as God requires is the most substantial praise that men can pay him. This shows that they have a proper sense of their obligations to him, and are studious to glorify him: All therefore should endeavor so to order their whole conversation and conduct, that a tribute of praise may be daily ascending from them, and they may lead a life of thanksgiving. But particular exercises of praise and thanksgiving are a mean of promoting such a character in ourselves and others. They have tendency to excite sentiments of love and gratitude to God, and to lead men to study what His will is, that they may conform thereto.
David in our text, sensible of his obligations to God speaks of offering him sacrifices. There were sacrifices of thanksgiving appointed under the Mosaic dispensation. These we read of in Leviticus vii. The Israelites were directed to offer sacrifices of thanksgiving to testify their gratitude for the favors they received from God; and if these sacrifices were attended with grateful hearts, they were acceptable to him.
Jewish sacrifices, we all know, have long since ceased, but there are ways in which Christians may offer to God sacrifices of thanksgiving. They may have days appointed to meet together at the house of God, to attend to discourses of his goodness and mercy, to sing his praises, and to offer their thankful acknowledgements for his favors, before the throne of his grace. And if they thus meet together, with hearts deeply impressed with a sense of divine benefits, and sincerely join in these acts of worship, they glorify God and are accepted by him.—They also offer him the sacrifice of thanksgiving, while they temperately partake of the bounties of his providence, and at the same time have their affections engaged to him for his blessings. And they who are in circumstances of ease of affluence may offer to God the sacrifice of thanksgiving, by imitating him in his bounty, and bestowing favors, with a true spirit of charity, upon those who are in circumstances of indigence.
But omitting what might be further offered upon this head, I shall now proceed to the improvement.
From what we have heard, let us all be excited to keep in our minds a realizing sense of the providence of God, as continually directing human affairs. And at a time when there are any great and signal benefits, in which we with others are concerned, let us show that we are properly impressed with a consideration of our being indebted to God.
It becomes us to acknowledge a divine providence, when we are partakers of peculiar favors; for however the blessings we enjoy may appear to have been in any measure procured by ourselves, or by any of our fellow men, we or they are but second causes. God is the first cause, and without him nothing can be brought to pass. In all signal blessings, therefore, let us gratefully acknowledge him, and we may hope at all times to have his favorable regards, and those mercies that we farther stand in need of. And, under great and happy events in which it becomes us to rejoice, let us endeavor that our joy may be under proper regulations.
We should enjoy with cheerfulness the prosperity that God is pleased to allot to us; and when we meet with peculiar deliverances and favors, especially of a public nature, in which not only we, but multitudes of our fellow men are concerned, we may be particularly joyous; only we should guard against everything that would not become us as men and as Christians. And we should in a particular manner be glad in the Lord, who is our divine Benefactor. Let us with sincerity pay our tribute of thanksgiving to him, and make our gratitude known by striving to live as well as speak his praises—joining the sacrifice of a pious and Godly conduct to the offerings of our tongues.
Let us now consider what has been offered, as it respects the occasion of our being together at this time.
We are called together by our Rulers, this day, to celebrate the loving kindness of God as it appears in those great things which he hath done for us. And in order that our gratitude may abound, in those happy circumstances in which we now find ourselves, let us take a retrospective view of the state of our affairs, in this land, for some years past. We shall indeed be able but just to glance upon many things; but we shall see sufficient to fill our minds with adoring thoughts of the great Governor of the world, and the highest gratitude to him for his unspeakable benefits.
We have had days of darkness as well as seasons of light. How gloomy was our situation, for several years before the late war, when Great Britain was endeavoring to lay upon us burdens difficult to be borne, and which, if we had submitted to them, would have sunk us to a very abject state. We had to contend with artful men, and those bent upon carrying their purposes, at all events. But in the midst of these glooms God gave us some light. He early raised up those among us, who had wisdom to detect the plots of these men, and firmness to oppose their measures, so that we did not fall that easy prey to them, which they had expected. They took one method after another, to put the shackles upon the inhabitants of this land; sometimes by artful, at other times by violent measures; but there were always found those among us, who could traverse their designs; and though the blessing of God, upon the exertions of our worthy and steady Patriots, the enemies of our Zion were never able to carry these their destructive plans into execution.
How dark was the prospect, when the port of this Metropolis was shut up by a cruel act of the British Legislature, as a punishment for opposing their unjust measure? Soon after which, the Government of the Province was essentially altered, and made a King’s Government, that the people might be brought to humiliating submission; and to reduce them the sooner to this, a military Governor, with a considerable military force, was placed among us. Gloom sat upon the countenances of all but a few, and we trembled for the event of these things. “But though we were perplexed, we were not in despair—though we were persecuted, we were not forsaken.” Many who had appeared Patriots, continued firm in their country’s cause; and God granted a remarkable union of the inhabitants of this land. This Metropolis found friends, through the Continent, to help her under her distresses—this Province found others disposed to make her cause a common one; and by their united counsels they made a glorious stand against the hand of oppression. Thus did light break forth from darkness. Our enemies, who had thought by rigorous methods to intimidate us, were chagrined at finding so determined a spirit of opposition to their schemes, and they were plunged into difficulties which they knew not how to surmount.
But the most trying scenes were still to come. On the memorable 19th of April 1775, hostilities began, bloodshed commenced, which led on to that train of events, which have astonished the world. But how dark was the aspect when war had thus commenced between Great Britain and the inhabitants of her then Colonies! In this Province the war began; and we could not tell how far we should be aided and supported by our sister Colonies, in this last appeal to heaven. But God, who has the hearts of all men in his hand, surprisingly inclined them to aid us; and the determination became general, to withstand the hand of oppression, to the last extremity. Those in this Province, who with so much patriotism and bravery turned out to repel the enemy, at the commencement of hostilities, were soon joined by their brethren, from other parts, so that it was not long before we had a large army collected, and a General at the head of it, in whom entire confidence was placed; and thus heaven appeared to smile upon us in the midst of our distresses. And we had this further happiness, that the Council of the United colonies harmonized in their measures, and strenuously pursued whose plans, which, they judged, would best conduce to secure the liberty and felicity of the people. But although we had thus some light, yet there were dark clouds which could not but give us uneasiness. Our army was for a good while in a very fluctuating state. At the same time, they were almost destitute of everything necessary to carry on a war, while our enemies were well furnished. Yet, God ere long gave us some signal advantages against them, particularly in the ever memorable battle of Bunker-Hill, enabled us to circumscribe them within very narrow bounds, and prevent them from ravaging the country. And after they had been in possession of our Capital, for some months, He was remarkably with us, in driving them from the important post. And how wonderful were the smiles of providence upon us, in procuring those military articles we stood in need of! All the efforts of our enemies to prevent our supply proved abortive. When we were in the greatest straits, some of the enemy’s vessels laden with military stores and clothing, fell into our hands—we soon became able to manufacture military stores for ourselves, in large quantities—foreign ports were opened to us, and freely supplied us with whatever we stood in need of; so that all the endeavors of our enemies to force us into a compliance with their unjust measures, by putting it out of our power to oppose them, for want of arms and military stores, were entirely frustrated.
In the summer of 1776, so large was the British force, both by sea and land, at New York, that human probability was, that they would carry all before them. Yet, the Fathers of our country, our intrepid Patriots did not despair of our affairs; and when they found that all addresses to the throne for justice were unavailing, and there appeared the most determined spirit to oppress this people, deprive them of their invaluable liberties and bring them to abject submission, they nobly dared as it were in the face of the royal fleets and armies, to assert their freedom, declare their independence on that power which was thus injuriously treating them, and to rank themselves among the distinct nations of the earth. This step the people at large had previously authorized the great Council of the States to take, if they should think it expedient; and they have never had reason to repent that it was taken. Such a measure, taken under such circumstances, must immortalize the memory of the then inhabitants of this country, and particularly, of that band of intrepid patriots, who proposed the measure and openly published it to the world, under the signature of that distinguished Patron of liberty, who has ever stood forth to assert its glorious cause, even in times of the greatest hazard.
After this memorable transaction, in the course of the summer, the enemy gained many advantages over us; and in the autumn our affairs wore an extremely dark aspect. Our army was reduced to an handful of men, compared with that of our enemy. But our Commander in Chief, who has ever shown with peculiar lustre in circumstances of difficulty, through the blessing of providence upon his arms in the winter, revived the drooping spirits of his countrymen. His splendid and successful actions of Trenton and Princeton gave a new turn to our affairs; and large recruits soon joined our little army. Our enemies were disappointed in their expectations, and greatly chagrined; and we had light and joy, after great darkness and perplexity.
During the course of the war, God remarkably prevented the ruin of our cause by British gold, when employed for that purpose. A remarkable instance of his kindness we had in the detection of Arnold, one of our Major Generals, in his ungrateful, vile and treacherous designs and plots. Had he succeeded in these designs, such a blow would have been given to our affairs, as we should have severely felt; and the consequences might have been fatal to our cause. But the Lord disappointed him.—While we view, with the utmost contempt, detestation and abhorrence the abandoned traitor, purchased with the enemy’s gold, let us consider, with the greatest gratitude, the footsteps of the providence of our gracious and divine Benefactor, by which his atrocious plots were brought to light and frustrated, when they were upon the point of being executed; and to him be the glory of all!
The military events, after the last mentioned actions of Trenton and Princeton, were various; and to give a minute detail would now be tedious and improper. Our defensive and offensive actions were sometimes signal. Witness Red-Bank, Stony-Point, Monmouth and several other places. But the successes that attended our arms, in two instances, were so important in themselves and so momentous in their consequences, that I cannot forbear briefly describing them.
The first instance I refer to, is the capture of General Burgoyne and his army, at Saratoga, by General Gates and his forces. How gloomy was the prospect, sometime before the event? When our forces were abandoning their strong holds, and leaving all to the enemy.—The enemy, at the same time pursuing, and slaying and taking prisoners many of our soldiers—Numbers of towns, in the northern department, lying open to the ravages of the British troops and to the cruel depredations of the savages—Multitudes fleeing from their habitations and leaving their substance, to escape the sons of violence; and scarcely knowing where to retire—The enemy flushed with success, penetrating into the country, and threatening to over-run that quarter like an overflowing flood! At that time we were ready to think that all these things were against us; and we trembled for the event. But it was not long before we saw that God meant all for good. Many of our militia were inspired to take the field, in their country’s cause. We soon met with great success at Bennington, against a large division of the enemy; after which, they lost ground in every quarter. Their main body was prevented from advancing, by our army, which daily augmented, by great numbers, who voluntarily took the field. Large divisions of the enemy’s army were attacked and repulsed; and the whole, soon after, fell into the hands of our brave General and his troops.
When the news of this capture reached Europe, it filled the minds of our enemies with dismay; and it happily made way for our alliance with the French nation, from which we have received the most important advantages. From that period, the inhabitants of these United States have appeared to the nations of Europe of much higher consequence than before, and their cause of far greater moment. And the example of France induced others, particularly the United Provinces in the Netherlands, to favor our struggles for securing our independence.
The other memorable instance of success was at York Town in the autumn of 1781. Several of the first months of that year afforded us very unfavorable prospects. When the spring opened, we had but a small army in the field, and our enemies were making great progress in the southern States. At the time that General Green was appointed for, and sent to that department, he had almost every difficulty to contend with. When he began his campaign he had but a very small army. But by his merit and enterprising spirit he soon collected a considerable force, and engaged Earl Cornwallis, the enemy’s commander in chief in that quarter. The contest was obstinate, notwithstanding our forces were inferior in numbers; and although the enemy kept the ground, yet they suffered so severely and were in such circumstances, that they were soon obliged to leave it to our army, which was in the neighborhood, and was ready to meet them again, in a few days after the battle.
Our General and army marched to South Carolina, while the enemy proceeded to Virginia, with a full expectation of adding that State to their southern conquests, which they thought secure to them. But their expectations were eventually disappointed, in every quarter. Our arms, by the smiles of a kind providence, were crowned with the most happy success in the Carolinas, and one important post after another fell into the hands of our brave General and army.
When Earl Cornwallis had arrived in Virginia, he found there the brave Marquis la Fayette to oppose him, but with so small a force, that he was able to make but little head against him. The British General, therefore, greatly distressed the people of that State, and the prospect for a time, was in that quarter, very unfavorable to us. But after a while the prospect brightened. Our illustrious and generous Ally the King of France, who had, the year before, sent us a considerable fleet and army, did, on this emergency, furnish these States with a powerful armament, to cooperate with us against the British forces. And what was the event? The united arms of America and France, by the blessing of heaven succeeded according to our wishes. The British fleet severely shattered, and driven from the Chesapeake by the French, and unable to relieve their General, returned to port with disappointment and loss. Our illustrious General and Commander in Chief, with the allied army, approached the enemy, who were strongly fortified, but with such vigor and resolution was the siege prosecuted, that the Earl was soon reduced to the necessity of capitulating, and submitted to such terms as were imposed—terms, indeed, less humiliating and severe than he, who had constantly marked his footsteps with devastation and cruelty, had any right to expect; but not too lenient for the noble and generous mind of a Washington to give—a mind, which has ever compassionated the unfortunate, though by their conduct they have oftentimes been undeserving of pity.
This glorious event was the finishing stroke to the offensive war of the Britons in America. Our enemies were convinced, that to prosecute the war any father would be but to plunge themselves into greater disgrace and wretchedness. Through the year 1782, therefore, there were no military actions among us, worth notice; and negotiations for peace were more thought of than preparations for war. And happily, in the beginning of the present year, peace was settled, and the independence of these United States was acknowledged by Great Britain; and our Plenipotentiaries gained, by the treaty, everything for us that our most sanguine expectations could promise us. Such a great and important revolution in the cause of freedom, and completed in so few years, is not to be found recorded in history; and it must ever appear an event as astonishing as it is important.
I have briefly related these things, my hearers, not to inform of anything new, but to stir up the mind by way of remembrance, and to bring many important things into one point of view, that we may the better see the divine footsteps, and be led to adore that God, who has safely conducted us through the difficulties we have had to sustain, has given us a name and rank among the nations of the earth, and firmly established our freedom.
Freedom! How pleasing is thy name, how grateful to those who have so long been struggling in thy cause! The inhabitants of the United States, who not long since, were ingloriously dependent upon another power, have now the direction of their own affairs; and from that true spirit of liberty, which so eminently distinguishes them, we have everything to hope. Methinks, I see the firmest and most distinguished Patriots, and the wisest and most just Legislators, in long succession, blessing the land. Under their patronage and encouragement, methinks I see agriculture carried to great perfection, by the wisdom and industry of this people, and trade and commerce so extended and improved, as to be highly to the emolument of these States. Methinks I see science flourishing, and improved to the highest degree, under the fostering hand of liberty. Methinks I see virtue and piety encouraged by all ranks of men, and the gospel of Jesus Christ having free course among us; and religious knowledge, and religious liberty, charity and Catholicism eminently prevailing, and this land becoming in all respects, the glory and the joy of the whole earth. Methinks I see the interests of mankind essentially promoted, by our glorious and successful struggles, and the benign influences of our freedom extending far and wide.—But whither am I carried in these pleasing presages? I forbear.—God grant, that expectations so delightful to our minds may never be blasted!
Methinks, my hearers, we cannot take a review of the great and momentous events, respecting these States, which we have been considering, without seeing the interpositions of a divine providence, in the most conspicuous manner, in bringing us out of darkness into marvelous light; and I must think, we all say in our hearts, “If it had not been the Lord, who was on our side, when men rose up against us: Then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us. Then the waters had overwhelmed us, the stream had gone over our soul. Then the proud waters had gone over our soul. Blessed be the Lord, who hath not given us a prey to their teeth. Our soul is escaped, as a bird out of the snare of the fowler; the snare is broken, and we are escaped.”
Great thanks are due to many, both in the civil and military line, who have exerted themselves to carry us happily through the war, in which we have been engaged in the support of freedom, and to secure the independence of these States. But whatever obligations we are under to our Patriots, still it is to God that we must give glory; and while we remember them with gratitude, as we ought always to do, let us principally be joyful in the rock of our salvation, and praise God for raising up of our fellow men to be such extensive blessings to us.
We mutually feel pleasure, my brethren, under prosperous events, in which we are concerned; and we ought not to suppress our pleasure, at such times, but only give it a proper direction. Did we not feel pleasure and joy when providence bestowed peculiar favors upon us, or were we immediately to labor to suppress every pleasurable sensation, at such a time, we should want a great stimulus to gratitude to the hand from whence we receive the mercies we enjoy. To be joyful, therefore, under such circumstances, is not only allowable, but is also a duty; and not to be moved would be greater proof of stupidity than of piety. The wise man says, “In a day of prosperity be joyful;” and we are authorized to it, by examples of good men, recorded in the word of God. But while we give outward demonstrations of joy, let us take care that we do not run into levity and vanity, into extravagance, luxury and excess; but in all our expressions of joy, on this happy occasion, let us conduct agreeably to the rules of reason and religion. Let us indulge to nothing that would jostle out of our minds a sense of the obligations we are under to God; but let us preserve a grateful regard to the providence of that Being, from whom comes every good and perfect gift; and who is the Author of all the happiness we enjoy or can expect. And let us strive to have our joy so operate, that through the blessing of God it may promote in our souls a true love to Him, and a sincere desire to please and obey Him. Thus should we all endeavor to improve the remarkable blessings God has bestowed upon us, and so to rejoice in the Lord that we may be furthered in our way to that blessed world, were there is joy unspeakable and full of glory.
But as God’s hand ought to be acknowledged with gratitude and thankfulness, in all such important events as we have been considering, so it ought also to be, in those things in which it does not appear so conspicuous to us, because they are more common. When the inhabitants of a Community enjoy great health and plenty, they are indebted to God therefore. In him we live move and have our being; and he upholds us from day to day. All diseases are under his direction and control. He can send them upon us, or restrain them, as he pleases. The state of the air may be salubrious or pestilentious, adapted to promote health or to impair it. There may be many other things, which may act as external causes, and may subserve or destroy it. But still, nothing can take place without the permission or direction of God, who is the health of our countenance. To him therefore be the praise and glory, for that health which the inhabitants of this land have, for the year past, enjoyed; and may we all show our gratitude to him, by improving our health in his service.
As God has savored us with remarkable health, so he has given us kindly seasons, and has blessed us with great plenty, filling us with food and gladness. This his goodness demands our grateful acknowledgements; and we ought to make it our great concern, to improve the bounties of his providence, in such a manner, that we may thereby honor and glorify him. May they who have ability be ready to show their gratitude to God, by assisting the poor, and extending their bounty to those who are objects of charity. The poor we have always with us; and they who have a sufficiency of this world’s goods should consider themselves God’s Almoners, and should be ready to expend something feed the hungry and clothe the naked, remembering what St. Paul has said, “To do good and to communicate forget not, for with such sacrifices God is well pleased.”
We have great reason of thankfulness that we have a good Government, and that our Rulers are such, that under their administration we may lead quiet and peaceable lives. And God be praised, that since the last anniversary, we have had so few internal difficulties among us, and that there is so general a disposition to promote good order.
Above all things, my brethren, let us be thankful to God, that he hath continued to us the precious privileges of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Let us strive with the greatest care to improve these privileges aright, which will be the most substantial proof that we are truly grateful for them.
God is calling upon you, my brethren, to consider the importance of improving these privileges, by his present afflictive providence, in interrupting the public services of your justly beloved and valued Pastor, who has, for many years, labored among you in word and in doctrine. While that eminent servant of our Lord Jesus Christ shall be detained from this his sanctuary, may you reflect how you have received and heard. May you consider how you have improved under his ministry. As far as it has had a due influence upon you, may you be grateful to God who has blessed it. If it has not been improved by you as it ought to have been, may you be humble and penitent, and resolve, relying upon divine grace, that you will for the future be more attentive to the great and momentous truths of the gospel.
Notwithstanding you are partakers of the public joy, which is diffused enough through the land, yet it cannot but be damped, by what you feel as a religious Society, on account of the sickness of your excellent Pastor; and in this regard it is with you a day of darkness. I feel you concern—I heartily condole with you under this afflictive dispensation of providence, and consider myself as deeply interested. May a life so eminently useful and valuable be precious in the sight of God. May he graciously restore him to health and to distinguished serviceableness among this people of his beloved charge—to the University of which he is so excellent and beneficial as Governor, and to the public, which he has greatly serve, and which would very sensibly feel his loss.
Blessed be God who is in any measure giving light and hope. May that goodness which is begun be perfected. May the darkness soon be entirely dispelled and perfect day appear. May your Pastor be raised up, and be continued to be a burning and shining light in this golden candlestick, as he has heretofore been, and even to increase in luster; and may you for a long season rejoice in his light.
Finally, that we may all walk agreeably to the light of gospel truth in this world, and that we may finally be received to the world of eternal light and glory above, may God of his infinite mercy grant, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Ordered, That Jeremiah Powell, Moses Gill, and Ebenezer Bridge, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Henry Cumings, and return him the Thanks of this Board for the Sermon delivered by him, Yesterday before his Honor, the Lieutenant- Governor, the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and to request a Copy of the same for the Press.
S. Adams, President
I Peter V. 5.
Yea, all of you be subject to one another.
Without enquiring into the particular meaning of these words, considered in a sense restrained by their coherence with what proceeds and follows, I shall take them as an independent sentence; in which detached view, they comprehend all those duties of civil and social life, which mankind owe to one another, whatever difference there may be among them, as to their respective capacities and outward condition in the world.
As then are formed for society, and cannot be happy in a state of separation from one another; so their well- being depends upon mutual assistance and support, and a reciprocal interchange of those offices of friendship and benevolence, which their mutual dependence requires, and both reason and religion prescribe.
That all men ought in some sense to be subject to one another, is the plain doctrine of the apostle Peter, in the words just read. This doctrine concerns all societies, under every form and constitution of government, whether monarchal, popular or mixed. It is especially suited to the genius of a commonwealth, founded upon this leading principle, that ˙all men are born free and equal; that is, come into the world on even ground in regard to authority; no one having a right to govern, in virtue of primogeniture or descent from an higher and more noble parentage than others.
The subject therefore is worthy of the attention of this respectable auditory; and the speaker has no doubt but they will afford him their candid indulgence, while he modestly attempts to offer a few thoughts upon it, though he should not be able to handle it, in a manner answerable to it’s dignity and importance.
According to it’s most common use, the word subjection signifies the submission of an inferior to a superior, and applies only to those duties, which men owe to those, who have authority over them. In order therefore to accommodate the doctrine of mutual subjection, to all the members of a community, we must sometimes depart from the strict sense of this word, or vary the meaning of it, so as to make it consist with the differences between men, in regard to their several abilities; and with those distinctions of office, rank and authority, which are necessary in society.
It is evident that the duties, which men owe to one another, and to society, are not, in all cases, precisely the same; but must be different, according to the difference of their respective advantages, opportunities and other circumstances. And when any one fulfils the obligations resulting from his particular condition and station in life; or that arise from the particular sphere of action, whether high or low, in which he moves; he does, on his part, conform to the great law of mutual subjection, and render himself a good and useful member of society.
