Sermons Archives - Page 17 of 30

Sermon – Fasting – 1798

David Osgood (1747-1822) preached the following sermon at a national fast day on May 9, 1798. This fast day was proclaimed by President John Adams.

Some Facts evincive of the atheistical, anarchical, and in other respects, immoral Principles of the French Republicans,

STATED IN A

S E R M O N

Delivered on the 9th of May, 1798,

THE DAY

RECOMMENDED

BY THE PRESIDENT

OF THE

UNITED STATES

FOR

SOLEMN HUMILIATION, FASTING, AND PRAYER

By DAVID OSGOOD, D.D.

Minister of the CHURCH in Medford.

2 Kings, xix. 14, 15, & 16.

And Hezekiah received the letter of the hand of the messengers, and read it: and Hezekiah went up into the house of the Lord, and spread it before the LORD.
And Hezekiah prayed before the LORD, and said, O LORD GOD of Israel, which dwellest between the Cherubims, thou art the God, even thou alone, of all the kingdoms of the earth; thou hast made heaven and earth.
LORD, bow down thine ear and hear: open, Lord, thine eyes, and see: and hear the words of Sennacherib, which hath sent him to reproach the living GOD.

It is among the excellencies of the sacred scriptures that they furnish instruction adapted to all the exigencies of human condition. Whatever calamities befall us, or whatever dangers threaten us, either as individuals, families, or as a community; in the word of God we find our sufferings and fears to be the same, which his servants in former ages experienced; and while we are tried and tempted as they were, their example serves for our guide and support. The people of these United States are this day assembled in the house of God, under circumstances bearing a striking resemblance to those of Hezekiah and his people at the time referred to in the text. Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, was a triumphant conqueror. His armies had over-run several of the adjacent countries, and subjected various nations to his despotism. Among the rest, the ten tribes of Israel had fallen under his yoke, and Samaria, their capital city, after a siege of three years, had been taken. Flushed with a series of success, the victors looked out for new conquests. The kingdom of Judah bordered upon that which they had already subjugated. They had received no injury from Hezekiah, and had no just pretence for making war upon him. But among the heathen, it was held lawful to engage in war for the sake of plunder and conquest, and for extending the bounds of empire. By an ambition of this kind, all the great conquerors of antiquity seem to have been actuated.

Through the knowledge of revealed religion, the nations of Christendom have been taught better principles. Modern writers upon the law of nations universally agree in reprobating all wars undertaken by avarice, pride, or ambition. They prove, beyond a doubt, that no war can be just which is not, in its principle, defensive, undertaken solely with a view to repel an aggressor, or to prevent probably aggression. They set before us a shocking catalogue of miseries and crimes resulting from wanton hostility—a dreadful account hereafter to be settled by those who engage in offensive war. This kind of war, in itself unjust, is yet undertaken under some pretence susceptible of the colour of right. I do not, says Vattel, in his treatise on the law of nations, place among the objects of offensive war, conquests, or the desire of invading the property of another: such a latitude, destitute even of pretence, is not the object of a formal war, but that of a robbery. He adds, “A nation attacked by such fort of enemies is not under any obligation to observe towards them the rules of war in a form. It may treat them as robbers.” Is not this, my hearers, the real character of those enemies by whom our country is now threatened? They have no pretence, susceptible of the colour of right, to justify their demands. They are evidently influenced by the same spirit and views which incited Rabshakeh and his master against Hezekiah. The old pagan principle of going to war for plunder and conquest, after being exploded in Europe for more than a thousand years, is revived afresh by the present rulers of France since their abolition of Christianity.

Some perhaps may be startled at hearing me affirm, that the legislators of France have abolished the Christian religion. There are indeed persons among us who entertain a very different opinion, who consider them as stripping the whore of Babylon, pulling down the man of sin, destroying popery, and making way for the introduction of the millennium. In their view, the French revolution is a great step towards the glorious times predicted in the gospel, when the whole earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the Lord. How astonishing is the force of prejudice in warping the judgments of men! I will set before you, my hearers, some notorious facts, which have been, for years past, circulated in the public papers, and never contradicted by the most zealous advocates for the French. – I will set these facts before you that you may judge for yourselves. “On the fourteenth ¹ of December, 1792, in a debate on the establishment of public schools for the education of youth; M. Dupont, a member of the national convention, and who, if I mistake not, is now a member of one of the councils, began his speech with the following exclamation; – “What, thrones are overturned! Scepters broken! Kings expire! And yet the altars of God remain!” – He proceeded to propose the abolition of those altars, and proclaimed himself an atheist, amidst the reiterated plaudits of the assembly, and of the persons in the galleries.” This sentence, Death is an everlasting sleep, written in capitals over the entrance into their grave-yards, was sanctioned by the authority of the legislature. “By the same power was proclaimed the abolition of the Christian era, and the Saviour of the world impiously made to yield precedence to the republic of France.” Instead of saying in their dates, as all Christian nations say, in the year of the Republic, &c. the French say, in the year of the Republic, &c. for since they have become republicans, they disdain the idea of having any Lord over them; they acknowledge neither Christ, nor his Father, nor any other Being as their master. Review their state papers, their laws, the decrees of their councils, and of their executive officers, the orders and dispatches of their generals, and their diplomatic intercourse—I challenge you to produce a single instance, in all these, of their acknowledging any Being above them, or of their making any mention of God or his providence. That Christ and his religion might cease to be remembered, and sink into utter oblivion, they did not content themselves with setting aside the Christian era, they proceeded to abolish the Christian Sabbath. Their new calendar, in which decades are substituted in the room of weeks, was obviously contrived to make the people lose the idea of the former division of time, and forget the weekly Sabbath. It seems, that notwithstanding all these attempts of the government, there were some people so obstinate in their adherence to religion that they persisted in assembling themselves on the Lord’s-day. We have, therefore, been lately told in the public papers, that their rulers, in order to embarrass these fanatics, as they call them, have forbidden the ringing of bells for calling them together to divine service.

On the seventh of November, 1793, the existence of a God and the immortality of the soul – the two first and fundamental principles of all religion – were formally disavowed in the convention; and the resurrection of the dead declared to have been only preached by superstition for the torment of the living! Two days after, in the same place, all the religions in the world were asserted to be the daughters of ignorance and pride. It was decided to be the duty of the convention to assume the honourable office of diffusing truth over the whole earth; – and as a part of this duty, that assembly decreed, that its express renunciation of all religious worship should be translated into all foreign languages. It was stated and received in the convention as an acknowledged truth, that the adversaries of religion have deserved well of their country.

In conformity to the spirit of these decrees, the convention, attended by myriads of the populace, proceeded to desecrate the churches of Christ. “The temple of the Almighty was profaned by the worship of a prostitute, personating the goddess of reason.” The cathedral of Paris exhibited the monstrous spectacle of a pagan sacrifice, by a people who had recently abolished Christianity.—I have another fact to relate, which must thrill with horror every bosom impressed with the least fear of the Almighty. “On the thirtieth of November, 1793, the pupils of a new republican school appeared at the bar of the convention, when their leader declared, that he and his school-fellows detested God! That instead of learning the scriptures, they learned the declaration of rights, and made the constitution their catechism.” After this speech, the representatives of a great nation, by the mouth of their President, “expressed the satisfaction of the convention at the declaration of these young demons. These hopeful scholars were admitted to the honours of the fitting, and received the kiss of fraternity amidst the loudest applause!”

With these facts in view, is there a person in this assembly who can hesitate a moment to conclude, that not only Christianity, but all other religions, are abolished in France, so far as they can be abolished by the authority of the magistrate? Nay, when we consider the facts now stated, are we not constrained to view the French republicans as so many infernals, broken loose from their chains in the pit below, and now appearing in this upper world under the shape of men, but still thinking and acting as demons. They are certainly a new set of characters under the sun. Such decrees and such doings as are recorded in the registers of the French republic, are not to be found in the annals of any other nation from the days of Adam down to this day.

As they are the first body of men, who ever united in disclaiming all religion, and by formal decrees publishing atheism in every language, as a discovery adapted to the general illumination of mankind; so they are the first set of legislators, who ever formed the infernal design of subverting all the regular governments in the world, and encouraging insurrection, disorganization and anarchy throughout every nation. After dethroning their king, one of the first acts of the convention is said to have been, in these explicit words, to declare itself a committee of insurrection of the whole human race for the purpose of overturning all existing governments. The famous decrees of the nineteenth of November and fifteenth of December, 1792, were modifications of the same spirit. “The first was a general signal to insurrection and revolt—an invitation to the seditious of every country, to conspire, under the patronage of France, against the established government, however free. The last of the two decrees is not merely in spirit—it is in terms equivalent to a manifesto of war against every nation having a prince or nobility. It declares explicitly, that the French nation will treat as enemies, every people, who may desire to preserve or restore a government of that character.” These decrees were accompanied by various speeches from influential and leading characters in the convention, to this purport, “that it was necessary to set fire to the four corners of Europe”—that “to disorganize Europe was one of the sublime vocations of the convention”—that “the way to effect it, was by exiting the governed against the governors, and letting the people see the facility and advantage of such insurrections.”

In times past, we have, through ignorance, censured the combined powers as the aggressors in the war; but better information, and the further development of the character of the French rulers, are doing away our error. As the decrees now mentioned, together with the known principles of those who made them, menaced nearly all the regular governments in the world, and portended speedy war against those in the countries adjacent; those neighbouring governments were undoubtedly justifiable; and, indeed, it was their duty immediately to arm, to form alliances, and to adopt every lawful measure in providing for their defense. They had but begun to make these just and necessary preparations, when the French themselves declared war and commenced hostilities. Are they not then chargeable with all the indescribable evils of this most dreadful war? Are not all its horrors, its rivers of blood, its desolation of families, its rapines, its violences, its ravages, its burnings—are they not all the works and the crimes of French republicans?

In the decrees, which I have related, you see their principles; and such as their principles are, such have been, and still are, their actions. They set out with renouncing, in the most explicit terms, all ideas of conquest, or of making the least addition to their territories. In a manner the most alluring, they professed principles of liberty and philanthropy; and invited all nations to fraternize with them in schemes of universal benevolence. By these arts they imposed upon the ignorant mass of their own nation, and upon the ignorant of all other nations, a deception similar to that of the arch fiend, when, under the delusion of making them gods, he seduced our first parents into apostacy. At the very time when they were making these great professions of liberty and equality, they were sending their emissaries into every country, furnished with instructions worthy only of the great enemy of God and man to have dictated. The object of their mission was, by all the arts of intrigue and corruption to prepare the way for carrying into effect the decrees just mentioned—decrees subversive of the civil and religious interests of all mankind. They had it in charge to stir up factions, seditions, and rebellions—to disorganize all established governments, and throw every nation and people into discord and confusion; that being thus divided and weakened, they might be the more easily conquered.

While their agents were thus employed abroad, by systems of terror at home, they put the lives and properties of the whole nation in a state of requisition; and actually disposed of them in a manner more arbitrary, despotic and cruel, than was ever before heard of in any country. Their success in the horrible work of destruction has been astonishing. In their own country, they have pillaged, burnt and destroyed more than eighteen hundred cities and villages. Mr. Harper mentions a work published at Paris three years ago, in which it is computed, that during the revolution, exclusive of those who had been killed in arms, “two millions of persons had been massacred—of whom twenty-four thousand were ministers of the Gospel, two hundred and fifty thousand were women, and two hundred and thirty thousand were children.” Many of these murders were perpetuated in ways studiously contrived to add insult to agony, and torture to the utmost all the feelings of human nature. “Infants were carried to be drowned, stuck on the points of spears; and the hands of mothers stretched out for mercy to their tender babes, were chopped off.”

In their attacks upon other nations, they have been infinitely prodigal of human blood. Besides the carnage daily renewed in every field of battle over the widely extended regions, which have been the scenes of war; through their baneful influence in all the countries subjugated by their arms, or revolutionized by their intrigues, scaffolds have been erected, on which the blood of the worthiest citizens and truest patriots has been profusely shed. Every people, over whom they have gained an ascendancy, has been brought, in a greater or less degree, to fraternize with them in their crimes: the union has been cemented with blood. Guilt the most horrible, and misery the most extreme, have uniformly followed the footsteps of their revolutionary progress in other countries as well as in their own. These evils, extended alike by their victories and their intrigues, are now blasting many of the richest and finest portions of the globe. Nearly half Europe groans under French domination. Since the invasion of the Goths and Vandals, a similar scourge, so dreadful and so extensive, hath not befallen the civilized world.

When we think of the misery and mischief, the havoc and desolation which they have produced, are we not tempted to suspect whether divine Providence hath not withdrawn its superintendency from human affairs, and given the world up a prey to these execrable monsters? They have unhinged human society, and broken all the ties on which its security and happiness depended. Amidst the loudest professions of regard for the rights of man, they have audaciously violated all rights, human and divine, prostrated the law of nations in all its branches, and insolently trampled upon all the rules of morality. Innumerable are the decrees, by which they establish iniquity by law; by which they support schemes of murder and robbery, set men free from all restraint, and encourage them in giving loose to all the worst passions of their nature. Among every people, pretending to any degree of civilization, the marriage covenant has been generally deemed sacred and permanent; but the enlightened republicans of France spurn, as a mark of slavery, such confinement. These wise legislators have rendered the dissolution of this relation so easy, that a month’s warning “from either of the parties, is all that is required. In consequence of this law, it is said, that in the city of Paris alone, five hundred and sixty-two divorces took place in three months.” In a word, having renounced Christianity and returned to a state of heathenism, they have become, as might reasonably be expected of apostates, the very worst of heathen in their practice. Like those described by St. Paul in his first chapter to the Romans, they are given up to vile affections – full of envy; murder, debate, deceit, malignity, haters of God, despiteful, proud, boasters, inventers of evil things – covenant-breakers, implacable, unmerciful. – From unquestionable documents, this appears to be the true character of the people with whom a miserably deluded faction among ourselves wish to fraternize. For the honour of human nature, I would not have depicted such licentiousness of principle and such atrocity of conduct—I would not have drawn such an odious character even of our enemies, were it not necessary to be known, in order to our taking proper measures for our own defense and safety.

In their conduct towards us, I have said, that they are influenced by the same spirit and views, which incited Rabshakeh and his master against Hezekiah; but in reality they are incomparably more criminal, than were the Assyrian plunderers. Though Hezekiah had given Sennacherib no just provocation, yet it is not probable that he had been particularly friendly to him, and his kingdom had the guilt of bordering upon the conquests of the Assyrian. But we are a thousand leagues distant from France, and have been enthusiasts in her favour—her only sincere friends and allies. [We are, and ought to be, ashamed to remember our demonstrations of joy at her victories. May God forgive the inconsiderate folly of his erring, though well meaning creatures!] Our government afforded her yet more substantial proofs of friendship, and in no instance ever offended. But, as our envoys expostulate, “to this distant, unoffending, friendly republic, what is the conduct and the language of France? Wherever our property can be found, she seizes and takes it from us; unprovoked, she determines to treat us as enemies; and our making no resistance, produces no diminution of hostility against us; she abuses and insults our government, endeavors to weaken it in the estimation of the people, recalls her own minister, refuses to receive ours; and when extraordinary means are taken to make such explanations, and such alterations in the existing relations of the two countries as may be mutually satisfactory, and may tend to produce harmony, the envoys who bear these powers are not received; they are not permitted to utter the amicable wishes of their country; but in the haughty style of a master, they are told, that unless they will pay a sum to which their resources scarcely extend, they may expect the vengeance of France, and like Venice, be erased from the list of nations; that France will annihilate the only free republic upon earth, and the only nation in the universe, which has voluntarily manifested for her a cordial and real friendship.”

We are told, that whilst hearing these things, the agent on the part of France manifested the most excessive impatience. He admitted the whole to be true; but in the genuine spirit of his government, contemning all the principles of justice and moral obligation, he went on to urge the power of the terrible republic, and to repeat the denunciation of its vengeance against us, unless, after suffering it to seize our property on the sea, we would not also surrender to it what we possess on the land.

Such was the first demand of the Assyrian conqueror upon Hezekiah. America will deserve to suffer, if she takes not warning from the ill consequences of his mean submission. The panic-struck king of Judah answered, Return from me, and that which thou layest upon me, I will bear. Three hundred talents of silver and thirty talents of gold were the first requisition. To collect this sum, the king was compelled to empty all his treasures, to strip the house of God to the very doors; and after thus parting with his money to the perfidious tyrant, saw himself attacked and his dominions invaded by those very armies, for the withdrawment of which his money had been paid.

Why did he suffer himself to be thus duped and gulled? “Where,” says the pious Henry, “was Hezekiah’s courage? Where his confidence in God? Alas! May we not suppose that the very difficulties and embarrassments with which the operations of the American government have been encumbered for some years past, were experienced by Hezekiah? Among his own subjects, a numerous party were, in all probability, in favour of the enemy. Hezekiah had lately begun a great reformation; he had removed the high places, broken the images, cut down the groves, and exerted his whole authority in bringing back his people from idolatry to the worship of Jehovah. These measures of reformation must have given mortal offence to all the lovers of idolatry throughout the kingdom. Hezekiah had taken from them their gods, and what had they more? Being thus disgusted and exasperated against their own government, they were probably willing to exchange it for that of a foreign prince, under whom they knew that they would be encouraged and supported in their idolatry. Instead therefore of defending, they stood ready to betray their country, to surrender its strong holds and defenced cities to the enemy, and to facilitate his conquest. They were constantly magnifying the power of the great king, weakening the hands of the men of war, spreading terror and alarm among the people, and reproaching Hezekiah for his obstinacy in exposing the country to pillage and massacre, by not complying with the terms of the enemy. Sennacherib had great dependence upon this party in his favour. By them he was probably incited and encouraged to undertake the expedition. To strengthen and support this party, was his constant study. His object in every conference and negotiation, during the war, was to separate the people from the government, to excite mutiny among the soldiery, and insurrection among the citizens. When Hezekiah’s commissioners proposed that the conference should not be in the hearing of the people on the wall, their adversaries were the more earnest for making it as public as possible. Disregarding all the rules of decorum, they addressed themselves directly to the people, and made their communications, not to the government, but to the populace;–urging every motive, both of terror and allurement, to draw them off from their allegiance.

How far the same mean arts have been acted over again by the French rulers towards us, I need not say: their own agents acknowledge it, and vaunt of their success. They boast, that their party among us is so numerous, and their means of influence so powerful, that, in every event, they shall be able to throw the blame on the side of injured innocence. In what history can you find such unblushing impudence on the brow of guilt? It exceeds all the insulting language of the foul-mouthed, Rabshakeh.

But to every man who has the interest of his country at heart, how very alarming is this intelligence! Do we indeed thus totter on the brink of ruin?—At this eventful period, therefore, when, according to the statement of our worthy President, “all the old republics of Europe are crumbling into dust, when the monarchies of the old world are some of them fallen, and others trembling to their foundations; when our own infant republic has scarcely had time to cement its strength, or decide its own practical form; when these agitations of the human species have affected our people, and produced a spirit of party, which scruples not to go all lengths of profligacy, falsehood and malignity in defaming our government,”—in heaping the vilest slanders upon the First Magistrate of the Union, on all the enlightened and faithful men employed under him, the secretaries at home, the envoys abroad, the federal and patriotic members in the two houses of Congress; on the governors, judges, and other officers throughout the several states, who have distinguished themselves in supporting the wise and just measures of the general government—and lastly, on the ministers of religion, because they are considered as a bulwark against the spirit of faction, and for the preservation of order the union—at a time, when these violent efforts are made to render us a divided people, and facilitate the designs of our oppressors against us—at this alarming crisis, my hearers, you will permit me to call upon you by all that you hold dear in this world, to open your eyes to the gulf before you, the revolution which has been planned for you—a revolution which will infallibly destroy all your social blessings, your affection, esteem and confidence in one another; which will sweep away all your liberties, gradually wrest from you your possessions, strip you of your virtue and of your religion; and after transforming you into French demons, will give you up to be tormented through successive generations under the yoke of a foreign despotism. This is not unfounded declamation. The agents of the French Directory have avowed their design to our envoys; and their design comprehends every particular which I have now mentioned. The old republics of Europe, which they have already revolutionized, are at this moment suffering all the evils which I have described.

Having no other prey at present at hand, the arms of the French Republic are now stretched forth towards us; and the Chronicle of Boston, the Argus of New-York, the Aurora of Philadelphia, and some other ignes fatui [will-o’-the-wisp], are so many decoys to draw us within reach of her fraternal embrace. If you would not be ravished by the monster, drive her panders from among you. The editors, patrons and abettors of those vehicles of slander upon our government—those wet nurses of a French faction in the bowels of our country, have no longer any cloak for their guilt. The late intelligence from our envoys has unmasked the traitorous views of the whole party, and has recovered all honest citizens from the delusion which had been imposed upon them. They, who still persist in pleading the cause of France against our own government, in spreading jealousies and evil surmises of our constituted authorities, and in discouraging the means of defense, ought to be considered and treated as enemies to their country. They deserve to feel the righteous indignation of an injured and insulted nation. Brethren, mark them who cause such dangerous divisions among us, and let them wear the stigma of reproach due to the perfidious betrayers of their country.

Under almost every other government, the people have some real grievances of which to complain; but in this good land, there are no such grounds for complaint or disquietude. The inhabitants are the freest and happiest in the world: their government has resulted from their own matured wisdom and choice, and is liberty itself; their rulers are all created and raised to the stations which they fill, by the suffrages of the people; and for enlightened patriotism, wisdom, integrity and zeal for the public good, are unrivalled by any other set of rulers in any other nation under the sun. And are there those among us, all whose abilities are exerted in abusing and slandering these rulers, in undermining this government, in deceiving and misleading this people, and sowing divisions among them, in order to bring about their subjection to a foreign power? Of all traitors, they are the most aggravatedly criminal; of all villains, they are the most infamous and detestable.

If we have a spark of patriotism in our bosoms, my hearers, we shall reverence in the persons of our rulers, he majesty and sovereignty of our nation; and stand ready to repel, with a just indignation, every unworthy imputation upon them. Specially at this momentous crisis, we shall gather around the standard of our general government, show a marked disapprobation of those men and measures, which breathe a partiality for a foreign nation, and sternly discountenance whatever tends to impede o render suspected the administration of our executive. And as the danger approaches, and becomes more threatening, we shall form a phalanx about him, formidable and terrifying to all his enemies. At every hazard, we shall resolve, with our lives and fortunes, to support the independence of our country, and defend its honour. These things are the duties of all our citizens, of every man who has the happiness of being a member of our free and most excellent constitution. Our lives should be held no longer dear, when the dangers of our country call us to expose them in its defense. Whatever may befall us in the contest, we shall not be losers in the end. That Being who has made it our duty to die for our country, will also make it for our interest. Whilst obeying the calls of his word or providence, we shall be safe under his protection. What can harm us, if we be followers of that which is good? Numerous and powerful as our enemies are, we ought not to despond. Our situation is apparently far less hazardous, than was that of Hezekiah; yet he survived the threatened vengeance of the great king.

Towards the close of his dispute with Sennacherib, he received the letter mentioned in the text. Its contents were but the repetition of the things which Hezekiah had often heard before. They consisted of railings and invectives, of boasts and menaces. The writer vapours and blusters in all the turgidity of a French Jacobin: He vaunts of the countries which he had over-run, of the cities which he had taken, of the kings which he had conquered, and of the gods which he had captivated. Presuming the God of Hezekiah to be similar to the tutelary deities of those other nations, with blaspheming insolence he infers, that Jehovah himself could not prevent the capture of Jerusalem. “And Hezekiah received the letter of the hand of the messengers, and read it: And Hezekiah went up into the house of the Lord, and spread it before the Lord. And Hezekiah prayed before the Lord, and said, O Lord God of Israel, who dwellest between the cherubims, thou art the God, even thou alone, of all the kingdoms of the earth; thou hast made heaven and earth. Lord, bow down thine ear, and hear: Open, Lord, thine eyes, and see: And hear the words of Sennacherib, which hath sent him to reproach the living God.” I know not whether, in the whole inspired volume, there be recorded another act of devotion which, taken in all its circumstances, is more solemn, striking and affecting than this. Here we behold the good man and the pious king making God his refuge and strong hold in the day of trouble. Menaced with the vengeance of his enemies, he hastens into the divine presence; he refers his cause to the common Father of men; he states his wrongs before the Judge of the whole earth; he implores aid from that Being in whose fight all nations are as the drop of the bucket, or the small dust of the balance. He pleads not his own merit or that of his people towards God; but he insinuates how much the honour of Jehovah himself was concerned in consequence of the reproaches and blasphemies of the enemy against him. Lord, bow down thine ear, and hear; open, Lord, thine eyes and see; and hear the words of Sennacherib, which hath sent him to reproach the living God.

With what unspeakable thankfulness, my brethren, should we reflect, that Hezekiah’s God is the professed object of our devotions—that we have been taught the good knowledge of this true and living God, and are allowed and encouraged to make him our resource and refuge under all our fears and dangers! How thankful too should we be, that instead of a French atheist or deist, the President of the United States is an exemplary Christian, who, like Hezekiah, hath called us into the house of God this day, that we may bring the cause of our injured and oppressed country before the great Ruler of the world, and by earnest, fervent supplication implore the interposition of his universal providence between us and our haughty and violent oppressors! They, like the Assyrian of old, are but the rod of his anger, and the staff in their hand is his indignation. It is He who hath sent them against an hypocritical nation and the people of his wrath. Through his permission they have been suffered to take the spoil and to take the prey, and to tread down many nations like the mire of the streets. In all this, they have been but the executors of the divine vengeance upon a guilty world. Howbeit they mean not so, neither doth their heart think so; but it is in their heart to cut off and destroy nations not a few—and with their hand to find as a nest the riches of the people; and as one gathereth eggs that are left, so they boast of having gathered all the earth, and having spread so general a terror, that there was none that moved the wing, or opened the mouth, or peeped.

Wherefore it shall come to pass, that when the Lord shall have performed his whole work of chastisement upon the nations, he will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the French republicans, and the glory of their high looks. He will make them to feel, that all their boasts are like that of the ax against him that heweth therewith, or of the saw against him that shaketh it, or of the rod against him that lifeth it up.

Hezekiah’s success at the throne of grace, should encourage and animate our devotions this day. God heard the prayer of his servant, noticed the letter which had been brought before him, and took upon himself the charge of thus answering the Assyrian tyrant: “I know thy abode, and thy going out, and thy coming in, and thy rage against me. Because thy rage against me, and thy tumult is come up into mine ears; therefore will I put my hook in thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by which thou camest.” So, O Lord God of Israel, let our enemies be turned back, disappointed and ashamed; and to thee shall be the glory!

AMEN.

Endnotes

¹ See Gifford’s answer to Erskine.

Sermon – Fasting – 1798

John Prince was the pastor of the First Church in Salem (1779-1836), and a witness to the Boston Tea Party. He preached the following sermon on May 9, 1798, the national day of fasting proclaimed by President John Adams.

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED AT

Salem,

ON THE DAY OF THE

NATIONAL FAST,

MAY 9, 1798;

APPOINTED BY

PRESIDENT ADAMS,

On account of the difficulties subsisting between the United States and France

BY JOHN PRINCE, L.L.D
Minister of the First Congregational Society in Salem

1 Timothy, ii. 1, 2, 3.

I exhort therefore that, first of all, supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks, be made for all men for kings, and for all that are in authority; that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour.

St. Paul, in these words, addressed to Timothy, a Christian minister, points out the duty of praying for civil magistrates; exhorts him to teach it to his hearers, and set an example of it in his own public performances. By the words “first of all,” he seems to consider it as an essential duty of Christians to pray “for all men;” and by “giving of thanks,” that Christians should feel interested in the happiness of their fellow men, and bear on their hearts and tongues a thankful remembrance and acknowledgment of God’s favours to them. They should consider mankind in the extensive view of brethren, deriving their existence from one common Parent, enjoying his common blessings, and living under his providential government. Having spoken of the duty generally, he proceeds to a particular description of characters to be prayed for: they should pray “for kings and all that are in authority;” that is for the supreme magistrate, and all inferior and subordinate officers who hole the power and authority of government under him. The whole civil government is to be the subject of prayers, supplications, and intercessions; that it may be justly and wisely administered so that all the people, who live under it, may “lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty.” Such effects of the administration of government will naturally make it the subject of thanksgiving : for the peaceable enjoyment of life and property, under the protection of good laws, is the greatest temporal blessing mankind can have.

As the gospel is designed to promote the happiness of man, both in this life and that which is to come, it furnishes him with such sentiments, and enjoins such duties on him, as are adapted to his present and future condition. While it teaches a spiritual obedience to Christ, with an ultimate view to his future, glorious kingdom, it also enjoins a temporal obedience to the civil magistrate, and the laws of society, as necessary to the present happiness of mankind.

CHRISTIANITY is friendly to all those social and civil institutions of men, which are calculated to promote their improvement and happiness, notwithstanding all that has been said by its enemies to bring it into disrepute and discredit, by representing it as a system of superstition, inimical to the true enjoyments of life: and I may add, notwithstanding all that has been done, by its mistaken friends, to force it upon unbelievers, by such cruel means as have betrayed the want of that humanity it so strongly recommends. This divine religion breathes the spirit of pure philanthropy, and inculcates the precepts of social life. It forbids no pleasure which can be innocently and safely pursued: it lays no restrictions but what are beneficial to men : and it cultivates to the highest degree that virtuous temper and conduct which are essential to the well being of society. ¹

But however excellent this system appears in itself, when examined apart from those absurd dogmas, which have at times been incorporated with its pure and benevolent doctrines, when separated from the erroneous and wicked conduct of some of its professors, it has never the less met with opposition. However well adapted its principles are to the real wants and condition of men, it has always had its enemies, who have opposed its progress in the world. These enemies have either been men who were “too wise in their own conceits” to relish the plainness and simplicity of the gospel; or too ignorant and weak to break over the pale of prejudice, and venture upon a new ground of faith; or such as were too corrupt and vicious to be pleased with the purity of its doctrines and precepts, and to submit to its restriction. Though this light has come into the world, some men love their own darkness rather than this light, because their deeds are evil. And as long as the eyes and actions of men are evil, they will neither look upon Christianity with pleasure, nor love its pure and holy precepts; but they will rather slander this religion, which condemns their principles and conduct.

When the Gospel was first preached by Christ and His apostles, mankind were sunk in the grossest corruption of error and wickedness; as St. Paul informs us in the beginning of his epistle to the Romans. Addressed to such men, it is not surprising that it meant with violent opposition from the prejudices of some and the wickedness of others, that it was early exposed to persecution; ant that attempts were made to crush it in its infancy. The enemies of Christianity have attempted this, by calumniating its doctrines, and charging it with false principles; and by ascribing other views and aims to its teachers than what they avowed. It was declared to be unfriendly to the civil institutions. The zealots of other religions endeavoured to prejudice the civil rulers against it, that they might use their power to destroy it. They insinuated, that its doctrines tended to subvert civil government to weaken the respect of men for their rulers, and sap the foundation of their authority. This art was early practiced by the insidious enemies of the gospel, to create alarms in the government against it, and excite opposition to it, and it has often been used since.

If we look back in the history of Christianity to the life of its blessed founder, the peaceable an pious Jesus, we shall see an artful snare laid by His enemies to betray Him into a treasonable conversation, in order to expose him to the jealousy and power of the Roman government. By the wisdom of his teaching, and the manner of his life, he had attracted the notice of the learned and unlearned of his own nation. The Jewish rulers saw that he was setting himself up as a leader of a new sect; that he supported his doctrines with irresistible arguments; exposed and condemned their errors and vices with boldness, and great plainness of speech. They were alarmed by his discourses, which unveiled to the multitude their corruption, wickedness and hypocrisy; and they sought to ruin him. When he delivered some parables, which the Pharasees supposed to be aimed at them, as a censure upon their profession and conduct they “went and took counsel together how they might entangle him in his talk.” They sent some of their disciples, with the Herodians, to propose such questions to him as might draw something from him that would expose him to the Roman government. These disciples began their attack in an insidious manner. They first paid him some flattering compliments upon his integrity and independence; observing, that he was not afraid to speak the truth, and declare his sentiments boldly. Then they put his question to him : “Tell us, what thinkest thou? Is it lawful to give tribute to Cesar, or not? But Jesus perceived their wickedness, and said, Why tempt ye me, ye hypocrites?” He requested to see the tribute money, and finding upon it the stamp of Cesars image, he said to them, “Render unto Cesar the things which are Cesar’s, and unto God the things that are God’s.” By this answer he avoided the snare that was laid for him’ shewed to the people he had no intention of opposing the civil government himself under which he live, or of exciting them to rebellion. On the contrary, he taught them submission in the payment of their taxes; that they ought to do such things as were necessary for the support of government, as well as those which related immediately to God. His enemies were confounded by his answer, and left him. But it shews, that he did not mean to intermeddle with the political affairs of the world at that time, or make any change in them by the exercise of his power, or encourage a spirit of revolt in the Jews. When they would have made him a king, he avoided the intended honour by retiring from them; and when he was requested by one to use his influence to procure the division of an estate, he answered, “Man, who made me a judge or a divider over you?” How false then was the accusation brought against him by his enemies before Pilate! “We found this fellow perverting the nation and forbidding to give tribute to Cesar; saying, that he himself is Christ, a king.” and how can it be said that Christianity is inimical to government, and seeks to establish and exalt itself upon its ruins? An abominable superstition, under its borrowed name may have aimed at this; but not the religion of Jesus Christ. His own preaching and example give the lie to the calumny.

If from the Gospel we turn to the writings of the apostles , we shall find the same disposition manifested with respect to civil government; the same exhortations to a compliance with the duties we owe to it. “let every soul be subject to the higher powers,” says the apostle Paul; “for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. For he (the ruler) is the minister of God to thee for good.” The apostle seems evidently to speak here of that government which is so constituted and administer as to promote the good of the governed; which is for the praise and encouragement of its good subjects, and the punishment of the bad. “Do that which is good,” says he, “and thou shalt have praise of the power; but if thou do that which is evil, be afraid.” Such “powers are ordained of God.” They are constituted for the happiness of mankind : and to such, Christianity teaches us a dutiful submission. “Render therefore to all their dues: tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honour to whom honour.”

The Gospel was set forth to the Jewish converts to Christianity as a “law of liberty,” because it freed them from the observance of the mosaical institutions, which were burdensome. These converts, or some mistaken men among them, might conclude, that by becoming Christians they were likewise exempt from obedience to the civil magistrate and were bound only by the institutions of Christ. This might occasion the apostles writing so explicitly on the subject of civil obedience. But whatever right they had as men to remonstrate against unjust and oppressive measures of government, or oppose tyranny, Christianity gave them no particular command to refuse obedience in matters merely civil. It forbad a compliance with the institutions respecting idol-worship, because this was incompatible with the worship of the true God: and no civil magistrate had a right to impose on any man the performance of an act so contrary to that religious service he owes to God, as his first duty. But in civil matters the apostles, after the example of their divine Master, often enjoined obedience to the ruling power; and taught Christians, that their coming under the authority of Christ, as their spiritual prince, did not destroy their allegiance to their temporal sovereign, nor cancel their obligations to obey his commands, in anything not contrary to the laws of God, which indeed had a prior claim upon them.

Thus we see that the Gospel of Christ is not the enemy of civil government; neither is it to any of those social institutions which are beneficial to man. It also enjoins the observance of all the social duties of life, which arise out to the relation of husband and wife, parent and child, master and servant, friend and neighbor; extending good will and good offices to all mankind.

I have been led to make these observations to you, my hearers, on Christianity, as it relates to social and civil life; because much has been said to vilify it, and represent it as unfriendly to it. I have noticed the conduct and arts of its enemies in former times, that you may compare them with the conduct of its present virulent opposers, and see their views. Do they tell you it is hostile to the rights of mankind; that it binds them in servitude, and denies them the real enjoyments of life; this is only to apologize for their own libertinism and licentiousness, and to make you as corrupt as themselves. Look to their conduct, and see what that liberty is they propose you should enjoy by its destruction. Look to the liberty which the gospel warrants you to exercise, and see if any thing beyond it can be indulged with safety to the common interest of society, to the virtue and happiness of mankind. Do these opposers of the Christian religion declare that it is inimical to a free and good government; and that it is the aid and engine of tyranny – if they mean by it a system of superstition which has adopted the name of Christianity, but discarded or violated its principles, it is not answerable for the abuse or the wickedness of that superstition. These have arisen from the corrupted heart of man, and not from Christianity, which is designed to correct that corruption – And it may be asked what do the enemies of Christianity propose in its stead, better, or so well, adapted to oppose that corruption, or guard mankind against its effects? Has the experiment, as far as it has been tried hitherto, by those who have discarded it, produced any more virtue, social order, and happiness, than the pure and unadulterated religion of Jesus Christ has, where this has been the rule of sincere faith and practice? I leave its enemies to answer. But whenever they decry this religion as set forth in the new testament by Christ and his apostles, declaring in to be inimical to good government, and the social enjoyments of life, you have, in your own experience, the confutation of the calumny, and just ground to mistrust their apparently good intentions towards you. Do they not mean by such insinuations to delude you with respect to their own political views and conduct – to lessen the energies of religion in support of a free and upright government, that you may not be “subject for conscience sake;” but that you may be more easily brought to submit to their domination; to that system of arbitrary power and universal dominion they are aiming to establish upon the ruins of religion and virtue? For who are the open and avowed opposers of Christianity? Are they not those men who are endeavouring to put down all rule and all authority in every nation, that their will and power alone may govern the world?

Upon this day then of humiliation and prayer let us pray for the preservation and continuance of our religious privileges; that the gospel may remain to us, and its sacred truths be our guide. It may be asked, are we in any danger of losing it? I answer, it has been attacked by men of the above description: And although the gospel has not been put down by absolute authority in the revolutionized countries, the same insidious arts have been used to prejudice mankind against it, as against the ancient government, to work the same ruin. The abuses of Christianity have been brought to criminate the gospel itself; and the sacred scriptures have been treated, not only with contempt, but with the vilest insult. The enemies of Christianity have succeeded too far elsewhere, by their insidious arts, not to create cautionary alarms in us. The means they use, though apparently weak, are powerful when aided by the corruption of the human heart, and the tempting pleasures of sensuality. If any means appear contemptible in a previous view, yet if they prove successful in the experiment, they become important if, the object be important they are used to effect. Ridicule may sometimes effect as much as argument. The habit of seeing any person or thing treated with contempt may reconcile us to more serious operations against it. It is thus the enemies of our government endeavor first to lessen our respect and esteem for our rulers, that they may ultimately, attack the government itself, and by a bolder hand destroy it; and thus they would by artful means weaken our attachments to religion that they may finally succeed in completely overthrowing it. We might be more alarmed if we saw the arm of power stretched forth to prevent the exercise of it: but if it be destroyed by any other means, the consequences may be as injurious to society in a religious view. And he that attempts to undermine the foundation of a beautiful building, and bring it to the ground in ruins, without touching it with his hands, is as much to be feared and guarded against, as he who would pull it to pieces by violence.

From these workers of underplot we are in danger, and we ought seriously to guard against them. We ought earnestly to pray to God, that the designs formed against our religion may not in any degree prevail; but that it may be preserved against insidious attacks, as well as open violence. And let us at the same time give thanks to God, that the light of the gospel still sheds its mild influence on us; that the word of God has free course among us to run and be glorified; that our bibles have not yet been sacrificed on the altars of infidelity nor our religious liberty overawed and restrained by the reign of licentiousness; ² but that the light of the gospel is still the light of our country to guide our feet in then way of peace and righteousness.

By what has been said, you may see how, as Christians, you are in duty bound to submit to the institution of government, and obey your civil rulers, when that government is so constituted and administered that you may lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty under it; and that you ought to pray for the continuance and exercise of it. This is the duty of every man who would cherish the hope in himself of entering into the glorious kingdom of Christ. For he that is restless, quarrelsome, and contentious, is not fit for that more perfect state of society, where love is the prevailing motive of action: he has not that peaceable and quiet spirit, which is necessary to make the kingdom of heaven a place of enjoyment an happiness to him.

I shall now endeavor to lay before you some observations, to shew that this duty of obedience to government is founded in the present constitution of things, and the nature of man, as well as in the word of God; that his command of civil obedience is to be read in the book of nature, as well as in that of revelation I shall take some notice of that condition of government which seems best adapted to promote the improvement and happiness of man, as arising out of his condition; and offer some observations on our present political circumstances, and the duty we are called to under them.

Man, though a rational being, in the rude state in which he is sometimes found, discovers but very little of the exercise of reason. His faculties lie dormant, undeveloped, and unimproved. From the local situation, or low state of society in which he lives, he reaps but a small portion of the advantages of social life. Compare the human being, whom we find in this situation, with one who has enjoyed, and well improved the highest advantages of society; but whose natural powers of mind are not stronger than the others; and how different shall we find them! They scarcely resemble each other except in form. The difference of mind, portrayed in their countenances, and discovered in their conduct, almost marks them as different orders of beings. Such a comparison will shew us the advantages of society, in a refined and improved state, in expanding the human mind, giving dignity to man, and opening the sources of enjoyment and happiness to him. By living in well regulated society, man finds personal protection from the base and selfish principles and passions which are sometimes predominate in the human breast: he finds a stronger stimulus for genius in the greater rewards for his exertions and labour: he finds he may be more happy in himself, by the indulgence of his social affections, and more extensively useful to his fellow men; enjoy more of the bounties of his Creator, and glorify him by more refined sentiments and obedience, than in an uncultivated state of solitude. It is evident from these considerations that man was intended by his Maker to live in a state of society; that it is a duty enjoined on him by the nature of his constitution to associate with his fellow men, and live with them under such laws and regulations as appear best adapted to answer the purposes of his being. He is bound to cultivate the social life, by which his own dignity, usefulness and happiness are increased, and that of his fellow men. It is a duty enjoined upon him by the Author of his being, who requires of him the cultivation of his talents in that manner which will best promote his own interest and happiness, in connection with that of other men. He is not left to his own choice: he cannot follow the bent of his inclinations uncontrolled by reason, uninfluenced by the common good of others, and live by prey and rapine, if he would. The laws of society will bind him to order; and they are the laws of God, who has ordained this order for the benefit of this creature man. We ought to suppose every institution to come from God, either immediately or mediately, which promotes the improvement of man as a rational being, and best increases and secures his happiness.

For the due regulation of social life, and that men may reap the greater advantages from associating together, it is necessary that rules and laws should be formed for the government of the several members of the society; and that they should be such as will best promote the common interest of those who have associated together. This social compact is founded upon the natural right which every man has to preserve his life and property from violence4 and depredation. As all men are not wise, just and benevolent; as all men are not equal in bodily strength, and no individual is capable of resisting the united efforts of many against his life and property, they must associate for mutual protection that the weak, as well as the strong may be secured against the injustice, cruelty, arbitrary will and power of any individual, or any banditti combined to prey upon others, for these purposes of defense and protection, the great body of the people unite themselves in a large society, and create a power, to be exercised for their benefit, which shall be superior to any power that may arise within the society to injure any of its members. A constitution is first formed, the principles of which are founded on the natural rights of man; that is, the right of personal liberty and protection; the rights of conscience in matters of religion; and the right of peaceably enjoying all the temporal blessings of this life, which he can acquire in a state of society without injuring the right of personal liberty and protection; the rights of conscience in matters of religion; and the right of peaceably enjoying all the temporal blessings of this life, which he can acquire in a state of society without injuring the rights of others. To ensure these blessings of a free constitution founded on the condition and necessities of human nature, persons of wisdom and integrity are chosen from among the body of the people to frame such laws and regulations, upon the principles of the constitution, as shall best answer the purposes expressed in it. Persons thus elected are the representative s of the people at large. They are clothed with authority by them, to act in their stead in making laws for the government of the community’ and the people bind themselves to the observance of their institutions. That there may be no abuse of the powers committed to the legislative body, in a wise and well-constructed constitution, this body is divided, and so invested with separate powers as to make each part a check upon the other. Both are chosen by the people, and derive their powers from them. That there may be no coalition between the two branches, to usurp an un-delegated power, and deprive the people of their rights and liberties, it is required then that these legislators should hold a certain property in the community, and be interested in the public welfare; that their power should not be of long duration; that they should be chosen for a short period of time, and then return to the mass of the people again, that they may be equally affected with their constituents by their own laws. As it is impossible that the great body of the people should assemble to make their own laws, so it is that they should see them executed. Other persons are therefore chosen and invested with executive powers to see them faithfully observed and put into execution. Experience has taught mankind, that this executive power is exercised much better, and with more safety to the people, when placed in the hands of an individual, than when committed to several persons. For the man will always feel himself more responsible for the duties of any office committed solely to him, than if others are concerned with him in the exercise of it. That this officer, high in power, may not be tempted to abuse his trust, he is not only subject to the laws himself while he governs the community, but he is appointed for a short period of time only. He then returns and mixes with the mass again, either to enjoy the good, or suffer the evil, consequences of his administration.