Every one ought to consider, that he was born, not for himself alone, but for others, for society, for his country; and consequently that he is indispensably obliged to render the best assistance and service in his power, to his fellow- citizens around him, and to contribute his share towards the general interest of the community to which he belongs, This obligation is not confined to a few; but extends to all, from the highest officer in the state, through all subordinate ranks, and inferior orders and degrees, down to the lowest peasant and plebian. For though all are not able to render themselves useful and beneficial, in the same respects; yet there is no one, who enjoys the powers of reason and health, in any tolerable degree, but may, by a suitable employment of his faculties and abilities, not only serve himself, but the public, and make himself a blessing, in some respect or other.
There is a resemblance between the natural body and the body politic. The natural body is composed of many members; none of which are useless; but all calculated to answer some valuable purpose, and sub- serve the good of the whole. What therefore apostle Paul says of the natural body with a view to illustrate the union, which ought to subsist between the members of the Christian church, is equally applicable to civil societies. The body, says he, is not one member, but many. If the foot shall say, Because I am not the hand, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body? And if the ear shall say, Because I am not the eye, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body? If the whole body were an eye, where were the hearing? If the whole body were hearing, where were the smelling? But now hath God set the members, every one of them in the body, as it hath pleased him. The eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee; nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you. Nay, much more those members of the body, which seem to be more feeble, are necessary. God hath so tempered the body together, that there should be no schism in it; but that the members should have the same care one for another. And whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honored, all the members rejoice with it. So that the union and connection between the several parts of the natural body, and their necessary dependence one on another, is an apt illustration of the great law of mutual subjection in civil societies; the members whereof, whether rich or poor, in high life or low, in office or out of it, stand in need of mutual assistance and support; without which it will be impossible to promote the common interest, or to preserve the peace and harmony of the whole.
A man’s being raised above others in wealth or office, does not render him independent on those who are beneath him, in these respects. He cannot say, he has no need of those, who are in a lower condition and meaner circumstances; for, without their aid and service, he would lose the advantage of his elevation; and, like Samson, shorn of his locks, become weak like other men.
The mechanic and tiller of the ground are as necessary in society as the legislator, civil magistrate, or any other profession. The labors of the poor and services of the lower classes of people, in their several callings and occupations, are of as great importance to the general welfare of a state, as the counsel of the wise, the bounty of the rich, and protection of the powerful. If therefore any one, capable of attending to the common business of life, is an unprofitable and useless member of the community, it is not owing to any necessity arising from his outward condition in the world, but to some faulty cause.
Whoever, suppressing a regard for the good of others, confines himself to the narrow circle of his own private interest, does thereby render himself, at best, a nuisance to society. Such an one can have no just claim to honor and respect, let his station in life be what it will. It is not the external splendor of their circumstances, but a constant endeavor to be good, and to do good, according to their abilities, that makes men truly great and honorable. In the sight of God, who respecteth not persons, but in judging of men regards only the moral differences between them, no outward condition is more honorable than another. The true criterion of real worth is a man’s conduct; in that station or post in life, whether conspicuous or obscure, which providence has allotted to him.
It is the business of civil rulers, who are entrusted with the high powers of government, to enact and take care for the effectual execution of such laws, as shall be best calculated to restrain the exorbitancy of the human passions, to guard individuals against insults and outrages, and secure every one in the peaceable enjoyment of liberty, property, and all the blessings of society. And while they employ their authority and power in pursuit of these great ends of their promotion, it is the duty and interest of people at large, to yield a cheerful obedience to them, and a ready compliance with those rules, regulations and laws, which are made and provided, for the benefit of each particular member, in harmony with the prosperity and welfare of the whole collective body.
The grand end of social union and of the institution of civil government, is the good of the whole, and of every individual in consistence therewith. This end may be frustrated, not only by an abuse of powers in rulers; but also by an abuse of liberty in the people. Power abused ceases to be lawful authority, and degenerates into tyranny. Liberty abused, or carried to excels, is licentiousness. Neither of these can consist with the good of society. The former, unresisted, will introduce slavery, and ignominious servitude, among the lower ranks and orders of people. The latter is a prolific source of disorder and anarchy.
When rulers take the advantage of the powers they are vested with, to oppress their subjects and rob people of their just rights, in order to enrich and aggrandize themselves, they counteract the very end of their advancement, and instead of being ministers of God for good, become rods of his school for correction (not to say, ministers of the devil for mischief.) And when people, under pretence of liberty, refuse obedience to lawful authority, and oppose the measures of just government, merely because such measures do not coincide with their private views and separate interests, the principles on which they act, are evidently inconsistent with a state of society, and lead directly back to a state of nature. For where such an excess of liberty is claimed and allowed, as leaves it optional with every individual to obey or disobey the civil authority, according as he shall judge it to be for or against his particular interest, a state of society cannot differ much from a state of nature.
If every man, without compulsion, would strictly conform to the obligations of natural law, there would be no occasion for forming any social connections, or uniting under any forms of civil government. But such is evidently the state of human nature; such the disorder of the human passions; such the power of envy, prejudice and a lust of domination; such the force of evil biases, proceeding from ignorance, contracted views and competitions of interest; that without the introduction of social compact and civil authority, mankind could have no dependence upon mutual help and assistance, nor any security against abuses and injures, violence and rapine.
It being necessary for men to unite in society, and establish civil government, in order effectually to avail themselves of the advantages of mutual succor, defense and protection; without which, their enjoyments would be few and precarious, and their inconveniences and dangers great and distressing: this being the case, every one, who has just conceptions of things (far from claiming a liberty to do whatever his ambition, avarice or partiality to himself might dictate to be right) must feel himself obliged to consult the general welfare, by conforming to the laws of society, constitutionally made by public authority, for the good of the whole; though such laws should sometimes interfere with his private views, and contradict his prejudices.
The public good is the attracting point, the common centre of gravity, which should confine, regulate and govern the motions of all the members of society. When any fly off from this point and take an eccentric course, the coercion of law should be used, to check their irregular motions, and reduce them back to their proper centre, in order that the economy and beauty of the politic system may be preserved, and the bands of society remain unbroken.
That a due subordination may be kept up between the several parts of the politic body; and all the members thereof be made to conspire, in the exercise of their respective functions, to the health and happiness of the whole; effectual care should be taken to prevent government from falling into contempt, To honor those, who are entrusted with the powers of government, is one thing, evidently necessary for this end. This therefore is a duty which we owe to society. And that people may have no excuse for not doing their duty, in this respect, it concerns all civil officers, especially those in high rank and authority, to maintain their dignity, by a decent gravity of deportment, an inflexible adherence to the rules of justice and equity, and a steady application to the business of their exalted stations. Such a conduct, in rulers, has a powerful tendency to attract esteem, and command respect and veneration. But tho’ they should justly merit the highest honors, by a worthy behavior, and a zealous uniform pursuit of the great ends of their promotion, it would not be at all strange, to find some few, disposed to withhold from them due respect and submission. For there always have been, and probably always will be, some in the world, who under the baneful influence of those leveling principles, that cannot brook any civil distinctions and restraints, despise government, and speak evil of dignities. Persons of this description are dangerous members of society, as their principles and practices are subversive of all civil authority, and tend directly to plunge civil government into an universal wrack of ruin.
It deserves to be remembered, that we honor society, when we honor those, who are clothed with lawful authority. For as all lawful authority in rulers, is derived from the people, through the medium of that constitutional compact, which binds them together in one body; so to treat the rulers of a people, with respect and honor, suitable to their public characters, and the offices which they sustain, is a proper expression of that reverence, which individuals owe to the community, as a body. I may add, that as the respect shewn to those, who are in public stations, rebounds to the public; so it also tends to make a people appear respectable, and to give to government the energy, necessary for attaining the ends of it. On the contrary, to withhold respect from those, who have been constitutionally promoted to offices of authority and power, is to cast a slight and contempt on the whole body of the people, and tends to make a society appear mean and despicable, to relax the reins of government and undermine the very foundations of it.
It is reasonable indeed for a people to keep a jealous eye upon those, who are be trusted with power, in the several departments of government. This is necessary to keep them on their guard against all encroachments on their liberties, and to preserve them in a readiness to resist the first approaches of despotism. But suspicions may be carried too far. When upon insufficient grounds, they are indulged to such a degree, as to destroy all confidence in civil rulers, an encourage the impatience of people under the restraints of law, they are of dangerous consequence; as they plant the seeds of faction, a convulsive disease, that threatens the dissolution of the body politic. When faction enters a state, with its usual train of virulence, malevolence and abusive invective, it unstrings the nerves of government, and introduces such disorder and uncertainty into public measures, and such strife and division among people, as are inconsistent with the public safety, security and prosperity. This distemper is generally the offspring of envy and disappointed ambition. Avarice always stands ready to foster and nurse, to increase and inflame it, by groundless criminations of men and measures; especially when the public exigencies require heavy taxes, and expensive exertions.
The inconveniences and mischiefs, that must accrue to society, from this, and every other gross violation of the law of mutual subjection, are sufficient to convince any one of the necessity of a strict adherence to it. Our obligation to avoid divisive principles and practices, and by a constant intercourse of mutual good offices, to endeavor to make ourselves beneficial to one another, and serviceable to society, is therefore a plain dictate of reason and common sense. I would add (if any desire further satisfaction) that this obligation is enforced upon us, in the sacred scriptures, by the authority of the supreme Legislature and Governor of the world. The words at the head of this discourse are the words of an apostle, under the inspiration of God. Another inspired apostle expresses himself to the same purpose, in these words, Let no man seek his own; but every man another’s wealth.- Look not every man on his own things; but every man also on the things of others. The meaning of which is, that men ought not to confine their views to their own private interest, but to extend their regards to the welfare of others, and exercise a benevolent concern and care for the good of their fellow creatures.
This also is a doctrine expressly taught by the great author of our holy religion, when he commands us to love our neighbor as ourselves; and enjoins upon us that comprehensive rule of equity and charity, All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.
It may not be improper to observe here, that the Christian religion recommends itself to the embraces of every lover of mankind, by its being the most benevolent institution in the world, admirably calculated, by it’s doctrines, precepts and sanctions, to promote peace on earth, and good will among men. And whoever duly considers the nature of Christianity, and attends to it’s adaptedness to suppress the corrupt lusts, and restrain the irregular passions of men; to fill the mind with noble sentiments of piety and benevolence, and engage people in pursuits, suitable to the dignity, and conducive to the happiness of their reasonable natures; cannot doubt, but (other things being alike) he, who has imbibed the spirit and principles of this religion, will make a better magistrate, a better legislator, a better judge, and in short, fill every office and department in government, with more honor to himself and advantage to the public; and in private life, make a better subject and a better citizen; than one who has formed his views and sentiments, upon any other system of religion and morals.
It has indeed been objected, as an essential defect in Christianity, by some not well affected to it, that it no where particularly recommends the noble virtue of patriotism. But (not to insist on any thing else) it is sufficient to reply to this objection, that whatever there is excellent and laudable in patriotism, is included in that generous and diffusive benevolence, which is the animating soul of this religion. Virtuous patriotism, far from implying any ill- will to the rest of mankind; is nothing else, but the principle of universal benevolence, exercised as far as a man’s power extends, upon the objects that claim his first regards. Far as no one has ability to carry his good will to all men into effect; so reason will teach every one, that his first obligation is to those, with whom he is more immediately connected, and where providence has assigned him his station and sphere of usefulness. Should a man suppress a particular affection for the society, with which he is most closely united, and neglect the interest of his own country under pretence of exercising equal benevolence towards all mankind; it would be the same thing, in effect as to resolve to be useless, and neglect the good of all. For there is no other way, in which any one can render himself serviceable to those parts of the great community of mankind, with which he has no special connection, than by the exercise of an hearty zeal for the welfare of his own country, and endeavoring, in the most effectual manner, to promote the good of that society, which bounds the sphere of his influence and power. In this sense, and in this way, all men, in all the distinct states and kingdoms of the world, may and ought to be subject to one another. It is thus only that we can fulfill our obligations to all mankind.
True it is, patriotism is but a blind affection, and essentially defective as to any virtuous excellence, if it prompts a man to defend the cause of his country, when his country forms itself into a faction against the rights of mankind, and is wickedly endeavoring to bring other states and nations under it’s arbitrary jurisdiction and government. No one, who will consult the sober dictates of reason, can suppose himself obliged to espouse such an unrighteous cause, or freely to afford any support to his country, in the prosecution of such an evil design. The principle of benevolence to all, clearly forbids this. But the same principle obliges the members of every community, to a zealous exertion, in defense of their rights, laws and liberties, when the same are endangered by the unrighteous claims, and violent proceedings of ambitious enemies. In such a case, defensive war is a duty, founded not barely on the principles of self-preservation and patriotism, but also on the principle of unconfined universal benevolence; it being evidently for the interest of all mankind, that in all parts of the world, those should be opposed, to the last extremity, who are endeavoring to advance themselves upon the ruins of the essential rights of human nature.
The man, who makes the happiness and prosperity of his country, a grand object of his zealous pursuit, and generously risks his life and fortune, when the case requires it, in the defense of it’s constitution and laws, is a character worthy of universal esteem and honor. Such an one, so far as his abilities extend, exercises friendship to all men. What then shall we say of those who, when the rights and liberties of their country, are in danger of falling a prey to the aspiring ambition of proud invaders, who have waged an unjust war against it, stand aloof, and not only refuse to assist in saving it from ruin, but desert it, and, of free choice, join the standard of the enemy? Can such persons make good their pretensions, 1 will not say to patriotism, but to general benevolence? Whatever be their motives, are they not to be viewed as enemies, if actions have any meaning? And should their country, which they have thus neglected, and abandoned to its fate in a time of trouble and danger, be successful in its endeavors to maintain its cause, and defeat the designs of its enemies, must not their admission afterwards to the freedom and privileges of it, be an act of mere favor and special grace, to which they can lay no equitable claim?
Christianity indeed obliges us to love and forgive our enemies, and do good to those who treat us ill. But this obligation does not extend so far, as to exclude a regard to our own safety and defense. It would be unreasonable to suppose, that our good- will to enemies, ought to supercede our obligations to ourselves and to our country; or that we are required to consult their welfare, by methods that would encourage and promote their evil designs, and put us into such a situation, as to lie at their mercy. It is allowed by all, that a vindictive temper is inconsistent with the spirit and precepts of Christianity. Whoever does any thing merely for the sake of revenge, or in order to gratify his malevolent resentments, transgresses the Christian law of benevolence. But a man may take such measures for his own security and defense, as shall operate to the disadvantage of his enemies, and at the same time preserve a Christian temper. If by the conduct of enemies, we are unhappily reduced to this alternative, either to take such measures, as will involve them in trouble and distress; or to suppress our love to ourselves, to our friends, and to society; common sense will teach us on which side our obligation lies. In cases of competition, even private friendship ought to yield to the public good; much more ought benevolence to an enemy to give way to the good of our country; and to remain suspended, as to outward exercises, when the case is so circumstanced, that it cannot be thus exerted, without counteracting the interest of the community to which we belong. A regard to the public ought to swallow up event partial affection, inconsistent with the general interest.
It is to the honor of America, that from the time we were first threatened with British tyranny, to the commencement of the late war; and from the commencement of the war, thro’ all the stages and vicissitudes of it, to it’s happy conclusion; she has produced an illustrious band of worthy patriots, who, unactuated by any unfriendly dispositions towards the rest of mankind, have, with unshaken firmness and fortitude, defended her cause, in the cabinet and in the field, by the pen and by the sword, against the arbitrary claims and hostile violence of her unnatural and cruel enemies. Inspired with the love of liberty, moved by the generous impulse of patriotic virtue, how many, quitting the calm enjoyments of domestic ease and tranquility, have magnanimously encountered and braved all the fatigues and dangers of war, and voluntarily sacrificed their lives for the support of the cities of our God, in the unabridged enjoyment of their religion and liberties! Time would fail me to give a catalogue of those worthies, who, unintimidated by the vaunting menaces and fulminating proclamations of British Rabshakehs, have nobly dared to espouse the cause of American liberty, and distinguished themselves by their heroic exertions; not counting their lives dear, that they might save their country. Their names are written on our hearts, as with a pen of iron, and point of a diamond; and will be consecrated to honorable remembrance, in the annals of America, till time shall be no more: while the name of every envious, sneering scoffer, calumniator, and wicked conspirator, is either lost in oblivion, or doomed to perpetual infamy.
Some, it may be, whose frozen breasts have never yet been warmed with the generous flame of patriotic fire, in order to detract from the merit of the zealous assertors and defenders of the liberties of their country, will pretend there is no such thing as public virtue. But if there are any such contracted souls, who, without a blush, profess to have no social affections, of force enough to give them the least motion out of the narrow sphere of self, it may be best not to dispute feelings with them; but to allow them all that sordid selfishness which they claim, and not affront them by contradiction. But let us not sacrifice our own generous feelings, to their system. They have no more right to impose their feelings upon us, than we have to impose ours upon them.
It must give pleasure to every true friend of human kind, to consider, that the late grand revolution, which has raised so great a part of America into a state of independence, was undertaken, and, by the assistance of divine providence, has been brought about; not from ambitious views, or a fondness for dominion; but upon principles friendly to the rights and liberties of every nation, upon the face of the whole earth. Unprompted by ambition to enlarge her territories by unjust conquests, or to compel any other states or kingdoms to submit to her usurped authority and government, America has contended only for the common rights of men. Her grand aim, her ultimate object in all her struggles and exertions, has been, not to prepare a yoke of bondage for the necks of others; but to free herself and posterity from the tyranny of lawless arbitrary power (that source of plagues to the weak and defenseless part of mankind) and to secure those blessings, without which, the great ends of society, must be lost. With the most perfect cordiality, we have wished, and still wish, to cultivate friendship with all nations, on such a footing, as shall be to mutual advantage, and conduce to the general good of the whole world. In regard even to Britain, persuaded I am, that the inhabitants of these states (with very few exceptions) might safely appeal to the great Searcher of hearts, as a witness to their sincerity, should they declare, that though she has treated them in the most barbarous and provoking manner, and forced them in their own defense, to fly to arms, and engage in a long and bloody war; yet they never wished to see her deprived of freedom, or reduced to inglorious subjection to any power on earth. Though she has cut the knot of kindred- love, and effectually destroyed that predilection, which produced a special attachment to her, in preference to others, yet we are not so implacable and unforgiving, but that we can heartily wish her prosperity and happiness, its common with other nations.
The independence of these American states, being founded on such a broad basis of generous philanthropy, we have reason to hope they will still be the special care and charge of the gracious Parent of the universe, whose tender mercies are over all his works; and that, under his almighty patronage, they will become a permanent flourishing empire, supported by the principles of virtue, religion and liberty without licentiousness.
Let me, on this occasion, with all the sensibility of lively joy, express my hearty congratulations, on the happy cessation of hostilities, after a most distressing, expensive and bloody war. Hail, auspicious, happy day, that has put a stop to the effusion of human blood and the horrors of war, and sheathed the devouring sword; that has crowned our virtuous efforts with glorious success, giving us established independence with the returning blessings of peace, and filling our mouths with songs of triumph! Men, brethren and fathers, I felicitate you, I felicitate my country, on this great, this glorious event; an event, which cannot but cause every patriotic heart to expand with joy, at the prospect of the bright scenes which it opens to view, after a long and gloomy night of sorrow and trouble.
What acknowledgments do we owe to the supreme Governor of the world; who was pleased to hear our cries, in the days of our distress, and to give us persevering courage and fortitude in those trying times, when our affairs wore the gloomiest aspect; when we were involved in awful scenes of havoc, blood and carnage, and surrounded with the depredations and shocking ravages of a war, carried on against us with savage wantonness; who was pleased to defend us, by his mighty power, when we were weak, unprepared and unequal to the conflict, and to enable us to make such a noble stand, and to gain such signal victories, while we were without ally, as gave us respectability abroad, and induced one of the first European powers, heartily to espouse our cause, and assist us by a generous and friendly alliance: who hath been our shield and protection, from the first rise of the war, through all the hazardous progress of it, and hath led forth our armies, under the conduct of a wise, brave and intrepid general expert in war, of singular equanimity in success and disappointment, endued with a soul formed for noble achievements, whom he was pleased to raise up and qualify for the important command which has been committed to him, and to honor as a distinguished instrument of the emancipation of his country? These are the Lord’s doings, and they are marvelous in our eyes.
When we look back on the difficulties and hazards in which we have been involved; when we consider what engines of mischief and destruction have been employed to work our ruin; when we reflect on the perils and dangers we were in, not only from the policy and power, the stratagems and violence of open and professed enemies, but from the insidious arts, treacheries and conspiracies of false and deceitful men among ourselves; who, under the disguise of friendship or mask of neutrality, have constantly endeavored to dishearten and discourage us, to obstruct our measures, retard our operations and disappoint our enterprises, and, at the same time, secretly to aid the cause of those, who had unjustly compelled us, to make our appeal to Heaven, as our last resort: When we consider these things, what reason have we to adore, the merciful providence of almighty God, who, by many signal interpositions in our favor, has finally baffled and defeated the mischievous machinations of all our enemies, both secret and open; disconcerted the plans of those who unrighteously rose up against us, and obliged them (notwithstanding all their pride of power, and vain confidence of reducing us to unconditional submission) to yield the grand point contended for, by negotiating a peace with us, upon the footing of equality and independence! With the greatest pertinency may we now adopt the language of the royal psalmist, and say, If it had not been the Lord, who was on our side, when men rose up against us; then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us; then the waters had overwhelmed us, the stream had gone over our soul; then the proud waters had gone over our soul. Blessed be the Lord, who has not given us, as a prey to their teeth. Our soul is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers; the snare is broken, and we are escaped. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.
If we have wisdom to make a good improvement of this happy event, what blessings and felicities, that this world is capable of affording, may we not secure to ourselves and to our posterity? When we look forward, what glorious prospects open to view! How pleasant must it be to every sincere lover of his country, to entertain his fancy with future scenes, and behold, through the medium of probable conjecture, the future glory, grandeur and magnificence of America! To behold her raised superior to all her enemies; extending her friendly arms for the support and protection of other states and nations against the attacks of restless encroaching ambition; and (while none dare to distrust or affront her) offering a refuge and asylum, in her bosom, to the injured and oppressed of the human race in all quarters of the globe! To behold wealth and opulence flowing in upon her, in continual streams, from the inexhaustible sources of agriculture, and a free trade and commerce with all nations! To behold her spreading, by a rapid population, over those vast tracts of uncultivated land, which are now the haunts of wild beasts, and see the wilderness, by the hand of industry, changed into a fruitful field, blossoming as the rose, and yielding, in plentiful exuberance, every rural comfort and delight! To behold her exalted to noble heights of improvement, in every useful art and science; mounting on the strong pinions of virtue, learning, eloquence, religion, philosophy, and other sublime intellectual accomplishments, above Greece and Rome, in their zenith of glory!
These are agreeable prospects; but whether America shall ever realize them, depends much upon the wisdom and virtue of the present generation. Every patriot, from the highest to the lowest order, has now an extensive field opened before him, for the display of his utmost abilities, in providing for the future peace and prosperity of his county. The consequences of our conduct this opportunity, will affect, not ourselves only, but unborn millions.
Every consideration proper to influence the human mind, obliges us to exert ourselves, to make sure of the blessings, which are now offered by the propitious hand of providence, and to transmit the same to succeeding generations. Should we neglect the means necessary for these purposes, the bright day, which now beams upon us, may soon be overcast with clouds; and our songs of triumph end in new scenes of sorrow and trouble.
The British troops are not yet removed. Their withdrawment, as soon as conveniency will permit, is necessary to give us full assurance that the reconciliation on the part of Britain is sincere. Suspicion therefore should not sleep, until they are withdrawn. Prudence, wisdom, reason, require vigilance caution, and oblige us to be on our guard.
Though the land now rests from war; and we daily expect to hear that the definitive treaty of peace is completely ratified, yet it would be exceedingly unsafe for people to lay by their arms, and neglect all military matters. Our country affords so many tempting objects to excite the ambition of other nations (especially of those, who can have easy access, by reason of a proximity of territory) that we can have no security of a lasting peace, or of enjoying long the blessings of freedom, if we should totally withdraw our attention from the arts of war, and be unprovided with the means of defense. Standing armies in a time of peace are indeed dangerous to liberty; but a well furnished and well disciplined militia is of great importance to a state, being necessary either to prevent a war, or to put people into a capacity to defend themselves against any invasion or attack from their enemies. The public welfare requires that our militia be kept on such a respectable footing, as shall render us secure at home, and formidable abroad. But leaving it to the wisdom of our rulers to determine what is best in reference to this matter, let me observe, that
The inhabitants of these states are under the most sacred obligations, not only to consult the happiness of the states, to which they respectively belong, by discountenancing all disorders, suppressing those vices, that are inconsistent with the interest of society, and giving encouragement and support to every virtue, upon which the peace, prosperity and stability of each state, separately considered, depend; but by endeavoring to strengthen those bands of union, which have connected the whole together, as one independent nation. By solemn confederacy and compact every one is bound, to keep the good of all the sates in view, while he aims to promote the good of the particular state with which he is more immediately connected. In order to preserve the union between the states, and establish it upon a permanent basis, whatever is inconsistent with the principles, which, upon the maturest deliberation, have been adopted, as the grand cement of it, must be carefully avoided; and a proper attention be paid to the interest and welfare of the whole. The separate good of the several states, is to be pursued only by such measures, as shall harmonize with the good of all in the confederacy.
Nothing did more encourage Britain to undertake and protract the late war, than a presumption, that it would be impossible for states, so distant from one another; so different, in many respects, in their education and manners; and between which, from situation and other circumstances, there would often be an interference and competition of interest; to unite, or remain long united in one common cause. By mortifying experience she is now convinced of her mistake; having seen the union gather strength and confirmation, under the overruling hand of providence, from the very measures which she took, in hopes to break and destroy it. Chagrined at this disappointment of our enemies, it is possible there may be some among us, who having always been disaffected to our cause, and all along endeavored to alarm people’s minds with presages of divisions and dissensions between the states, may still wish and hope to promote such an event, lest their reputation for foresight should suffer; as Jonah wished for the destruction of Nineveh, lest his prophetic abilities should be called in question. But should any be so inimical as to attempt any thing of this sort, by sowing discord; fomenting animosities; endeavoring to propagate unreasonable jealousies and suspicions, or to nourish and strengthen local prejudices; it is hoped there is wisdom, virtue and resolution enough among the friends of the country, to defeat their evil designs, and (maugre the utmost efforts of every incendiary and mischief- maker) to preserve the union unbroken, and the confederacy uninterrupted and entire.
It is evidently of the greatest importance to these states, both conjunctly and separately considered, to keep the public faith, sacred and inviolate. This is a main pillar in the politic fabric; without which the building must soon fall. This is necessary to gain us honor and confidence among other nations, and to preserve peace and union among ourselves. Every one therefore is obliged to contribute his share towards fulfilling the engagements and promises, made by lawful authority, in behalf of all the states, or of the particular state to which he belongs; that all, whether countrymen or foreigners, who have afforded or shall afford any assistance or service to the public, may receive justly expected rewards; and none have reason to complain that they have been deceived and injured, by depending on public faith. Should any be disposed to violate their obligations, in this respect, the civil magistrate has undoubted authority, and ought to compel them to their duty; for if every one might be left at liberty, to do what is right in his own eyes, public credit would stand upon a precarious foundation, and be continually liable to be sacrificed to the humor, caprice and avarice of individuals.
Though a public credit has been in a declining state, yet we are glad there is an hopeful prospect of its recovery. What particular methods are best for placing it on a firm and durable basis, I have not the vanity to think myself capable of determining. But it is conceived, no method can be adopted for this purpose, but what will require the aid of taxes, in some mode or other; and consequently give umbrage to those (if any such there are) who never can be satisfied, unless they can enjoy the blessings of good government without cost. But he, who has just conceptions of things, cannot sure expect to enjoy the blessings of society, or suppose it possible to support the honor and credit of government, and attain the ends of it, without considerable expense, even in the most peaceable times; much less, in times of danger, difficulty and general calamity.
It cannot be thought strange, that a distressing war, of eight years continuance, has involved us in a great debt. But considering the magnitude of the object, which we have had in pursuit, and the great exertions which we have been obliged to make an order to attain it, our debt is not so great, as might have been expected. Those nations, which are now groaning under the iron yoke of oppression, and despotic government, would think themselves happy, if they could purchase the invaluable blessings of liberty, at so cheap a rate. There is yet another consideration, which alone is sufficient to silence all complaints, on this head. It is this, that if we had been reunited to Britain, and in addition to other expenses, had had a proportional share of her enormous debt laid upon us, it would have hung like a millstone about our necks, and plunged us into inevitable bankruptcy, from which we never could have recovered ourselves. Our present burden, tho’ somewhat pressing, is comparatively light. Let prodigality, luxury, and other impoverishing vices be banished from among us; and let frugality, economy and industry supply their place; and then considering our means and resources, it will not be so difficult to discharge our debt, in the course of a few years, as some may imagine. And while the legislature, in levying taxes, for this and other important purposes, take all possible care to make the burden as light as the public exigencies will permit, and to adjust each man’s share of the public expense to his interest and circumstances, every one, instead of indulging a murmuring temper, should cheerfully endeavor to defray his part, rejoicing that such wise provision is made for judgment to run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream.
Convinced of the necessity of a strict regard to justice, for preserving the credit of government, and mutual confidence between the members of a community, every true friend to society will wish and endeavor to promote it, in all orders of men, from the highest to the lowest. It is an observation of a king, as much celebrated for his wisdom as magnificence, and may be laid down as a maxim, confirmed by the experience of all ages, that righteousness exalteth a nation. According to the natural course of things, and common order of providence, that society has the fairest prospect of prosperity, and lasting felicity, where government, first founded in equity, is administered according to the rules of impartial justice; and where truth, honesty and fidelity are encouraged, maintained and promoted between man and man, in their private intercourse and transactions. In this case, peace and harmony will prevail among the members of a society; who will consequently be in a suitable disposition to serve one another, and to unite in such measures, as the general interest shall, at any time, require. But, when the opposite vices predominate; when faith and truth, uprightness and integrity take their flight; when justice is made a matter of traffic, and is bought and sold for money; when deceit, falsehood, unrighteousness and oppression bear sway without control; then disorder and confusion, schism, tumult and misery, may be expected as a natural consequence and effect.
Though unrighteousness, may sometimes answer a present purpose; yet follow it a little way, in it’s consequences, and it will be found to be the parent of difficulty and trouble, of embarrassment and perplexity. There can be no danger or hazard in adhering to the rules of justice; but what is morally wrong can never be good policy, in reference either to public or private affairs.
There is nothing more manifest, than that the interest of a people is greatly affected, by the virtues and vices prevalent among them. From hence the inference is obvious, that the morals of a people are among the great objects, which claim the particular attention of the legislature and civil authority. It evidently falls within their province, to provide means, by law, for the suppression of vice and wickedness, and the promotion of good morals. In order effectually to answer these ends, care should be taken for diffusion of learning and religion through a society; that people may entertain just conceptions of the dignity and rights of human nature, and be early initiated in the principles of a sober, honest and pious life. The general prevalence of ignorance and irreligion must be productive of very mischievous effects in society. For ignorant minds, unimpressed with a sense of a Deity, of a providence and a future state, must be unprincipled, and prepared, whenever occasions offer, for the most atrocious crimes. I would just add, that an ignorant people, are continually liable to be imposed upon, and seduced into a surrender of their liberties, by the specious arts, eloquence and address of deigning men, whose, enterprising ambition will not fail to lay hold on such an advantage, for the acquisition of power.
Sensible of how great importance it is to the happiness of a people, to be early instructed in the principles of piety and virtue, and furnished with good degrees of knowledge, respecting the things of this world and that to come, our worthy ancestors were induced to take effectual care for the encouragement and support of the liberal arts and sciences; for the preservation of a reverential sense of a Deity on people’s minds; for the instruction of all in religion and good literature. Great and invaluable are the blessings, that have been derived to us, their posterity, from their pious care, in these respects; a consideration whereof should provoke us to imitation; that as we have reason to honor their memory, for the excellent provision they made for our happiness and welfare, so our descendents may have equal reason to rise up and call us blessed.
Our new constitution, while it has provided every guard, which human wisdom can invent, to defend our liberties, civil and religious, against every encroachment of arbitrary power, has authorized our civil rulers to take care of the morals of people, by furnishing then with the means of instruction in virtue, piety and every branch of useful knowledge. They will therefore consider themselves as obliged to adopt suitable measures for the encouragement of literature, the advancement of the sciences, and the preservation of a sense of religion among all orders of men.
To say nothing of other literary institutions, which claim the patronage of our political fathers, and of all the friends of science; let me observe, that the laws providing for the establishment of schools, in our several towns and plantations, are wisely calculated to promote the great ends of society, by affording to all, the necessary means of education and instruction in the most important, useful and profitable branches of learning. But of what service or significance are the best laws, while they lie dormant, and may be transgressed with impunity? A law unexecuted is without life; and can answer no end, but to bring civil authority into disrepute.
As to laws obliging people to assemble for public worship, and provide themselves with public teachers of religion; such laws are evidently well adapted to promote the good order of civil government, and advance the happiness of a people, by enforcing the use of proper means for impressing men’s minds with an awe of the supreme Governor of the world, and engaging them from a sense of their accountableness to him, to fulfill all moral obligation, and live in the practice of the virtues of a good life. And it is conceived that such laws can be no reasonable ground of complaint, so long as the sacred rights of conscience are sufficiently guarded and secured, by leaving people at liberty to choose their own teachers, and modes of worship; and while none are subjected to fines, forfeitures or any disadvantages of a civil nature, for their particular religious sentiments and profession, if they be peaceable members of society, and do not propagate any doctrines, inconsistent with the safety of the state.
To carry the idea of religious liberty so far, as to make it an effectual hindrance to the providing and using necessary means, for the preservation of a sense of religion and moral obligation among the members of a community, is to oppose it to the interests of human society, and to rob civil government of one of it’s main supports. For this most powerful enforcements of obedience to civil authority, are derived a consideration and belief, that there is a supreme invisible Power, presiding over the world, to whom all men are accountable, and who will reward, or punish every man, in a future state, according to his works. Obedience that proceeds wholly from fear of punishment from men, is precarious and uncertain; and will be withdrawn, upon the slightest temptations of pleasure or profit, whenever a person believes, that he can escape with impunity. Religion therefore forms a more steady and permanent principle of obedience to civil government, than any penal sanctions, of a temporary nature by which the laws of men can be enforced.
It would evidently conduce greatly to the happiness and tranquility of society, and facilitate the administration of government and public justice, could people, in general, be persuaded to submit to the authority of the community, vested in it’s rulers, and to obey the laws, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. It is not conceivable how any society should enjoy this advantage, where the public worship of God is neglected, and no proper means made use of, for the instruction of people in piety, religion and morality.
The design of the institution of civil government being the good of the people, they who are entrusted with the management of it, should make this the grand object of their attention and pursuit, and in the exercise of their constitutional powers, use all means and methods, that are of manifest importance and necessity to answer this end. This will make them a terror to evil doers; and an encouragement to them who do well. This will not only command a general reverence; but ensure to them the particular esteem, assistance and support of every true friend to the commonwealth; and cause the censures and calumnies of the envious, malicious and factious, to recoil on their own heads. This will make them public blessings and benefactors; and give them those sincere delights and supporting consolations, which arise from reflections on such good and useful actions, as have greatly contributed to the general interest and prosperity, and advanced the happiness of society.
It might be thought an inexcusable omission, should I close this discourse, without paying a particular honorable attention to the worthy gentlemen, who have lately been vested with the sovereign powers of this commonwealth. Their promotion to such high stations of authority, by the suffrages of a free people, gives them respectability, and entitles them to our confidence.
It affords us singular pleasure, that the highest seat in government, is filled, the fourth time, with a generous, uniform, persevering and resolute patriot; who has acquitted himself with integrity and honor, in the several important departments, in which he has been employed, since the beginning of our late contests. Nor shall we forget, that for the early decided and distinguishing part, which he took, in the cause of his country, he had the honor to be marked out, in conjunction with an eminent compatriot, for the first victim of British vengeance. Our satisfaction on account of his being again chosen first magistrate of this commonwealth, would be without allay, on this occasion, was he not prevented, by sickness, from honoring the solemnities of the day with his presence.
We are happy to find, that the second rank in government, by the voice of the people, is again conferred on a gentleman, who, by an unwearied inflexible attachment to the cause of America, through all the hazardous scenes of the late war, from first to last, has given full proof of his patriotism, and justly merited public respect and honor.
We rejoice that so many other worthy characters, that have approved themselves fast friends to their country, in the most perilous times, are instructed with a share in the administration of government, and the important powers of legislation.
The testimony, which his Excellency; his Honor, the lieutenant- governor; and the honorable gentlemen, that compose the two branches of the general court, have received; and which the council, still to be chosen, will receive, of the esteem and confidence of the people, by their election to such high offices; must be an encouragement and animating motive to them, to improve the advantages resulting from their exalted stations, for the good of the public, the end of their advancement. We know that their business must be particularly difficult and arduous, at such a day as this. Until the body politic shall be cured of those distempers and disorders, which have been introduced by the convulsions of war, it will require great strength and fortitude of mind, to hold the reins, and sustain the burden of government. Great skill and wisdom, great firmness and resolution tempered with prudence, are necessary, at the present crisis, to retrieve public credit; to do equal justice to all; to quiet the agitations of people’s minds; to put the affairs of the public into a proper train and arrangement; to repair the disorders of the political machine, and adjust the wheels and springs of it, in such a manner, that every part may answer its end, and contribute to the beauty, order and usefulness of the whole. We therefore most heartily commend our civil fathers to the blessing of that God, who giveth wisdom to the wise, and understanding to the prudent. May the legislature, and all in authority, from the first magistrate to the lowest officer, be endued with wisdom and armed with prowess, suitable to their stations, and be public blessings.
And let all people, of every class and denomination, seriously consider, how much it behooves them to submit to those, who are in authority over them, and to conform to the constitution and laws of the commonwealth, in order effectually to secure the blessings of civil government. While civil rulers are to be cautioned against an abuse of authority, and exhorted to employ their powers for the good of the public; people are to be put in mind to honor and obey magistrates; to be subject unto the higher powers, and to submit themselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake.
When people give way to a refractory temper; set themselves up in opposition to government; and by continual groundless invectives, endeavor to bring an odium upon their rulers, and upon all public measures; they take a direct method to over- throw all civil authority, and to disband and abolish society. Let people be vigilant and guarded against the encroachments of arbitrary power; but let them, at the same time, take heed, that they deprive not themselves of the blessings of good government, and plunge themselves into all the disorders and mischiefs of anarchy, in order to secure themselves against tyranny. This would be as preposterous, as for a mariner to suffer voluntary shipwreck upon the rocks of Scilly, in order to avoid the dangers of Charybdis. No wise man will run into one extreme, in order to avoid its opposite, while he can steer safely, in a middle course, between both.
Sensible of the importance of good government, the true friends of society will cheerfully submit to lawful authority, and endeavor to encourage and support those, who are in public stations, in the execution of their high offices, for the public good. And while they do thus, they will cultivate in themselves and others, those benevolent dispositions, and those principles of integrity, honesty and justice, which are necessary to preserve peace and amity, good humor, order and mutual confidence among neighbors, and to lay a foundation for those private friendships, which afford some of the most refined social pleasures and delights.
And let it be remembered, that by the virtues of a good life, added to their religious devotions and acts of homage and worship, the people put themselves under the protection and patronage, and secure the friendship of that almighty Being, whose providence governs the world; whose voice all nature obeys; to whose control all second causes and subordinate agents are subject; and whose sole prerogative it is to dispense blessings or calamities, as to his wisdom seems best. A people under the smiles of Heaven must be prosperous and happy. If God be for us, who can be against us?
What happiness might we enjoy, as a people, and as individuals, if every one would, reform his vices; cultivate a meek, peaceable and benevolent spirit; and use his best endeavors to promote the good of others, as well as his own? What blessings might we procure to ourselves and to the community, if with one heart and one soul, we would apply ourselves to the duties, that we owe to one another, as brethren and fellow citizens, and make it our business to fulfill all moral, social and civil obligations? By thus doing, at the same time that we should brighten our prospects into the future world, and, through the merits of our most merciful Redeemer, provide for immortal blessedness in another state of existence, we might also secure to ourselves all the blessings of society on earth, and change this world into a sort of paradise.
We have therefore every inducement suitable to work upon us as rational creatures, to engage us to conform to the rules of virtue, and comply with the great and comprehensive law of subjection to one another. Let us lay our minds open to the sacred influence of such mighty motives, that we may be happy in our connections, both public and private, in this world; and in the world to come, be admitted to the society of those blessed beings, who, knit together by the indissoluble ties of the most sincere and ardent love, have happy and uninterrupted experience of the most pure, perfect and sublime pleasures of friendship, for ever and ever.
May the benevolent Parent and supreme Ruler of the universe bestow his benediction on us; unite our hearts in love to one another, and in the love of virtue; and dispose us to keep all his commandments always; that, the scenes of our troubles closed, we may see good days; rejoice in the happy effects of his favor to us, and in the promising prospects of the blessedness and prosperity of our descendents, to the latest generation.
This sermon was preached by Charles Turner on a day of Fasting and Prayer in Massachusetts on May 15, 1783.
Due Glory to be given to God.
A
DISCOURSE
CONTAINING
TWO SERMONS
PREACHED IN
CAMBRIDGE
MAY 15, 1783.
BEING A DAY APPOINTED BY GOVERNMENT
FOR PUBLICK FASTING AND PRAYER.
BY CHARLES TURNER
A Discourse, & c.
I Chronicles xvi.29.
Give unto the Lord the Glory due unto His Name.
These words are a portion of a Psalm, composed by a King of Israel, to be sung, on occasion of bringing up the Ark of God, from the house of Obed-edom, into the place prepared for it, in the city of David. It may not be amiss to read them, with some connected sentences, and subjoin a few hints to discover the sense.
Give unto the Lord, says the devotional Prince, from an heart replete with the noblest sentiments of piety; give unto the Lord, ye kindreds of the people, give unto the Lord glory and strength; give unto the Lord the glory due unto his name; bring an offering and come before him; worship the Lord in the beauty of holiness: Let not the praises of Him, who governs the whole world, be confined to the people of Israel. Let all the kindred nations, on the face of the whole earth, join to celebrate the unrivalled glories of his perfections, and his almighty, most gracious, and unexceptionably moral government. Let them assay, in the solemnities of public worship, as well as in other ways, to pay unto him, adoring, grateful and reverential respects, proportional to his merits; in connection with the cultivation of that universal holiness, which appears with such an incomparable beauty and luster, when viewed as most highly agreeable to the divine moral nature and pleasure, most highly becoming the house and worshippers of the Holy One of Israel, and essentially important to our enjoying true and rational happiness, and the continuance of those favors for which we praise our divine benefactor.
We find a vein of expression similar to this, several times adopted, in the devotional sublime compositions of the old testament; nor can I suppose it possible, that the bringing it, once more, into public view, contemplation and use, should be disagreeable to any persons, who are possessed of the true sentiments and feeling of religion and patriotism; in connection with the set of ideas, concerning the uncommon measures of Heaven, towards our Country which must be supposed to crowd in upon their minds, on this occasion.
By glorifying God, or giving glory to His name, we do not, or at least ought not to expect, that we shall be able to make an addition, to the dignity, and honorableness of the Divine Nature, works of creation, and administrations of government; farther than, by endeavoring to render his moral creatures more honorable, in promoting religion and virtue among them. Our part is, to glorify God, by improving the means of grace, maintaining a prayerful regard to the assistances of the Holy Spirit, and using sincere endeavors and exertments, so as to cherish, in our own hearts, honorable and respectful thoughts of that Great Being; and by endeavoring to promote a respectfulness, for the Divine Majesty, in the minds of others—speaking to his honor, in our conversation—joining in the public praises and acknowledgements of Zion, as well as, in more private social worship; and making it manifest, by our whole deportment, in the world, that we esteem the perceptive authority of our heavenly Father, to be worthy of the highest regards, and judge his favor to be better than life; instead of bringing the authority and friendship of God into contempt, in the eyes of our fellow creatures, by our impious and vicious lives and conversations. In the sense I have mentioned it is, that we are, with one mind, and with one mouth to glorify God, even the father of our Lord Jesus Christ. In the same sense, the fruits of righteousness are, by Jesus Christ, unto the praise and glory of God.
A sincere, and conscientious conformity, to the whole system of Christian duty, is the general method, for glorifying God; but attention to the language of our text, leads us to be a little more particular, and enquire, what may be especially incumbent on us, as we are required to give unto the Lord, the glory which is due to his name. He is above the possibility of becoming indebted to us, according to the rules of commutative justice; but glory is due from us to him, in the strictest sense: and if we render glory to him, in any measure proportionate to our obligations, the revenue will not be small.
Our duty is, to pay to the Lord, the highest honors we are capable of, in the use of the powers and advantages, he has been pleased to favor us with; honors, as highly raised, as possible, above those degrees of respect, which it is decent for us to show, to the greatest and most deserving of men, or other beings, in the world he has created; to worship and praise the Lord, with suitable frequency, and with the highest practicable ardors, of well instructed and regulated zeal; and, in the discharge of duty, in our several departments and relations in life, and in all manner of conversation, to exert ourselves for attaining, through grace, to the highest pitch of godliness and virtue, and bringing forth much fruit, whereby our heavenly Father shall be glorified.