Such a system of government cannot be capable of much abuse, or great danger to the liberties of the people. It appears to the most free and perfect system that can be devised for man in this state of his existence; best adapted to the security of his rights, and the enjoyment of the blessings of society. It gives every latitude to man, which he can and ought to possess, considering the rights of others. It secures to him every object he might acquire, even if the disregarded the rights of others, which can contribute to the improvement and happiness of his life, taking the whole of his existence into view. For no man can advance his own happiness, by deviating from that line of conduct God has marked out for him. And as God has so constituted man as to make the greatest improvement in a state of society, he cannot advance his own happiness ultimately, without respecting the rights of others, as well as his own; without living in the observance of those laws which are appointed for the protection and benefit of all. We often see many inconveniences, and much unhappiness, arising to those who violate the trust reposed in them in the offices of government. And it is certain, that usurpers lose more in the end than they can gain by usurpation and the abuse of power.

A good and righteous government, founded in equity and administered with justice and impartiality, is one of the greatest blessings of human life, and without it few of them can be enjoyed by the community at large.

From what has been said on the nature and condition of man and his improvement, it is evident he was made for social life; and that state of society will best advance his improvement and happiness, which affords the best security to life and property, the best means of expanding his faculties, and the best encouragement is to industry, by securing to him the fruits of his labour. To such a government every man, who is so fortunate as to live under it, is indispensably bound to yield obedience; to respect the sovereign power of it, and submit to its lawful authority and commands.

“As society, by the dispensation of God’s providence is necessary to mankind, and government is necessary for the preservation of society; so is sovereign power necessary to support government; and therefore sovereign power is established by the general providence of God; consequently submission to it is enjoined by the same providence. Obedience then to sovereign human civil or temporal power or authority, is commanded by God, and becomes of course a conscientious duty of man. There is no express command or precept of god to vest it in any particular person or persons; but the existence of civil authority, and consequently the conscientious obligation of submitting to it, when lawfully exercised, is substantially, and in effect enjoined by those general laws, which God has instituted for the preservation of the moral order of mankind, and which are therefore indispensably and uniformly binding upon every human individual, whatever be his station in the community of which he is a member.

“It was but in the special instance of the Jewish nation, that God selected a particular or chosen people or community, to whom he gave particular laws and particular rules. This formed a theocracy, or a form of government immediately appointed by God; and it lasted for a limited period. All the rest of mankind were left to their free liberty, to form themselves into whatever communities or societies they chose, and to delegate the sovereignty of human or temporal power and authority to whomsoever, and in whatever manner, they should find it reasonable and agreeable. Hence has arisen the endless variety of forms and modes of government through the succession of all ages to the present.” ³ Some nations have chosen that of monarchy, in which the sovereign power is made hereditary; and others, that of republicanism, in which the sovereignty is often changed, and passes into different hands at short periods of time.

Without going into the merits or demerits of the former, let it be observed, that the government under which we live is of the latter kind. It is republicanism. It is a government we have chosen ourselves and is that above describe. It is formed upon the broad basis of civil and religious liberty, in which a man may enjoy all those blessings which a state of society can give; all that freedom of action which is consistent with the laws of God and the rights of others. The laws by which we are governed may be said to have originated from ourselves; for we choose the makers of them. The sovereign power for their execution is delegated to the chief magistrate by ourselves. He is chosen from among the people, and we declare in the constitution how we will be governed by him. Can anything be more free than such a government as this? Can any better protect the rights and liberty of the subject? Or could one more democratic have any energy at all? The people at large have chosen this government after deliberate consideration, it has become binding upon them, and their duty and interest go together. In a comparative view with other governments, we are a fortunate, a happy people. For no government on earth is so free, and well calculated to make wise and virtuous men happy; and no people ever enjoyed so much freedom, prosperity and happiness, in so short a period of time, as we have since its establishment. But let it be remembered, that knowledge and virtue in the people are absolutely necessary to the existence of a government so free as our own.

As it was originally founded upon the theory of human nature and civil society, and the experience drawn from other nations and governments, so the practice of it has justified the choice, and shewn it to be a wise and valuable institution. Having been adopted by us, and put into exercise, it has become, in one sense, the law and institution of God; and every individual of the community is conscientiously bound to obey it. Every wise and virtuous man will prize it as one of the most valuable gifts of God, and offer up his supplications, prayers and intercessions, with thanksgiving, for it; for its chief magistrate, and all who are in authority in this government; “that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.” Under their administration of it. the great end and object of government is, that men may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness; that is in the exercise of religious and pious duties, undisturbed by the persecutions of wicked men: and in all honesty; that is in the exercise of integrity and justice, reciprocally performed towards each other. For such a government every man should pray; and, in the possession and enjoyment of it give thanks.

From the several recommendations in scripture, by our Saviour and his apostles, of submission to temporal government, the doctrine of passive obedience and nonresistance to any government, however corrupt, iniquitous and oppressive, however established by usurpation and tyrannical means, has been held up and taught by some Christians to its fullest extent.

We cannot go into the full consideration of this doctrine at present. Suffice to say, that god ordained government for the good of mankind, to prevent the evils of anarchy, the evils of uncontrolled passions; to protect the live and prosperity of mankind, and promote their rational improvement and happiness. But when, through the corruption of rulers, and their abuse of constitutional powers, the government is changed, and these benefits cease to result from their administration; the people at large are debased and rendered miserable; their lives insecure, their religious rights of conscience invaded, their property torn from them till they are reduced to poverty, to pamper corruption, and promote and extend vice, can it be said that this the ordinance of God? – the government to which he commands his rational creatures to submit? – in which neither godliness or honesty is seen among the rulers? – and in which there is no such ting as enjoying a quiet and peaceable life? Can it be a question, whether in this case the body of the people have a right to say to such corrupt, unfaithful men, “We will not have you any longer to rule over us?” They undoubtedly have a right to say it. The only difficulty lies in exercising that right in such a cool, deliberate and wise manner as shall remove the evils they suffer; with that wisdom and discretion which shall regain the blessings they have lost, or have a right to enjoy; which shall guard against the evils of anarchy, and a mere change of matters without any relief from suffering; and shall establish them in freedom, and the enjoyment of the privileges and blessings of social life.

The revolutions in government which have recently taken place, and are now in motion, in the European world, hitherto afford melancholy proofs, that the great body of the people who do not always gain the end at which they aim by them. We have hitherto seen little more than a change of men, without any change of measures beneficial to the people at large. They still groan under burdens and oppressions; and are not allowed to complain under their present rulers, any more than when they were under the power of those who were formerly denominated their tyrants. The rights of conscience are not better respected; their lives and property are not more secure. If they suffered before under military despotism, they do not appear to suffer less under the new-formed governments, which are evidently controlled by military force. If the former constitutions were arbitrary and tyrannical, what benefits of freedom have hitherto resulted from exercise of those set up in their stead? If their former rulers abused their powers, and, being armed with military strength, committed acts of despotism on their subjects; if they seized, imprisoned and banished with trial, not merely the private citizen, but the public officers when in the exercise of their constitutional duty, have not the present rulers done as much, in some nations, which have been revolutionized, in violation of the freedom of the subject, and the new constitutions? And if the revolutionary rulers of the great nation in Europe, which began the reform of government, have shewn no more respect for the rights of their own people, could it be supposed they would respect the rights of foreign nations where they have sent their armies to carry on the work of political reformation? Have they done it, even to nations at peace with them? But supposing they had given freedom to their own nation, and that the people of France were now in the full exercise of those privileges named in the constitution they have adopted, where is the spirit of universal philanthropy with which they set out to meliorate the condition of other nations? Has it evaporated in experiment! Or is it smothered by success, and stifled by the lust of power, ambition and avarice? Or did it never exist! Was it the mere art of delusion which spoke to the oppressed nations this language of philanthropy and freedom? – “People of Italy, the French army comes to break your chains; the French people are the friends of all people: come with confidence to them; your property, religion, and customs, shall be respected. We make war as generous enemies and wish only to make war against the tyrants who oppress you.”⁴ This was the language held out to the oppressed by these deliverers of mankind! Compare this language with their conduct when conquerors; and look at the situation of the people they had addressed with so much comparison, after their old chains were broken, and their masters subdued. Has not the whole mass of the people been included in the fruits of the conquest? – severe requisitions and contributions levied upon them at large, and collected at the point of the bayonet? Have their “property, religion, and customs been respected: by the “generous enemy?” How have the conquerors then their friendship? What has been done to beget “confidence in them?” What is their language to the same people they pitied so much before, when they had conquered “the tyrants who oppressed” them? “Remember,” says the “generous enemy,” you are altogether a conquered country; I am here the legislative power, and your heads shall fall at the least trouble or disorder of which you shall be the authors.” ⁵ And have they not been as vindictive in punishing any provoked offences, or oppression that has been made to their arbitrary mandates, as any despot against whom they so loudly exclaim? Have they not made as many exactions from the people whom they came to deliver, as their former masters ever did? Have they in any instance, after crushing the former government, generously withdrawn their military force, and left the people at liberty to establish a free constitution by themselves? Have they not dictated in every government, and controlled the wishes of every people, where the ancient order of things has been destroyed? Have not the rulers of the “friendly nation” sold a whole people whom they first delivered from their ancient tyrants, to a despot, against whose arbitrary power they have said so much; whose arms they have so long opposed in the “cause of freedom,” as they term their own? Yet, to accommodate their own convenience (not from necessity) have not they, who style themselves “the friends of all people,” sacrificed the rights of a neutral nation, and delivered this people over, without their consent, into the hands of a despot, to use them as he pleases? I s it thus they give liberty and free government to other nations? If this has been the conduct of the “friendly nation,” what does it in fact differ from the former despotism? How is the condition of the people meliorated by the change? How have the conquerors proved the truth of this friendly declaration, with infatuated and lulled the people as a charm? – “We war not against you, but against the tyrants who oppress you!” And is it not a fact, that while this republic has expressed such pointed disapprobation of kings and despots, she has overturned the governments of most of the republics where she came; but has allowed the hereditary sovereigns (tyrants, as she styles kings and princes) to remain – permitted them to purchase a continuance of their power, and a license to oppress, if she may share in the profits of the oppression? For the price of toleration for all the thrones which remain in the conquered countries must ultimately be paid by the people. Consequently the people are not only burdened to support their former masters, but to pay for their masters’ privilege of keeping them in subjection. And as it was under the ancient conquerors, when the sovereigns of the countries they subdued were obliged to oppress their subjects more heavily to pay the exactions of their conquerors, so it is now; and the new republic seems to be expressing her friendship to the nations she has conquered by the largeness of her requisitions. Are then the supreme rulers of this republic so inimical to kings as to their people? Do they not assume as much haughtiness as any despot? Do they not use as high-swelling language in speaking of their own power, and dictating the submission of all others to it, as any monarch? ⁶ And do not the rulers of this republic already claim homage from other independent nations – insult and treat with contempt their sovereignty – trample upon their rights, and evidently aim at universal power and dominion? Where then is the difference between the ancient and former state of things, as it respects the liberty and enjoyments of mankind, in any government they have changed? Is there any difference, except in name, between the power which now oppresses the people, and did then? The only discernible difference is, the greater extension of this power in its oppressive effects; in calling tyranny by another name, and decoying mankind within its grasp by the specious pretension to philanthropy. But where the government is tyrannical, whether it be monarchical or republican, it is never worthwhile to quarrel about names. Mankind cannot always be deceived by them, and put up with the imposition of tyranny under the name of liberty. Their eyes begin to be opened. And where this subtle serpent has entwined itself, the people feel the baneful influence of its poison, and lament its depredations. But unhappily they at first allowed its charm to prevail, and lull them in security, till it got them within its folds; and now it has inserted its fangs so deeply, they cannot escape from its fatal embrace.

Let their fate be a warning to others, and their sufferings a stimulus to guard those, who are not yet in its power, against the danger of its fascination, which prepares the way for inevitable destruction.

I have been led to make the foregoing observations on the necessity, nature and end of government, and upon the principles of our own, that seeing it is calculated to promote our improvement and happiness, and is therefore become the ordinance of God to us, we may, from a sense of duty to him, and benefit to ourselves, feel our obligations to obey it; that upon this day, set apart by civil authority to humble ourselves before God, and implore his blessing upon our government, we may recollect our situation, and our duty, as good subjects; recognize the blessings we enjoy under our happy constitution with thankful hearts, and offer up our prayers to God for their continuance.

Let us contrast our misconduct with the blessings we have enjoyed, that the sense of our unworthiness and ingratitude may impress deeper humiliation. May a sense of the dangers which hang over us lead us to repentance, and fervent prayer, that God may turn from us these tokens of his anger, and cause us more highly to esteem and improve, in future, his spiritual and temporal blessings.

And let us pray, that God will continue to us our freedom and our constitutions of government; as well that of the state as that of the union; preserve them in purity, both in their principles and administration; and that all who are called into public office may be men of religion and virtue, of true patriotism and inflexible integrity.

Let us comply with the exhortation in the text, to pray for all that are in authority, and for the prosperity of our government. A sense of our obligations to do this, as Christians, will make the duty of obedience more binding upon us. Our sincere and earnest prayers, “that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty,” under it, will lead us to attend to those things, which will preserve peace and quietness among ourselves: the greatest requisites to which are, reverence for God, and love for our fellow men; the exercise of pious duties, and the practice of that “righteousness which exalteth a nation.”

By praying for our rulers, we shall cultivate a due reverence and regard for them. They are called to the arduous task of conducting the affairs of our government : and while they are found faithfully in the administration, in governing according to the principles of the constitution, and the laws enacted under it, they highly merit our esteem, our approbation and praise. In such a government as this, where the power primarily resides in the people, and is delegated to the officers of government only for a short time, a cheerful assent to the measures which their wisdom shall direct, confidence in their integrity, a unity of sentiment among ourselves, and co-operation with them, are absolutely necessary to give strength and energy to the government, force to its laws, and respect to its administration. This countenance and support we must give to it, if we expect it to answer the design of its institution, in protecting our lives, liberty and property, and securing to us the blessings of civil society.

In this discourse I have also been led to the painful task of calling your attention, my hearers, to the great and important revolutions in governments which have recently taken place in other nations, and which are now in operation in the European world; because from our connection with some of those nations we are in danger of suffering by the violence of their agitations. Painful indeed has the task been to me to call up to your view the errors, or misconduct, of that nation which began so well the work of political reformation, and which set out with such philanthropic principles to benefit mankind. While those principles appeared to govern, and those virtuous and patriotic men conducted the business, who first undertook it, every true patriot, every lover of mankind, might wish them Godspeed; and the inhabitants of this country rejoiced in their success. But when we see those men driven from the stage of action, or destroyed by the violence of others, who have abandoned those first principles, and assumed a different conduct; when we see that the benefits expected do not result from the revolution; the liberties of other nations attacked, and our own menaced, is it not the duty which every man owes to his country, to point out the danger arising from such conduct, and call the attention of his fellow citizens to it? The warning voice has reached our ears from the seat of government. OUR CHIEF MAGISTRATE has called us to consider our danger and our duty; declaring that we are “placed in a hazardous and afflictive situation, by the unfriendly disposition, conduct and demands of a foreign power, evinced by repeated refusals to receive our messengers of reconciliation and peace, by depredations on our commerce, and infliction of injuries on very many of our fellow citizens.” We have seen the ground on which this danger is stated to us by the Executive. We see, in part, the evil designs which that foreign power has formed against us, in the dispatches from our Envoys, and on what it builds its prospect of success. It is on its “diplomatic skill” in sowing the seeds of discord among us, and dividing the people from their rulers; by creating jealousies and mistrust in our minds, and thereby weakening the energies of our government, and rendering us defenseless against their bolder attacks. Thus they would prepare us for the same impositions they have laid on other neutral nations. They wish to conquer us by their arts, as they have others by their arms; that our government may be under their control, and our property under their requisition. This they have done to others, and thus they threaten us. It is only as a warning against their evil designs I have called up their conduct towards other nations to your view, that their example may be a beacon to us. We must be on the watch against this evil, to prevent its nearer approaches: for it has already come too nigh to us for our quietude and safety. We must be firmly united among ourselves, to prevent its stealing further upon us: for it comes in an insidious way; and, if we are not well guarded, it will seize us before we are aware of it. It has not, till lately, approached us with the bold menace of an enemy; but has been stealing upon our hearts with the kisses of an Absalom, who weaned the affections of his father’s subjects from him and excited them to rebellion against him, by making unjust representations of his government, and pretending to be their better friend.

But while we have the privilege of choosing our own rulers, and changing them at short periods, we cannot be in danger of tyranny from them, if we adhere to the rules of our constitution. While we choose them from among the most wise and virtuous of our citizens, we ought to believe them capable of conducting our political affairs aright; and not be jealous of them, and mistrust their wisdom and integrity, without any good evidence of their folly and unfaithfulness in the administration of government. While they govern according to the rules of our constitution, they merit our confidence, and are entitled to our obedience and support; and it is the duty of every man to give it to them.

We ought also to consider how great the task of government is, to those men who are placed in the first offices of it; that the pecuniary rewards in our government are small, compared with the labour and anxiety they undergo; and that they deserve our commendation, and not our censure, when they do well. And we ought to consider them as doing well, when they adhere to the rules of the constitution; and when we prosper under their administration, unless our prosperity be in interrupted by others, over whom they have no control; which can be no fault of our rulers. It is discouraging to able and virtuous men, to undertake the administration of our government – men who could live more at their ease, or gain greater pecuniary rewards for their labour, in private life, without the hazard of reputation, if they must be exposed to unjust censure an calumny; be traduced in their characters, as guilty of hypocrisy; of entertaining the vilest views of ambition, and sacrificing the honour and interest of the community to personal emolument, without foundation. When they have had repeated and continual, slander thrown upon them, in some public papers, but have been able to vindicate their administration by the rules of the constitution, and justify their measures by circumstances existing at the time, notwithstanding which there is no relaxation of abuse, and some of it of the meanest and vilest kind; should we not mistrust the purity of the fountain from whence it flows, and the patriotic intentions of those who make such free use of it Some men, through ignorance, or mistaken zeal, may be honest in their intentions, and think they are doing “God service” by it. But those political intriguers, who have long since discarded a belief of His agency in the affairs of this world, well know how to make use of that zeal and political ignorance to carry on their views against the government. They know, that the power of republican governments resides in the people. To destroy that government, they must weaken the power by dividing the people. And they have spared no pains, and left no measures untried, to do it. But when such men as a WASHINGTON and an ADAMS cannot be trusted with the limited powers of our constitution, and escape censure and calumny – men, who had been so long and faithfully tried in the cause of our country, previous to their appointment to the office of chief magistrate, who had given such evidence of their wisdom, integrity and patriotism, where shall we find men whom we can trust, and who will not be slandered? – where shall we look among all our citizens for characters of more integrity and wisdom? – who can have higher pretensions to our confidence, can give better security for a faithful administration of government, or whose real merit can better turn aside the shafts of calumny, and prevent its malignity on the government? If such men be not worthy of your confidence, we are hopeless indeed. And when we become so corrupt, or so much the dupes of artifice, as to discard and change these for their opposers, we may expect our constitution will be changed also. Or, one which we have as an example before our eyes, it may exist in name, but will not protect us from confiscations and banishment without trial by Jury – that boasted of right freemen, that palladium of liberty. Then we may expect to see in the administration, a chief magistrate who will address us in such language as this: “I leave you the liberty of your republic,” but “I will compose for you a legislative body of wise and honest men!!” ⁷

To such a construction of liberty, who of us will consent? And if the same be meant by wise and honest men, under such a free government who of us would choose to live, while we can enjoy our own? That we may continue to enjoy it, let us guard against every art and design formed against it; adhere to its principles, and live in the practice of all social and political virtue, and in the exercise of all pious and moral duties. Then may we put our trust in God, and look to him for deliverance in all times of danger. And we have reason, from our past experience, to put our trust in him. How often has he delivered us when in imminent danger? In the early stage of our struggle for liberty, when the enemy bore down all opposition, and spread himself like a torrent through the country; when despair was in almost every countenance, how did he inspire the illustrious WASHINGTON to attempt the scene at Trenton, and turn the scale of victory in our favour, with a few men; – like Jonathan, who, with his armor bearer, smote the host of the Philistines, because the hand of the Lord was with him! When an army from the north poured in upon us, and threatened our destruction, and we saw no adequate means of stopping its progress, how did he put his hook into the nose of this enemy, and deliver him into our hands, in a very unexpected manner! When the treachery of an Arnold endangered our country, and the capture of our military chief, in what a remarkable manner was that conspiracy detected and defeated! The atheist may look to natural causes for these events, and rest in them. I do not presume to say, they were effected by miracles. We saw the natural means which were used to produce them. But who could foresee, or did, that such means were adequate to such effects? The wisest atheist, and the profoundest politician, could not have conjectured that some of these events could have been brought about by such means. They were like the arrow from the bow drawn at a venture; which was directed by the HAND OF PROVIDENCE through the joints of the harness, to effect the death of the king of Israel, according to prophesy. God often effected great things for us by small mean in the course of our revolution. He has done much to shew us (if we had not been convicted before) that an INTELLIGENT BEING governs the world; – “that the MOST HIGH rules in the kingdoms of men.” And what he has done for us is sufficient to confirm our trust in him, and lead us still to hope in his goodness. Let us be humble, repent, and be virtuous, and we may rely on his protection; that he will preserve us as an Independent people. As we see how he formerly rescued us when in imminent danger, so we may consider the discoveries made at this critical period, of the “unfriendly disposition” of the rulers of that nation with whom we have been so intimately connected, in some measure, as the act of His Providence; and that he means to save us.

But we must still work by the means he has given us. We must have confidence in our own rulers, and use our own strength for defense. By trusting to their wisdom and information, and putting confidence in them, we shall have nothing to fear from the foreign influence of the rulers of any nation who may wish to convert us to their own use. By unanimity among ourselves, in the determination to support our own government, we need not fear the success of any foreign power against us. Let us avoid all party spirit and contention; treat each other with mildness in the discussion; and be of one mind with regard to our government, THAT WE WILL OPPOSE ALL FOREIGN INFLUENCE AND INNOVATION IN IT. Let us not be actuated by the spirit of jealousy. In whatever instances our own public interest coincides with that of any other nation, let us not think that our rulers are governed by an undue partiality to that nation, to the prejudice of any other, because they pursue those measures which will promote our own. But rather let us think they are faithful to the4 trust reposed in them, and act wisely; that they act upon better information than we have, are the best judges of what ought to be done, and what will best secure our rights and privileges, and promote our national prosperity and happiness. With this confidence in them, and unanimity among ourselves, let us earnestly pray for the government of our own nation, and of all others, that they may be so formed and administered, that all men “may lead quiet and peaceable lives” under their administration, “in all godliness and honesty: for” such effusions of the heart, accompanied with corresponding actions, are “good and acceptable in the sight of God our savior.”

AMEN

Endnotes

¹ This and a few other paragraphs were not delivered from the pulpit; but it has been desired the whole might be printed.