To come up to the spirit of our text, uncommon judicial dealings must be acknowledged, and uncommon favors celebrated, with those peculiar exercises of piety, which are suitable to the particular nature, importance and demands of such divine dispensations: and, if we receive blessings and privileges from Heaven, of singular richness and estimation, to use the best diligence for their preservation, and to improve them, in the most virtuous, advantageous and faithful manner, is due grateful respect, to the great and generous Donor of all good; is suitable to that, which is justly expected of them, to whom much is committed; and belongs to a proper conformity, to the demand of the text before us.
In fine, if we would be found, in the happy society of those, who give unto the Lord the glory due unto his name, we must come, through assistance divine, to love the Lord our God, with all our hearts, and with all our souls, with all our minds, and with all our strength, and our neighbors as ourselves. If we come up to this standard, sincerely; and act, as uniformly, as the imperfections of this state will admit, and in the whole of life, under the well-directed influence, of these grandest of all principles, we shall be accepted, through the blood of the covenant, though we fall short of glorifying him, with that strict and high moral perfection, which man might have attained to, in a state of innocency; and, though we fall unspeakably short of glorifying him, adequately to his real and plenary dignity; for that is beyond the sphere, not only of imperfect men on earth, but also of the Angels in Heaven. Said the Lord’s ministers to the congregation, Nehem. 9, 5, Stand up, and bless the Lord your God forever and ever; and blessed be thy glorious name, which is exalted above blessing and above praise.
The reasonableness of paying superlative honors to him is obvious, from the consideration of the transcendent dignity of His nature and operations, who hath set his glory above the heavens. Whatever perfections are most honorable, are possessed by him infinitely; or, however, in the highest degree and manner, in which it is possible for them to be possessed, by any being. It is glorious, to be the author of great and numerous works, evidencing the highest wisdom, the best design, and most amiable goodness? His works are great and manifold, in wisdom bath he made them all—In a wise regard to creature happiness, in connection with the manifestation of his own glory. He is most honorable as Governor of the world. Is there glory in a Throne? He is seated upon one, which is high and lifted up. Is there glory in an honorable court and retinue? He is attended by ten thousand times ten thousand, who excel in strength, nor less in wisdom, and the most honorable accomplishments, of a moral nature. If there be glory in extent of dominion; His kingdom ruleth over all. Is it glorious to reign with unlimited power? He doth according to his will, in the Armies of Heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth; and none can stay his hand, or say unto him what doest thou? Is it glorious, for an absolute monarch (for such the Great God is, and ought to be) to rule in the most undeviating manner, according to all the highest moral perfections? Numerous periods of inspiration, furnish the most ample attestation, to the excellency of the whole divine government, and administrations, in this regard. Does it belong to an honorable parental ruler, to discover an indignation against immorality, as tending to the misery of his realms; to use suitable chastisements, in terrorem [Latin “in fear”], and with a view to reformation and happiness—chastisements, regulated by perfect justice, and under the most merciful restraints and limitations? The Lord is glorious in holiness; just and true, and kind, in his judicial dispensations: and as he does not afflict, nor grieve, willingly, He has no disposition to exceed the measure, which may be necessary, for answering the great and salutary purpose. Is it honorable to be generous to the ill-deserving; and especially, to confer eminent favors on those, who are meritorious of high displeasure? His tender mercies are over all his works. He does good to the evil and unthankful. He gave his Son, for the redemption of a lapsed world; and, while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. And if we properly consider the favors, God has, of late years, conferred on the people of the United States of America, in connection with our real character, as to religion and morality. I misjudge, if the generosity and grace, of the Governor of the world, will not appear, with a distinguished luster.
Both the call of civil Authority, and the dispensations of Divine Providence admonish, and invite us, at this time, to blend the exercise of Fasting and Thanksgiving together; and the comprehensive text, and subject chosen, are not unfavorable to such a purpose.
That we should earnestly endeavor, and supplicate the grace of God, that we may be thereby enabled, so to acknowledge, and resent his mercies and his judgments, as to put in practice, all the exercises of unfeigned repentance, is suitable to the season, and incumbent on us, as we desire to give unto the Lord the glory due unto his name.
Says the good old Israelitish General, upon a certain affecting occasion, My son, give, I pray thee, glory to the Lord God of Israel, and make confession unto him.
The holy God, has been visiting this People, in his permissive providence, with a distressing scene, of oppression and war; a war, which has been attended, with unusual difficulties and embarrassments; with considerable expense of interest and lives; and which, soberly speaking, has been prosecuted, by our enemies, with circumstances, of uncommon rage, barbarity and cruelty. These calamities, we did not deserve, from our fellow-creatures; but our sins have been such as to merit them all, at the hand of God: and it is our duty, to glorify his name, by ascribing righteousness to him, notwithstanding all that has come upon us.
Before the commencement of the war (if not since) we imbibed the false maxims, and the vices, of that which we fondly called the Parent State, with a thirst and avidity, which were truly amazing. There appears a judicial pertinency, in permitting our punishment to arrive, from the same quarter; and I have sometimes mistrusted, that the sufferings referred to, were especially intended as a chastisement for our folly, in thus greedily adopting the sins, of an old, corrupted and depraved Country. However, certain it is, that the most of our maritime Towns, which, in consequence of their situation and mercantile connections, had the chief, and most immediate share, in the inglorious importation, of European error, wickedness and folly, have suffered, in a manner, in some degree distinguishing. And certain it is, that, the degree of our guilt, from what quarter so ever it arose, must have been great in the sight of God; otherwise, that infinitely merciful Being, would not have brought, such a discipline upon us. The kind intention of Heaven was, our reformation, in order to our happiness; but how have our manners comported, with the urgent, monitory language of the divine rod?
A more than common, prevailing spirit of self-correction, and an extraordinary exercise of virtues and graces, were justly to be expected of us, upon the alarming occasion. Would it not therefore be a shocking consideration, if, on candid enquiry, it should appear, that people, of the several ranks and ages, are, on the whole, as sinful, or more sinful, than they were, when the war commenced? Some, we trust, have been instructed in the fear of the Lord; but is there more true religion and virtue in the land now, than there was eight years ago? We fear there is less. If we do not judge incorrectly, pride, and avarice, with all the vices which come under the denomination of luxury, disregard to the Lord’s-Days, and Christian institutions, profaneness and deism, have been making advancements, with no moderate strides, even when we have been in the furnace of afflictive discipline; while a general decay and languor of vital piety, has been, by some, and I fear too justly, complained of. It is further remarkable, that the sins specified, in which, we are supposed to have increased, when suffering such heavy judgments, are sins of no inferior magnitude; as, I am persuaded, calm attention to the language of scripture, in relation to them, would convince you.
Disrespect to the Lord’s Sabbaths and ordinances is aggravated, in proportion to the importance of a serious observation of them, in order to preserve, and promote the excellent religion of Jesus Christ, for God’s glory and human happiness.
Pride is said to be the first, if not the greatest of sins. It is one of the most fruitful sources of oppression; it is peculiarly dishonest and hateful to God, as well as odious to men. No wonder then, it should be singled out, as it seems to be, in Divine Providence, for a sin, to be remarkably branded, on many occasions, by judgments in this world; that pride should go before destruction, and an haughty spirit before a fall. Nor is it surprising to find the Prophet saying, that the Lord purposed to stain the pride of all glory. Those instances of most consummate arrogancy, which, in late times, we have seen succeeded, by the fall of those, who were so elated, into some of the most humiliating of all circumstances, afford a striking comment, on those emphatical passages of Scripture, which have a reference to this kind of immorality.
As for avarice, with luxurious sensuality and effeminacy, they are particularly grieving to the holy spirit; no true love to God, or to our Country, can subsist in the heart that is captivated with them; and I may add, no substantial peace and happiness; while they are fruitful in every device, to invade the rights of others, for the accumulation of wealth, or the support of extravagance, and a licentious career.
And what shall we say, concerning the guilt of our numerous profane swearers; in the sea-faring employment, in the army, in seaport towns, and in other parts of the land; whose practice has such a direct tendency, to bring the name of God into contempt, and weaken men’s veneration for a solemn oath, that great and useful band of society. They have made proficiency in this horrible wickedness, even in the heat and rage of those military engagements, which are attended with such imminent danger of dying in an instant, and being suddenly transferred to His tribunal, who has said that, by our words we shall be condemned. To the admonition of the ancient Prophet, to glorify the Lord in the fires, even the name of the Lord God of Israel, in the isles of the sea, they have not attended.
Or what shall be said, concerning our modern gentlemen, who, like the Pharisees of old, are disposed to suggest, that Jesus Christ was an impostor, if not an instrument of the devil, employed to impose a false religion on mankind, for the answering of worldly and base purposes? They would cashier a religion, the most honorary to God, and the best calculated to promote liberty and happiness in society, and the present and future felicity of individuals, of anything that ever made its appearance, upon the stage of this world; and they ought, in my opinion, to be considered and treated as enemies to human kind. How do they dishonor the Son! And by so doing, dishonor the Father also. I do believe, with all my heart, and with all my soul, that deism, in its nature, guilt, malignity and dangerous tendency, comes the nearest to the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, never to be forgiven, in this world, nor in the world to come, of any sin which is, or indeed can be committed, in these later ages of the world, by the sons of men.
While I consider our progress, in infidelity and profaneness, with other vices, when under such an heat of divine wrath, I cannot forbear thinking of those words, in the Book of God, And the fourth angel poured out his vial upon the sun, and power was given unto him to scorch men with fire, and men were scorched with great heat, and blasphemed the name of God, which hath power over these plagues, and they repented not to give him glory.
It may be further observed, without impertinency, that while, during the war, there has been a general decay of piety and virtue, and an increase of several species of heinous sinfulness, amidst the most distressing and awakening dispensations, there has been also a series of great and marvelous interpositions, in our favor. The goodness of God is adapted and designed to lead us to love and gratitude, and in the result to repentance; and the more signal tokens of it appear, in a more forcible and striking manner, to demand our penitential return to the love and service of God. How amazingly have we resisted the design and tendency of the most wonderful dispensations of divine love and commiseration! Nor may we forget, that, in the meantime, we have been blessed with the free enjoyment of those Christian privileges, which gave us advantages for high attainments, in those graces and virtues, which are for the honor of God, and the public utility.
My drift is to convince, that the sin of this People, and especially of the more degenerate parts of the Community, is greatly aggravated in the sight of God. I am not sensible that I have been intemperately high in my colorings; if I have not, the mind must be extremely callous, that does not admit the designed conviction.
It appears to me, that the devil has, in late times, come down to America, in great wrath, and equal cunning; I trust it was because he knew, or at least entertained a well-grounded suspicion, that he was likely to have but a short time. If, while this people, by the singular favor and aid of Heaven, were contending, with so much honor and success, for independency and republican constitutions, it was the plan of the arch-adversary, to tempt them into a scene of wickedness, so aggravated, so dishonorable and provoking to an holy God; and a scene of vice, which is so agreeable to the spirit and purposes of monarchy and tyranny, and so utterly abhorrent to the genius, and to the just expectation of preserving the constitution and blessings of a free republic; that, in this way, he might bring us to put on the inconsistent ridiculous figure of a man, who is industrious, as soon and as fast as possible, to destroy with one hand, that which he is most earnestly contending to build up with the other, I should view it, as one of the most notable devices, that ever was invented in the cabinet of the infernal regions. But if, calling in by prayer, the almighty Arm, to our assistance, we resist the devil, he will fly from us.
On the whole, if it is a sober, truth, that our sin has been so great and aggravated, while we have been contending for freedom, what are the reflections which are suitable on this occasion! Ought we not to be most deeply humbled, in the sight of God, confessing our merit of utter destruction? Ought we not to realize, with trembling, our dependence on infinite grace and mercy, for the prevention of our suffering those calamities of sickness, of drought and scarcity, of discord, and other distressing judgments, which we so highly deserve, and which we are by no means free from danger of? For God may intend to vary the method of his treatment of us, as a judicious and kind parent, when his children appear to be hardened, under one mode of discipline, may be disposed to alter his measures, and adopt some other. And there may be particular danger, that God will bring some terrible mortality to those, whose sins, in the late times, have been as crimson; while he preserves our national privileges, for the sake of the rising, and future generations. Remember the case of those, whose carcasses fell in the wilderness; Those murmurers, who despised the promised land, and desired to return to Egypt; whose children were to enjoy the land flowing with milk and honey, while the rich privilege was denied to the sinful parents. Ought we not to renounce every sin, with the most penitential sorrow, remorse and abhorrence; and devote ourselves to serve the Lord, according to the directions of the Gospel, through the spirit, with the whole heart, our best powers, and noblest exertions? Ought we not to put up most fervent cries for pardon, through the blood of Jesus Christ; for the aversion of deserved judgments, the continuance of enjoyed, and the concernment of needed blessings? And, ought we not to adore the grace of God, in granting us so honorable, and advantageous a peace, as we have now a prospect of; after we have so dishonored and offended him, in the course of the war, as being grace, so divinely generous, as to exceed all astonishment? Highest praise and love, gratitude and devotion must be rendered, if we would give unto the Lord the glory due unto his name; and, if the tear of unfeigned repentance, is not, by such treatment, drawn forth, the heart must be made of steel and adamant.
I know not how, fully to account for God’s disclosing to us the brightness of his face, in such a manner, as he does at present, while we are involved, with so little remorse, in such a scene of impiety and vice as hath been described, without introducing the supposition of his strong inclination, to give before the world, a striking attestation, to the justice of our cause; to manifest the affection and esteem, he entertains for liberty, and his holy aversion to oppressive devices and measures; to discover the distinguishing regard and tenderness, for those greater degree of religion, which, after all our degeneracy, may possibly remain among us, than are to be found, in the land of our oppressors; to pave the way, for the happiness of our infant offspring, and unborn posterity; to make preparation, possibly, for accomplishing in future time, some high designs of his grace and providence, concerning America, and the rest of mankind; and, in the meantime, to try us, in the most extraordinary manner, by mercy, as well as by judgment, with a desire to bring us to repentance, that we may be, a people prepared for the Lord. God grant, that all our hearts, may be properly coincident, with all his high and holy purposes, so far as they may be discovered by us! One of his great and good designs appears, with a sufficient degree of perspicuity; I mean his purpose, by his merciful and judicial dispensations, to teach us the evil and danger of sin; to convince us of the necessity, of forsaking all our immoralities; and the dutifulness of devoting ourselves to serve him, with the most impartial reformation, and grateful affection, in the kingdom of his dear Son.
Although God, for wise reasons, may sometimes see fit, to defer the infliction of those public calamities on a people, which their sins deserve; and to be patient, towards a particular offender; yet does it highly concern each individual sinner, to consider his constant exposedness to death; and that, if he dies without repentance, from that point of time, his judgment will not linger, nor his damnation slumber: Except the addition, which may be made to his infernal woe, at the resurrection and final judgment; and the increase of misery, which may take place, on occasion of his increasing wickedness.
The confusions of the late war, it must be confessed, have not been very favorable to the purposes of sedate consideration; while, at the same time, they have furnished scenes of extraordinary temptation. And these things may possibly be thought to plead some little degree of apology, for our delinquency in time past; but now, God is indulging to us, an opportunity for calm reflection. Behold the goodness and severity of God! If we do not now view them both, in a contemplative manner, and are not, of course, brought to the exercise of a godly reforming sorrow for our sins, we shall be found utterly inexcusable, and have reason to be apprehensive of the most melancholy consequences.
But, according to present appearances, a most glorious, an almighty, most wise and gracious God, has blasted all the proud and invidious, the assuming and avaricious purposes of the sons of thralldom to enslave America; and all the blessings of liberty are ours, unless we choose, through immorality, and supine carelessness, to lose the advantage of those great things, which have been wrought for us, and, through the grace and help of the Most High, have been wrought by us. He is restoring to us the blessings of peace, after an arduous conflict; ascertaining to us an absolute Independency; doing us an illustrious honor, in the sight of the nations; and confirming to us those privileges, which were so highly esteemed by our Ancestry; and for which they suffered so freely, so patiently, and so much!
Scarcely can we enjoy our happiness, in the absence of those Worthies. Their company, at such a Time, the compassion, in a reflection on sufferings, and the mutual gratulations, at the friendly sympathizing interview, would sublimate rejoicing into ecstasy! But we must be content, at present, without their society; and we trust they are blessed, with much higher felicity, than can possibly be enjoyed, by the inhabitants of this world, even in our circumstances.
It might be thought by some (whether justly or not) to savor of malevolence, and therefore to be exceptionable, should we, at this time, adopt the language of the Apostle John, and say, Rejoice over her thou Heaven, and ye holy Apostles and prophets, for God hath avenged you on her; but to engage our hearts, in praising and blessing, and giving thanks to our Fathers God and ours, with elevated strains of sincerest, and most joyful devotion, must by no means be omitted, if we desire to conform to our duty, in giving to the Lord the glory due unto his name. He has been pleased to glorify his power and wisdom, grace and mercy on our behalf, in a very wonderful manner; and our part is, imploring his grace for our assistance, to exert our best abilities, for making his praise glorious.
I believe, and all the people in general, of these United States believe, and, I hope in God, they will forever judge, that such liberty, as that, which is now opening to our view and enjoyment, involves in it, or furnishes advantages for obtaining all that is great and good, and richest, and best, conducing to the happiness of society on earth, to the internal true peace, and self-possession of individuals, and their everlasting life and glory. If, therefore, our estimation be just, and the ardor of our devotion ought to bear a proportion to the value of a blessing received, it is our duty to command our souls, to bless the Lord, by the noblest exertions of the best powers, which heaven has endowed them with.
Other considerations may be brought into view, whereby it will appear, that exalted strains of praise, thanksgiving and blessing, are proper sacrifices, at this day.
If a sense of obligation is justly heightened, as indeed it is, on the receipt of a savior, especially one of great importance, from a benefactor whom we have highly offended and injured; and our sin against the divine majesty has been such, as hath been represented, in a former stage of this discourse, what feelings of grateful resentment ought to possess our hearts, at this time, towards the father of mercies and God of all grace!
Nor may we, with any degree of innocency, forget the favorable appearances of Heaven, of an extraordinary complexion, during our contest, which have led on to the glorious issue, in which we are now called to rejoice.
And what a field here opens! It is the business of a folio, rather than of a sermon; of a year, or an age, rather that of a few days, to exhibit such a representation of these things, as the subject truly merits. Blushing, therefore, with a consciousness of my own deficiency, I must beg you to be contended with a few hints only.
Some of our towns and cities have been, in a greater of less degree, brought to desolation; many of our friends and fellow countrymen have lost their lives in the high places of the field, as well as on the sea; and Lord! How many have perished, by shocking abuse, in a state of imprisonment! The idea is too painful to be dwelt on. Various have been the distressing scenes, which God has called us to pass through; but with what mercies, reliefs and assistances, well-judged, kind and seasonable, have our calamities been interspersed!
Let us consider the American Characters, which God has been pleased to form, to raise up, inspirit, support and succeed, for our relief and assistance, in our distresses—The spirit of liberty, Protestantism and union, which has been diffused through this land, among people of clashing civil interests, and various religious complexions; which thing, we seriously judge, has been wrought by the finger of God. Consider, the patience in pressing trials, and the worthy fortitude and spirit of perseverance, wherewith God has been pleased to endow this people. Consider, in what a manner we have succeeded, and the lives of our people have been precious in the sight of the Lord, even to astonishment, in many, if not most of the encounters, which we have had with the enemy. Consider, how strangely we have prospected by sea, and have been enriched with captures from our oppressors, as the Israelites of old, by the borrowed wealth of Egypt. Consider, the abilities, the navy, and the intimidating reputation of those, with whom we have been called to contend; the endless arts they have made use of , to deceive, to affrighten and discourage, to disunite, to weaken and ruin us; together with the exposedness of our long sea coast, and many maritime towns; and our imbecility, want of resources, and scantiness of preparations, in the early stages of the war especially: and yet, that the enemy have scarcely gained any advantages over us, except such as must naturally and almost necessarily be expected by us, unless we could have flattered ourselves, that God would conduct the war, in our favor, in a manner, not only wonderful but perfectly miraculous. Meditate the powerful alliances obtained, notwithstanding the contempt, with which we had, by many, been generally treated before-time; and the growing interest, which it has pleased God to favor us with, in the respect, esteem and friendship, of almost all Europe: Consider how the supercilious expectations, and anticipated triumphs of our enemies have been blasted, by the illustrious reduction of Two whole British Armies. In fine, let us consider all things as conspiring, in the most wonderful, wise, powerful and kind providence of God, to effectuate such an event, as now captivates our attention. And having our sense of obligation to the Governor of the world highly improved, let us with one heart, and with one voice exclaim, bless the Lord, O our souls, and all that is within us bless his holy name; bless the Lord O our souls, and forget not his wonderful benefits!
The Lord has done great things for us, whereof we are, or at least ought to be glad. By what instrumentality our success has been effected, is, in many respects, sufficiently obvious; and if we were favored with the presence of a Prophet among us, he might possibly be able to give us some further light, and inform use, in how many instances, the Angel of the Lord has been sent for our help and deliverance. We desire, however, to pay no such respects to the means and instruments, which God has employed for our relief and assistance, as would be derogatory from the glory due to Him. While we are sincerely willing to pay, every suitable mark of honor and esteem, to our great and humane benefactors on earth, we reserve and appropriate our religious praises and adorations, to the great Sovereign of the world, to whom alone they are due; in the use of such language at that in 1 Chron. 29: 11-13, Thine, O Lord, is the greatness, and the power, and the glory, and the victory, and the majesty: for all that is in the heaven and in the earth, is thine, thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou are exalted as head above all. Both riches and honor come of thee, and thou reignest over all. Both riches and honor come of thee, and thou reignest over all, and in thine hand is power and might, and in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all. Now therefore, our God, we thank thee, and praise thy glorious name.
Let us realize our immense obligations to the Father of lights, from whom cometh down every good, and every perfect gift. And by the most vigilant, and circumspectful attention to every suitable measure, and precaution, for preserving and perpetuating our dear liberties, civil and sacred; by improving them with diligence, good judgment and sobriety; and therefore so, that they may afford us the greatest, the most, and the best happiness, which this world and state are capable of furnishing; by all good conversation in Christ; and by attainments in the divine life, in some good measure correspondent to the degree, in which he has honored Himself and us, by the signal favors and advantages, which he has been pleased to confer upon us, let us endeavor to give unto his Great Name its due glory. If we will take every the best, and most justifiable method, to make our rich privileges contribute in the best manner, to our essential interest and happiness, the God who is Love, will deign to be pleased, and think Himself honored.
Some persons are disposed to hint, that republican freedom is not a thing to be chosen; because mankind are so immoral, fickle and indiscreet, that they are in the utmost danger of using such liberty, to their own ruin. This a mode of argumentation, genuinely papistical; and if a reasoner of this stamp, is supposed to have in contemplation, his own worldly wealth, power and aggrandizement, I am suspicious, he will lose sight of the public freedom, and view earthly grandeur, as a most important boon, highly worth the grasping after, notwithstanding any supposed danger of his improving it, to his own detriment: Whereas, it appears, to the eye of judicious, benevolent, candid and impartial consideration that the People, are, at least, as likely to make an advantageous improvement of republican liberty, as the great men of the earth are, to make a laudable, and profitable use of their grandeur, wealth and power. The language of the protestant and patriotic friend to liberty and the human race, is this, deny not to the people the immense blessing of freedom, through real, much less pretended fears of their destroying themselves by it; but endeavor to raise the people to wisdom and virtue, that so they may improve their freedom, to the greatest and most happifying purposes.
The security and preservation of our privileges, as well as the due improvement of them, calls for our best attention.
The domineering, and abusive principles of depraved nature, on which the systems of spiritual, and civil tyranny have been erected (notwithstanding that the excellent advantages, of a most moral, benevolent and heavenly religion, has been granted to many) have hitherto generally prevailed, to the suppression, and oftentimes to the speedy interment, of those beams of a spirit of freedom, and those systems of liberty, which have, at one time and another, made their appearance upon the face of the earth; and the history of this world, as to the main strokes of it, appears to be chiefly, a story of injurious, oppressive crimes, and the sins, miseries and calamities, which they have occasioned and inferred; if we trace it, from the days of the mighty Hunter, down to the present period. But, O Lord, how long! Is this stygian current, which has, in so deplorable a manner engulfed the happiness of mankind, never to be stopped? With God, all things are possible. To his almighty grace, we make our humble appeal; but not without a consciousness, that we cannot give to the Lord, his due praise and glory, unless we join our best endeavors, for bringing about so important, and desirable an event. A seasonable enquiry is, What can be devised, in addition to the means, which have been already used, at least in this country, for the preservation of freedom, when once asserted and vindicated?
On a long course of observation and reflection, I have come to the following conclusion, that the habits formed in youth, are amazingly strong, inveterate, and inflexible, and do generally and in the main, go with the man, through the various stages of life, and, through the dark valley of the shadow of death, into the eternal state; and that, the character of the world, as to religion and virtue, liberty and happiness, always has, and probably always will depend, in a very great measure, if not almost entirely, upon education. Solemn thoughts, if they are just, for those who are blooming in life, as well as for those, to whom God has committed the charge of them! If our sentiments are correct, there is perhaps no one subject, which can more pertinently claim the attention of the people of these United States, at this time particularly, than that of education; and especially, the improvement of youth, in that Christian practical godliness, public spirit and virtue, which would exclude the vile oppressing passions from their hearts; and form them, to that true spirit of liberty, which is nothing more nor less than a spirit of true Christianity, considered as extending itself into, and operating in reference to matters of civil and ecclesiastical government and immunity.
If I am not prejudiced in favor of my Country, America is blessed with a genius, which deserves the epithet of singular; and if so, it would be rendering due glory, to the Author of all gifts, and not a little honorable to us, if this genius should be exerted for the investigation of some methods, for the right education of all the children of the people, superior than any, which have hitherto been adopted. If this is not the case, it is my opinion, that this is not likely to be, for a long time, a free country. But, if all the youth were educated, in the manner we recommend, The Kingdom of God would appear to have come, in a more signal manner, than ever it has yet done, at least for numerous ages; the perpetuated enjoyment of that freedom, for which we have suffered, would, under the favor of Heaven, be ensured to us; and we might be induced to think of that Millennial state, the approach whereof, does perhaps at this time appear, by several prognostic symptoms, to be in some degree probable.
I do not wish to prescribe, in a manner, that might have the appearance of assumption; but one proposal I will adventure to risk; and that is, that all in high life, and affluent circumstances, form a Combination, to abate, as to every luxurious superfluity, according to the genius of the heavenly, spiritual, moderate, self-denying religion of Jesus Christ; and devote the monies thus redeemed (which would amount to no small sum) to the promotion of such a Christian, and republican education in the land, as hath been recommended; so much excepted, as it might be necessary to distribute among those, who are in circumstances particularly unhappy, in consequence of the calamities of the late war. This is a measure, not unsuitable to be contemplated, on a day of Fasting, or Thanksgiving. And should the people, of the description I have mentioned, incline to come into it, what a glorious instance of conduct would it be! In every light, how patriotic! This would be, in style and taste, high, to some purpose. How would it gladden, and bless the heart of every sincere, and considerate friend to religion, liberty, and his country! What a figure would the combination make, in the page of history, to the latest ages! And what a due tribute of glory would they bring, to the great God, the bountiful Author of all their riches, and means of enjoyment!
Extremely happy should I be, to be furnished with satisfactory evidence, that the young Gentlemen of the University were captivated with that spirit, which I have endeavored, my present discourse should breathe. We do not censure their inclination to excel, in various arts and sciences, which are embellishing, and in a more moderate degree, useful to society; but our grand wish is, to see their ambition chiefly engaged about those things, which are the most worthy, important and glorious; to see them emulous for excelling, in divine science; in love to God and their Country; in truly Christian, and republican sobriety and economy; in the art of being truly happy, in this world and forever; and in the noble principles, and temper of liberty, which may render them blessings to the Commonwealth, by disposing them to use their best endeavors, for cultivating, and perpetuating its freedom and felicity, in connection with pure and undefiled religion. This would be, to their pious parents, and to all the well-principled people among us, especially at this time, when there is such a decay of that virtue, which is so essential to freedom, like rain upon the mown grass. Let not the apprehension of singularity be terrifying to them. In times of general depravity, singularity is the path of virtue, happiness and glory. They have now an opportunity of distinguishing themselves, on a momentous occasion; Heaven grant, that they may not fail of reaping the honor of it! That they should go forth into the world, fraught with those noble principles and passions, which we are intent upon recommending, is the rather desired, because we trust they will ere long fill those important public stations, which will render their instructions and examples, of great and extensive influence. May they consider, how much the glory of God, and the public good are interested, in the improvement they shall make of their talents and advantages; and herewithall bear in mind, that divine declaration, Him that honoreth me, I will honor; but he that despiseth me, shall be lightly esteemed.
Ministers of the Gospel, in some past years, being impressed with a sense of the inestimable value of freedom, and apprehensive of the slavery, wherewith our land was threatened, exerted themselves to enlighten the people concerning their danger, and prompt them to unite in measures for self-defense. And, if they have not, in the days of depreciating currency, been properly rewarded, by their fellowmen, in respect to temporal things, for their courageous exertions, and labors of love, we believe, nevertheless, that they have the satisfaction of a good conscience, and hope, that governed and animated by superior motives, they will always appear as faithful advocates, for the preservation of those rights and privileges, which are so happily vindicated and established.
It has been said, indeed, by moderns, as well as by them of old time, That ministers have no right to interpose, in reference to matters of a political nature. Ministers, however, have a right, at least to preach the Gospel; and, if they might be the means of its being universally propagated, and practically regarded; to the suppression of the exorbitant pride, ambition, covetousness, lust of dominion, and other vile affections, which now reign among men, all the curious, exalted, wicked and formidable machinery of papal, and anti-republican despotism, would instantly be precipitated headlong to the ground, and dashed to pieces; and, if mistrial endeavors might be blessed, for the continuance of such universal, pure Christianity, the Hydra-monsters of civil, and ecclesiastical tyranny, would no more erect their horrendous terrific heads, to the abuse, and destruction of the human race, and to the dishonor of God, and usurpation of his sacred throne, but would be forever banished from this world.
If we intend our Country shall continue free, there must be a constant attention and concern, for the preservation of its freedom, among persons of every order, and of every age. It is as necessary, that the people should keep up a perpetual watch and guard, from age to age, to prevent the rise of those Tumors in the Body-politic, which would be detrimental, and ruinous to its health and happiness, as it is, that a Christian should maintain a vigilant, unintermiting and persevering struggle, to prevent the usurpation, and predominancy of the principles of corrupt nature, in his own heart.
After all, I seem to hear some person say, the republican politician may theorize, and the puritan preach; but the current, nevertheless, will continue its baneful, sweeping and destructive course. Foreign monarchical principles, luxurious excesses, and superfluities will be catched at, with an accelerating pleasure and appetite; The insinuating intrigues, and devices of foreign courts will prevail, to the dissemination of the principles of party spirit, discord and corruption, in the land; extensive commerce, and accumulated opulence, will support the high scenes of ever increasing sensuality, worldly-mindedness and extravagancy; luxury will be fertile, in the generation of every arrogant, over-bearing, injurious and oppressive passion; they, who, on the basis of vile affections, have ripened an arbitrary system of thought, in their minds, will become more confirmed therein; and others, on the same principles, will contract a despotic, and depraved bias of mind; some will be grasping, aspiring, machinating and intriguing; some will be venal; others will be timid; many will be careless; and all in general corrupt: Hence, the vitals of our free constitutions will be gradually, and imperceptibly eaten out, if they are not destroyed by sudden violence; the famed American structure will fall to decay, and go the way of all the earth!
May God forbid it! May the Great Friend to the rights and happiness of mankind forbid it! Who sent his Son into this world to bleed for us, that we might be free indeed. May the dignity and consistency, wherewith He shall be pleased to invest the United States of North America, forbid it! Forbid it thou Holy Spirit! Whose province it is to promote every temperate, every humble, every holy and heavenly, every just, every kind and social disposition in the hearts of men.
But if such an event should take place, after all the great and wonderful things, which God has done for us, and by our instrumentality; and after all that we have undergone, in the grandest of causes; and I might be supposed to remain in this world, to be a spectator of such an unblessed catastrophe—Farewell, to all future enjoyment in life! Sorrow be thou my companion! Grief and wo my constant attendants, till, according to the destination of an Holy God, I return to the dust, from whence I was taken! Nor am I able easily to realize, if, in the infinite grace and mercy of God, I should arrive to the heavenly world, how I could adequately enjoy the Place, as long as the Idea of such an event, should be retained—Whither has the gale of affection driven me!—tis time to give myself a check—if my vehemence I have been guilty of weakness and eccentricity, I beg you will do me the friendship to remember the pathos wherewith the welfare of our dear country is desired, and forget the rest.
Apprehensions of danger we have; but must, nevertheless, encourage ourselves to hope better things concerning America, and things that accompany salvation, though we thus speak.
Reflecting on all that is past, and anticipating the still greater things, which we humbly trust, the Great God, in his grace and providence, will do, in time to come, for us and ours, you will, without an invitation, join with me, in repeating the following animated Doxologies, which we find recorded, in the Book of the Revelation of Jesus Christ. Blessing, and honor, and glory and power be unto him that sitteth upon the Throne, and unto the Lamb forever and ever, Amen. Blessing and glory, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, and honor, and power, and might, be unto our God forever and ever,
Jonas Clark was born on Christmas Day in Lexington, Massachusetts. He graduated from Cambridge University at the age of 22 and was ordained as a minister three years later. While serving as a minister, he also worked a farm of 60 acres in order to supply his family with food. He continued as the pastor of the church at Lexington for half-a-century.
Doolittle’s 1775 Engraving of Lexington
Clark was an avid American patriot before and during and the American War for Independence. He actively wrote papers related to pressing issues such as the Stamp Act and many of the leading patriots stayed at his home and sought his counsel. In fact, both John Hancock and Samuel Adams were at his home on April 18, 1775, when Paul Revere made his famous midnight ride to alert them that they must flee or face being caught by the coming British. Upon hearing the news, they turned to Pastor Clark and asked if the people of Lexington would fight, to which he replied, “I have trained them for this very hour!”
The following morning, some seventy men from his church faced over 700 British soldiers, and when the “Shot heard round the world” was over, eighteen Americans were laying on the ground—both black and white patriots—all members of his church. Clark’s influence continued throughout the War and afterwards, and he helped pen the Massachusetts Constitution.
This election sermon was preached by Clark in Massachusetts on May 30, 1781.
A
SERMON
PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY
JOHN HANCOCK, Esq;
GOVERNOR;
HIS HONOR
THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;
THE HONORABLE THE
COUNCIL,
AND THE HONORABLE THE
SENATE
AND
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
OF THE
COMMONWEALTH
OF
MASSACHUSETTS,
MAY 30, 1781.
BEING THE FIRST DAY OF
GENERAL ELECTION,
After the COMMENCEMENT of the
Present CONSTITUTION,
AND
INAUGURATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT.
BY JONAS CLARK, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in Lexington.
N. B. Several passages omitted in the delivery of this Discourse are now inserted.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In SENATE, May 30, 1781.
ORDERED, That Walter Spooner, Samuel Adams, and Charles Turner, Esquires, be and hereby are appointed a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Jonas Clark, and return him the Thanks of the Senate for his Sermon delivered this Day before his Excellency the Governor, the Council and the General Court, and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.
Attest,
JOHN AVERY, Sec’ry.
AN
Election Sermon.
PSALM XLVII. 8, 9.
–GOD sitteth upon the throne of His holiness: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.
At what time, or upon what occasion, the Psalm before us was composed, is neither certain, nor easy, at this distance of time, to determine.—“Many have supposed it to have been penned, on occasion of bringing up the Ark to Mount Zion.”—Others, “that it looks further, and is prophetic of the ascension of the glorious Mediator, after he had finished his work on earth, and the setting up his kingdom in the world.”
From the sentiments it contains, it might also be considered as a Psalm composed, and well adapted, for the congregation of Israel, when all the tribes came to Hebron to receive David, and by their elders to make a league with him, as their chief magistrate; and to establish him in the government. 1
But, which, or whether either of these suppositions hath any solid foundation, must be left to the learned and judicious to determine.—Be the primary occasion, of this devout composition, what it may; it is beyond dispute, that the subjects of it are interesting and important:–Subjects well suited to inspire the church and people of God, at all times, with a sense of his government and their dependence, and of their indispensible obligations to celebrate the glories of his perfections, herein displayed, as the ground of their confidence and theme of their praise.
In a word, it is an exhortation to the people of GOD, to praise the Lord, as “The Great King over all the earth,” who should subdue the people, their enemies and oppressors under them, and the nations under their feet: And as that God, who should choose their inheritance for them, and establish them in the quiet possession and enjoyment of it.
Agreeably, in confirmation of this their confidence, it is said, in the text—That GOD sitteth upon the throne of his holiness: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.
In these words, we have a striking representation,–a lively portrait of the happy state of a people, or nation, in covenant with God, and favoured with his protection and smiles; of a people established in the enjoyment of the blessings of a civil government, whose constitution is founded in principles of liberty and equity, whose laws are administered with justice and righteousness, and whose end is the glory of God, in the good of mankind. The Great GOD, as the sovereign, the supreme ruler, sitting on the throne of his holiness, with all the powers of government, originally and ultimately, vested in himself, and exercised by him, agreeable to the eternal laws of righteousness and equity.—The Princes of the people, their leaders, or delegates, are gathered together, from all parts of the land, in the name of their constituents, and under the direction and influence of their supreme ruler and sovereign, to consult the public weal, to enact laws and to transact the great affairs of the nation and of government. The people, the body of the nation, are there introduced, as The people of the GOD of Abraham, in covenant with him, and devoutly acknowledging their fealty to him, as their sovereign, and their dependence upon him and his blessing, both for counsel and defense. And in fine, that nothing might be wanting to complete the view, we have The Shields of the earth, representing both the powers of government and the persons vested with them, exhibited, as belonging to GOD, religiously devoted to his service and glory, or under his direction and control, to carry to effect the purposes of his benevolence and wisdom for the good of his people, or the designs of his justice and righteousness in the government of the world.—The whole is intended to show—‘That magistracy, or civil government, is of divine institution—‘That the end of it is the good of the governed—and “That, as all power and all authority are derived from him, the glory of all should redound to his name; to the end, that GOD, who sitteth on the throne might be greatly exalted.
That God, who created and preserves, of right, doth govern the world, is a truth, which the light of nature teaches, which revelation confirms, and a truth, which the common sense of mankind in all ages, concurs to establish.
That the power, authority and sovereignty of God are absolute and uncontrollable is a truth justly deducible from the preceding, and equally indisputable.
The sacred scriptures are far from being silent, or doubtful, upon a subject so fundamental, so important. We frequently find all the powers of moral government, in the highest sense, solemnly assumed by God, or devoutly ascribed unto him, in the divine oracles. Hence God is introduced by the holy prophet, as saying, “I am the Lord, and there is none else; there is no God besides me. I form the light and create darkness: I make peace and create evil: I the Lord do all these things.” 2 “I will work, and who shall let it?” 3—And to show the vanity of oppugnation [opposition] to his government or authority, it is added,–“Let the potsherd strive with the potsherds of the earth: But woe to him that striveth with his maker.” 4
And what God hath thus justly assumed, is devoutly ascribed to him by his saints and people; and frequently mentioned as the ground of their confidence, as well as the reason of their submission.—At all times, yea, even in times of perplexity and darkness, it was the language of God’s people—“The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice” 5—“The Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the Lord is our king; He will save us.” 6 Holy David observes that “the kingdom is the Lord’s, and he is governor among the nations.” 7 and to add no more, it is said—That “The Lord sitteth King forever:” 8 And, that “His Kingdom ruleth over all.” 9
In this light considered, the Deity is to be acknowledged, as that God, whose power and authority are supreme, universal and uncontrollable.
It is not, however, authority or power alone, that forms the character, or gives an idea of the great moral governor of the universe; but this power, and this authority, as tempered with wisdom, goodness, justice, truth, faithfulness, and other moral perfections necessary to a government founded in equity, exercised in righteousness, glorious to himself and a blessing to his creatures.
It would have been easy to an infinite being, to have carried to effect the purposes of his government, by the influences of his spirit, or the word of his power; but, for wise reasons, the supreme Ruler hath been pleased to employ angels and men, as ministers in his kingdom; and to render even second causes subservient to the great designs of his wisdom, justice and goodness, in the government of the world.
For the glory of God, and the preservation of order and communication of happiness, it is both natural and rational to suppose, that government subsists among intelligent beings, of whatever rank, or degree in creation.
This conjecture is the more probable, with regard to the heavenly hosts, and those bright intelligences, who inhabit the celestial abodes, and are favoured with the nearest approaches unto God, from the account the sacred oracles have given; of the various names, orders and degrees subsisting among them; as Angels, Arch-angels, Thrones, Dominions, Principalities and Powers. 10
Something of this kind, also, would, undoubtedly, have been advantageous, if not necessary, to have perfected the felicity of mankind, had they continued in a state of innocence and rectitude: And for the order, harmony and happiness of society and the world, it is reasonable to suppose, that rule and government would have taken place among men, however virtuous, benevolent, or just.
The still greater importance of such an institution to the peace, liberty, safety and happiness of individuals, of society and the world of mankind, since sin, lust, passion, imperfection and every evil work have been introduced, needs neither time to consider, nor arguments to prove.
Were there no civil government, laws, magistracy, nor Shields of the earth, for the preservation of peace, the guard of liberty, the protection of property and the defense of life, it is easy to see, and, without a spirit of prophesy, to foretell, what the event must be:–that anarchy, confusion, blood and slaughter, waste and destruction, would soon take place in the earth.—The weak would be devoured by the strong, the innocent, like righteous Abel, would become an easy prey to the vicious, abandoned and ambitious:–and the longest sword must quickly determine the fate of mankind.
Hence it appears, I had almost said, to a demonstration, that, under God, the supreme ruler, this wise institution of civil government, this richest of temporal blessings to mankind, takes its rise from Necessity.
It is true, reason teaches the propriety, convenience points out the advantages, and all the social affections concur to urge the importance of civil government. But however engaging or interesting these arguments might appear, to the wise, the benevolent, or judicious, they would be, at best, but a feeble support to the peace and order of society,–would never have availed to establish government, over the lawless lusts of vicious, aspiring, or blood-thirsty men.—It is Necessity, Necessity alone, which combines men in society, and gives rise to civil government. And had not mankind been effectually convinced of this necessity, and taught to realize that there was no living without it, it is very much a doubt, whether ever such an institution would have taken place in the world.
This Necessity, in a great measure at least, is founded in and takes rise from the lusts, the corruptions and vices of mankind.
Tis not indeed pretended, that any one man, or any number of men, have any natural right of superiority, or inherent claim of dominion, or governmental authority over any other man, or body of men.—All men, by nature, are free, equal and independent, in this matter. It is in compact—in compact alone, that all just government is founded.
The first steps, in entering into society and toward the establishment of civil government among a people, is the forming, agreeing to, and ratifying an original compact, for the regulation of the State, describing and determining the mode, departments and powers of government, and the rights, privileges and duties of the subjects.
This should be done by the whole body of the people; or by princes, leaders, or delegates, by their choice, appointment, or consent.
This right in the people, whether emerging from a state of nature, or the yoke of oppression, is an unalienable right—a right which cannot be given up by a people, even though ever so much inclined to sell or sacrifice it.—Yea, should a people be so lost to themselves, as, upon any consideration, to give it up, it may justly be reclaimed, at least by the next generation, who cannot be supposed to be deprived of their birth-right, because their progenitors, like Esau, despised and parted with theirs.
While the social compact subsists, the whole state, and all its members, are bound by it:–a sacred regard ought to be paid to it. No man, order, or body of men, in the state, have any right, power, or authority, to alter, change, or violate the social compact. Nor can any change, alteration, or amendment, be lawfully introduced, but by common consent. Any and every attempt of this kind, endangers the whole.
It remains, however, with the community, state, or nation, as a public, political body, at any time, at pleasure, to change, alter, or even totally dissolve the constitution, and return to a state of nature, or to form anew, as to them shall seem meet.
These principles admitted, it is evident that no man, or body or men, however wise, great or good;–no state, nation, or power on earth, hath any right to make or impose a constitution of government upon another state or nation: Such a constitution, however free, is a mark of dependence, a badge of slavery, the most distant thought of which, the high spirit of a free people would justly despise.
EQUALITY and INDEPENDENCE are the just claim, the indefeasible birth-right of men:–In a state of nature, as individuals; in society, as states or nations.—Nothing short of these ever did, or ever will satisfy a man or a people, truly free, truly brave.
True it is, a conquered nation is obliged to submit to the terms, the laws, the conqueror is pleased to impose: But this being matter of compulsion and not of choice, alters not the right. The claim to liberty and independence remains the same. When opportunity offers, and power is attained, it is, beyond dispute, the duty, as well as right, of such a people, of such a nation, to assert their native liberty, to shake off the tyrant’s yoke, to maintain their equality and independence among the nations; and either resume their former, or establish a new constitution of government, as they shall judge best.
Upon the whole, this is a right, the violation or infringement of which, upon any consideration whatever, no man can justify upon the principles of reason, the laws of nature, or rules of equity.—Even God himself, the supreme ruler of the world, whose government is absolute and uncontrollable, hath ever paid a sacred attention to this important right, hath ever patronized this interesting claim in the sons of men.
The only constitution of civil government that can plead its origin, as immediately from heaven, is The Theocracy of the Hebrews. But even this form of government, though dictated by infinite wisdom, and wrote with the finger of GOD, was laid before his people for their consideration, and ratified, introduced and established by their common consent.