² We have an account, in the relation of the siege of Lyons, that a large concourse of people on the Lord’s day suspended the old and new testament to the tail of an ass; and forming a mock procession, led him through the streets to a square, where they threw the bible into the fire prepared for the purpose, and made the ass drink out of the sacramental cup, in derision of Christianity.

³ Plowden’s Church and State, p. 24.

⁴ See Buonaparte’s speech to his army before Milan, April 26, 1796.

⁵ Buonaparte’s answer to the deputation of Milan.

⁶ The monarch may gather his pride or haughtiness from the greatness of the nation over which he reigns; but perhaps it may be said, that the rulers of this republic only assume a tone of language, which becomes the dignity of the great people over whom they preside. But republicans should not find fault with the haughtiness of monarchs, and assume as much themselves. If it be improper in the former, it does not better become the republican character. If haughtiness be the evidence of a little mind in an individual, it never can add to the dignity of the rulers of a great nation. Such language is too often the effusion of the heart; and, where it is indulged, is very apt to cherish and encourage impositions in arbitrary and tyrannical actions.

⁷ See Buonaparte’s speech to the deputation of the city of Milan.

Sermon – Fasting – 1798, Massachusetts

David Tappan (1752-1803) was a minister from Massachusetts. He graduated from Harvard in 1772 and was a pastor of a church in Newbury (1774-1792). Tappan was a professor of divinity at Harvard from 1792 through his death.

This sermon was preached on this statewide fast day as a result of a proclamation by Governor Increase Sumner. The text of this sermon has been updated to reflect modern spelling and grammar.

Discourse

Delivered to the Religious Society
In
Brattle-Street, Boston,
And
To the Christian Congregation
In
Charlestown,
On April 5, 1798.

Being the Day of the Annual Fast
In the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

By David Tappan.

PROVERBS XIV. 34.

RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION; BUT SIN IS A REPROACH TO ANY PEOPLE.

To point out the political springs, the merely natural and secondary causes of national exaltation and depression, is the peculiar province of the historian and the statesman. To trace each of these effects to its moral source, or to display the important influence of virtue and vice in their several forms on the social as well as personal condition of man, is the part of the ethical philosopher, especially of the public religious instructor. To such moral reflections we are invited by the words just read, and by the solemn occasion of this day. For as the true spirit of a public Fast implies a general contrition for past offences and produces future reformation and obedience; so the text urges this pious sorrow and amendment by declaring their utility, yea, indispensible necessity to national happiness. RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION; BUT SIN IS A REPROACH TO ANY PEOPLE.

I shall not detain you with critical remarks on the word RIGHTEOUSNESS in its various scriptural acceptations. It is sufficient to observe that as it here stands opposed to sin, it must be understood in an equal latitude; and must, therefore, comprehend the whole of virtue as it respects God, our neighbor, and ourselves. A truly righteous or just character must, in the view both of reason and revelation, imply supreme love to God and impartial benevolence to man, expressed in a sober, charitable, and godly life. When the Bible designates the various dispositions and offices both of piety and morality by the single character of justice or righteousness, it strongly imports that vital religion in all it is but the payment of a just debt or the conformity of our exercises to truth and right. When it is here predicated of righteousness or religious goodness that it exalteth a nation; the general idea is that it invariably tends to national honor and prosperity and in the ordinary course of things will ultimately secure them. When it is affirmed, on the other hand, that sin is a reproach to any people; the meaning is that every species of irreligion and vice contributes, either directly or remotely, to disgrace, enfeeble, and destroy a community.

The words then, in concurrence with the present solemnity, call our attention to the intimate and solemn connection between the moral character and the general condition of political bodies, especially of Republican Communities like ours.

The opposite effects of righteousness and sin upon civil society may be argued in the FIRST PLACE from the nature of things, or the essential tendencies of virtue and vice.

To place this topic of argument in a clear and strong light, let us distinctly attend to the principal braches of holiness and sin and trace the particular influence of each on the character and state of society.

The first branch of virtue is piety, or suitable regard to GOD. A steady belief, a commanding impression of an invisible Almighty Lawgiver and Judge, diffused through a community may be compared to the vital heat or the enlivening spirits which pervade and animate the human body, supporting and recruiting its various powers of action and enjoyment. This awful and affectionate sense of a Supreme Being lays the strongest bond to fidelity on every member of the public body; for it seizes his conscience, his inmost feelings and springs of action; it sensibly places his whole conduct, with its most secret motives, before the piercing eye of omniscient purity. What force must this have to restrain, yea, to extinguish those numerous lusts and vices, and to encourage and invigorate those multiplied dispositions and offices of virtue which human laws can neither define, inspect, nor reward! How must it disarm those temptations and discouragements which attend the faithful discharge of duty, especially in the higher departments of society! What meaning and efficacy must it give to an Oath, that great hinge of social order, justice, and security! A prevailing principle of piety effectually secures the practice of all those virtues which nourish and adorn a community; it constrains to universal goodness by a view of the perfect character and law, of the present and everlasting favor or displeasure of an infinite Being. – But when this regard to God and a future retribution declines in the avowed principles or reigning manners of a people; when speculative or practical atheism or infidelity is a prominent feature in the public countenance; when the ceremonies of religious worship in the family and the church are lightly esteemed, coldly performed, or entirely neglected; or when these sacred rites are profanely used to cover, to expiate, or to promote worldly and iniquitous designs; such prevailing impiety has a most baneful influence on social order and happiness. It not only argues a high degree of national depravity but it undermines the interests of moral virtue and opens the floodgates to every brutal excess, to every outrageous and destructive vice. If all sense of religion were erased from the human mind, no tie would be left to bind men to regular behavior in society except the fear of legal penalties or of present inconveniencies; and the terror of these would be unspeakably abated. Even capital punishments would, in a great measure, lose their salutary effect if men, with some modern political reformers, regarded death merely as a momentary pang or an endless repose from the toils and inquietudes of the present state. If religious principles were set aside, the most despotic forms of government, the severest laws, the most dreadful tortures would be absolutely necessary and at the same time insufficient to restrain the commission of crimes or to preserve a tolerable degree of order in the societies of men. It is owing, my brethren, to the secret influence of religion that we in this country can safely and advantageously enjoy a free constitution, a mild and liberal administration of civil government. It is this influence which supplies the unavoidable defects of the best political institutions and measures. It is this which softens their rigor and at once enforces and sweetens their observance.

We may even venture to affirm that absurd, superstitious, yea, idolatrous systems of religion are far better both for communities and individuals than avowed impiety and atheism. For though the former operate in numberless ways to debase and injure mankind; yet the mixture of religious and moral truth contained in them exerts on the human character a salutary influence which overbalances the contrary evils. But absolute infidelity, while it robs society of this needful and beneficial influence, leaves nothing in its room but unrestrained license, disorder, and misery. It may, indeed, substitute in place of religion the boasted spirit of philosophy and liberty, of patriotism and philanthropy; the desire of personal safety and honor, combined with the love of national glory. But these principles, not enlightened, strengthened, and controlled by religion are very feeble, uncertain, and capricious both in restraining and prompting human actions. Perverted and stimulated by the evil genius of infidelity, they are in danger of destroying that social virtue and happiness which they affect to guard and promote.

I cannot forbear adding, if a false system of religion has a far better aspect on the public welfare than impiety, how great must be the beneficent influence of a religion wholly pure and divine! Figure to yourselves a community, all whose members are steadily pious and devout upon evangelical principles. Suppose their hearts constantly to feel and cherish that reverential love and gratitude, submission and confidence towards the GOD AND FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST which correspond to the majestic and endearing display of His perfections in the person, doctrine, and redemption of this Son, and which the promised influences of His Spirit are designed to produce, to strengthen, and exalt. Suppose this inward piety daily expressed and improved by secret, domestic, and public offices of devotion and uniformly influencing the temper and conduct of it subjects. I ask, must not the effects of such elevated piety on the public interest be indescribably happy? Must not those noble and commanding principles which are implied in filial veneration of the SUPREME PARENT AND RULER; a sacred ambition to resemble and to please Him by imitating and obeying His glorious and beloved Son and by promoting the virtue and happiness of His rational family; an awful respect to His sovereign authority, His righteous commands, and His final retribution; must not these principles effectually restrain all classes of society from injuring the general peace and prosperity? Will they not give birth to the most mild and equal laws, to the most paternal and beneficent administration of the public concerns, to the most grateful submission and vigorous concurrence on the part of the people? Will not the best abilities and efforts of all the citizens be conscientiously devoted to one object, the advancement of the common good? – But this directly introduces

THE SECOND GREAT BRANCH OF RIGHTEOUSNESS, VIZ. SOCIAL VIRTUE or proper expressions of benevolence towards man.

This part of moral duty is intimately connected with the preceding. The man of religion, regarding his fellow men as the offspring and image of Deity, expresses his affection to the Father by loving and doing good to the children; he studiously imitates and honors God by fulfilling the designs and spreading the triumphs of his infinite benevolence; he obeys both the natural and revealed law of his Creator by steadily practicing every social virtue and thus contributing his part to the general stock of mutual benefits and enjoyments. Thus piety is the broad and effectual basis, while justice and beneficence form the rising and beautiful superstructure of universal goodness. This spirit of justice and kindness in the several members of a State towards one another and the public resembles the mutual sympathy and vigilant care of the various parts of the human body for the welfare of each other and of the whole. Accordingly, a political society actuated throughout by this spirit is like a body in full health. “The rulers, with patriotic zeal performing their proper functions, resemble the greater and lesser arteries, through which the vital fluid flows on without obstruction, and refreshes the most minute and distant parts; while the bulk of the people yielding in their various spheres a ready obedience, and leading an honest and peaceable life, convey back, like the numerous veins, the recurrent fluid to its source; and thus the whole frame is easy, vigorous, and happy.” – The principle of mutual justice and benevolence reigning in a community directly forms the faithful ruler, the obedient subject, the patriotic citizen, the obliging neighbor, the united and prosperous society. Like the great law of mutual attraction, it fixes each member of the political system in his proper station and devoted his whole influence to the order and felicity of the whole. At the same time it gives him the personal and sublime pleasure of conscious goodness and enables him to enjoy, by delightful sympathy, the virtue, friendship, and prosperity of all his fellow members, yea, the whole mass of natural and moral good which is spread over the universe.

But the want of this benevolent disposition on the prevalence of a selfish spirit in society shuts out these refined enjoyments and directly tends to every species of calamity. It destroys social union and order. It turns rulers into rapacious, unfeeling tyrants, and subjects into restless, turbulent demagogues and traitors. It poisons the fountains of justice by subjecting judiciary courts to the pernicious influence of affection or fear, of party prejudice, animosity, if not of gross corruption and venality. It subjects the most important elections to the government of local interest of unprincipled intrigue, or factious malignity. By creating a thousand separate and jarring interests in the bosom of the community it disjoints and convulses the national constitution; while it prompts the votaries of these several idols to sacrifice to them conscience, religion, humanity, country, posterity, and every sacred and endearing obligation. Thus it renders the citizens of a State unrighteous and oppressive, false and perfidious, cruel and revengeful; while it leads its public administration in its treatment of sister communities to violate the most solemn bonds of justice and good faith, and thus expose the nation confided to its care to the merited and perhaps fatal resentment of foreign powers. In a word, selfishness in the moral system operates like a universal principle of repulsion in the natural; it tends to a catastrophe in the former, analogous to that which such a principle would produce in the latter. It evidently leads both to private and public ruin.

In this respect, too, the Christian religion is an unrivalled friend to our social happiness. For it forbids and corrects the vicious and destructive selfishness just described and forms its disciples to the most pure, self-denying, and active benevolence. It sets before us, in the character and benefits of God and His Son, the most alluring patterns and motives of disinterested, condescending, triumphant goodness. It binds us to our fellow men by a variety of peculiar and most engaging ties. It annihilates those degrading distinctions which the littleness of human pride has created and instructs us to regard every man, especially every fellow citizen, as our neighbor and our brother. Thus it exalts the friend and the patriot into the universal philanthropist. It tends to unite the whole world into one peaceful and happy fraternity under the auspices of rational and virtuous liberty. While it requires us to love and do good to all men, it consecrates a peculiar share of our attention to the household of faith; it demands a special regard to the civil and religious interests of our own country, which Providence has especially committed to our care, endeared to our affections, and placed within our notice and influence. Christian patriotism is nothing else than general benevolence embracing, with peculiar sensibility and active energy, that portion of mankind to which our capacity of usefulness imminently reaches. On this ground the Gospel enjoins a cheerful and conscientious submission to the CONSTITUTED AUTHORITIES of our country. It binds us to reverence these authorities as the ORDINANCE OF HEAVEN. In a word, the spirit of Christianity is eminently just and equal, gentle and kind, humble and peaceable, loyal and free. It enforces and exalts the whole train of social virtues. It is, emphatically, the directing and animating genius of republican freedom, order, and happiness. Those individuals or communities who despise the Christian religion or practically contradict its generous maxims have the spirit of tyrants and slaves: their sordid minds are incapable of duly comprehending, enjoying, or defending the superior charms and blessings of genuine freedom.

This leads us to the THIRD ARTICLE of moral goodness, VIZ. PERSONAL VIRTUE; which consists in that temperate and prudent deportment which every man owes to himself, to his private security and happiness. Intemperance, luxury, and debauchery are equally pernicious to individuals and the public. They waste both the bodies and minds of their votaries and render them diseased, effeminate, and timorous; unfit either to plan or to execute any great and noble design. How weak and contemptible must a nation soon become which is generally composed of members like these! What an easy prey to every daring invader! – These vices too, joined with idleness their usual associate, melt down private and public property, produce bankruptcies, stagnate useful arts and improving science, and dissipate or stupefy the mind in such a manner as to render it insensible both of the prevalence of virtuous sobriety and diligence conduces at once to bodily health, to mental vigor and improvement, to flourishing business, to increasing wealth and reputation, and thus to the permanent defense and prosperity of a nation.

In this particular also the Gospel equally befriends our present and future felicity. It lays the ax at the root of irregular appetites, affections, and indulgences, by forbidding the first motions of concupiscence, anger, or hatred in the heart; by offering and conveying supernatural influences to cleanse this fountain of moral action; and by enforcing it as a primary duty to guard our secret thoughts and dispositions. Its doctrines and moral precepts, its motives and examples inculcate a high pitch of moderation and self-denial, of patience and fortitude, of meekness and contentment, of humility and prudence, of conscientious industry in our secular callings, joined with holy diligence in our Christian vocation. Thus the personal, as well as the social and divine virtues of our religion, eminently conduce to exalt a nation.

As the truth of the text is thus confirmed by the natural operation of things; so in the

SECOND PLACE, it is equally established by the MORAL ATTRIBUTES AND GOVERNMENT OF GOD. As the perfect moral rectitude of the Supreme Being may be certainly argued from his natural perfections; so His providential and moral government of His rational creatures is a necessary deduction from both. Those natural tendencies of virtue and vice which we have been considering, are the effects of a divine constitution and agency and, therefore, exemplify a righteous moral administration. But since these tendencies, though powerful and striking, are frequently obstructed in the present state by accidental and temporary causes, we are necessitated to look forward to a future and more perfect order of things; in which the happiness of virtuous individuals and the misery of vicious ones, will be unmixed and complete. But the case with political bodies is in this respect essentially different. These have no existence in a future state. Consequently the rectitude and dignity of the divine government seem to demand a present and conspicuous treatment of such bodies according to their visible moral characters. This is requisite no only to exhibit and maintain the governing righteousness of God but to comfort virtuous nations under temporary affliction, to encourage their efforts in repelling the most powerful, insolent, and prosperous enemies, and to reform or restrain wicked communities by the fear of impending and desolating judgments; a motive which frequently operates upon those who have become hardened against the terrors of a distant future retribution. Some public and striking instances of divine severity against impious, oppressive, or dissolute nations are also necessary to check the progress of infidelity and vice in the surrounding world, to lessen the numbers and break the combinations of wicked men and thus to deliver mankind both from the contagion of their example and the cruel effects of their injustice and tyranny. – This reasoning from the justice and goodness of the Supreme Ruler of nations is sanctioned.

THIRDLY, by the EXPRESS DECLARATIONS OF HIS WORD. AT WHAT INSTANT, SAYS JEHOVAH, I SPEAK CONCERNING A NATION, TO PLUCK UP AND TO PULL DOWN AND TO DESTROY IT; IF THAT NATION AGAINST WHOM I HAVE PRONOUNCED, TURN FROM THEIR EVIL, I WILL REPENT OF THE EVIL WHICH I THOUGHT TO DO UNTO THEM. AND AT WHAT INSTANT I SHALL SPEAK CONCERNING A KINGDOM TO BUILD AND TO PLANT IT, IF IT DO EVIL IN MY SIGHT, THEN I WILL REPENT OF THE GOOD, WHEREWITH I SAID I WOULD BENEFIT THEM. [Jeremiah 18:7-10]

The Bible is full of promises and threatenings of admonitions, expostulations, and entreaties which convey the same general idea. The Theocracy established in the Jewish nation, and the whole train of divine proceedings respecting that people, are conducted upon this principle. This conduct of Deity was designed as a specimen of the usual methods of his administration towards all public bodies; though it does not warrant them to expect such immediate and extraordinary retributions of Providence as were dispensed to ancient Israel. As God was the political Sovereign of the Jews, as they held their peculiar privileges (and even the land of Canaan) on condition of their loyalty; so they were under a peculiarly equal Providence, which not only awarded immediate prosperity or adversity to their general obedience or disobedience but instantly chastised a single presumptuous transgression even of a ceremonial or positive precept. Though in these respects Israel was a distinguished people and though some other nations may seem to derive immediate prosperity from their public or private vices or to be depressed for a time by their strict adherence to virtue; yet reason, Scripture, and fact assure us that national rectitude must and will finally prosper, and that a vicious community will be ultimately degraded and ruined even by those crimes which, at first, produced or assisted its elevation. Agreeably, the declarations and history of the Bible point us not only to God’s covenant people but to many less favored bodies of men who were severely threatened and punished by infinite justice for transgressing those moral and religious obligations which were notified to them merely by the voice of nature and tradition. How much greater reason have those communities to fear similar judgments who, like Israel of old, have enjoyed a supernatural revelation of the true God and His laws, have solemnly owned Him for their King, have been eminently guarded and prospered by His goodness, and yet have publicly dishonored Him by unthankful, irreligious, and immoral behavior! Let the past and present state of the Jews, and of many Christian nations, answer this question.

This brings us in the FOURTH PLACE to observe that the leading sentiment of our discourse is verified by EXPERIENCE. It is inscribed as with a sunbeam on almost every page both of ancient and modern history. It is a well-known fact that the most celebrated states and kingdoms of the earth have risen by virtue and fallen by vice. Even a very partial conformity to religious and moral truth by ignorant and idolatrous nations has been crowned by providence with a glorious temporal reward. Experience proves that political bodies, like the animal economy, have their periods of infancy, youth, maturity, decay, and dissolution. In the early stages of their existence their members are usually industrious and frugal, simple in their manners, just and kind in their intercourse, active and hardy, united and brave. Their feeble, exposed, and necessitous condition in some sort forces upon them this conduct and these habits. The practice of these virtues gradually nourishes them to a state of manly vigor. They become mature and flourishing in wealth and population, in arts and arms, in almost every kind of national prosperity. But when they have reached a certain point of greatness, their taste and manners begin to be infected. Their prosperity inflates and debauches their minds. It betrays them into pride and avarice, luxury and dissipation, idleness and sensuality, and, too often, into practical or scornful impiety. These, with other kindred vices, hasten their downfall and ruin.

The rise and fall of the four great monarchies of the world are striking confirmations of these remarks. The history of the ancient Republics of Greece and Rome is, in this view, peculiarly instructive to the people of America. The prosperity, declension, and ruin of those states, experimentally show that virtue is the soul of republican freedom; that luxury tends to extinguish both sound morality and piety; and that the loss of these renders men incapable of estimating and relishing, of preserving, or even bearing, the blessings of equal liberty.

What a dark veil of ignorance and barbarism, of bondage and wretchedness, have the degeneracy of man and the righteous judgment of God, long since drawn over many extensive countries which once enjoyed the light of science, of freedom, of great worldly glory, yea, of Christian knowledge, virtue, and joy! The justice of offended Heaven has suited its treatment of those once favored but unthankful nations to the complexion and aggravations of their crimes. It has withdrawn from them those temporal and spiritual privileges which they had treated with careless and disdainful neglect or with wanton and licentious abuse; it has doomed them for a series of ages to experience the opposite evils.

Our own times exhibit many affecting instances of the same general fact. A few of these we will notice in as tender and delicate a manner, as justice to the subject will permit.

You cannot, my fellow citizens, forget the striking displays of a righteous Providence which marked the commencement, progress, and termination of the late American Revolution. How signally did just Heaven overrule the oppressive measures of a great European nation towards her colonies in such manner as to make them instruments of their own defeat and of remarkably chastising the wicked selfishness and pride by which they were dictated! How wonderfully did God appear as the Friend and Patron of righteousness by granting uncommon wisdom, union, energy, and success to the councils and efforts of our infant country and by turning to her advantage the most flattering schemes, successes, and prospects of her enemies! How properly and effectually were the corruptions of the parent nation employed by infinite rectitude to punish the similar and growing degeneracy of her children, and in particular to correct and subdue their inordinate affection to and confidence in her, their blind and pernicious imitation of her follies and vices! How conspicuously did Providence make use of the two countries to administer needed and wholesome discipline to each other! By these methods was America qualified for, and led on, to happy and confirmed Independence; Great Britain was prepared to part with her on just and amicable terms; and both nations, thus separated, were disposed to cherish that friendly and beneficial intercourse which they could not enjoy in a nearer connection. What a various and instructive scene of Providential retributions is here! How ought it to live in every American bosom to the latest period of time!

What a memorable chastisement has Providence inflicted on those European powers who, a few years since, combined in a scheme to control the dearest rights and change the internal policy of an independent nation!¹ What a series of great and almost unprecedented defeats and calamities has attended this conspiracy! We have seen the invaded nation employed as an eminent executioner of divine wrath upon a large portion of the Christian and Protestant world for its great apostasy, oppression, and wickedness. We have seen this people permitted to shake, and in some instances subvert, those ancient establishments of civil and religious order which had either grown up to systems of debasing and cruel tyranny or, at best, had not been thankfully acknowledged and virtuously improved.