What form of government will answer the best purposes to society, and most effectually display the glory of the supreme Ruler, in the good of mankind, is a question truly delicate and important; and a question, which, in the hand of a masterly politician, might admit of a discussion both interesting and entertaining. But as neither time, nor capacity, will permit me to enter largely into so high and critical a subject; it shall suffice to observe,–
That a little acquaintance with the world and the history of mankind, in the several ages past, will clearly decide, that no one constitution, or form of civil government, can be supposed to be equally adapted to answer the best purposes of such an institution, in every society, nation or state.
That in the rise and progress of society, different modes of government have been adopted and introduced, at different stages and successive periods, cannot be doubted.—And whether there hath not been, in many instances, at least, a gradation in the modes of government, keeping pace with the progress of society, in the several ages of the world, similar to that gradation, which is easily observed in the several stages and periods of human life; is a question, with all deference, submitted to the candor and judgment of this respectable assembly.
At first sight, indeed, this circumstance may not have been observed; nor can it be said to have been the case, without many exceptions. But, in an attentive review of the history of mankind, have we not seen, in various instances, a people emerging from a state of nature, and perhaps obscurity, with all the life, vigor, heat and zeal, as well as undisguised simplicity of youth, entering into society; and their pulse beating high for liberty, forming the social compact upon principles of freedom, and establishing a constitution purely popular—A form of civil government, in which every man considers himself a part of the authority, having a right to give his voice upon every law, measure, or public act of the state?
In a succeeding stage, have we not seen a people, perhaps the same, by gradual alterations and improvements, or by some thorough reform or revolution, like man arrived at mature age, for wisdom, firmness and strength, establishing true liberty and a settled civil government, upon the more permanent basis of a FREE COMMONWEALTH? And under this happy form, flourishing for ages, and in the unmolested enjoyment of the sweets of freedom and the blessings of government, rising to the height of strength and dignity, prosperity and glory?
Moreover, have we not seen, at some distant period, this same society, state or nation, like man passed the meridian of life, and beginning to feel the infirmities of age approaching, by insinuating corruptions, by the influence of parties, the malevolence of factions, and frequent disorders, warned of its danger, and reduced to the necessity of strengthening the bands of society, and the powers of government, by a monarchial constitution; and putting the reins into the hands of a sovereign, with certain limitations, to guard, as much as may be, the liberty of the subject and freedom of the state?
In fine;–Have we not seen, in the closing period, the same society, state, or nation, like man, in the decline of life, bowed with the infirmities of age and time, the constitution broken; the spirit of virtue, wisdom, liberty and firmness gone; the political body, filled with vicious humours, attacked by painful diseases, rack’d with malignant disorders, which surpass the political physician’s skill to heal or remedy? In a word, convulsed to the very foundations, by internal oppressions and violences, by public tumults and commotions, and divided and rent by the furious factions of wicked, designing, artful and ambitious men, tending to and ending in blood-shed, slaughter and civil wars, which nothing but the hand and sword of absolute power could restrain, quiet or control—and thus prepared to be an easy prey to the daring tyrant, whose hand could seize, whose sword could secure it!
It is not, indeed, pretended, that this hath been statedly or literally the case, with nations that have entered into society, and established civil government in the world.—But whether, in the rise and progress of society, and the modes of government which have been adopted by mankind, something of this kind hath not appeared, in various instances? And whether this, or some similar gradation in the constitutions of government, at the several periods and stages of society, are not natural and necessary, rational and just; and, upon the whole, for the best,–is humbly submitted to the learned, the wise and judicious to consider.
Certain it is, that as different societies and states may require different modes of government; so the same societies or nations may require different constitutions, at distinct and distant periods and stages of their existence.
When Brutus the Elder greatly dared to attempt a radical revolution, from an arbitrary to a free government, by the expulsion of the Tarquins, and the establishment of a commonwealth at Rome; the virtue of his fellow-citizens, seconded and supported him: And the glorious plan was carried to effect to the inexpressible joy of every friend to liberty, to his country and the rights of mankind.—But when, from the same patriotic principles, Brutus the Younger, by the death of Julius Caesar, several ages afterwards, nobly attempted the deliverance of his country from the shackles of tyranny, and the oppressor’s yoke; and to re-establish a free government; the virtue of his fellow-citizens failed him; and Rome was enslaved, never—never to enjoy the blessings of liberty or a free government more!—And this was her choice!—otherwise she would have roused, seconded and supported the arms and attempts of so faithful a friend and so valiant an hero, in the glorious cause of freedom and his country.
Upon the whole, the propriety or impropriety of this or that constitution or mode of government, for this people or another, depends upon a variety of circumstances; such as character, situation, manners, customs, trade, connections, &c.—of which the people, are, or, most certainly, ought to be the best, if not the only competent judges.—And happy is that people, who, having the opportunity, have wisdom to discern and virtue to pursue their true interest, in a matter of so interesting a nature, and such lasting importance.
Mysteries in government, secrets of state,–those Arcona Imperii, by which the artful and ambitious have enslaved the greater part of mankind, are totally abhorrent to all principles of liberty, and naturally tend to sap the foundations of civil government, in a free commonwealth.
A people have an unalienable right to know the constitution they enjoy, the government they are under, the laws they are subject to, and what is justly expected and required of them as subjects.
Next to a good constitution, therefore, the laws of the land are the inheritance of the people.—All laws should bear a resemblance and carry the features, of the constitution; being deduced from its principles and founded in its maxims. And, if I may be allowed the expression, the laws should flow from the constitution, as the streams from the fountain, and even grow out of it, as the tree from the root, or the branches from the stock.
It is also necessary to the well-being of society, that laws be adapted to the state and necessities of a people, and to the circumstances and exigencies of the community.
It is of no small importance to the liberty of the subject, as well as the support of governmental authority, in a free commonwealth, that laws be as few in number, and as plain, concise and expressive, in their form, as possible.
It hath been often said, ‘The more laws, the less government.’—The institutions of Lycurgus, the great founder of civil government in Sparta, and the laws of Solon, the wise lawgiver of the Athenians, under the happy influence of which those states, from small beginnings, rose to the heighth of strength and glory, were few, plain, concise and expressive.
When laws become numerous, or voluminous, it indicates the decline of virtue, the weakness of government and increase of vice.—For laws, taking rise from necessity, hold up to view the vices, or crimes, they are intended to suppress, as the reason of their existence.—Several ages passed, in the republic of Rome, before any law existed for the punishment of a Parricide; evidently taking for granted, either, that this crime had never been thought of, or that it was of so atrocious a nature, that no Roman could be so debased as ever to commit it.
I only add, that to render laws effectual, to the purposes of their existence it hath ever been the care of the wisest legislators, especially in free states, to have such penalties annexed as are, not only apportioned to the malignity, but, as near as possible, expressive of the nature, of the crimes they are intended to punish, or suppress. 11
But laws, however good in themselves, or wisely adapted to the state and necessities of a people, can be of but little advantage, unless duly observed and carried to effect. Hence the necessity of appointing certain persons to be rulers, of investing them with power and clothing them with authority, to administer government, and carry the laws into execution.
Civil government, duly established and organized, is fitly compared to a Shield, as it is instituted for the defense and protection of the subjects and the state. And hence rulers and magistrates, being vested and entrusted with the powers of government, are, with great propriety termed Shields of the earth, in the words of our text.—And as the powers of government give existence to the ruler, to the magistrate: So it is with rulers and magistrates to give life to the constitution and energy to the laws, by a faithful administration.
Good and faithful rulers are raised above their brethren, to places of honour, trust and authority, not for themselves, but for the people, and the good of society. They are entrusted with several powers of government, that individuals may be protected and defended in their life, liberty, property and rights—that the internal peace and order of society might be preserved; and that the external defense, of the whole, against the encroachments, violence, assaults, or invasions of enemies, or oppressors, might effectually be provided for.
In this way, wise and faithful rulers are Shields to the state, and Shields of the earth; as by this happy institution, under their administration, the wisdom and strength of the whole state, may, at any time, be collected in defense of the public, or of any part of the community, as occasion may require. And thus very member is engaged for the peace, safety and defense of the state; and the whole for the peace, safety and protection of every member: For these obligations are mutual, and equally sacred and binding.
In this light considered, rulers, by accepting a seat or an office in government, are fitly said to pledge themselves, their faith and sacred honour, and that in the most solemn manner, to the people for their fidelity: and to them are they accountable.
But there is another argument, of yet higher importance, suggested in our text, which demands the attention of rulers of whatever station; and may not be passed over in silence.
It is said, in the words before us,–The Shields of the earth belong unto GOD.
Civil government, as hath been said, is of divine institution. God, as Supreme, sitteth on the throne of his holiness. All power, rule, or authority is derived from God. In the government of society, states and nations, men are employed to carry his purposes of wisdom and goodness to effect. And hence civil rulers are fitly stiled—“the ministers of God.”– 12 And in the language of the text, it may be said, they belong unto GOD, in a particular manner, and in various respects.
’Tis God, by his spirit and providence, who qualifies, raiseth up and calls them forth to public view, in places of honour, trust and importance, in the various departments of government.—Men indeed, may act freely in all their elections and appointments.—But after all, a divine agency attends them:–An all-superintending providence is religiously to be acknowledged.—“the lot” faith the wise man—“the lot is cast into the lap: But the whole disposing thereof, is of the Lord.” 13 And in terms yet more nervous and expressive, the Psalmist tells us, that “promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the judge. He putteth down one, and setteth up another.” 14
Civil rulers belong unto GOD, as it is his power with which they are vested, in his name that they act, and by his authority that they administer government and discharge the duties of their several offices and departments, whether as supreme or subordinate.
Civil rulers belong unto GOD, as he hath explicitly directed them upon what principles, in what manner, and with what views they are to act in office and administer government.—That they are to fear GOD—hate covetousness—shake their hands from bribes—to judge righteously—to be no respectors of persons in judgment—not to be afraid of the face of man; but always to realize, that the judgment is GOD’s. 15
Civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto the LORD, as the end of their administration is the glory of God, and that he might be greatly exalted, in the good of mankind.—Hence the apostle—He is the minister of GOD to thee for good. 16
In fine; civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto GOD, as they are under his immediate inspection, as they are accountable to him for the whole of their conduct, in this character, and as their reward is with him, “God standeth,” saith the psalmist “in the congregation of the mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.” 17
Deeply penetrated with a sense of the importance of these considerations, a good ruler hath the most engaging, as well as awakening, motives, to a faithful discharge of duty, and the most substantial arguments to support him, under the weight and care of government.
It is, indeed, readily admitted, that rulers, in devoting their time, talents and capacities to the service of the public, have a just claim to respect and support; and, in an upright discharge of their trust, they have a right, not only to a pecuniary reward, in proportion to the dignity of their stations, and importance of their services; but also to the grateful acceptance and cheerful approbation of an obliged people. And it is very happy indeed, for both rulers and people, when it may be truly said of persons in authority, as of Mordecai, of old—that “they are great among their fellow citizens, and accepted of the multitude of their brethren, seeking the wealth of their people, and speaking peace to all their seed.” 18
But should faithful rulers fail of so just, as well as pleasing, a return, as hath sometimes been the case, they are not without support, encouragement, or reward.
The fear of God, the sentiments of religion, the approbation of their own minds, the acceptance of their judge and the rewards of his kingdom, are sufficient to support them under every weight, and to excite them to fidelity and perseverance, under every discouragement.—Neither the frowns of the great, nor the flatteries of the multitude; nor yet, the more pleasing charms of future promotion, will ever be permitted to influence the measures, or direct the conduct of the faithful ruler, acting under the influence of those exalted sentiments, which religion inspires. But, realizing what he owes to God, and what his country may justly require, he is faithful to the one, and true to the other, even though the Ostracism19 of the Athenians should be his lot, and the fate of the noble Pericles his reward. 20
Conscious integrity is a solid support.—A support, which the world can neither give nor take away.—Like Cato, the virtuous roman Senator, “to have done his duty,”—to have approved himself to that God, who sitteth on the throne of his holiness, is more to the good ruler, the true Patriot, than the approbation or applause of united worlds. With a serenity of mind, which no words can express, such a ruler most cheerfully leaves it with heaven to estimate his fidelity and apportion the reward. His only request is that of pious Nehemiah, the faithful governour of Judea,–“Think upon me, O my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people.” 21
Another thing necessary to the ends of civil government, and to render it a blessing to subjects and a Shield to the state, is the concurrence of the people, with their rulers, in their faithful endeavours and unremitting exertions, for internal peace and external defence.
A sacred regard to the constitution, a cheerful obedience to the laws, and a reverend submission to the authority of those who are vested with the powers of government, are as much the duty of subject, even in free states, as it is of rulers to be faithful to the trust reposed in them by the people. The obligations are mutually binding, equally indispensible, and equally necessary to the liberty, safety, prosperity and happiness of society.
The best constitution, the wisest laws, and the most faithful rulers are all in vain to a perverse, restless, factious, remiss or disobedient people.
If a people violate the constitution, trample under foot the laws, cast contempt on authority and despise government; or fail, when lawfully required, to make those exertions for defense, which the exigencies of the state may demand; they must thank themselves, and not their rulers, for that ruin which threatens and will most certainly overtake them. In the language of the prophet, it may justly be said to such a people,–“thine own wickedness shall correct thee, and thy backslidings shall reprove thee.” 22
The apostle Paul observes, “that the powers that be, are ordained of God”: And justly considers civil government as an ordinance of GOD. And that rulers are “the ministers of God”, to a people, “for good.” 23 From hence he concludes, that a people should acknowledge their authority and yield an obedient subjection:–And expressly says, that they must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. 24
The subjection here enjoined is not absolute, or that passive obedience and non resistance, so absurdly preached up, in the darker ages of the world: But that obedience and subjection to good and faithful rulers, which the social compact and the laws of the land require. And without this, government is at an end.
If rulers are not seconded and supported by the people, in the exercise of their authority, in the execution of the laws and the administration of government, their best attempts, their most upright endeavours will never avail to the purposes intended by such an institution.
It is with the people to add life to the constitution, energy to the laws, and dignity as well as strength to government: And that, both for internal peace, order and freedom, and external defense, against all who openly oppose, assault or invade the state.
In a word, as by the social compact, the whole is engaged for the protection and defense of the life, liberty and property of each individual; so each individual owes all that he hath, even life itself, to the support, protection and defense of the whole, when the exigencies of the state require it. And no man, whether in authority or subordination, can justly excuse himself from any duty, service or exertions, in peace or war, that may be necessary for the public peace, liberty, safety or defense, when lawfully and constitutionally called thereto.
As in the body natural, all the parts and members are necessary; and in their places severally concur to the health, strength and beauty of the whole: So in the body politick, a well regulated state, a similar adjustment takes place.—And as all parts and members are necessary: So in their place and use, they all concur to the health, safety and happiness of society; and to the beauty, strength, glory and defense of the state.
When the parts are disadjusted, the body is out of health, and the constitution in danger.—So in the body politic, if the parts are disadjusted, its health will be marred, its strength impaired and its constitution endangered. Thus when the legislative assumes and exercises the powers, by constitution, vested in the executive department; the executive, those of the judicial; or the judicial, those of the legislative; or either of them: then there is an evident disadjustment of the parts, in the body politick, which tends to confusion in society, jumble in government, danger to the constitution and destruction to the commonwealth. 25
It is of the highest importance to the well being of society, that every man, that all the members should know their place, and the duties of their station, in the Commonwealth, whether in authority, or subordination: And everything that tends to an alteration, or abridgment, of the powers of government, on the one hand, or of the rights of the people, on the other, should awaken the attention of both rulers and people, and put all upon their guard.
For instance: The compromise of individuals, the plans of a junto, the schemes of a faction, or the intrigues of a court for the disposal of offices or the obtaining elections, have a threatening aspect on the liberties of the people, the powers of government and the constitution itself. Julius Caesar would never, perhaps, have had it in his power, to have totally subverted the republic of Rome, usurp’d the government and seated himself on the imperial throne, had not his way thereto been paved and prepared, by the private compact and artful compromise between Pompey the Great, Crassus and himself, which formed the first triumvirate, that appeared in that great Commonwealth. 26
In all such cases, therefore, “Obsta Principiis”, is a good maxim, and worthy of the attention of all. And the first appearances of such baneful machinations should be beheld with abhorrence and check’d with severity, by all orders of men in a free Commonwealth, as they are friends to their country and wish to preserve the liberties of the people, the powers of government, or the rights of the constitution, inviolate to the State.
This precaution is always necessary.—It is more especially of importance when first entering into society; or when a radical revolution takes place, and a new form or constitution of government is introduced.—Bad precedents are growing evils; and fatal consequences commonly attend them, if not seasonably checked and effectually crushed.
The last thing which we shall mention, as necessary to the well being of society and the happiness of a free state, is the cordial concurrence of all orders of men, in authority and subordination, in a sacred regard to religion; in a devout acknowledgment of their dependence upon God, his providence and blessing, for all the benefits they expect to derive from a settled civil government.
This sentiment is evidently suggested in the words of our text.—The people, whose princes are here introduced as gathered together to consult for the common good, and transact the public affairs for the government and defense of the nation;–The people, whose rulers are here termed shields of the earth, and justly said to belong unto GOD; In a word, the people, in whose settled government and flourishing state, God, the supreme ruler, is said to be greatly exalted, are fitly styled the people of the GOD of Abraham,–a people in covenant with God.—A people of his fear—of his praise.—A people deeply impressed with a sense of the Deity, his government and providence; and a people who cordially acknowledge their dependence upon him and their indispensible obligations to fear and obey him, and to preserve and exercise a sacred regard to his worship, and to the doctrines and duties of that holy religion, which he had taught by his word.
The importance of religion and morality, and a devout acknowledgment of the government of heaven, to the support of order and government among men, and to the liberty, safety and happiness of society, is what reason teaches, and what the common sense, as well as universal practice of mankind, in all ages and nations, concurs to confirm.
In civilized nations, and where civil government hath been established, many cities and places of importance may be found without walls, without guards, and even without weapons or any preparations for common defense: But it is not easy to find any without, a temple, an altar, a grove or some other place appointed and appropriated to the purposes of religion, the acknowledgment of heaven, and the worship of the Deity, in some shape or other.
In all the free states of Greece and the great Republic of Rome, the regard that was paid to the worship of the gods and the rites of religion, was constant, punctual and expensive; and in many instances, especially on great occasions, rose to the height of superstition. And no affair of importance to the liberty of the people, or the safety of the state, in peace or war, was undertaken, without a religious acknowledgment of their dependence upon heaven and the influence of the gods.
“The great CAMILLUS who was twice saluted ‘The Deliverer of his country,’ to awaken in his fellow-citizens a sense of the importance of religion, appealed to the Romans whether they ever had better success than when they carefully served God, or worse than when they neglected him.”
“Xenophon very justly observes, ‘That Cyrus, one of the best and greatest kings of Persia, laid the foundation of that powerful empire, not so much by his valour, as by his religious acknowledgment of heaven, and his liberality in the worship and service of God.”
But to instance from a yet higher authority: Doth not the holy prophet of the Lord both reprove and exhort the king of Judah, in terms which clearly express the high importance of a sacred regard to the precepts of religion and morality, to the safety, happiness and flourishing state of a people, in that plain and faithful expostulation—Did not thy father eat and drink, and do justice and judgment, and then it was well with him? He judged the cause of the poor and needy, then it was well with him: Was not this to know me? Saith the LORD. 27
When the Supreme Ruler of the world gave notice to Moses, the great law-giver of the Hebrew nation, that the period of his administration was hastening, and the time near at hand, when he must quit the high station he held at the head of the commonwealth of Israel,, for a more exalted seat of immortal glory in his kingdom above,–It is said, He called a solemn assembly of the people; and having recapitulated the heads of the constitution God had given them, and rehearsed a summary of the statutes and precepts of the religion he had made known unto them, he closed his address, and took his leave of them, with this expressive and pathetic exhortation, saying, “Set your hearts unto all the words which I testify among you this day: For it is not vain thing for you; because it is your life: And through this thing ye shall prolong your days in the land whether ye go over Jordan to possess it.” 28
The truth is, religion, more especially as taught by the word of God, and enforced by the powerful arguments and engaging motives of he gospel of Jesus Christ, is the source of liberty, the soul of government and the life of a people.—Its doctrines are sublime, its precepts excellent, its motives persuasive and endearing, and its rewards rich, glorious and all divine.
Religion inspires the soul with the noblest sentiments, enflames the heart with the purest affections, and forms the man for every virtue,–for every service, which God or his country may either expect or require.
Its benevolent precepts are all contained in love to GOD and love to man. And where this divine affection takes place, inspires the soul, warms the heart, influences the temper and governs the conduct; piety to God, and justice and charity to men, will mark distinguish and dignify the character. And the same divine principle, penetrating the hearts of the various orders of men in society, and pervading the state, cannot fail producing the happiest effects.—Vice and immorality, wickedness and unrighteousness, in every form, in every character, will soon disappear; and justice, temperance, truth and love,–every virtue, every grace which adorns human nature, or tends to the peace and happiness of society, will quickly take their place.
Under the sacred energy of so god-like a principle, rulers will become true patriots, real benefactors; the people willing and obedient subjects: And all orders of men will most cheerfully concur in every measure which wisdom can dictate for the common good.
In a word, religion among a people, in its power, purity and governing influence, is the guardian of liberty, the strength of government, the energy of laws, the band of society, and both the glory and defense of the state.
In times of prosperity, a people, that have made God their fear, and religion their care, may rest assured of the establishment and continuance of their flourishing state.
In times of perplexity, when dangers surround, oppressors threaten, or enemies invade, such a people have God for their refuge: And committing their cause unto him, in the way of well-doing, may humbly expect that light will arise in darkness, that the power of the oppressor shall be broken, that their enemies shall not prevail against them, and that God will maintain their right and their cause.
At all times, under all circumstances, at home, abroad, in peace and war, such a people may safely & cheerfully leave all their concerns in the hands of God; and in filial confidence of his presence, protection and blessing, may say with the Psalmist—“The Lord is on my side, I will not fear: What can man do unto me?” 29—Happy is that people that is in such a case: Yea, happy is the people, whose GOD is the LORD. 30
In the above representation, we have seen the fair side of the question: Government a blessing, and the shields of the earth, as they ought to be, employed for the good of mankind. But it may, notwithstanding, be justly said, that this is not always the case. And the question may still be asked—How, then, can it be asserted, “That the shields of the earth belong unto God?”
Upon this question it may be observed,–That it is admitted, that THE SHIELDS OF THE EARTH may be reversed.—The powers of government may be abused. Rulers, however promising at first, may become oppressors. Yea, this hath been too often the fact. But should this be the unhappy case; and, contrary to the just expectations of God and men, should the shields of the earth be reversed, and turned against those whom they were intended to defend, it alters not the truth or propriety of the assertion. “The shields of the earth still belong unto God:” and “the Lord still sitteth on the throne of his holiness.”
Such is the nature of the divine government, and such the wisdom of the Supreme Ruler, that good is brought out of evil. Even the oppressors of mankind are the servants of God; and their oppressions are so over-ruled as to be subservient to the designs of infinite wisdom and goodness, in the moral government of the world.
The shields of the earth reversed, the powers of government abused, may be and are over-ruled in providence, so as to be productive of great good to society and mankind.