On the other side, that spirit of irreligion and atheism, of domestic faction and tyranny, of foreign ambition and conquest, which has too generally characterized the popular leaders and successive rulers of the nation in question, has been awfully punished by a corresponding series of internal jealousy and disorganization, carnage and misery. While the greatest splendor and triumph have founded their external operations, their condition at home has been and still is a picture of horror. Under the boasted pretext of high republican freedom, it exhibits all the terror and debasement of military despotism. And it is easy to predict that their bold impiety towards God, their insolent treatment of man, their open contempt and violation of those principles which are the only security of union, order, and good faith, either among themselves or with foreign nations, must ultimately draw upon them exemplary national punishment. In this respect they will resemble that haughty Assyrians of old; who, after having, as Jehovah’s rod, scourged the surrounding nations and particularly His own backsliding people for their transgressions, were in their turn conspicuously punished for that very pride, impiety, and cruelty, by which they had unintentionally fulfilled the purpose of heaven.²

In the contemplation of these equally righteous and benevolent yet sublime and mysterious dispensations, can we forbear exclaiming, GREAT AND MARVELOUS ARE THY WORKS, LORD GOD ALMIGHTY; JUST AND TRUE ARE THEY WAYS, THOU KING OF SAINTS. [Revelation 15:4] SURELY THE WRATH OF MAN SHALL PRAISE THEE; AND THE REMAINDER OF WRATH THOU WILT RESTRAIN. [Psalm 76:10]

The preceding doctrine suggests many useful reflections.

It furnishes a strong natural proof of a FUTURE RETRIBUTION. The many signal interpositions of a SUPERIOR POWER in favor of righteousness and for the punishment of sin, the general operation of virtue and vice to the happiness and misery of communities, their strong and immutable tendencies to personal enjoyment and suffering joined with the many circumstances which at present hinder these tendencies from producing their full effect prove, at once, the commencement of a righteous moral administration in this world and its future completion in a more perfect state.

Our subject, by thus pointing to a more perfect order of things hereafter, affords a clue to those perplexing labyrinths in which the conduct of Providence respecting both societies and individuals is frequently involved. Though public bodies are, in general, treated according to their prevailing characters; yet we find that nations, as well as persons, are prevented by various causes from receiving an immediate and full retribution. For as the outward prosperity and calamity of both depend very greatly on the free agency of others and is natural effect; so good and bad communities, as well as individuals, are often so linked together, that they unavoidably share, in considerable degree, the same benefits or evils. As Providence frequently spares and prospers a great sinner that his affluence, power, or luxury may bless his virtuous connections, or that his guilty neighbors may be duly punished by his pride and injustice; so it sometimes apparently smiles upon a wicked nation for the sake of its few worthy members; for the benefit of its deserving allies or dependents; for the accomplishment of some great work of justice and utility exactly suited to its temper and circumstances; or lastly, that the Divine character may be signally honored, and mankind eminently instructed by its final and remarkable punishment. If irreligious or immoral societies were in all cases amply and speedily punished, no proper scope would be left for that trial, discovery, and maturity of individual characters which are necessary to prepare them for a future state. Wicked men would be cut off from those opportunities and means of repentance which a state of probation requires; and righteous individuals, being intimately connected in society with a vicious majority, would too generally, as well as prematurely, perish from the earth. The actual measures, therefore, of the Divine government towards communities and particular persons appear full of wisdom and beauty. While the former receive such a recompense of their conduct, as gives a general though incomplete display of the governing justice of God; the latter have sufficient advantages and motives to prepare for and confidently expect the ultimate triumph of virtue in the unmixed and endless happiness of its friends, and the final destruction of its obdurate enemies.³

This leads us to infer the UNRIVALLED EXCELLENCY OF THE CHRISTIAN REVELATION and our obligations to God for blessing us with it. By ascertaining a perfect moral government and a future recompense, by insuring pardon to repentance, present succor and everlasting bliss to feeble, imperfect, and afflicted virtue, Christianity at once justifies the ways of God, and furnishes man with the best motives and helps to universal goodness. While the best human legislators and philosophers have set up temporal good as the object of their institutions, and called in religion and morality merely as engines of worldly policy; the Christian Lawgiver holds up spiritual and everlasting good as the prize of his followers. But though political and national prosperity is but a secondary object of our religion; yet its doctrines and rules, while they form individuals for the kingdom of Heaven, secure to society the greatest earthly felicity. Though the salutary influence of this divine system has been greatly obstructed by human error and wickedness, it would be easy to show that it has in fact unspeakably meliorated civil society; that it has in many important particulars improved the laws, customs, and manners of nations, and thus augmented the sum of virtue and happiness in a degree which baffles computation.

Let us then, my Brethren, reverence and sacredly adhere to the principles of righteousness, especially of Christian piety and morality. Let us regard these as the only foundation either of private or social happiness. I am sensible that modern infidelity pretends to great benevolence and public utility as well as to liberal, philosophic refinement. But recent facts have proved that no spirit is more bigoted and fanatical, more imposing and sanguinary, than that of impiety and atheism, especially when united with pretended or misguided ardor for republican equality. This spirit in a part of Europe has, indeed, abolished the objects and ceremonies of popish superstition; but it has created a thousand new imaginary deities, which under the names of reason, nature, philosophy, liberty, or abstract moral virtue, have been adored with as much veneration, and the least dissent even in speculation from the established idolatry has been persecuted with as much ferocity as ever characterized the dark and bloody ages of popery. What advantage then can Americans propose to themselves or their country by exchanging Christianity for infidelity, and thus introducing what some call the golden age of reason? Suppose, for a moment, that our religion were as visionary, as deceitful, or as slavish a superstition, as some pretend: Yet, experiment has abundantly shown that irreligion subjects mankind to a superstition far more degrading and cruel and at the same time destroys those mighty restrains from vice and engagements to virtue which the Gospel provides. Even the professed enemies of this institution derive from it not only that religious knowledge which they employ against it, but that regular and apparently virtuous character which renders any of them useful members of society. In a word, as a free government like ours, which originates from and is supported by the people, must owe its success to their enlightened virtue; so this virtue must receive its chief animation, stability, and improvement from religious and Christian principles.

We learn then who are the truest friends to their country. They are those whose example and influence contribute the most to cherish and extend the knowledge and practice of righteousness and to prevent or eradicate infidelity and wickedness.

We also learn with how ill a grace those persons boast of their patriotism, and publish their zeal for the liberty and happiness of the people, who are themselves the slaves of vice or the patrons of irreligion.

Further, our subject may assist us to a right understanding and performance of the solemn business of this day. Both reason and Scripture assure us that no forms of humiliation for sin, whether public or private, can be either sincere or beneficial which do not involve an effectual resolution to forsake our evil ways and return to the practice of universal righteousness. Our leading petition, therefore, on this occasion of prayer, should be for the influences of God’s Holy Spirit to renew our hearts and reform our lives. Such a reformation is the main ingredient both of personal and national prosperity. We have no warrant to wish or pray for outward and public blessings without a concurring, yea, ruling desire, of that Heavenly grace which will at once insure the virtuous use of these blessings and qualify us for far nobler and more lasting enjoyments. To confine our secret wishes to a prosperous year in temporal respects argues at once low sensuality, egregious folly, and daring impiety. It discovers a mind blind and dead to the true happiness and glory of man. It implies a request to God to protect and prosper us in sin or to become a minister to our carnal lusts. It involves a prayer for that, which if granted, will only pollute and destroy us. In short, it implies the absurd desire of a natural impossibility, viz. to be made happy without a right disposition and practice.

That our united humiliations may be sincere, our petitions fervent, and our future behavior agreeable to both, let us this day solemnly review our individual and national transgressions. Let us lament before the throne of God that growth of speculative and practical infidelity; that cold and contemptuous treatment of the truths and ordinances of our holy religion; that decay of the social and patriotic virtues; that rage for wealth, amusement, and splendor; that servile attachment to foreign principles and manners, whether in religion, politics, or the common modes of life; that unthankful and murmuring temper, amidst distinguished national blessings; that unnatural jealousy and censure of the best public characters and measures; in short, that growing apostasy from the exemplary piety and virtue of our venerable but imperfect ancestors, which too much characterize the present generation. Let us realize the aggravated turpitude of these evils in a community so enlightened, so exalted by Divine favors as ours. Let us consider the threatening aspect of these dispositions and manners on our personal and everlasting welfare, on the rising glory of our young confederate republic, and on the great interests of liberty, good government, and Christianity throughout the world.

In this connection let me bring home to your bosoms and my own the concluding words of the late excellent Doctor Price, in his Advice to America. “If the return of peace and the pride of independence should lead them (the Americans) to security and dissipation; should they lose those virtuous and simple manners, by which alone Republics can long subsist; should false refinement, luxury, and impiety spread among them, excessive jealousy distract their government, and clashing interests break the federal union; the consequence will be, that the fairest experiment ever tried in human affairs will miscarry; and a revolution which had revived the hopes of good men, and promised an opening to better times, will prove only an opening to new scenes of human degeneracy and misery.”

If this great friend to America and mankind justly entertained such anxious apprehensions for the result of our revolution at the date of his Advice; what would have been his feelings had he lived to the present moment? Is not the present crisis far more threatening to the freedom and order, the religion and happiness of both hemispheres? Are not the people of this country in a very hazardous predicament arising from the influence of various causes, especially from the prevalence of party spirit both in our national councils and among our citizens at large? Is not this spirit peculiarly inauspicious at a time when our very existence as a sovereign and independent nation is threatened from abroad? At such a period of external danger how devoutly is it to be wished that the noble spirit of 1775 may revisit every American bosom; a spirit of united invincible attachment to our own country; a determination to sacrifice every local interest, every dividing prejudice and passion, to the common safety; and a resolute trust in God to prosper us in our own necessary and righteous defense against the claims and assaults of insolent foes! Let us remember the high toned spirit of that memorable period and what heroic achievements it accomplished. Let us call the same spirit to our aid at the present crisis. Let us lose every party feeling and epithet in the glorious title of independent Americans. Let us renew that solemn oath which introduced and sealed our national existence; an oath that we will not be dependent upon or tamely submit to any power on earth; that we will acknowledge no master but God alone. For the sake of preserving the blessings of peace, let us be willing to give up everything but our national honor and essential interests. These let us sacredly defend and transmit at every possible hazard. For the security of these interests let us, above all things, return to and place our confidence in the God of our fathers, in the way of sincere repentance, obedience, and prayer. Then we may firmly hope that the present dark clouds will ere long dissipated. Then, according to the beautiful language of the Prophet, THEN SHALL OUR LIGHT BREAK FORTH AS THE MORNING, AND OUR HEALTH SHALL SPRING FORTH SPEEDILY; AND OUR RIGHTEOUSNESS SHALL GO BEFORE US; AND THE GLORY OF THE LORD SHALL BE OUR REARWARD. [Isaiah 58:8]

FINIS.

Endnotes

¹ Should we even suppose, with some politicians, that France was the real aggressor in the late extensive European war; yet this circumstance cannot justify the original and well known objects of the coalition formed against her; since this coalition went much farther than mere self-defense and meditated on attack on her essential freedom and property. On this principle the above remarks appear to me well founded and proper.

² Though the author has touched upon the affairs of two great European powers with studied brevity, caution, and impartiality, that he might not needlessly irritate the sprit of party, or grieve any weak and prejudiced hearers or readers; yet the late conduct of one of those governments towards its own subjects, towards neighboring countries, and especially towards America, must, he thinks, soon open the eyes of all our sober citizens and unite them in prudent yet vigorous measures of defense. Even our ardent affection to the people of France must impel us to make a stand against those self-seeking tyrants who have bound the and their legislature in the most cruel chains. Our respect to the general order, dignity, and happiness of our species forbids us, by abject submission, to encourage and strengthen the determined plunderers and oppressors of mankind. Our reverence of the SUPREME RULER and regard to Christian piety and morality, forbid us to countenance those who are the avowed enemies of His throne and existence and who are zealously employed in exterminating His holy religion. Finally, our own dearest interests as a free and independent nation must forbid our degrading and ruinous submission to the insolent and rapacious demands of foreign despots.

The writer feels himself both warranted and obliged to use this explicit and decided language by the recent communications of the President to Congress. The open sincerity and rectitude, the moderation and humility which mark the proposals of our Government and the conduct of is envoys, form a most striking contrast the mingled pride and meanness, the unblushing avarice and profligacy, which appear on the opposite side. This contrast affords to the American people matter of honest triumph and pious gratitude, as well as much useful instruction. It calls upon us to rejoice and bless God that the United States have, from the beginning of their revolution to this day, been favored with MEN OF VIRTUOUS PRINCIPLES to lead and protect them both in war and peace; and in particular that, at this awful crisis, they have a President who has long approved himself and honest man, an able politician, and inflexible patriot, and an exemplary Christian; whose established character, joined with his manifest interest, his high responsibility and ample means of information, effectually confutes the calumnies of his domestic and foreign enemies and claims the liberal confidence and respect of his fellow citizens.

³ The above paragraph, and a few other sentences in this discourse, were omitted in the delivery for want of time.

Sermon – Execution – 1797

The Rev. Nathan Strong (1748-1816) was born in Connecticut. He attended Yale, graduating in 1769 (he went on to receive a D.D. degree from Princeton in 1801). Rev. Strong was set in as pastor of the First Church of Hartford in 1774. Interestingly, both his father, also named Nathan, and brother, Joseph, were clergymen as well. Strong became a chaplain in the patriot army during the American Revolution, and was a strong supporter of the American cause. He later was a chief founder and a manager of the Connecticut Missionary Society (founded in 1798), and was involved in the ” Connecticut Evangelical Magazine,” which lasted fifteen years. In this “execution sermon,” preached before Richard Doane was executed for the murder of Daniel M’Iver, Rev. Strong reminds his listeners (including Doane) of the terrible consequences of a sinful life apart from God, and urges them to be reconciled to God through Christ.

A Sermon Preached in Hartford
June 10th, 1797

At the Execution of Richard Doane

by Nathan Strong, minister of the North Presbyterian Church in Hartford

Hosea 11:6
For I desire mercy and not sacrifice, and the knowledge of God more than burnt offerings. ¹

I have chosen these words for the subject of my discourse by the particular desire of the unhappy man, who is to be executed this day. He considers himself held up before mankind, as a warning of the bitter consequences of sin and the danger of living immorally and thoughtless of God. He has desired me to employ the present short opportunity, which we have for religious worship, both in advising him for his solemn appearance before the tribunal of his Judge, and in reminding those who are spectators, that unless we repent we shall all likewise perish and that those who forget God, and disobey his commandments, though they may escape an ignominious end in this world, must in eternity expect to meet evils more dreadful than the pain or shame of execution by the hands of men.

The occasion is very solemn and affecting. I hope we may improve the hour in receiving instruction from his spectacle, and in earnest prayer that the man who is soon to die, may find mercy and salvation in God before whom he is soon to come.

The scripture of which my text is a part, describes the sin of men, the reason of God’s displeasure with them, and the necessity and wisdom of his judgments.

I shall, first, paraphrase the text in connection with the context.

Secondly, make such an improvement as naturally arises from the passage and from the occasion of our meeting.

In the verses before the text God says,

O Ephraim what shall I do unto thee? O Judah what shall I do unto thee? For your goodness is as a morning cloud, and as the early dew it passeth away – Therefore have I hewed them by my prophets; I have slain them by the words of my mouth; and thy judgments are as the light that goeth forth. They like men have transgressed the covenant, there have they dealt treacherously against me.

This is a description of their conduct as it was seen by the eye of Omniscience. Our text also describes the temper and practice to which forgiveness is encouraged. For I desire mercy more than sacrifice; and the knowledge of God more than burnt offerings. Mercy and a knowledge of God, in this passage, mean true holiness and a conformity of heart to the moral character of God, and spiritual obedience to his commandments. The men, whom our text reproved, had the means of religion and a doctrinal acquaintance with their duty. They had knowledge, instruction, and warning, as we have at the present day. They sometimes resolved and promised a religious life, and from these transient resolutions of an awakened hour, they hoped God would be merciful; but God says, their goodness or consideration was as the morning cloud, and as the early dew that passeth away. They resolved to serve God, only when they feared his judgments, and were forced to consideration, by some melancholy spectacle of the danger of sin, as we are at the present moment. God hewed them by his prophets, He warned them by the ministers of religion, of the end to which they must come without repentance. He slew them by the words of his mouth, by his law and threatenings, denounced the certain consequences of forgetting him and his commandments. Because judgment against their evil works was not instantly executed, they determined God to be like themselves, and hoped there was no evil to come. To teach them there was an evil to come, his judgments were as a light that shineth. The judgments of God in this world are most wonderfully appointed. The state of probation in which men are placed, forbids the full execution of justice upon them. This would be inconsistent with such use of means as are appointed unto repentance; still if there were no judgments they would wholly forget God. He therefore appoints his judgments in wonderful wisdom, so as not to prevent a state of trial, and at the same time remind us that the wages of sin are death. There are so many of God’s judgments on sin, that if our hearts are set to do evil because the full punishment is not speedily executed, the conduct is most unreasonable. His judgments are as a light that goeth forth, confirming the sentence of his law, that the wages of sin are death. They have been so from the beginning, and are before our eyes on this solemn occasion.

In further describing those whom God reproved, he says, they like men transgressed the covenant, in the greatest part of those who indulge, themselves, may fitly be called treachery. In some general sense, they profess to believe he is God, and promise to obey him; but where the heart is disobedient, and his character and law are not reverenced and loved, the whole is a treacherous profession; and if those who make it, are ever brought to see God and themselves truly, they will be sensible it is the case.

The character drawn in the context applies to a great variety of persons. To those who against knowledge live in the vicious indulgence of their passions and appetites; who having sufficient evidence there is a God, go through days and years in forgetfulness of him, in impiety, profaneness, thinking only of time, the world and present amusements: To those who do not realize their obligation to live for the glory of their maker: to those, whose minds are so much taken up with the present things, as to forget they are soon to die and come into judgment: To those who live without prayer and in neglect of the institution of religion; and to all who have not a supreme love of God, his law, and government. The great defects of all such persons are that they have not that holiness, mercy, and knowledge of God in their hearts and practice in which true obedience consists. Being destitute of a true love of God, and carnal and selfish in their whole disposition, and unfeeling of moral obligation, it is strange they do not commit more of those crimes that must be punished by the hand of civil justice.

A want of love and obedience to God implies a heart capable of any other crime. He who fails in love, and is unjust and treacherous to his God is certainly, by the same disposition, capable of enmity and treachery to his fellow-creatures. And when we see very many, who give no evidence of a delight in God; it must be imputed to special divine respect and care, that we are not much oftener called to such solemn scenes as are before us this day. When we look on an unhappy man whom God hath left to expose himself to this death, we may fitly realize a distinguishing goodness of God, that we are not in his place. Though not under the sentence of human laws, we are condemned by the divine law. The goodness of the best hath been too much like a morning cloud. It is God’s providence and not our own natural dispositions, which hath preserved us from punishable crimes. There is no safety in that evil heart, which deals treacherously towards God, by not loving him; and which is destitute of an experimental knowledge of his sanctifying grace. If we are sanctified by his Holy Spirit, sovereign grace hath done the work; and if not sanctified, the only cause which preserves, is that Almighty power, in the world. The best preservative is mercy and a knowledge of God. These in our text, stand opposed to sacrifice and burnt offering. The first means a holy conformity to the divine goodness, and a sanctifying knowledge of God and his commandments. This is a divine temper of the soul, which resists temptation – makes sin appear hateful – and delights in glorifying God, and in doing good to men. The last sacrifice and burnt offering, as they stand opposed in the text to mercy and a knowledge of the Lord, mean that general or formal unaffecting belief of God, his law, and our own duty; and that inconstant attention to the institution of religion, which are consistent with a greater love of the world and its interests, of ourselves and our own lusts, than we have of God himself. In this, there is little efficacy for preservation. And all of his character ought to feel that it is God’s care of the world and not their own principles, which keep them from sudden ruin in time and eternity. In those principles of sin, which deny God his right, men can find no safety to themselves; nor can there be any safety to the word. Public safety in the midst of such principles must be ascribed to the controlling power of the Almighty; and when the time comes, either in this or the next world, that the shining of his judgments is necessary for the general good, he will leave the sinner to show himself and meet deserved punishment.

Secondly, I am to make such an improvement on the subject as naturally arises from the passage that hath been paraphrased, and from the occasion of our meeting. And I shall do this, first, with reference to the congregation at large. Secondly in special application to the unhappy man, who is to go from hence to the place of his execution?

1. Both to the subject and the occasion teach how much God is displeased with us, if we are not holy sanctified in our temper and practice. If we have not that true knowledge of God, which implies pure affections of the heart, our state is full of danger, both for time and eternity. The common mercies and bounties of providence are no evidence God is pleased with us, for these he bestows both on the good and the evil, the just and the unjust. How many ungrateful men he feeds and clothes. To how many vicious men doth he grant the common preservation of life, even preserving them for a season, from the destruction that naturally follows their criminal appetites and passions? God doth not this to encourage sin; but by an exhibition of his forbearance, to draw them to repentance, and to preserve the world in such a state of peace, as is the best probation for eternity. All who have not a true knowledge of God are under his displeasure. He doth not preserve because he is pleased with them. Their doctrinal knowledge will not avert the final judgment. Their general profession of Christianity will not save them. Unless their hearts be changed the time will soon come, either in this or another world, when the judgment of God will go forth against them, to show his own holiness, and to make his own kingdom very glorious.

2. We ought to consider the danger to ourselves that is inbred with the principles of sin and a departure from God. Sin cannot be made a safe thing. The ingredients of a hell, both present and future, are in its very nature. Why are not the sinners of this world perfectly miserable beings at this moment? Not because their principles do not lead to it; but God to answer his infinitely wise purposes, holds them from it. Sin admits no happiness in the enjoyment of God, nor in a view of his law and government. It destroys peace of conscience and that inward harmony, which makes existence blessed. It counteracts all social felicity, turning men’s hands and hearts against one another. While a sinful creature dreads God as his judge, he ought to dread himself as the immediate instrument of his own wretchedness. He carries in his own bosom the cause and means of his unhappiness, and there can be no safety to him in his own principles. Instead of thinking hard of God, for those evils, which his sins bring upon him, he ought to adore that preserving goodness which hath hitherto kept him from utter ruin.