Such, indeed, is the inertia of mankind in general, that they are more prone to undue submission, than the contrary. Even a bad government is better than none, in the estimation of the greater part of the world. And so great is the risqué, the uncertainty and danger attending the attempt of a revolution, that it is not an easy matter to persuade a people, even under an undue exercise of power, to rise and resist. They will bear much, and long, before they can be brought to unite in such an attempt: but there are degrees of oppression beyond bearing; and which mankind, unless totally lost to all sentiments of liberty, and entirely broke to the yoke of slavery, will not submit to. And it is wise in God, and happy for a people, when the strides of oppression are permitted to be so great, and the violences of oppressors so hastily increased, as to rouse them effectually before it is too late.
Oppressors are fitly called, “The rod of God’s anger, and the staff in their hand is his indignation,” 31 they are wisely employed by the Supreme Ruler, to correct the errors, reprove the vices, and reform the disorders of societies, nations and states. They are more especially improved to rouse and restore the true spirit of liberty, when declining; and to bring on a total revolution, if necessary, to the preservation or restoration of so inestimable a blessing.
Instances of this are too numerous and too well known, to admit of dispute.
As it was the afflicted state of God’s people Israel, that moved him, in mercy, to send Moses to deliver them: so it was the oppressions of Pharaoh and the cruelty of the task-masters, that gave weight to his messages, and effectually roused them, in the face of every danger, to assert their freedom, and attempt their deliverance from the Egyptian yoke.
CHRISTENDOM would never have been roused, with firmness, to have attempted to free themselves from the hierarchy of Rome, had not the oppressions of that power put them upon the expedient.
It was a long series of injuries, and intolerable oppressions and cruelties, which taught the United States of Holland to assert their native freedom, independence and sovereignty, against the power of Spain, then at the meridian of its strength and glory.
BRITONS would never have so frequently resisted their kings, and flown to arms in defense of their invaluable rights, had not the iron rod of oppression convinced them of the necessity of such strenuous exertions, to preserve and protract the remains of liberty among them.
It was the oppressor’s hand, in church and state, which drove our worthy ancestors from their native land, in the face of every danger, every distress, to seek a secure retreat for the unmolested enjoyment of Liberty, civil and religious, in the inhospitable wilds of America.
And the same oppressive hand, which pursued and persecuted this injured people over the wide Atlantic, from time to time, in lawless claims upon their rights and liberties, under God and providence, hath been the means of preserving and transmitting that glorious spirit of liberty, for which the Colonies of America have been so illustrious, in the several periods of their existence.
And, to add no more; a series of oppressive measures, and lawless claims of arbitrary power adopted and pursued by the Court of Great-Britain, in open violation of the most sacred chartered rights;–arms to enforce obedience;–and the power of the British legislature to “make LAWS binding upon the Colonies, IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER,” being openly assumed and declared, roused and raised the spirit of LIBERTY, in the FREE-BORN SONS of AMERICA, to the highest pitch. And, no other alternative being left them, but the SWORD or SLAVERY; these Colonies hesitated not a moment, but unitedly declared their choice of the former: And GREATLY DARED TO BE FREE!!!
The important Die was cast; and the glorious AERA of Liberty commenced!—The sword (wording missing) the oppressor was drawn; and the innocent blood of our brethren, slain at the opening of the interesting contest, was the cement of the union, and seat of the freedom of these injured American States! 32
ALL AMERICA heard the alarm, deeply felt the wound, and bravely rose to revenge their brethren’s blood, and join the common cause!
To Heaven the appeal was made!—By Heaven, the claim was supported!—That God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, the Governor among the nations, the Patron of the injured and oppressed, hath plead our cause, and maintained our right to freedom, equality and independence: And given us a name among the nations of the earth.
The wisdom of the counsels, the firmness of the resolutions, and the equity of the measures of the United States, in Congress assembled; and in the states respectively:–The exertions that have been made, in the cause of liberty and of mankind; and the success which hath attended:–The Articles of Confederation which have been formed and completely ratified, by all the States, as the basis of freedom and mutual support:–And the glorious revolution, that hath taken place in America; as they do honour to human nature, and engage the attention of an admiring world; being transmitted by the pen of the faithful historian, will be a subject of most pleasing contemplation, to all true lovers of liberty and the rights of mankind, in succeeding generations, to the end of time.
In the rise and progress of this interesting contest, the smiles of heaven have appeared, in the supplies afforded, in various instances, when needed most; by captures from the enemy, 33 the generosity of friends, and the kindness of strangers: And also in the generous support, and effectual assistance, of those powerful states, who, with a benevolence of spirit, and magnanimity of conduct, which does honour to themselves and mankind, have essentially favoured and patronized our cause.
That God, who girded Cyrus, of old, and called him his shepherd, to raise up his afflicted people, oppressed under the Babylonish yoke, and to restore them to their country, their religion, their liberties, 34 and their possessions, inspired the King of France, and the powerful nation under his government, from principles worthy the character of a great—a benevolent Prince, and a wise and politick nation, early to favour the cause of these injured infant states: And finally to take a decided part, and make our cause there own, by a public treaty, both generous and just, and nobly founded in principles of quality and independence.
The advantages resulting to the United States of America, from their happy alliance with so puissant a Prince and so powerful a nation, in the course of the war, are too many to be enumerated, too important to have escaped notice, and too well known to need a mention.
The accession of the power of Spain to the common cause, brightens the prospect. And the late addition of the United States of Holland, and, probably, of Russia, and all the powers of the armed neutrality, in consequence of the unjust measures and unheard of outrages of Britain, must, under God, give the clearest assurances of an happy issue; and of the complete establishment of the freedom, independence and sovereignty, of the United States of America; if we are not criminally wanting to ourselves.
Amidst the convulsions, the ravage, bloodshed and distress that have attended the war;–amidst the great and complicated exertions, we have been called to make, in this all-interesting contest, we have seen, to the glory of God and honor of America, a degree of internal peace, order and unanimity, far beyond what could have been expected, in a struggle of this nature, and in effecting a revolution so extensive and important.
In a word, to the honor of God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, as Governor among the nations, to the joy of America, to the disgrace of our enemies, and the astonishment of the world, we have seen these instant states, in the midst of the alarms and shocks of a distressing war, and in the face of every danger, rising from a state of dependence and obscurity, to a state of liberty, independence and sovereignty. And with a spirit of wisdom, firmness and resolution, which, perhaps, hath never been equaled, forming constitutions and establishing government, upon the basis of freedom and the solid foundations of justice and equity.
Under the smiles of heaven upon this Commonwealth, in particular, have we not seen the social compact formed, and a constitution of government ratified, introduced and established, with a degree of unanimity, which could scarcely have been looked for, in a matter of so delicate a nature and such lasting importance?—A Constitution, which, for the solidity of its principles, the liberality of its sentiments, the importance of its rights, the wisdom of its arrangements, the propriety of its boundaries, the adaptedness of its institutions, and that spirit of liberty which inspires the whole, may justly vie with any other upon the continent, if not in the world.
Under this happy Constitution we have seen, to universal satisfaction, that blessed prophecy, concerning God’s people, after their return from captivity, literally fulfilled unto us.—“Their congregation shall be established before me:–their nobles shall be of themselves, and their Governor shall proceed from the midst of them.” 35
The energy and happy effects of a Constitution, thus formed, ratified, introduced and administered, have been too clearly seen and too sensibly felt, by this greatful people, to admit of dispute, or even a doubt.
May we not,–yea, rather, ought we not, upon this joyful occasion, in a deep sense of our obligations to heaven, to ascribe the glory of all to God, and devoutly acknowledge that this is the LORD’s doing; it is marvelous in our eyes!-—
This day, which defuses the smile of freedom,–the joy of liberty, in the countenance of the true Patriot, of every friend to his country and mankind, is a fresh evidence of the care and benevolence of heaven to an injured people,–a new testimony that God hath not forsaken an oppressed land.
This day is great, as it is the first, on which we commemorate the goodness of God, the supreme ruler, in the blessings of a settled government, under a Constitution established on the purest principles of liberty and equity.
This day is great, as it is the first, appointed by the constitution, for the stated meeting of the Princes of this people,–the fathers of the Commonwealth, in General Court: And it is also great, as it commences an AERA of Anniversaries, for the same joyful purposes,–to commemorate and partake of the blessings of LIBERTY and a FREE GOVERNMENT, which (we trust in God) will end, but with time itself!!—
On this joyful day we are invited to see God, the supreme ruler, on the throne of his holiness, the savior and defense of an afflicted land: “The princes of the people of the God of Abraham gathered together”: And “The Shields of the earth,” The rulers of every department, devoting themselves to the service of God and their country, in devout acknowledgment of his government, to the end, that God might be greatly exalted, in the good of his people, b their administration.
To add lustre to the joy of this day, we behold, a second time raised to the chief seat of government, in this Commonwealth, by the free suffrages of the people, a Gentleman, whose patriotic principles early engaged the attention of his fellow-citizens;–whose uniformity of conduct, in the several offices he sustained, effectually gained their esteem;–whose firm attachment to the liberties of his country, and determined resolution, at every risqué and in the most trying times, to do all in his power to support them, established their confidence:–In a word, a Gentleman, whose disposition, ability and integrity, in the service of this and the United States, have been tried and approved; and whose name is illustrious, both as proscribed by Britain, and as authenticating that glorious act, by which the United States of America are forever separated from her, and declared to be a free and independent NATION.
As this is the highest mark of esteem and confidence, in the power of an obliged people to give; it cannot fail of being a support to His EXCELLENCY, under the weight and perplexing cares of government, and a pleasing inducement to those returns of attention and fidelity, in the duties of his high station, which they may justly expect.
We are also happy, this day, in beholding the next seat of government being filled with a Gentleman, whose amiable disposition, excellent qualifications, patriotic spirit, long experience and faithful services, in various departments, have endeared him to the people, and established a confidence in him, as worthy that exalted station, to which he is called by the general voice of the citizens of this free Commonwealth.
And to complete the gladness of our hearts upon this joyful occasion, we see the princes of the people, the honorable, the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, delegated by the suffrages of their brethren, from all parts of the state, gathered together and in General Court assembled, to consult the common good and transact the important affairs of government.—And, as the first step of importance, we behold these princes of the people, these Shields of the earth, in solemn assembly, in God’s holy sanctuary, met, religiously to acknowledge their dependence upon God, the supreme ruler, and devoutly to implore his presence, direction and blessing.—O may that GOD, who sitteth on the throne of his holiness, who is the fountain of wisdom and Father of lights;–even that God, whose ear is ever open to the sincere prayers of his people, send them his blessing and an answer of peace!
May the most high God take these SHIELDS of the earth, this day, under his immediate care and patronage, guidance and direction. May the spirit of God and of glory descend and rest upon his EXCELLENCY, his HONOUR, the honourable, the Council, to be chose, the Senate and the House of Representatives: And may the divine presence and blessing attend them this day, and in all their councils, debates and governmental acts, through the whole course of the year. Thus may it appear to all this people, that the Lord hath directed their choice; and that these Shields of the earth, these rulers of the people, do, indeed, belong unto GOD, are devoted to his service and instruments of his glory.
That plainness of speech which hath been adopted in the whole of this discourse, may well supersede the necessity of any particular application, by way of address.—The whole is intended as an humble address to the fathers of this Commonwealth, and to this respectable assembly.—If anything hath been suggested worthy attention, or adapted to the occasion, we trust in the candor of the assembly for a cordial reception. Whatever is of a different complexion, is not likely to be made better, by anything further added, to render it more acceptable.
Our political fathers, however, will permit me, with all deference, to observe,–
‘That the elections of this day; and which, agreeable to the social compact, are to take place, as the first business of the General Court (however limited) are justly considered, as interesting and important.
When we consider the importance of the executive department, to a due administration of government;–The high rank of Counselors;–How much the power of the Chief Magistrate is limited by their advice, in the disposal of places, the appointment of officers, and other things interesting to the community—or the important influence they have in the administration of government, and the management of the great affairs of the Commonwealth;–it should influence to the wisest use of that power of election, with which the honorable Senators and Representatives, by Constitution are vested.
Is the election limited?—Still there is a choice,–A choice, which made with wisdom and fidelity, may be of great utility to this Commonwealth.
It is no impeachment of the abilities, honor or integrity of any man, to suppose, that in a body of wise, great and good men, there may be different talents and improvements, and distinct characters, that may have an opening for exercise, and shine with a peculiar lustre, in different departments of civil government.
What these talents and characters are, how to be distinguished, in whom to be found and where to be placed, for the purposes of government, and best good of the Commonwealth, is not for me to determine. But certain it is, these are questions of no small importance to the public good: And questions, to which our honored civil fathers will give that attention, which their interesting nature demands.
Not only to preserve, as distinct as possible, the several departments of government, that so they might be a mutual check upon each other; but also to give dignity to government and energy to the laws, as well as ease to administration, were evidently in view, by adopting this branch in the constitution: And it cannot be doubted, that, not only those who assisted in adjusting the constitution, but also the people at large promised themselves much from this high department.
The election of counselors, therefore, however limited, will always be justly considered as a sacred deposit in the hands of the General Assembly, of the highest importance to the liberty and safety, the peace and prosperity of this Commonwealth. And, with all deference, it may be said by the people, upon such an occasion, “We claim it as our right, That, among those who are returned for Counselors and Senators, the persons best qualified to serve God and their country in that exalted department, be elected to the council board.” And may God send a perfect lot!—
The foundations which have been so happily laid in our new constitution, are to be established: and, we trust, in the hands of wise and faithful rulers, and by a good administration they will be established for “The FOUNDATIONS OF MANY GENERATIONS.”
Much depends upon the steps that have been and are still to be taken, under this constitution: and to derive the benefits and blessings we promise ourselves and posterity from it, the greatest care should be taken, not only to preserve the constitution itself, in all its parts, sacred and inviolate; but also, as much as possible to have the genuine spirit and principles of it inspiring the laws, and directing the exercise of the powers of government.
We have seen, in the preceding discourse, a specimen of the importance of attention and fidelity in rulers, and something of the nature of the engaging and powerful motives hereunto; As also the glorious rewards which those are entitled to who are faithful and persevering in the discharge of the duties of their several offices and stations. And surely there never was a time when the calls of God, of providence and our country, to the practice of these virtues, were greater than the present.
Many things, interesting in their nature, and important in their consequences, demand the attention of our civil fathers, in the several departments of government; but especially in the General Court.—Inattention and remissness are at all times inexcusable, in those who have accepted seats in government or places of trust and authority: And I need not observe, that at such a day as this, they must be criminal indeed! The laws, distributive justice, the order and peace of society, the internal policy and government of the Commonwealth, and the trade and commerce of the land, are subjects which statedly call for the care and attention of rulers and government.—The still wretched state of our medium, by which trade is obstructed, the poor oppressed, the course of justice, in matters of property, retarded; the community defrauded, the public faith and public credit perplexed, is truly affecting, and demands immediate consideration; and if anything within the limits of human wisdom and penetration can yet further be thought of, to remedy so great an evil, it is fervently hoped, it will not escape the notice of the General Court.
The declining state of religion, morality and virtue; and the great prevalence of vice and immorality, irreligion and profaneness, in almost every form, and in the various orders and ages of men; it is humbly conceived, are subjects, not only important in themselves, but of the highest consequence to the well-being of society, and call aloud for the interposition of rulers, who are ordained of God to be a terror to evil doers and to evil works. In vain do the teachers of religion and even the ambassadors of Christ preach and teach the importance of religion, the excellence of virtue, and the necessity of morality, justice, temperance, truth or righteousness; while vice, in its various forms, is winked at by authority, and iniquity established by law.
I would not be understood, as supposing this to be our case; but rather to express an earnest desire to prevent it, by those timely exertions which wisdom and policy, as well as piety and godliness, teach us to make, for the glory of God and good of society.—And certain it is, that much depends upon those in authority, and much is expected, and much may be done by our civil fathers, by well-judged and well-executed laws, for the suppressing and punishing of vice and immorality, and the encouragement and support of religion and virtue.
But after all, it is by example, a living example, of justice and righteousness, temperance and chastity, faithfulness and integrity; and that glorious assemblage of Christian graces and moral virtues, by which human nature is adorned, and society rendered happy, that rulers give energy to laws, effectually suppress vice in its various forms, encourage virtue, and introduce and promote a thorough reformation among a people.—Virtue in high stations shines with an increased lustre, hath an extensive influence, and sweetly attracts the attention and engages the imitation of all around.—But without this, reproofs are in vain, punishments ineffectual, and laws to little or no purpose.
In a word, a want of attention to religion and virtue, in rulers or people, may blast our wisest counsels, sap the foundations of our most raised expectations and bring confusion on all our measures.
With grateful souls and thankfulness to heaven, we revere and admire the wisdom, the piety and policy of our fore-fathers, in the early and effectual care they took, even while weak-handed and yet in an instant state, for the good education of children and youth.—Laws, for the support of grammar schools, in the several towns, were made, established and sacredly regarded. Colleges were founded and endowed, and cheerfully and generously supported.—These institutions have been, for several generations, the sources of light, of knowledge, of literature, of liberty and religion; and under God, the happy means of forming many worthy characters, for eminent usefulness, both in church and state. And to these institutions, we are not a little indebted for that knowledge to discern, that wisdom to state, and that spirit to defend our rights and liberties, civil and religious, for which the inhabitants of these States have been so justly celebrated, in the present contest; and which have introduced and established that glorious revolution which hath taken place in America. May the present generation be impressed and inspired with the same excellent spirit; and may it be encouraged and prevail, in those that succeed, to the end of time!
The University at Cambridge, the American academy of arts and sciences, and all other institutions for the promoting of literature, are most fervently commended to the care and patronage of the civil fathers of this Commonwealth.
But it is not so much in the high attainments in science, to which the learned few may arrive, as in the diffusing common and useful knowledge in all orders of men, that the liberty and safety of a free Commonwealth consists. The former may flourish, and in fact have been encouraged, and carried to an eminent heighth of glory, in despotic states, while the latter hath been depressed; and even at the same time, that it hath been the ungenerous policy of persons in power, to frown upon, and artfully to discourage the means of common education, and to keep the multitude in the lowest state of ignorance, that thus they might be fit tools to carry to effect the purposes of oppression and arbitrary power; and be continued in a state of slavery, without ever knowing, either the loss of their liberty, or their rights as men.
It hath been said, ‘The law is the inheritance of the people.’—I wish to God, that multitudes of the people of this Commonwealth, had no reason to complain, that they have been abridged of a precious part of this inheritance, in that too general neglect and contempt, with which the law, for keeping grammar SCHOOLS in the several towns, hath been treated for a number of years past.—In the name of God, our country and posterity, it may be pertinently asked—What becomes of the children of the poor,–the widow, and them that have no helper, when so useful so necessary a law is trampled under foot!—How can rulers be said to be shields of the earth, and to belong unto God, while authority is despised, and the laws evaded, dispensed with, or set aside with impunity?—In fine, may it not be asked, whether more is not to be feared, with regard to the liberties of a people, and the well-being, safety and prosperity of a free state, from the shameful neglect of the instruction of children and education of youth, in society, than from the sword of an enemy, or the power of an oppressor? 36
Rulers are stiled shields of the earth, as it more especially belongs to them, to look to the protection of society and provide the defence of the state.
STANDING armies are abhorrent to the first principles of freedom, and dangerous to the liberties of a free Commonwealth. The sword is in the hands of all the inhabitants of this Commonwealth?—Whether all the people have arms?—Or, whether, having arms, they are taught the art-military, and the use of their arms, so as to be effectually prepared to oppose an invading enemy, upon the shortest notice? 37
That God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, in the rise, progress, and even unto the present state of the great contest, in which we are engaged, hath gloriously appeared for our help and support, in numberless instances. And it is not easy to suppose, nor is it agreeable to the general course of divine providence, that such beginnings—such goodly foundations, as, at this day, are seen, in the rising States of America, should be crushed or overthrown.—But their deliverance, their freedom and independence may be greatly checked, and their rise, growth and glory, shamefully retarded, by the inattention or remissness of rulers, or the negligence and languor of the people.
Had the glorious success of our arms at the Westward, and the surrender of General Burgoyne and his whole army, in the year 1777, been followed with spirited measures, and backed with those exertions, which wisdom and sound policy dictated, and which the United States were able to have made; we may rationally suppose, it might have gone far towards the reduction of the enemy and hastening a peace, upon terms of justice and equality.—How this success was improved, is not pleasing to remember!—May past omissions prove lessons of wisdom, for time to come.
The present year is important, and seems to open upon us, big with the fate of America,–of Europe, and, perhaps of the world of mankind.—This is the interesting crisis, for which the enemy have waited, and to which they have looked, with anxious expectation, as the period for the success of their arms and the subjugation of America. And it is both natural and just to suppose, that this year all their strength, and all their rage, will be put forth, with the utmost energy of exertion.—May GOD ALMIGHTY defeat and disappoint them!!—But can we expect, if we are wanting to ourselves, or reluctant and negligent in making those strenuous exertions, to which we are so loudly called, by God and our country, that the desired success will attend?
To rouse all our attention, and give the spring to the noblest exertions, may we realize more deeply than ever, the greatness of the cause, and how much is depending upon its success. May we seriously contemplate the distresses of our bleeding country; and with all the feelings of humanity, call into view, the sufferings of our brethren in the hands of the enemy, and the ravage, the waste and destruction, which mark the steps of British cruelty, throughout the land, and now take place in the Southern States!—Above all, may we attend to the voice of our brethren’s BLOOD, which cries for vengeance from the ground!—To the MANES of our slaughtered friends, who first felt a sacrifice to the oppressor’s rage, and suffered as MARTYRS in their country’s cause!—To the MANES of all these brave commanders and ILLUSTRIOUS HEROES, who have nobly fought and nobly bled in its defence!–!
O my fathers and brethren ALL! All is yet at stake!—All may yet be lost, if we rise not, as one man, to the noble cause!—How inglorious must it be, for want of attention, for want of exertion, to ship-wreck in the harbor—to fail at last?—Where, then, the pleasing scenes of LIBERTY, INDEPENDENCE and SOVEREIGNTY, which we have promised ourselves?—Where the glorious foundations of FREEDOM and safety, which our CIVIL CONSTITUTIONS have laid?—And where the beautiful superstructure of government and laws, which has been erected upon them?—Alas!—They are dashed, they vanish, they are gone—lost! Forever lost!!!
But can this be the event? Shall this be the fatal end, the shameful issue of all the glorious exertions that have been made,–of all the bitter sufferings that have been endured—of all the precious blood that hath been shed? Is this possible? Can it ever once be? Forbid it RIGHTEOUS HEAVEN I forbid it, O MY COUNTRY!—America rises, indignant, at the stavish thought.—Her FREE-BORN SONS are not so lost to the sentiments of liberty, the love of their country, or the feelings of humanity, as to beat the most distant idea of such a disgraceful end, to this glorious contest. Nor can they ever be so debased, as to retain a wish to survive the loss of liberty, or their country’s ruin.—Much less to stand the tame spectators of the sacrifices, that (in such a case) must and will be made, of noble patriots, wise counselors, faithful rulers, brave commanders, and illustrious heroes, and, in fine, of the best friends and best blood of AMERICA, by the AX or HALTER, to satiate the rage and glut the malice of a British conqueror! Or, perhaps, that which is still more affecting and degrading—to be doomed to waste away the remains of a wretched life in poverty, chains, slavery, or a cruel imprisonment!