3. This occasion is a solemn instruction, not only in the dangerous nature of sinful principles in general, but of several particular kinds of sin, which are very prevalent among mankind. Intemperance is a sinful habit, which ruins a great number of mankind, and leads them to such high crimes as are capitally punished by the laws of men. I am charged by my own conscience, and desired by the unhappy man who suffers this day, on the present occasion to speak freely of the dangers of this sin. Though this man has hitherto denied any [preconceived], malicious intention of murder, he speaks in most feeling terms of the danger of sin of forgetting God, and of an unchaste, intemperate life. He traces back most of his unhappiness in life, and especially this awful scene, to impure connections and to intemperance. The sin of drunkenness hath been a principal means of bringing him to this case. And he is only one of many thousands of mankind, who have come to the same end by the same means. A mind intoxicated with liquor is prepared to mingle with the most impure and abandoned companions, and to commit any violence. Almost every violence that takes place in civilized society, and family unhappiness may be traced to intemperance as their cause. How many rational creatures it turns into beasts of prey! How many families it clothes with rags and deprives of bread! How often it disturbs the otherwise peaceful neighborhood! How many it brings to death by the hand of public justice! How many souls it ruins for both worlds! Those who give themselves up to this sin, rashly defy all possible misery. This prevailing vice, is greatly promoted by tippling houses and dram shops, where the incautious gradually acquire a habit which proves their ruin. Every such place is a deep evil in society, and a nursery for murder and eternal ruin. I do not know any way in which the civil authority can make themselves more worthy of respect, or do greater good to the public, who are placed under their care, than by a faithful execution of our good laws, against such places and against those persons who give themselves up to intemperance. If any think I speak too freely on this subject, as my vindication, I beg them to look to that spectacle now in our eyes. Look to yonder place of execution, around which we shall soon be gathered, to behold the most awful of all sights. And let us remember that this event is as a light, which shineth, teaching us the present nature of sin, and the more awful judgments of God on such as live and die unreformed.

I am in the last place to apply myself to the man who is soon to die.

My unhappy fellow creature, I call you unhappy in the sight of men, as one whom the holy providence of God appoints to an ignominious death. There is, nevertheless, room for you to be eternally happy in the world to which you are soon going. It is the glory of the gospel, that it proclaims salvation to the chief of repenting sinners, through Jesus Christ. If you have repented of all your sins, you may go by this death to which you are appointed, to a heaven of glorious and eternal happiness. If you have truly repented, the riches of divine grace in Jesus Christ and the sovereignty of divine love will be glorified in plucking you as a brand out of the burning, from that vicious, inconsiderate and prayerless life, in which you acknowledge you have generally lived. If you have truly repented, you will thank God forever, even for these severe means of saving you from your sin. But remember that it is a hard question for men to determine, whether they have repented, and you have only an hour or tow more to examine. I am sensible that you profess to believe most of those doctrines, which Christians generally receive and also to hope that you have been forgiven by God, through a true repentance and faith. But as your eternal happiness is depending, you cannot review this matter too closely in the few moments you have left. Pray, pray earnestly to God, that he would enlighten, while I make some remarks for your assistance. The infinite goodness of God is an acknowledged truth; but this is no certain evidence you are going to happiness, for his goodness may require him to punish you in another world as he doth in this. Your doctrinal knowledge will not save; for the heart is often very bad, where the understanding is well indoctrinated. Your own righteousness will not save you; for certainly, you have nothing of your own, but a life of sin to present before your judge, visible sins, and a heart full of sin and forgetfulness of your Maker. It must be pure gospel – pure sovereign grace – pure sanctifying grace, that saves you if you be saved. If you feel as though there ever has been, or now is, anything in you deserving of God’s favor; if you think your cries and prayers form any kind of challenge on God; this would prove you destitute of true Christian humility and still unforgiven. Christ’s promises in the gospel are many and glorious; but you have no right to place any dependence on these, of being ever happy; unless your heart hath complied with the conditions on which they are made. They are made only to a holy repentance, and other gracious affections of the same moral nature. Every man will in some sense repent, when he meets the bitter fruits of sinning; but this is more property called mourning for the punishment than for the sin. Hating misery is no evidence of hating sin. Flying from punishment, is no evidence of flying from transgression.

If your repentance be holy and sincere, you will mourn for your sin, more on account of the dishonor done to God, and his kingdom, than for the shame and condemnation it brings on yourself. You will hate it as unreasonable – as contrary to the most solemn moral obligation – and base in its very nature.

A holy love doth not arise form an apprehension, that God will bestow great benefits on you personally. To love God, only because we think he loves us, is what every unforgiven, unholy sinner may do. The infinite perfection of God’s nature, law and government, is the reason for which a true penitent loves him; and if he supposed that he should never be forgiven himself, he would still say the Lord’s character is lovely.

A saving faith is a receiving of Christ, as glorious in his nature, whole character and offices. To rely on him as a deliverer from punishment and not from sin, is not a gracious exercise. To the true believer, Christ’s power to sanctify appears like a most excellent part of his mediatorial character. If you are a gospel penitent, you will feel a sensible love of God’s law, and choose it as the rule of your affections, though you now it condemns you. You will say his providence is right – you will rejoice that he reigns, and have no desire to take the government from his hands.

I have plainly expressed to you some principal Christian exercises, by which you are in this solemn moment to try yourself. A consciousness that you possess these exercises, is the only certain evidence of God’s mercy to you, and that you are prepared to die. If you have become a penitent man; though conscious of your own total unworthiness, it will be a pleasure to you to pray to God, and to humble yourself before him in the deepest expressions of self abasement. Prayer to God is the most useful manner in which you can spend the short remainder of your life. Prayer will bring God into your view and the more truly you see God, the more truly also you will see yourself and feel your guilt. Look to him to forgive a sinner, who deserves nothing but to be eternally cut off. Ask mercy and the forgiveness of your sins, for the sake of Jesus Christ. If you have any thing in your heart against any man, now forgive and pray for him; for he who doth not forgive, shall not be forgiven. Feel as though you had no enemies but your own sins; and realize that none but God can sanctify you.

May the Lord go with you from this place, and give you a humble fortitude in the event you are to meet; and when your eyes are closed in death, may God have mercy on your soul. AMEN.

NOTES

[1] The preacher is sensible that many will suppose the text improper for the occasion. It was chosen by the prisoner, and he could not be so well pleased with another. It appeared that what he supposed Divine light, and an astonishing view of God’s character, broke in upon his mind in reading this passage.

Sermon – Election – 1797, Massachusetts

John Mellen (1752-1828) graduated from Harvard in 1770. He was a tutor at Harvard (1780-1783) and pastor of a church in Barnstable, Massachusetts. The follow election sermon was preached by Mellen in Massachusetts on May 31, 1797.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In Senate, May 31st, 1797.

ORDERED, That Peleg Coffin, Thomas Dawes and Isaac Thompson, Esq’rs. be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Mellen, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Sermon delivered by him, this day, before His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council, and the two Branches of the General Court, and request a copy for the press.

True copy of Record,

EDWARD McLANE, Clerk of the Senate.A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE

His Excellency the GOVERNOR,

AND

The Honourable LEGISLATURE,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNUAL ELECTION.

May 31, 1797.

By JOHN MELLEN, JUN.
ONE OF THE MINISTERS OF Barnstable.

ELECTION SERMON.

1st PETER, 2d.—xv.
“FOR SO IS THE WILL OF GOD, THAT WITH WELL DOING YE MAY PUT TO SILENCE THE IGNORANCE OF FOOLISH MEN.”

This declaration of the apostle, directed to Christians, and designed, to instruct and caution them, while under the government of heathen rulers, may, it is presumed, without impropriety, be recommended to the consideration both of rulers and ruled, now that Christianity is their common religion. As the circumstance no longer exists, which directed the observations and counsels of the apostles, relative to civil government, principally to subjects and their duties; and as being misrepresented by ignorance, and slandered by folly are evils to which subjects are by no means exposed alone, may I not well be justified in giving to the text such a latitude of application, as has been suggested?

A view of the words in their connexion, may lead to some previous observations on the ORIGIN and DESIGN OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT, and the aspect of CHRISTIANITY upon it.

“Submit yourselves, saith the apostle, to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake: whether it be to the king as supreme; or unto governours, as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of God, that with well doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men.”

It is of little importance whether we allow, to the first quoted words, the construction which our translation gives them, or, with some learned divines, instead of every ordinance of man, read every human creature; that is, every person in authority; civil rulers of every rank and description. If civil government be considered by this apostle, as an ordinance of man, he does not in thus representing it, contradict another apostle, who says, “the powers that be are ordained of God.” He has ordained them, because they are agreeable to the constitution of the world, which he has established. It is evidently his will that civil government should exist, because he is a God of order and not of confusion; because the nature of mankind, their social disposition, their wants, their passions, their irregularities and their vices clearly indicate its expediency and importance. We are by no means obliged to conclude, from a command, to be in subjection to the existing powers, because they are ordained of God: or to submit to every person in civil authority, of whatever name, rank or degree of power, for the Lord’s sake, that all rulers derive their authority immediately from God. We may not infer that he has so pointed out the particular manner in which we should be governed, or the degree of power which every ruler ought to possess, that civil government, as to its form, and mode of administration, may not be properly styled an ordinance of man.

Government has its remote origin in the nature of mankind: Or, the ruler’s power is indirectly derived from HIM who is the author of that nature. Its immediate origin, as relative to particular nations and communities of men, has been far from uniform. The only proper source of the ruler’s power, at least, when extended farther than that of a parent over his family, is, under God, the people or community, who are the subjects of his government. We believe that the people only have the right to determine the nature and form of their political constitution. But we readily allow that facts are, in many instances, at variance with right; and that the theory which supposes the obligation to civil obedience derived from an original social compact, is not universally, or in general, supported by the history of nations. Many, if not most of the governments now existing in the world, probably originated in conquest. Or, however their foundations were at first laid, they have, through various changes, been matured to what they now are. And it is far from true, that their present forms are the result of a general compact among the people, or are a just expression of their will, unless their submission to them be considered as implicit consent. The instance of a numerous people, unawed by any foreign power, uncontrolled by any internal oppressor, calmly collecting the wisdom and the will of the whole community; coolly examining first principles; freely discussing and declaring their natural rights, and on such a firm and rational basis, deliberately erecting a constitution of government for themselves, is a spectacle not less singular than august, even in modern, more enlightened times. Nor will it, I trust, be considered as favouring of national pride, rather than as expressive of just gratitude to heaven, if I add, that to no instance among the few which modern times have exhibited, claiming any title to the above description, is it so fully applicable, as to that of our own highly favoured country.

As to the design or final cause of government, we feel no more doubt than with regard to its legitimate origin, or the proper source of the ruler’s power. That is the general good of the people, as this is their general will. I should blush for my country, or for myself, did I hesitate to say, that we are agreed in exploding the absurd idea of the many being made for the few; and of rulers, as such, not living for the people, rather than the people for them: or did I suppose that it could be felt as any disparagement by the latter, to be styled the servants of the public. Their usefulness is their honour; and they are great in proportion as they minister to the general good. This, however, does by no means suggest that a consciousness of their being benefactors, ought to be their only reward.—While acting in character, they merit not only the esteem and respect of the people, but have a right to find their own interests promoted by their exertions for the benefit of others. If they are servants, they are by no means slaves. They are not bound to give their labors to the public, without an honourable compensation; though in common with others, they ought to be under the influence of those sublime principles of patriotism and religion, which may induce them, when peculiar occasion calls, to make such sacrifices for their country’s welfare, as nothing but the gratitude and affection of their country can repay.

This representation of the design of government and the ruler’s power is not less agreeable to scripture, than it is to enlightened reason; and is indeed, suggested by the apostle in the words preceding the text. He speaks of governors as sent “for the punishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well.” The office of the ruler or magistrate is not less honorable or necessary because a part, and no small part, of the good which it produces is of the negative kind, or consists in preventing evil. And if the punishing or preventing of evil seem, according to the apostle’s representation, to be the object of government and its laws, rather than recompencing such as do well: or we be ready to ask why praise is the only recompense allotted to well-doing, while punishment is the portion of those who do evil; we shall nevertheless find his manner of expression sufficiently accurate, if we consider that well-doing, in the sense here made use of, is its own reward. He who carefully observes the laws of society; who is just, faithful, sober and temperate, and wisely pursues the path of honest industry, finds his advantage in so doing, without any direct reward from the government under which he lives. Virtue tends to happiness. Such is the constitution of heaven. This tendency, indeed, is often counteracted by the follies and vices of men. A virtuous individual might be happy in the state of nature; at least he might be free from those evils and injuries against which government is calculated to protect him, if all around were as innocent and virtuous as he. The primary design of government, therefore is, not so much to render the subjects of it positively happy, as to prevent their being rendered miserable by the violence, injustice, fraud or negligence of their fellow men. This appears to be in perfect conformity to the apostle Paul’s ideas, when he exhorts that “supplications, prayers, intercessions and giving of thanks be made for all men; for kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty.”

It is to be observed, however, that all laws are not of the penal kind, or designed to deter from the commission of crimes. Some propose rewards. Their immediate object is to encourage exertions, in a particular line, calculated to promote the general good. And many others, though neither directly penal, nor of the kind last mentioned, are professedly designed to increase the public emolument, strength and prosperity, while they secure the peace and liberty of virtuous individuals. In a word, civil government, when wisely and faithfully administered, is as really calculated as it is designed to improve the condition of mankind, and to widen the sphere of their enjoyments, as well as to regulate and protect them. A very extensive sense may, therefore, be justly given to the Apostle’s expression, when speaking of the civil ruler: “He is the minister of God to thee for good.”

No man who impartially reads the exhortations of St. Peter in the context, with those of St. Paul in his epistle to the Romans, and in his charge to Titus, relative to civil obedience and subjection; and recollects the language of our Saviour, on which his conduct was so just a comment, with reference to the same subject, can refuse to acknowledge that the Christian religion sufficiently inculcates submission to government, and looks with a very friendly aspect on civil order and subordination.

Indeed, so strongly and with so little limitation has Christianity enjoined submission to the ruling powers, as to give some degree of plausibility to the charge of its being unfriendly to the liberty of the subject, and the unalienable rights of men. The doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, so favourable to the selfish views and ambition of tyrants, and so degrading to the human character in general, has presumed to derive its origin from this religion, or at least, with confidence appealed to it for support. It is presumed, however, that the expressions in the New Testament, which seem most to favour the beloved doctrine of tyrants, may be fairly explained and accounted for, in such a manner that they will appear to give no real countenance to such a doctrine; and further, that upon an impartial view of the Christian religion, we shall find abundant reason to acknowledge that it is most friendly to rational liberty, and that the spirit of it is most congenial to that of free governments.

There is good reason for supposing that the exhortations of the Apostles, recommending quiet submission to the ruling powers, were occasioned, especially by, and had a particular reference to a prejudice which then existed in the minds of the Gentiles, and was taken advantage of by the Jews, against the Christians, as though they were enemies to all government, and thought themselves on account of their relation to Christ, freed from all subjection to any earthly power. This prejudice probably arose from confounding Christians with Jews; and knowing that principles of a very seditious nature, criminal to the Romans, and indeed to all civil government, were really held by a sect among the latter, originated by Judas of Galilee, and on that account, called, Galileans, a name which, by the Heathens, was indiscriminately given to the Christians, in the early days of our religion.

As the principle attributed, though unjustly, to the Christians, or at least to Christianity, was so subversive of all order and government, it was of great importance that they should carefully guard against everything in their language and conduct, which might tend, in the least to justify their enemies in fixing it upon them. This may well account for the Apostle’s urging obedience to the ruling powers, in terms so strong and absolute; and explains their giving the following or a similar reason for their thus pressing it upon their Christian brethren,–“That the word of God be not blasphemed.” It shews also, that their object was not to define the limits of submission, but to evince the obligation to submission in general. Can it then be fairly inferred from anything which they have written, that our religion may be justly charged with being unfriendly to liberty, or giving any countenance to oppressive and tyrannical government? Would the charge be just, though we should allow that it was the design of the Apostles to recommend to their Christian brethren, in existing circumstances, an unreserved obedience to the ruling powers; not merely to such as were good and just, but to all without exception, to the rulers of that day, who, it is well known, were sufficiently despotic and oppressive? Certain it is, that had they undertaken to qualify the obedience of the subject, the end of their exhortations would have been frustrated; for they would by no means have vindicated themselves, in the eyes of the government, from the scandal to which they were exposed.

I am sensible that our religion has been thought sufficiently defensible against the imputation of teaching the slavish doctrine of unlimited obedience and passive submission, upon the idea that the sacred writers, when they inculcate subjection, in the strongest and most unqualified terms, still discover, by the arguments which they make use of to enforce it, that they consider government and ruling powers as what they ought to be, not regarding what they really were: That they urge obedience upon the principle that the civil magistrate is the minister of God for good, unto the people, and therefore that their obligation to obedience cannot be inferred, when he ceases to maintain this character, and becomes their scourge and oppressor. But if this construction of the apostolic writings, and particularly of St. Paul’s reasoning in the 13th chapter of Romans, be just, which, however, is not undisputed, there appears to be no occasion for having recourse to it.

Nevertheless, though it is allowed that Christianity does not profess to define the respective powers and rights of rulers and subjects, it is still contended that the spirit of it is most congenial to that of free governments, and evidently favourable to rational liberty.

We readily assent to our Saviour’s declaration, when he said, “my kingdom is not of this world.” His immediate object was to improve the hearts, and mend the morals of mankind: To reconcile them to the Deity, and thus train them up as subjects of a spiritual and eternal kingdom. This object however, is in perfect consistency with that of rendering them wiser, better and happier, in every earthly relation, and of promoting the present welfare, both of individuals and societies. It is manifestly, the tendency, and we need not hesitate to consider it as the design, of his religion, to render men better citizens of the world as well as to make them meet for an heavenly inheritance; to give them more just ideas of, and dispose them more faithfully to discharge, their respective duties, whatever their rank, station or condition in life. It is, doubtless, agreeable to his will, and in perfect conformity to the design of his spiritual kingdom, that mankind should avail themselves of every instruction which may be deduced from his religion, for securing liberty, peace and prosperity, and enhancing those advantages which are derived from civil government, and the laws of society.

The spirit of Christianity ought to be carried into the administration of every kind of government, and to regulate the conduct of all classes of men, from the highest to the lowest, but it does not thence follow that genius and principles of some kinds of government are not more nearly allied to the spirit of this religion than others; or that it does not point to the election of one form, rather than another. And if there be any one form on which it looks with peculiar approbation, can we hesitate to say, it is the Republican.

When our Saviour said to his disciples, “All ye are brethren,” did he not recognize or clearly countenance that fundamental principle of republicanism, the natural equality of men. I mean an equality with regard to certain natural and inherent rights; the only one which reason can successfully undertake to defend, and which is in perfect consistency with that difference and almost endless variety which is found among them, with respect to original capacity, aptitude to govern, education, riches, and influence derived from any of these sources, or from all combined.

It was not necessary that the author of our religion should more fully avow that important maxim of all free government, that rulers are invested with power not principally, for their own sakes, but for the good of the community; or that he should more clearly discountenance the idea of hereditary power, and greatness derived from titles and distinctions, not founded on merit, than he did, when he said to his followers, “Ye know that the princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over them, and they that are great exercise authority upon them; but so it shall not be among you: But whosoever would be great among you, let him be your minister, and whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant.”

He did not say, reject those kinds of government which cherish sentiments tending to depress, and hold in vassalage the great mass of the people; in which numbers of the community live in idleness and luxury, upon the labours of the rest, and enjoy privileges and exemptions, greatly oppressive to the degraded multitude: But he said by his Apostles, “Be ye, all of you subject one to another—Bear ye one another’s burdens—And, serve one another in love.” And he discovered in a striking manner, an impartial concern for all his brethren, when represented as saying, “Inasmuch as ye did it to the least of these, ye did it unto me.”

He has not said that governments, in order to their being free, must be elective; that all the members of the community are entitled to a voice, mediately or immediately, in choosing their rulers, and making the laws by which they are governed; or to a degree of weight in the general scale. But he has, by his Apostle, commanded us to honour all men; and has compared the Christian society to the human body; representing all the members of it as connected with, and mutually dependent on each other; so that “the eye cannot say to the hand, I have no need of thee; nor, again, the head to the feet, I have no need of you.” We are taught that “God hath tempered the body together, so that there should be no schism therein, but that the members should have the same care one of another; and whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it.”

The apostle enjoins obedience and fidelity to their own masters, on all in a state of servitude; but adds, “if thou mayest be free, choose it rather,” that we might not be left in doubt, which of those two states had the preference in his mind.

If it be thought of peculiar importance, in order to determine what kind of government is most agreeable to the spirit and principles of Christianity, to enquire what form the Author of it instituted in his church; may I be permitted, without seeming to wander too far from the present occasion, or to enter too deeply into a disputed question, to observe, concisely—that if we except what may be called Theocratic in this government, particularly the appointment of its first officers, by Christ himself, and the extraordinary powers with which these officers were invested, for the purpose of successfully propagating a religion, so strongly opposed by the lusts, passions and prejudices of the world: If we attend to the direct evidence which we have from the New Testament, that one species of officers was elected by the brethren: If we consider that the Apostles do not appear to have had any proper successors, the end of their office being answered in the witness which they gave to the resurrection of Christ, and the foundation which they laid for transmitting his religion to future generations: If we recollect that, by Apostolic direction, censure was to be inflicted on an offending brother, in an assembly of the whole church; that no brother was forbidden to speak and exhort in their religious assemblies; and, to mention no more, that there was, for a time, a community of goods, among the early Christians—the conclusion appears to be just and obvious, that, so far as Christ has instituted any particular kind of lasting government for his church; and so far as this is pointed out to us, by the authority or example of the New Testament writers, it partakes largely and most strongly of the Republican and Elective form.

I only add, that the friendly aspect of our religion on the cause of liberty in general, and of consequence, on the most free governments, is clearly visible in the whole tenor and tendency of its precepts, which is to promote, not only the divine, but all the benevolent and social virtues; to cherish that charity which worketh no ill to his neighbour, and to deter men from every act of injustice, treachery or unkindness, whereby the rights and liberties of any of their brethren might be violated; in the exhortations which are given to Christians, to stand fast in the liberty wherewith they are made free; not to be the servants of men; not to call any man master on earth; not to affect being called Rabbi, and not to exercise lordly dominion over each other.

Perhaps I ought to apologize for dwelling so long upon a point, on which this respectable audience may be supposed to have felt themselves previously agreed. It is hoped, however, that an attempt to illustrate the indirect testimony which the best of religions furnishes, in favour of our own constitutions of government, will not be deemed an improper one, by the friends, either of republicanism or Christianity.

What has been already said, is I trust, more than sufficient to explain the occasion of the apostles words, in the text, and their meaning as they relate to that occasion. This appears to be, that it was the will of God, with respect to the Christians to whom he wrote, that they should with due subjection to the civil powers, silence the ignorance of foolish men; or the objections and complaints of all, who, through prejudice, or want of acquaintance with them, and their religion, accused them of principles or practices unfriendly to government. Such subjection, we have reason to conclude, was the well doing especially intended. But taking the words in a more general sense, though still as relating to government, and the duties connected with it, may they not, with propriety, be recommended to the attention both of rulers and subjects, especially at a time when party spirit is so prevalent, that not a few of both find themselves exposed to censures which they ought not to deserve, and which they must naturally wish to silence?