That this hath been the end of civil wars, when the struggles for liberty have failed of success: And that such hath been the fate of those, whom conquering oppressors have been pleased to stigmatize, with the names of REBELS and TRAITORS, numberless instances in most celebrated histories, abundantly prove.
‘Tis after the war is closed, whether by conquest or submission, that the bitterest revenge takes place; and under the pretence of law, justice or necessity, it is then, that the worthiest characters are sacrificed, the noblest patriots fall, and the richest blood of a nation flows.
This was the case at Rome, and these the consequences that attended their civil wars, from time to time. This was especially so, in those between Marius and Sylla, by which that great republic was, for many years, convulsed to its foundations. In their turns, during the contest, both Marius and Sylla stained the streets of Rome with the blood of her most venerable senators and worthiest citizens. But the cruelty of Sylla, after he had conquered the party of Marius, and gained the summit of absolute power, over the whole commonwealth, was beyond the power of description, and I had almost said, of belief itself. 38
When, mad with loyalty, the British nation restores their flattering tyrant, Charles IId. a scene of blood was opened, more affecting, perhaps, to the more judicious part of the people, than all that had appeared in the civil war. Notwithstanding a the exile-king promised everything to regain the throne; and upon his return and restoration, made public proclamation of an act of amnesty or general pardon; not only the king’s judges, so called, but many of the worthiest characters were soon attainted and proscribed: And it was quickly found, that nothing short of the best blood of the nation, would be a sacrifice sufficient to appease his own resentment, or his father’s ghost.
The same, or perhaps, more affecting scenes will probably be opened in America, should we fail of success in the present contest; or should these United States be ever subdued by arms, or cajoled by arts, to a return and submission to Britain.—But this is an event, which (we firmly trust) will never take place.
Upon the whole: in our united counsels and exertions, we may yet hope, and even assure ourselves, that God who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, will behold our state, hear our prayers, and still maintain our right and plead our cause.—That he will hasten the period of our present distresses, and give us to see, in his own way and time, the liberty, independence, sovereignty and glory of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, established on a foundation that shall never be moved.
And what a bright, what a glorious scene of liberty and felicity doth such an happy issue of this great and interesting contest, present to our view? –America, redeemed out of the hands of her enemies—the United States, delivered from the oppressors yoke; the secure retreat of injured innocence and the happy asylum of the oppressed and distressed.—The seat of justice and equity, of freedom and empire—extensive in trade and flourishing in commerce—abounding in riches and wealth—and illustrious in literature—in arts and sciences;–and, above all, glorious in the knowledge and practice of the pure and peaceful religion of our LORD and SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST:–And the unborn millions of succeeding ages, uniting in their grateful acknowledgments of praise and thanksgiving to GOD the supreme ruler, for that spirit of wisdom, liberty, patriotism and bravery, with which he was pleased to inspire the patriots and heroes; and even the whole body of the people of the present generation:–and, in fine—THIS PEOPLE, THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, a name, a praise and a glory among the nations, throughout all generations, to the end of time.
That such may be the end, such the reward, and such the important and lasting effects, of this great and glorious contest, may GOD, of his infinite mercy, grant, through Jesus Christ, our LORD.
AMEN.
Endnotes
1. Vid. 2 Sam. 5. 1, 2, 3.
2. Isai. 45. 5, 7.
3. Ibid. 43. 13.
4. Ibid. 45. 9.
5. Psal. 97. 1.
6. Isai.
7. Psal. 33. 23.
8. Psal. 29. 10.
9. 103, 19.
10. Col. 1. 16.
11. Whether the multiplying sanguinary laws and capital punishments, in a state, can be justified upon the principles of equity, or even sound policy, is a question not unworthy the attention of wise legislators.—And whether punishing certain offenders, with loss of liberty, and hard labour, at the oar, or elsewhere, in some places of public resort, where they might be held up to view, as spectacles of justice in terrarem for a certain term of years, or for life, according to the nature of their crimes, would not answer the ends of government & the purposes of civil society, better than even an ignominious death; is also, humbly submitted.
12. Rom. 13, 4.
13. Prov. 16, 33.
14. Psal. 75. 6.
15. Deut. 1. 17. &c.
16. Rom. 13. 4.
17. Psal. 32. 1.
18. Eph. 10. 3.
19. “The Ostracism makes a great figure in all the Greek history, and occurs frequently in that of the Athenians,” among whom it is generally supposed to have had its rise.—This peculiar law was originally designed, as a guard to liberty; though sometimes abused, to the purposes of licentiousness and faction. “By this law men, eminent to such a degree, as to threaten the State with danger, were banished for ten years.—The method in which they proceeded to inflict the Ostracism was this: Every citizen took a piece of broken pot or shell, on which having wrote the name of the person he would have banished, he carried it to a certain place of the forum, which was enclosed with rails; then the magistrates began to count the number of the shells for if they were less than six thousand, the vote did not take place; but if they surpassed that number, they laid every name apart, and the man who’s name was found on the greatest number of shells was of course exiled for ten years.”
This law speaks a people jealous of their liberty to an extreme.—For, however well intended; yet, through the craft of rivals in power, or the insidiousness of ambitious and popular men, this punishment sometimes fell upon the worthiest characters in the state. Ariscides, by the wisdom of his councils, the firmness of his courage and the inflexibility of his integrity, at home, abroad, in peace and war, and had proved himself an illustrious patriot, acquired the surname of the just, and obtained the character of the most worthy and virtuous of the Athenians.—But these very virtues and this high reputation, were artfully improved, by his rival Themistocies, as arguments against him, and to prove him a man dangerous to the state. “It may seem strange (say the writers of the universal history) that Themistocies could raise the popular resentment against a man amiable from peaceable virtues; yes he effected it by causing it to be whispered about, that Ariscides having assumed the name of just, and acting frequently as an umpire between contending parties, had insensibly erected a monarchy, though without pomp or guards.—On a sudden, and when it was least expected, citizens and countrymen flocked to the forum and demanded the ostracism.—When the magistrates signified to him, that the ostracism fell upon him, he retired modestly out of the forum, and as he went out, he lifted up his eyes to heaven, and said, I beseech the Gods, that the Atheniaus may never see that day, which shall force them to remember Aristides!”—[vid. Universal Hist. vol. 6. P. 377, 378, &c.] What an exalted spirit! What heroic sentiments! What a divine example!—This is the good ruler—the true Patriot—neither the ingratitude of his fellow citizen, nor the unjust severity of his own cruel fate, could remove his love from his country, or prevent his prayers for the blessing of heaven upon an ungrateful people, who, for his faithful services, had just excluded him the rights of society, and drove him into banishment.
20. Pericles, after many and eminent services rendered to the state, in the course of a long and faithful administration, was unjustly, as well as injudiciously, dismissed, disgraced and fined by the Athenians; and this at a time when his presence, council, and directly on were more needed than ever. Ibid. p. 445.
21. Neh. 5. 19.
22. Jer. 2. 19.
23. Vid. Rom. 13. Begin.
24. Ibid. ver. 5.
25. As far as human wisdom and foresight could avail, to prevent anything of this kind, the people of this State have assumed and declared it, as one of their important rights; that “in the government of this Commonwealth, the legislative department shall never exercise the executive and judicial powers, or either of them: The executive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial powers, or either of them: The judicial shall never exercise the legislative and executive powers, or either of them: To the end, it may be a government of LAWS and not of MEN.” Great attention was paid to this inestimable right, in settling the departments and adjusting the powers of government by those who assisted in framing our New constitution. How far they succeeded in so difficult a work and so critical an attempt, the public will judge, and time and experience more fully discover.—At present, however, it must be allowed, that the prospect before us is not unpromising.
26. Pompey and Caesar were not yet at open enmity, nor professed rivals; but the former having taken various steps, which clearly indicated his ambitious views; the latter could not content himself with anything short of the same supreme power to which his rival aspired. To accomplish the purpose of this ambition, Caesar considered the consulship as an essential step. In order to his advancement to the consulship, as well as to effect his ultimate designs, Caesar found it necessary to avail himself of the influence not only of Crassus his rich and powerful friend, but also of Pompey his rival; and to serve himself of both: And this gave rise to the artful compromise we have mentioned. In this remarkable compact, Pompey and Crassus, as well as Caesar, had undoubtedly their views: But to adopt the words of celebrated historians, “Caesar’s management, upon this occasion, was a masterpiece of policy, and the foundation of his future grandeur. The two citizens, who at this time made the greatest figure in the republic, without dispute, were Pompey and Crassus: but these two powerful citizens were declared enemies, and, all things considered, much upon a level. As they both had great interest, Caesar plainly saw, that he could never obtain the consulship without gaining one or other of them to his cause; but the difficulty was, which to choose. If he closed with Pompey, he would meet with a strong opposition from Crassus’s friends; and if he joined Crassus, he was sure to have all Pompey’s party against him. He therefore undertook to reconcile the two rivals, and by proposing to them a triumvirate, in which should be lodged all the authority of the senate and people, he prevailed upon them to make up their differences, and enter into a strict friendship with each other. In order to make their confederacy the more indissoluble, they solemnly bound themselves, by mutual oaths and promises, to assist each other, and to suffer nothing to be undertaken or executed without the unanimous consent of all three.
“Thus was the first triumvirate formed, by which Rome became a prey to three men, who, by the interest of their united parties, arbitrarily disposed of all the dignities and employments in the commonwealth. The public were long strangers to the mysteries of this new cabal. Nothing more appeared to the senate than the reconciliation of Pompey and Crassus; and Caesar was congratulated by all ranks of men for having brought it about. Cato alone foresaw the evil consequences of this new alliance, and exclaimed atainst it, saying, that Rome had lost her liberty: but nobody hearkened to him ‘till it was too late to follow his prudent counsel. This association subsisted to the death of Crassus, and was followed by the entire subversion of the republican state.” Vid. Univers. Hist. Vol. 13. P. 150, 151.
27. Jer. 22. 15, 16.
28. Deut. 33. 46 & 47.
29. Psalm 118. 6.
30. 144. 15.
31. Isai. 10. 5.
32. Lexington was the place in which a just God was pleased to permit hostilities between Great-Britain and America, to commence. The persons who first fell victims to the sword of the oppressor, and who were PROTOMARTYRS in the glorious cause of LIBERTY and their country, were inhabitants of the town; and it was my lot to be an eye witness of that horrid scene of bloodshed and slaughter which opened the war!—To be an eye witness of the unprovoked, ungenerous and unjust assault, of about eight hundred British regular troops, upon fifty or sixty undisciplined Americans, who neither molested, nor had it in contemplation to oppose them, unless drove to it by the Britons, in defense of themselves, their rights and their country.—To see the sword of violence drawn, the INNOCENT BLOOD of our brethren murderously shed, and the flames of war bursting upon us, without notice, without provocation; when war was neither proclaimed, nor so much as professedly threatened: and this by a prince and nation which, for ages past, had sustained the character and gloried in the appellation of The Parent State:–By a nation, from whom we had a just right to look for protection and defense, against every lawless invader:–To see war commenced upon us by such a nation, so related for no other reason but because we were unwilling to give up our most sacred rights, as free men and a free people; and this too, with various circumstances of indignity and insult was, and must have been affecting and distressing indeed!—And the more so to us, a people, who, till these unhappy and impolitic measures—‘till this unjust and barbarous war took place breathed loyalty to our sovereign and the sincerest affection and respect for the Mother country. Language would fail to represent, and words to express, the feelings of a free, a brae, a generous, a loyal people, upon such an alarming occasion!—Nor can it be justly supposed, that any but those who have seen and felt the shock, can form an adequate idea of its real and interesting effects.
But however distressing, savage, or severe these barbarous measures of a blood thirsty oppressor, might, at that time, appear to the inhabitants of Lexington, who were called by Providence to receive the shock—however unrighteous and cruel it might seem to the injured, the freeborn sons of America;–The hand of God and of Providence was in all these things. The wisdom and goodness of the Supreme Ruler should be devoutly acknowledged, as gloriously displayed, in ever-ruling these acts of outrage, barbarity and murder, as the means of the greatest good to this injured and oppressed land.
This ungenerous, unjust and barbarous manner of opening the war, hath effected more, perhaps, in the cause of freedom and America than the wisdom and counsel of all the American States, or even united worlds, could have done. This ill timed severity and murderous cruelty of the British troops and the British court, have answered the most valuable purposes to the American cause.—It confirmed the resolute, strengthened the weak, established the doubtful, encouraged the timid, gave a spring to the faint-hearted, roused the stupid, and silenced the perverse; and happily produced that union of sentiment and those exertions of power, in the noble contest which no other measures in human probability would have ever effected. And to apply the expressive words of Joseph to his brethren, it may fitly be said—to the haughty Britons—“As you for ye thought evil against us; but God meant it unto good to bring to pass as it is this day, to save much people alive.” Gen. 50. 20.
33. Witness the large ship taken from the enemy, by the brave Capt. Mugford in 1776, and sent into the port of Boston, laden chiefly with Powder, to the amount (if I mistake not) of about 1500 barrels; and this at a time when we were in the most critical situation, for want of such a supply of that essential article.
Witness also several other large and valuable vessels, taken by our privateers, and sent into Salem, or elsewhere; laden with fire-arms, mortars, ordnance stores of various kinds, clothing, provisions &c. &c—Articles necessary, useful, seasonable and important, to our military operations—In these, and many other instances, the providence of God hath been apparent and wonderful, in the course of the war; and ought to be gratefully remembered and devoutly acknowledged, by this people.
34. Should it be said here, “That the Jews were not restored to their liberties, by the decree of Cyrus, upon their return from Babylon; but were still a dependent people; and even Tributaries to the Persian princes.”—It might be answered,–‘That it is readily granted, the children of Israel were not restored to a state of perfect freedom and independence, by the decree of Cyrus, upon their return from Babylon to Judea.’—It is acknowledged they were still dependent on the Persian kings.—Nor could they, in the situation and circumstances, in which they were at that time, have desired to be less dependent, upon that powerful court, than that generous decree o Cyrus made them—Just emerging from a long and distressing captivity, it is easy to believe they were not in a capacity to support and defend themselves in their former independence; even tho’ it had been granted them in the fullest sense.—It was their safety and happiness that God appointed Cyrus his and their shepherd that under the wing of his patronage and protection, they might securely return to their country, take possession of their lands, rebuild their cities and the temple, restore the worship of God according to the Levitical institution; and re-establish their laws, polity and government, agreeable to that divine constitution, which God had given to their fathers, by the hand of Moses—In short, the revolution, in the affairs of the Hebrew nation, which took place under this benevolent prince, and in consequence of the above-mentioned decree, was a glorious revolution—A revolution, in and by which the people of God were redeemed from captivity, & restored to their country, their possessions, and their laws, liberties and religion, in all their peculiarities; and to a greater degree of national freedom and independence, than ever they could have expected or promised themselves, in their late depressed, scattered, enslaved and captivated state. Agreeably we find not only the decree of Cyrus; but the several prophecies which have reference to it, or to him as the deliverer of God’s people; and even other eminent prophecies, concerning the return of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, expressly representing their restoration, in general as full and complete; and without any let or drawback. For further light and satisfaction upon this subject and question, vid. And comp. these following places and passages in scripture. Ezra, chap. 1, throughout, chap. 6 first part. Isai 44. 28. Ibid 45. 1-5, and 13. Jerem. 29. 10. And especially that illustrious prophecy, Jerem. 30, ch. 18, 19, 20 and 21 ver.
I only add, that, in my reference to Cyrus, and the prophecy concerning him, the judicious reader will easily see, that the main point in view, was not to illustrate the completeness or degree, of that freedom and liberty, to which God’s people were raised, by the kind, the generous and effectual interposition of Cyrus, for their redemption and restoration; but the hand of GOD, and the wisdom and goodness of his all superintending providence, in directing the measures, influencing the policy and over-ruling the conduct of men, princes and kings, of states and nations, and powers on earth, for the effecting the purposes of his benevolence, in the support and relief of an afflicted people, and the redemption and salvation of the injured and oppressed.
35. Jeremiah 30, 21, 22.
36. A number of other questions might have been pertinently asked here:–As—What becomes of the oaths of grand jurors, upon the question, ‘Whether their towns are provided with grammar school masters, according to law?—What sort of schools have been kept?—‘What kind of masters have been, at least, too often, employed,–‘What the orders, the prayers, the means of instruction and education, in those schools are?—‘Whether any schools, at all, have been kept, and how long, or what proportion of the year, in towns where the aforementioned law hath been evaded, dispensed with, or set aside’ &c &c—The answer to these, or other questions upon this subject. I heave to those who know what belongs to school education, and to all candid, impartial, wise and judicious observers, to make.
Two things were, undoubtedly, in view, by our worthy ancestors, in the standing law for grammar-schools: Both tending to promote learning and knowledge in the community.—One was, ‘that towns being obliged, under certain penalties, to provide themselves with well qualified grammar school-masters, the people in general, the poor, as well as rich might without immediate personal expence, be provided with good means of instruction and education for their children.
The other was that parents or friends, whose circumstances were not affluent, might be induced to encourage a genius and inclination for learning, in promising children or youths, by giving them a liberal education; upon this presumption, that as soon as they had perfected their studies at College, and received the honors of an academical education, they might immediately support themselves, by engaging in schools:–Ah employment suitable to their character, honorable to themselves, and useful to society.—And I believe it may, with the greatest truth be added, that this consideration hath often determined parents and others, to give their sons or other promising youths, a public education; which otherwise they would not. And thus many a good scholar and worthy character, hath been introduced to public usefulness, in church or state, which, but for this law, must have been lost to the public, and remained in obscurity.
37. Had I seen or known of the late excellent and well-adjusted militia act, before the writing and delivering this discourse, I should not, perhaps, have troubled the audience with these plain and interesting questions: everything necessary to a well-regulated militia, being fully comprehended and provided for in the act.—I most honestly wish it may be strictly observed.
38. To confirm the above representation, to show that it is not too high coloured, and to give a specimen of what a people may justly expect from a conquering TYRANT at the close of a civil war; I beg leave to insert a passage or two from an authentic history of ROME.
“The taking of Praneste and Norba put an end to the civil war in Italy. Sylla therefore, having placed in all the Italian provinces such governors as were entirely at his devotion, and pitched several little camps in different districts, to keep the country in awe, returned to Rome, which he entered at the head of his troops. The same day he assembled the people in the Comitium, and told them with an haughty air, that he had conquered; but that those who had made him take up arms against his country should expiate the blood they had made him shed with their own. I will not spare one, said he, who has borne arms against me. They shall all perish to a man. These words, from a man who was absolute master of their lives & fortunes, made the most resolute tremble. They filled the whole city with dread and horror; and the consternation was doubled the next day, when they saw fixed up in all public places, a list of proscribed persons, containing the names of forty senators and sixteen hundred knights. If any man gave shelter to a person proscribed, though his son, his brother, or his father, death was the certain reward of his humanity; whereas the assassin was recompensed with two talents, though a slave had murdered his master, or a son his father.—The tyrant chose such agents to execute his decrees, as had even less pity than himself. The chief of those was the infamous Cataline—At the head of a band of assassins, he scoured the streets, and killed many knights and senators before they knew they were proscribed. The persons named in the list were sought for in their own houses, in the porticoes, and even in the temples; whence they were dragged to Sylla, and cruelly butchered in his presence.
The massacre was not confined to those named in the list. Sylla extended his revenge to all who had borne arms against him, of what rank soever, or condition. Nay, his cruel agents took this opportunity to gratify their private revenge and avarice, confounding the most innocent and peaceable with the most guilty, out of some private grudge, or purely for the sake of their wealth and rich furniture. In short, the slaughter was so dreadful, that Sylla was reproached with it even by his best friends. Among others, a young senator, named Caius Metellus, ventured one day to ask him in full senate, when he designed to put a stop to the calamities of his fellow-citizens. We do not intercede, said he, for such as you have resolved to destroy; but only desire you to free those from uneasiness, whom you have determined to save. Sylla, without seeming to take this bold speech amiss, answered cooly, that he knew not yet whom he should save. Name to us then, replied Metellus, those you are determined to destroy. That I will do, answered Sylla, very smartly, and immediately caused a new list to be fixed up of eighty citizens, whom he proscribed, most of them senators, and persons of great distinction. The next day he proscribed two hundred and twenty more, and an equal number the third. Among these was Marcus Marius, who was nearly related to the great Marius, and highly favoured by the people.—He was seized by Cataline, and put to death, after having suffered the most exquisite torments tyranny could invent. He was whipped thro’ all the streets of Rome, and, after this ignominious punishment, carried beyond the Tyber where by Sylla’s barbarous agents, his eyes were put out, his hands and ears cut off his tongue torn out, all his joints dislocated, and his bones broken. One Marcus Platorius, being moved at such an affecting sight, could not help pitying the unfortunate young man; which so offended Sylla, that he ordered him to be killed on the spot. And now after nine thousand senators, knights, and citizens, had been inhumanly murdered by Sylla’s agents, he assembled the people, and told them that he had proscribed as many as he could think of at present: and as for those he had forgot, they should be proscribed too, as soon as he could call them to his memory!”
This was the scene in the city of Rome—What awful havock, then, must the same measures of cruelty have made in the other cities and states of that great Commonwealth!—But no comment is necessary. Vid. Universe. Hist. vol. xiii. Page 83, 84, &c.
American liberty is being eroded, and our Biblical foundation is under constant attack. Here at WallBuilders, we provide education, training, and resources to equip people to know and defend the truth to protect our freedom.
also spelled Lothrop, was born in Norwich, Connecticut. He graduated from Princeton in 1763 and began working as an assistant teacher with the Rev. Dr. Eleazar Wheelock of Lebanon, Connecticut, at Moor’s Indian Charity School. He studied theology under Dr. Wheelock (who later founded Dartmouth College) and became licensed to preach in 1767, ministering among the Indians. In 1768, he became the preacher of the Second Church of Boston, but as Boston was central in the rising tensions and violence with the British leading up to the American War for Independence, he relocated to Providence, Rhode Island. When the Founding Fathers declared independence from Britain in 1776, Lathrop returned to Boston. When Dr. Pemberton of New Brick Church was taken ill, Lathrop was asked to become the assistant to the pastor. When Pemberton passed away a year later, Lathrop became pastor of New Brick Church but also retained the pastorate of Second Church, merging it into New Brick in 1779. Lathrop remained pastor until his death from lung fever in 1816. He had served as President of the Massachusetts Bible Society and the Society of Propagating the Gospel in North America, and he was also a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the American Antiquarian Society. Numerous of his sermons were published, including the following one delivered on December 15, 1774.