But it may be asked, will not ignorance and folly be forever clamorous? Must not he who attempts to silence them, undertake an helpless task? Can it be the will of God that we should perform impossibilities? Is it not enough that we should be required to prevent or silence the complaints of the candid and judicious? To the following construction, which is presumed to be the true one, there can be no difficulty in assenting: That it is the duty of all to endeavour, by well doing, in their respective stations and relations, to prevent every just ground of complaint against them; and to conduct in such a manner as will have the most probable tendency to put to silence even the ignorant and foolish.

Permit me now to suggest, that if rulers would conform to the will of God, and the spirit of what is recommended in the text, they will feel themselves obliged, practically to remember the origin of government, and the source of their authority and power. If they duly consider that civil government is the ordinance of God, they will view themselves as his ministers, and charged with an important commission from him who “standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the Gods.” They will feel an elevation calculated, not to foster pride, but to inspire noble sentiments, and the most generous and laudable kind of ambition; and cherish that self respect which will render them cautious and circumspect in their deportment, and fearful of sinking the dignity of the ruler in the vices or follies of the man. They will remember the character of him whose ministers and representatives they are; they will take heed that they do not, by unfaithfulness, negligence, selfishness, or any baseness of behavior, misrepresent and dishonor HIM who has put such honor upon them; and carefully endeavour to manifest unto all who witness their administration, that they know him who exerciseth loving kindness, and judgment and righteousness, in the earth. They will not forget that being raised above their brethren, in authority, does not render them less accountable to HIM who is the judge of all the earth; but rather, will be seriously impressed with the interesting importance of that divine maxim, unto whom much is given, of him will much be required.

Remembering also that their power is not derived immediately from God, but through the intervention of those, over whom their power is extended, they will feel the propriety and importance of respecting the people, as well as themselves. This caution is usually applicable to rulers, in all kinds of government, even the most despotic: For, in all “the physical strength resides in the governed; and this strength wants only to be felt and roused, to lay prostrate the most ancient and confirmed dominion.” But especially may it be recommended to republican rulers, whose authority, while in common with that of others it derives its support from public opinion, is more sensibly and immediately dependent on the suffrages and general will of the governed. We reprobate the inconsistent idea of power, delegated to the rulers, remaining, at the same time, in the hands of the people: Yet, in governments like ours, where all delegated power may be said, by means of frequent elections, to return, after short intervals, to those who gave it; and their right to change even the constitution, when the public good may require, is clearly acknowledged, there appears to be a peculiar propriety in rulers treating the general opinion, and feelings of the people, with delicacy and respect. And this, not merely for their own advantage, and with a view to the more certain enjoyment of the public confidence and affection, but also from a patriotic regard to the general welfare and tranquility; that the people may not be furnished with a plea for attempting, or wishing, frequently, to shake foundations, and make injudicious or dangerous changes in the constitution.

It is a dictate of sound policy, as well as of Christian morality, that we should, not only endeavor to do that which is right and good, but, if possible, to do it in such a manner that our good may not be evil spoken of. It is, by no means, inconsistent with that firmness, and resolute adherence to what appears to be right, which characterizes a good ruler, to aim, habitually, at providing things honest in the sight of men; and to strive by manifestation of the truth, to commend himself to every man’s conscience, in the sight of God.

Again, if rulers do what is in their power to put to silence the ignorance of foolish men, they will practically remember the DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT, or the end for which they are invested with authority. In the whole of their administration, they will direct their aim, and point their endeavours to the general good. Whatever sphere they move in the system of government, this will be the centre towards which their views and actions will tend. They will divest themselves, as much as possible of selfish, of local, and of party prejudices. If they are legislators, they will, in making laws, every consult the good of the whole community. And though it may be often proper to make such, as are designed to benefit, more immediately, a part, yet they will consent to none, which, in their view, will operate injuriously with respect to the whole. And if their office be to execute the laws, they will be guided by the same principle. They will view all classes and conditions of men with an equal eye. They will not employ their power and influence to oppress the poor, in judgment; or screen the guilty from deserved punishment, on account of their riches or honors. They will not bear the sword in vain, by neglecting the duties required of them; or from sinister motives, overlooking crimes which they ought to punish; but in such a manner as to be a terror to evil doers, while they are a praise to them who do well.

Further, if rulers would, as much as possible, secure themselves from censure, by conforming to the will of God, it highly concerns them to consider the influence of religion upon the present happiness of mankind. Upon the acknowledged principle, that religion, if not absolutely necessary to the existence, is greatly conducive to the order, peace and welfare of civil society, they will feel themselves bound to make all that provision for disseminating the knowledge, and enforcing the practice of it, among the people, which is consistent with the rights of conscience; rights which they will ever hold sacred, and never presume to violate, even with a view to promoting what they may esteem the greatest good of the community; sensible that they, equally with others, are bound by the prohibition, not to do evil that good may come. They will, upon the same principle, and under the conviction, that it does not appertain to them to decree articles of faith or modes of worship, protect all denominations in the peaceable exercise of their religion, and in worshipping God according to the dictates of their consciences. Consistently, however, with the above mentioned conviction; and that such protection may be effectually granted, they will, not only feel themselves at liberty, but under obligation to restrain the licentiousness of those, who, regardless of all religious institutions, would throw down the barriers, designed to separate from others, that day which is peculiarly devoted to the public worship of God.

The ruler’s respect for religion may, and ought to be discovered also by distinguishing those who appear to reverence its laws, in the distribution of public offices; so far, at least, as a due regard to other qualifications will permit. If they would silence the ignorance of the foolish, or give no occasion to the judicious and well disposed to censure their conduct, they will follow the direction given to the Israelites, respecting the choice of their rulers and judges—provide such as fear God, as well as able men, and haters of covetousness. Their eyes will be upon the faithful of the land, to honor and promote them; nor will they suffer considerations of friendship, affinity, or self interest to outweigh those of personal character.

But there is yet another way in which their regard for religion may be most effectually expressed, and this is, exhibiting in their own characters, that which it is their duty to honour in others. It is possible that men may respect religion in others, who do not habitually feel its influence themselves; at least, they may occasionally distinguish and honor it, when their own authority, interest, or favorite schemes may be promoted by so doing. It would, however, be with faint hopes of success, should we recommend to men destitute of religious principle, the making of such principle an object in the appointment of others to places of power and trust. And indeed, with respect to their own fidelity, and uniform attention to the duties of their office, we cannot feel that confidence in men, who profess not to be governed by higher motives than those of honour, civil virtue or regard to reputation, which we cheerfully repose in such as give us the additional security, which is derived from those sublime principles by which religion, and especially the Christian religion, awes, controls, directs and animates its votaries.

In connexion with what has been now said, it is natural to observe, that if rulers would hope to avoid, not merely the clamours of ignorance and folly, but the frowns of knowledge and virtue, they must be exemplary in their own respect for, and obedience to those laws by which they are instrumental in binding their brethren. If they treat their own institutions with practical contempt, they will be justly chargeable with the absurdity of pulling down with one hand, what they build with the other. It is of as real importance that they should govern, as that the ministers of religion should instruct and persuade, by example.

The inquiry, how the subjects of government ought to conduct, that they may comply with the spirit of the instruction given in the text, now demands our attention. The sum of the answer we may find in the words immediately following. “As free, and not using your liberty as a cloke of maliciousness, but as the servants of God.”

As HIS servants, it becometh them to remember that submission to government is a duty, than which scarcely anyone appears to be more clearly enjoined by HIM. Reason teaches us that whatever tends to promote the happiness of mankind, is agreeable to the benevolent author of our beings. For the necessity, importance and salutary tendency of government, of laws and magistrates, to be a terror to evil doers, and a protection, as well as praise to them that do well, we need not appeal merely to the feelings of those who have suffered in their persons, their property or their connexions, by the audacious wickedness of the high-way robber, or the insidious, and even more alarming villainy of the midnight thief, incendiary and assassin. On this point general experience abundantly confirms the decision of reason. The conclusion is obvious. The voice of revelation, also, is clear and decisive upon our obligation to civil obedience: So clear, that we may safely pronounce real enemies to government, to civil order and subordination, practical enemies, at least, to our holy religion. Whatever they may be in name, they are not Christians in spirit and in truth. To declare anyone, an enemy to government in general, is therefore a high and grievous charge. It may be, and, no doubt, often is misapplied. This may be the language of ignorance, of folly, of prejudice or malice, as well as the complaints which are too often uttered against those by whom government is administered. Nothing which sober reason dictates, or which Christ, or his apostles have taught, on this subject, furnishes any just ground for the pretence, that resistance to the ruling powers is, in all cases, contrary to the will of God, and the spirit of our religion: Much less, that all disapprobation of, or speaking against the measures of those in authority, is criminal. We have not so learned Christ, nor the principles of civil subjection. In this respect we may, and ought to conduct as free. But if we would do what we ought to prevent or silence complaints, with regard to the use which we make of our liberty, we must consider the ill consequences of a groundless diminution of the public confidence, in our civil rulers. We must remember that although they may not introduce more of mystery into their administration, than particular circumstances, or the general nature of government may require, yet we are not capable of knowing, in all cases, at least, immediately, the motives which influence their conduct. Their means of information are more perfect, and their field of vision more extensive than those of private individuals. These considerations will dictate candour and tenderness, in the judgments which we form of their public conduct, in those instances which appear most doubtful, or liable to suspicion; and are calculated to produce a habit of manly and generous, though not of blind and implicit confidence, in the uprightness of their views, and the wisdom of their measures. The same considerations, should also inspire us with the truly patriotic resolution, of standing forth in the defence of our rulers, when we conceive them to have done well, and their measures to be unjustly attacked; and induce us, by enlightening, according to our ability, the ignorant, to silence, if possible, their groundless complaints. Permit me to observe, that such a kind of confidence, as has been recommended, may, with peculiar justice, be expected of the subjects of such a government as our own, in which all the rulers are, either directly or indirectly, appointed by the people: Since, in censuring them we do, in some measure, cast a reflection on our own, or at least, the public wisdom or integrity.

While we hold fast the liberty of private judgment, and assert our right to investigate and discuss the measures of government, if we would give no just occasion of offence, we shall exercise this right with prudence and decency. We shall appeal to dispassionate reason and argument; and not have recourse to reviling, scurrility and abuse. Those do but injure a good cause, while they render a doubtful one, still more suspicious. Need I add, that falsehood and deception, however they may be viewed by the optics of corrupt policy, or violent party zeal, are a kind of weapons which will be rejected with abhorrence, by every true friend of liberty, of government, and his country.

The man to whom this character belongs, whatever his sentiments may be on disputed political questions, will, we may expect, quietly yield up private opinion to that of the public, as expressed by the constituted organs of the general voice; so far at least, as to submit, without difficulty or opposition, to its established effects. He will rejoice in the prosperity of his country, whether it were produced by the means which he preferred, or not. And with respect to measures which involve only the question of expediency, not that of justice and right, will feel willing that events should determine their wisdom or impropriety.

I only observe further, that a due regard to the will of God, and the peace, order and welfare of society, will deter him from imputing to those who differ from him, in some of their sentiments, on public measures, worse motives and intentions than their conduct clearly indicates; and from exasperating the spirit of party, when already too violent for the health of the political body.

From what has been said of the friendly aspect of the Christian religion on civil liberty, and the congeniality of its spirit to that of the most free governments, we may infer, that as conformity to its principles and obedience to its precepts prevail, the rights of men will be more thoroughly understood, and more sacredly regarded.

And may we not view it, at least, as probable, that the extension of republican principles and forms of government will accompany that spreading of the gospel, in its power and purity, which the scripture prophecies represent as constituting the glory of the latter days? The surprising changes and revolutions which have taken, and are taking place in Europe, loudly pronounce the present an eventful period. Whether they be not the wheels, in the grand machinery of providence, which are to have a distinguished efficiency in hastening the fulfillment of ancient predictions, relative to the downfall of anti-christian and tyrannical power, and thus introducing the reign of truth, of peace, and equal liberty, is an inquiry which may well arrest the attention of every serious and enlightened believer in revelation.

Nor am I deterred from offering the above suggestion, by reflecting that the great and formidable Republic, which makes so conspicuous a figure on the bloody theatre, has, in the midst of revolutionary violence, and their zeal for destroying the corrupt appendages of the Christian religion, made war upon Christianity itself: Nor by a review of those attendant enormities, from which humanity ever must, and, as we have reason to hope, that nation among whom they were perpetrated now generally does, turn away with abhorrence: Nor by anything which may be justly thought equivocal, or alarming in their present designs or conduct, relative to us, or to surrounding nations.

To the prevalence of infidelity, and an unparalleled prostration of Christian principles and institutions, may be justly attributed, in no small degree, those shocking evils which tarnished the glory of their wonderful revolution. Nor let us hastily conclude that the strange and impious attempts to banish Christianity, in the days of anarchy and confusion, will prove effectual to hold it in lasting exile;–or prevent its return, in an improved and more rational form, to bless the reign of order, peace and settled government. Besides, we acknowledge that the power and wisdom of the Deity are often exercised in bringing good out of evil. He disappointeth the devices of the crafty, carrieth headlong the counsel of the forward, and bringeth about the most important events, by the means which they make use of to defeat them. We remember how the enemies of Christ flattered themselves that they had effectually crushed his power and cause, when they accomplished his death, though that very event was the corner stone on which his kingdom was erected. We recollect that the Assyrian monarch is called the rod of God’s anger; and that the righteous designs of the Almighty Ruler were carried into effect through his instrumentality, though he meant no so, neither did his heart think so; but it was in his heart to destroy and cut off nations, not a few. And we assent to the scripture declaration: “Surely the wrath of man shall praise thee; the remainder of wrath shalt thou restrain.”

Reflecting on the legitimate origin, and design of civil government, what abundant reason have we to felicitate ourselves on being the inhabitants of a country, in which the former is so clearly, and practically recognized, and the latter so rationally and happily pursued! It is our happy lot to live under civil constitutions “which unite, and by their union establish, liberty with order;” the latter of which is not less essential to our permanent welfare, than liberty itself. We are citizens not merely of a single Commonwealth, but also, of a Federal Republic, which unites, for general defence, and many important purposes, under one common head, a number of distinct States, possessed of qualified sovereignty, spread over an extensive country; and thus, without endangering freedom, or giving up anything essential to the republican form of government, in a great measure, if not entirely, obviates the often repeated objection against this form, as being compatible only to a small extent of territory.

Nor are our religious rights less firmly secured to us than our civil. Not by legal establishments. Not by any other alliance between the church and state, than what consists in that rational respect which each entertains for the other, founded on a conviction of the importance, both of religion and government, to the happiness of society. While religion, and the Christian religion is countenanced, if not directly patronized by the ruling powers, every man is at liberty to worship God in the manner which his conscience dictates to be right. The citizens of the United States are highly favoured, in as much as they are not shackled in their inquiries, by the baneful influence of a powerful and bigoted hierarchy, on the one hand; nor, with pleasing confidence, I add, taught by general infidelity and irreligion, in their civil rulers, to flight the institutions of Christianity, or to neglect the support, or despise the instructions of their spiritual teachers, on the other.

That the great body of the people are possessed of an uncommon degree of valuable knowledge, compared with most, if not all other nations, with whom we are acquainted; that the arts and sciences are flourishing; that the means of education are improving, as well as increasing, and that religion is generally respected, amongst us, are considerations which tend to confirm the pleasing hope, that the Temple of Liberty which has been erected in this Western world, will be as renowned for its duration, as it is for the harmony of its proportions, and the simple elegance of its structure.

Were we to take a review, (which however, the time will not permit,) of the various scenes through which we have passed, in our progress from a state of dependence on a distant power, whose impolitic measures for securing, more firmly, our subjection, were the means of losing it entirely, to our present state of independence, prosperity, wealth and respectability, the recollection might well excite a throng of emotions in our breasts, among which, gratitude to heaven would justly claim the preeminence. For it was not our own arm that saved us; but the right hand of the Lord, and his arm, and the light of his countenance. This pious affection, however by no means forbids, and, I trust, will not exclude the gratitude so justly due to those patriotic warriors and statesmen, whom heaven has honoured, in making them important instruments of our political salvation and national prosperity. Among this band of worthies, it would be unnatural and unjust, not to distinguish the late illustrious President of the United States. Viewing him both in his military and civil character, and tracing him through the whole course of his patriotic and benevolent labours, who will deny that he has well done, and deserved most highly of his country? May that retirement, to which he has been followed by an unparalleled share of the public applause, esteem and gratitude, be as happy as it is dignified; and the evening of his life as peaceful and serene, as its day has been active and useful! ¹

While we cheerfully pay this tribute of respect to the distinguished merits of the retired President, we disclaim the idea, of our political salvation or prosperity depending on the name or the virtues of a single citizen, however illustrious. Let the well known abilities, the extensive political knowledge, the integrity and patriotism of that highly respectable character, who now fills the first seat in our national government, be our justification in so doing. And let the general satisfaction with which the result of a late interesting election was received; and the confidence, and spirit of conciliation with which both the first and second in command, appear to be viewed by the people at large, suffice to falsify the gloomy predictions, and disappoint the fears and hopes of such as have, either kindly trembled for our safety, or viewed with a jealous eye, our rising greatness and respectability.

Among the public causes of joy and gratitude, it is far from the least, that we have been enabled to realize the invaluable blessing of peace, while other nations, with whom we are connected, have so severely experienced the calamities of war. Our joy has, however, lately felt a check, and a cloud has, in a degree, obscured the face of our national prosperity, in consequence of the misunderstanding which has taken place, between our government and the Republic of France. Nevertheless, we trust that those ties which bind the two nations to each other, will not be lightly broken by either; and that both understand their honour and interest too well, to widen, rather than attempt healing the unhappy breach. With respect to our own government, we feel full confidence that, from a conviction of the undiminished value of peace, and a due regard to the dictates of general benevolence, they will be induced, before an appeal is made to the sword, to pursue the expedient of negotiation, as far as national dignity will permit: Farther than this, it is presumed, no citizen of independent America will wish them to go; or patiently bear the humiliating idea of being controuled, or dictated to, by any foreign nation whatever.

The aged and venerable chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, now that he is retiring from the chair of government, to which he has been repeatedly raised by his fellow-citizens, who have thus clearly expressed their grateful sense of his past exertions, in the cause of freedom and his country, will be pleased to accept our warmest wishes for his health and happiness; That peace my crown his latter days; that he may live to see, and rejoice in the increasing prosperity of his country, and finally realize the blessedness promised to the faithful disciples of Christ.

When we extend our views forward, to a successor, in this high and honorable office, it is with much satisfaction that we observe the prevailing suffrages of the people pointing us to a Character,² in whom we can feel so strong confidence, that he will faithfully and uniformly endeavour to promote the true interest of this Commonwealth, in connexion, and consistency with that of the United States.

His Honor, the Lieutenant Governor, ³ will accept our congratulations, on the renewed testimony which he has received of the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. By still exerting himself to serve them, in that honorable station, to which their so general suffrages have called him, may he enhance their esteem and approbation, as well as the final rewards of fidelity.

May the Honourable Senate, and House of Representatives, in the elections of this day, and all their future deliberations and decisions, be actuated by the purest of motives; a regard to the honour of God, and the happiness of those who have placed confidence in their wisdom and integrity. We trust they will not forget the salutary influence of religion, on the welfare of civil society, nor the peculiar importance of the general diffusion of knowledge, in a Republic. We therefore anticipate their solicitous, and unremitted concern, not only for our University, and Academies, but for those smaller and more common seminaries of learning, on which our dependence, for the general dissemination of the most useful knowledge, and a great part of the benefit of public religious instruction, must ultimately rest. Happy will it be for the people, and healthier still, in the end, for themselves, if they conscientiously pursue the way of well-doing: If, by their laws, their influence and example, they endeavour to discourage vice, and honour and promote that righteousness which exalteth a nation, while it lays the only sure foundation of happiness to individuals, both temporal and eternal. For, if to the character of good rulers, they join that of good men, though they should not be able, at all times, to silence the ignorant and foolish, they will secure the approbation of the wise and candid; and above all, they will be glorious in the eyes of the Lord.

This whole assembly is reminded of the obligation which lies upon them to do well, not merely by subjection to government, and giving honour, to all among their fellow-men, to whom honour is due, but by uniform submission to the will, and impartial respect to all the commandments of the SUPREME RULER of the world. Let us rejoice that we are called unto liberty, and that our submission to government is so rational a service. But let us take heed that we do not use our liberty either civil or religious, as a cloke of maliciousness. Let us not show ourselves unworthy of the former, either by unreasonable and groundless complaints of our rulers on the one hand, or blind and servile confidence in them on the other: By neglecting or abusing the important privilege of election, which we so freely enjoy; nor by losing sight of the principles and spirit of those excellent constitutions of government, under which we live. And let us not abuse the latter, by injustice, fraud and falsehood; by luxury, intemperance and corrupting dissipation; nor by infidelity, profaneness, and contemptuous disregard of religious institutions. But duly appreciating the merits, both of the government and the religion with which we are blessed, let it be our great concern, to crown the virtues of the citizen with those of the Christian: Thus firmly laying the foundation of a joyful hope, that when the solemn period shall arrive, which will level all distinctions, but those of the moral kind, we may find a place among the just made perfect; and with all those, who, by patient continuance in well doing, have fought glory, honour, immortality, enter on the enjoyment of eternal life.

END.

¹. His Excellency Samuel Adams, Esq.

². His Excellency Increase Sumner, Esq.

³. His Honor Moses Gill, Esq.

Sermon – Election – 1797, Connecticut

This sermon was preached by Isaac Lewis in Hartford, Connecticut on May 11, 1797.

THE POLITICAL ADVANTAGES OF GODLINESS.

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY THE

GOVERNOR,

AND THE HONORABLE

LEGISLATURE

OF THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

CONVENED AT HARTFORD

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION.

May 11, 1797.

By Isaac Lewis, D. D.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN GREENWICH.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford on the second Thursday of May, Anno Domini 1797.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Joseph P. Cook and Col. Ebenezer Mead present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Isaac Lewis, D. D. for his Sermon, delivered at the anniversary Election, on the 11th of May, instant, before the General Assembly, and request a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined,
By Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

ELECTION SERMON.

I TIMOTHY iv. 8.

Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

In all situations and conditions of life, true religion is of the first importance. It is the solace of those, who are placed in the vale of poverty and affliction; the sweetener of all the unambitious enjoyments, of the middle walks of private life; and the highest ornament to the persons, and characters of the rich, the honorable, and the great. Without it, no man can be either truly, or lastingly happy. Were this divine guest to be banished from the society of men, this world would become but the abode of folly and wretchedness; and man, with all his boasted reason and superiority, inferior, in point of real enjoyment, to the herds who graze the fields.

The sentiments of St. Paul on this subject, are clearly expressed in our text and context. After cautioning Timothy to avoid perplexing himself and others, with the fabulous traditions of the Jews, and their endless genealogies, and exhorting him, like the athletics in the Grecian games, to exert his uttermost labor and diligence, in pursuing and promoting the doctrines and duties of true piety, as an argument to enforce the whole, he introduces the words of our text. Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

These motives to godliness, though first addressed to Timothy, apply with equal force and propriety to all men, of every age and condition. The import of the text is briefly this, “Godliness is every way advantageous. Whoever shall experience the power of it, will thence derive a rich harvest of gain. Beside the crown of immortal glory, which it infallibly secures to its possessor, it will produce the highest satisfaction, of which the human mind is capable, in the present state of existence. Its advantages are eminent in all stations, and situations, and in the prosecution of every business, proper to engage the attention of mankind.”

If then godliness have promises of good to be enjoyed in this life, as well as in that which is to come, if it be profitable unto all things, we may doubtless with safety conclude, that effectual aid may be derived from it, in the administration of civil government; and that, if generally and faithfully practiced, it would most essentially contribute toward obtaining for, and securing to a community, all the important ends of its institution.

To illustrate this observation, is the proposed object of the present discourse. Preparatory to which a concise view of the nature of godliness, and of the ends of civil government will first be taken.

Godliness is a term used in two senses; the one limited, and the other more general. In its limited sense, it includes only the duties of piety toward God. In its general sense, it comprises all the duties prescribed by the Christian religion; those which we owe to our fellow-men, and to ourselves, as well as those which we owe to God. The apostle, in our text, uses the term in its most general sense, as appears from the extensive benefits, which, he assures us, will flow from a faithful practice of its various duties. These duties cannot now be minutely detailed. It may however be proper to observe in general, that they may be divided into four classes, the duties we owe to God, to Christ, to our fellow-men, and to ourselves.

In the first of these, are comprised supreme love to God, a fixed dependence on, and a humble trust in him, a cordial submission to his providential dispensations, together with conformity to his revealed will.

In the second, are included faith in the mediator, accompanied with a daily and sincere attention to him, considered as our teacher, our example and lawgiver, our advocate and intercessor with the father.

In the third, are contained universal love to mankind, mercy, justice, beneficence, truth and the forgiveness of injuries.

The fourth, comprehends the graces of humility, meekness, prudence, fortitude and self-government.

All the before mentioned virtues are briefly comprehended, by our divine master, in the following expressive words. “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God, with all thy heart, and thy neighbour as thyself.” These unitedly constitute that godliness, which is urged on us in our text, as being every way conducive to the advancement, of all the important interests of mankind.

But in order to determine, how far godliness contributes to the obtainment of the great ends of civil institutions, it will be necessary to enquire what those ends are? Or what are the great objects, all governments ought to pursue, and which all good governments actually do pursue, though with different degrees of success? These, it is supposed, may be all comprehended in the following particulars.

1. The primary objet of civil institutions is to prevent those evils, which, considering the depravity of mankind, would certainly result from a state of nature.

Selfishness is the predominant principle of fallen man. This, by being supreme, necessarily excludes the fear of God, and benevolence to our fellow-men. And among a number of individuals, un-united by any social compact, would produce a state of constant mutual hostility. In such a situation, jarring interests would at once enkindle the fire, and constantly fan the flame of discord; and of course banish peace and security. No protection, except what may be derived from personal prowess, can be obtained by individuals, in a state of nature. Life and property are equally insecure. Indeed without some kind of civil association, the last must be extremely limited. The power of an individual, unassisted by those arts, which flourish only under the protection of civil government, is wholly incompetent to the acquisition of more property, than a bare sufficiency for a scanty subsistence. But admitting the possibility of acquiring considerable property in a state of nature, still it would only serve to invite plunder, and lawless invasion. The more one possessed, the greater would be his danger. And if his strength should prove sufficient, to resist a single invader, it must unavoidably yield to the superior force of a combination of those, who would choose to live by rapine, rather than submit to the toils of daily labor.

The evils to which men would unavoidably be exposed, in a state of nature, we may learn from those, which have ever been attendant on revolutions. During such changes there is ever a period, in which laws lose their influence, and licentiousness prevails. This reign of anarchy is at its most alarming crisis, in that stage of a revolution which intervenes, between the destruction of the old, and the establishment of new principles and maxims of government. It is probable that no revolution was ever effected in any country, with less of these evils, than the recent one here in America. In our own State, very few disorders appeared; owing perhaps principally to the inconsiderable alterations, which the revolution produced. But in some parts of the union, the most fatal evils were experienced. Law was no longer a restraint, right no longer regarded, property was invaded, virtue insulted, chastity polluted, and life sacrificed, by abandoned ruffians, who, having broken over every restraint, rioted on the spoils of their innocent neighbours. Under an inexpressibly more dreadful experience of these, and many other similar evils, it is well known, one of the principal kingdoms of Europe, has for several years been groaning.

These things have been mentioned, solely with a view of exhibiting a specimen of what may be expected from a state of nature. To prevent their existence, as far as possible, to secure to individuals the peaceable possession of life, liberty and property, is a primary object of civil government. And its tendency to accomplish this purpose, undoubtedly wrought a conviction of its absolute necessity, in the minds of men, in the early ages of the world.

2. Another object worthy of the pursuit of government, is the promotion of the greatest good of the whole community, so far as that may be effected, without injury done to others.

Private interest, or the good of an individual, farther than it may be considered as involved in the good of the whole, ought not to be, and cannot consistently be the object of the social compact. As the whole is greater than its parts, so the good of a community is greater than the private interest of any individual. And to cause a greater interest to suffer, for the purpose of advancing a less, is a violation of the order of nature, and of the laws of equity and reason. A community is but one great family; in which, every member ought to consider his own interest, as involved in that of the whole; and this whole ought to swallow up every private or detached interest. As no private family can be happy, where each member is actuated solely by a principle of self-gratification; as such a line of conduct will produce a constant clashing of interests, which will unavoidably issue in contention and animosity; so no state can enjoy political happiness, where the public good is neglected, and an attachment to private, becomes the ruling passion. Hence cabals are always injurious, and ought to be opposed and even despised, as destructive of the great ends of civil society. They invariably have for their object, some party design. And the setting up of such an interest s the principal object of pursuit, is in the nature of it, hostile to public good. Private emolument cannot be set in competition with public, without endangering the latter. And to endanger the public good, for any private advantage, is always to sacrifice the greater interest to the less.

From these observations it appears, that the good which ought to be the object of government is the public good; and that in competition with it, no private or party interest ought ever to be placed.

But it is further to be observed, that although the greatest good of a community, ought to be the leading object of its government, yet even this is not to be pursued, by such measures as are injurious to other communities. Although the interest of an individual may be sacrificed, where it is absolutely necessary to promote the greatest good of the public, of which he is a member; yet it y no means follows, that a state or kingdom, in order to promote its own advantage, possesses a right to adopt such measures, as are injurious to a sister state. It is as inconsistent with every rule of moral obligation, for one state to commit injustice against another, as it is for an individual to rob or plunder this neighbour. All mankind are brethren, the children of the same common parent. Different states are correlatives of each other. The great Christian law which prescribes our duty toward our neighbours, considered in our individual capacity, will, if observed, regulate the conduct of states toward each other.

Although politicians have burdened the science of government, with many intricacies, which may, not improperly, be called the chicanery of courts; yet, if inexperience may be permitted to risk an opinion, we should say that it is reducible to a few plain principles. To love our neighbour as ourselves—To do to others as we would that they should do to us, are rules of moral conduct as applicable to communities, as to individuals. Nor can any reason be assigned in justification of fraud, in justice, oppression, or cruelty in a body of men more than in a single person. On the contrary, where a body of man practice injustice, the crime is far greater, than a similar act of injustice performed by an individual: because in the one case, the guilt is confined to a single subject, and in the other, it extends to a whole community; and because the evil consequences of public injustice, and the injuries done by it, are far more extensive, than those of private. When one nation is guilty of injustice towards another, thousands and millions may feel the injury. It is not in human power to calculate the evils, which will follow one deliberate act of such injustice. It will be readily granted, that the evils of private injustice are many. Among these may be enumerated expensive laws-suits, the disaffection of families to each other, and all the usual consequences of private hatred. Yet admitting the worst that can follow, the civil law is a barrier, which will always check and restrain these evils, and confine them within certain limits. But when one nation practices gross injustice against another, there is no common arbiter, either to decide the contention, or to control its destructive effects. War commonly bursts forth like a sweeping deluge, overwhelming and confounding the innocent with the guilty; and inflicting on whole countries greater, and more durable calamities, than any of the usual scourges, by which heaven corrects the madness of mankind.

The foregoing observations sufficiently prove, that national injustice is far more criminal in itself, and far more fatal in its consequences, than private. And of consequence, that the same moral rule of righteousness, which the scriptures have prescribed to individuals, and by which they are bound to regulate their conduct, ought to be adopted by nations, and faithfully adhered to, in all their treatment of each other. Hence will appear the justice of the remark before made, that although the greatest public good of a community, ought to be the end of its government, yet even that object, great and important as it is, ought never to be pursued, by means, which involve in them, a violation of the rights of other nations.

But notwithstanding the evident truth of this remark, it is to be lamented, that a policy directly repugnant to the rules of moral justice, has been too prevalent among all nations. The Roman love of their country, so much the boast of her citizens and so highly celebrated by her best writers, even in the purest days of that republic, was but a selfish contracted principle. Its objet was the aggrandizement of their commonwealth, not only without any regard to the happiness of other nations, but at the expense of their liberties, privileges and independence. Their love of their country, led them to destroy, or at least to subjugate every neighbouring state, which stood in the way of the enlargement of their empire, or whose interest was inconsistent with their own ambitious views. Justly were they characterized by the spirit of prophesy as a beast dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly; as devouring and breaking in pieces, and stamping the residue with their feet.

It is with the deepest regret, that truth obliges us to confess, that too similar to this detestable example, has been the policy of modern, as well as ancient nations. While the rulers of kingdoms have been careful to inculcate mutual justice among their subjects, by wise and salutary laws, they appear to have forgotten that national justice is a virtue; or not to be sensible, that there is anything criminal in injuring a neighbouring state, where the power of doing it is possessed, and an opportunity offered. While the private robber, who forces from an individual a small sum, must expiate his crime on a gibbet, it has been but too common for one nation to rob another of whole provinces, not only without censure, but with a tribute of praise for their martial achievements. To this fatal source, the injustice of nations toward each other, is to be attributed the awful scourge of war, with all its dreadful calamities. If the cause could once be suppressed, the effect would cease; and the prophecy of universal peace, so frequently repeated in the sacred writings, meet with an immediate accomplishment. The instruments of war would then be converted into implements of husbandry; nation would not lift up sword against nation, nor would they learn war anymore.

These few remarks on national injustice have been made, to call to the minds of this audience, the evils which must necessarily result from the prevalency of that unjust policy, which leads a nation to advance her own interest, by acts of injustice done to others. And likewise for the purpose of explaining in what sense, the public good ought to be the object of political institutions. To avoid the evils of a state of nature, and to promote the greatest national happiness, have been mentioned as the proper ends of government. These, are considered as including not only the particular objects, which have been brought up to view in what has been said, but whatever tends to the prosperity of a nation.

We will now proceed to enquire, what advantages, in the pursuit of these ends, may be derived from the practice of godliness.

1. Godliness will be productive of national felicity, by securing the fidelity of rulers.

That national happiness and misery, are closely connected with the character and conduct of those who hold the reins of government, approaches nigh to a self-evident proposition. At least it is a truth which a very little argumentation will support, and which has been fully confirmed by all history, both sacred and profane. The government of an Ahab, and a Manasseh, of a Nero and a Caligula, afford unequivocal proofs of misery of a people, destined to endure the scourge of wicked and tyrannical rulers. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice, but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.” An unprincipled magistrate is regardless of the public good, and wholly under the influence of selfish and mercenary views. In such hands neither the property, the liberty nor the life of the people are secure. These may, and most probably often will be sacrificed to the lust, the ambition, the avarice, and even the caprice of the tyrant. The public good is unspeakably too precious a deposit, to be betrusted to such men. He who disregards the obligations he is under to his God, cannot be supposed suitably to feel those which he is under to his fellow men. He will rather be led to consider his exaltation to office, as raising him above the restraints, laid upon his unofficed brethren, and as affording him an opportunity for indulging with impunity, the selfishness and wickedness of his heart. A ruler destitute of virtue, will without doubt in a greater or less degree be guilty of malpractice. And a government badly administered, will produce evils introductory, both to public and private infelicity. There is an inseparable connection between the moral character of rulers, and their administrations. If the former be vicious, corruption will appear in the latter, and a corrupted administration militates against the very ends of the social compact. And of course is inconsistent with the happiness of a community.—The liberties of a nation are always extremely unsafe, in the hands of vicious rulers; and the miseries which nations have suffered under the government of such characters, are to be ranked with the heaviest of divine judgments.

If then vice in authority be destructive of public felicity, it is but rational to conclude that virtue exalted to power, must be productive of directly contrary effects; and that a pious magistracy must afford the most encouraging prospect, of national happiness. The magistrate, who to the natural and acquired abilities necessary to prepare him for office, adds the fear of God, a reverence for the dictates of his own conscience, and that love to his fellow-men, implied in true godliness, will not fail to make the good of his constituents, the ultimate objet of his political pursuits. His example will uniformly be in favor of virtue, and his abilities steadily exerted to support and maintain that “righteousness which exalteth a nation, and to discountenance and suppress that vice which is a reproach to any people.” As a legislator, he will disregard local prejudices and party views, and ever give his voice in favor of such laws, as he believes to be founded in justice and public utility; and oppose with firmness, and uncorruptible integrity those of an opposite tendency. As a judge, his decisions will be guided by law and equity, without partiality for, or prejudice against any man. In whatever station he is called to serve his country, he will remember that he is accountable for his conduct not only to his fellow citizens, but to the supreme ruler of the universe; that he has a most important trust committed to him; that he is a minister of God, for good to his people; that the primary design to his honorary appointment, was to capacitate him to employ all his talents, in promoting and diffusing happiness through the community; and that he answers the great end of his being called into office, only so far as he steadfastly pursues this grand object. And that a greater proportion of happiness will be enjoyed by a people, where their rulers are actuated by such disinterested motives, than where they are influenced by selfishness, is too evident to need proof. It is as unnecessary to prove, that men of piety are not only the most likely to pursue the public good, but the only characters, from whom we have reason steadily to expect, such disinterested conduct. Nothing can afford so great a security for the fidelity of rulers, as godliness. Other motives may for a time produce unexceptionable conduct. But the influence of these other motives will be ever uncertain, and at best subservient to selfish views. The public good will always be abandoned by such a mind, whenever it is considered as directly opposed to private interest.

No men, in any situation or employment, are so sensible of the obligations they are under to fidelity as the truly religious. No others so fully perceive its importance, or are so deeply impressed with a conviction of its necessity. Religion is a crown of glory to all who possess it. It does not of itself prepare men for office, either in church or state. But where they are other ways prepared, the addition of true religion, above everything, contributes to their fidelity and usefulness. This observation applies with as much propriety, and force to the civil magistracy, as to any official characters. Fidelity in that office, is essential to national prosperity. So that godliness, when it lives and reigns in the hearts and lives of the magistrates of a country, contributes directly, and most essentially to the public happiness.

2. Godliness is no less salutary to a community, by the influence, which it has on the great body of the people.

As it secures the fidelity of rulers, so it makes good citizens. If its practice could once become universal in a nation, it would produce such a conduct in all ranks, as would issue in general prosperity. So far as national happiness depends, on the promotion of the social virtues—on the cultivation of benevolence, kindness, justice and charity—on the prevalence of harmony and tranquility, the practice of godliness has a direct tendency to its advancement. Godliness teaches us to do justly, to love mercy and to walk humbly with God. To owe no man anything, but to love one another. To render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor is due. And, to comprehend the whole in few words, to love our neighbour as ourselves. So far as these virtues promote public happiness, or are any way conducive to the prosperity of a nation; so far the salutary influence of godliness is indisputable. As it respects the duties of the second table of law, it consists in the exercise of these very virtues. And how far the practice of them actually does contribute to national prosperity, we may learn from the evils which their opposite vices never fail to produce. Fraud, injustice, anger, wrath and hatred are most evidently the bane of social happiness; and in proportion to their prevalency, are invariably productive of misery. The practice of these virtues then, and consequently of true godliness, has a direct tendency to promote the public good.

Again, so far as national happiness depends on a suitable conduct in the members of a community, toward each other, it is directly promoted by godliness. The circumstance last mentioned, it is well known, has great influence on domestic happiness. It is essential to the prosperity of a private family, that the conduct of each member be regulated by the strictest rules of propriety—that the heads conduct with a dignity becoming their station; equally remote from unreasonable austerity on the one hand, and trifling familiarity on the other—that children and servants, constantly exhibit reverence and respect, by an unreserved and cheerful obedience. Imprudence and folly in the governors of a family, and obstinacy and disobedience in the inferior members, are utterly destructive of domestic felicity. And why should not the case be the same with larger communities? The happiness of a nation is composed of similar ingredients with that, of a private family. And as the conduct of the several members of the latter, toward each other, has so evident an influence on their happiness, why must not the prosperity of a nation be greatly affected, by the mutual conduct of its rulers and ruled? If so, godliness must certainly promote national felicity. For it influences rulers to rule in the fear of God, and unofficered citizens to reverence and respect the magistrates of their country, as ministers of the Most High, appointed for the good of his people. So far as it extends, it leads every man to conduct agreeable to his station; to abide in, and faithfully to discharge the duties of his particular calling, and thus to contribute to the advancement of the general felicity.

But I take the liberty of farther observing, that godliness promotes national prosperity, as it contributes to an increase of wealth. If any should call in question the truth of this observation, let me desire him to remember, that there are few vices but what are luxurious; that they are expensive, and even prodigal both of time and money; and that those which are most corrupting, which spread their contagion the most rapidly, which ever have and ever will prevail where godliness is neglected, are not only such as devour property, but such as introduce disease, debility, idleness, and even an aversion to every species of labor, and thus dry up the very sources of national wealth.

On the other hand, godliness leads to temperance, health, industry and frugality. It not only retrenches the expenses of extravagance, but it adds to the stock already possessed, the daily gains of diligence. From the command and example of her divine teacher, she gathers up the fragments, and suffers nothing to be lost.

If, after considering these particulars, any should still be disposed to doubt, whether a general diffusion of godliness through a nation, would contribute more to the increase of its wealth, than the unrestrained reign of vice, let him compare the expenses of the several virtues included in true godliness, with those of their opposite vices. Let him for instance compare the expenses of humility, temperance and frugality, with what would be necessary to support pride, luxury, intemperance and prodigality, and the comparison will convince him, that it is vice which drains a nation of her wealth. We venture further to offer it as a decided opinion, that if such a person should judge with impartiality, he would meet a conviction, that the fashionable vices of the present day, are far more expensive than the support of government, together with all the public and private means of literary, moral and religious instruction. The universal spread of godliness among us, would save this enormous expense, and thus increase the pecuniary advantages of our nation. So true is it that godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

But permit me to add, that godliness, above every other principle that can be named, gives efficacy to the laws of a nation. Among many other ingredients, necessary to the happiness of a people, a good code of laws will doubtless be included. But simply the existence of such a system of laws, will be but of little advantage, unless they are sacredly regarded—unless they possess a commanding influence on all ranks of citizens. Laws, that have lost their influence, neither afford protection to the virtuous, nor lay restraint on the excesses of the vicious. And laws disregarded and trampled on with impunity will ever lose their influence. Of consequence, the support of law, by giving it as extensive an obedience as possible, and by putting its penalty in execution on delinquents, must be of high importance to national prosperity. And yet no part of civil government is attended with more, or greater difficulties. Men of true piety will see, and feel the importance of giving efficacy to laws, and from the purest motives, throw their whole weight into that scale.—They will obey the ordinances of man for the Lord’s sake. But the vicious part of every community are always impatient under the restraints of law; and ready to violate it, whenever they can flatter themselves of doing it with impunity. Hence the well known fact, that laws are trampled upon, in proportion to the increase of vice. The more gross wickedness prevails, the more are all laws divine and human disregarded. The inheritance from this fact is plain, that no principle can give such an efficacious influence to the laws of a nation, as true godliness. There is a close connection between fidelity to God, and fidelity to man; he who possesses the former will not neglect the latter. Consequently the diffusion of true religion through a nation, would in this respect, be attended with a most happy influence.

But it is worthy of further remark, that godliness not only contributes to the maintenance and support of law, by its influence on the hearts and lives of its true friends; but the doctrine of revealed religion, have a happy political effect on all who believe them, even with a speculative faith. The corruptions of mankind, it is believed, are far more restrained, from an apprehension and dread of future punishment, than from all the penalties, which sanction the several codes of human laws. Revealed religion denounces future wrath, not only against persons guilty of impiety toward God; but against murderers, thieves, adulterers, perjured persons, and all who commit crimes against society. So far as divine revelation is believed—so far as it gains even an historical assent from mankind, the idea of this future punishment, must operate as a forcible check to human corruptions. These penalties, admitting the authenticity of the scriptures, are known by the impenitent to be unavoidable, and therefore affect the mind as realities. No concealment, no fraud, no flight, can protect the offender from the vengeance of the judge. If the sinner dies in impenitency, he must unavoidably suffer the dreadful consequences. But men can easily escape the penalties of human laws. Under the best executed government, the probability is that they are actually avoided in more instances, than suffered by transgressors. The means of escaping civil punishments are very numerous, and perfectly known to the most vicious part of every nation. So that human laws are always transgressed with a hope of impunity. If then all dread of future punishment were totally annihilated, the strongest support of civil law, would be removed, and very little be left to restrain the corruptions of the vicious. And the consequence might be an absolute impossibility of supporting civil government.

From the foregoing observations we may at least conclude, that godliness is not only highly advantageous, but that, a belief of its doctrines, and especially those which respect the divine character and future rewards and punishments, are essential to the well being, if not to the existence of civil society. And it is a well known fact that all antiquity were in favor of a similar sentiment. Not a single legislator has ever attempted to enforce obedience to his laws, solely on the foundation of civil sanctions. They universally perceived the insufficiency of these motives, unassisted by those derived from religion. And as they were strangers to divine revelation, they formed a substitute, and adapted it, as well as they could, to the circumstances, the genius, and the prejudices of their people. Lycurgus, Solon, Numa Pompilius, Capac, and every legislator, at all famed for the wisdom of his institutions, found it necessary to have recourse to religion; and, in fact, derived from that source, the principle motives to enforce obedience. This shows, that in the judgment of these eminent men, the belief of a supreme Being, and the practice of some religion, are of great importance to the support of civil government; and that it is in vain to expect that a system of laws can be maintained for any considerable period, independent of all assistance of this kind. An opinion, as is confidently supposed, founded in a very accurate, and extensive knowledge of human nature, and which, we cannot but presume, will be ever found true, as long as sinful passions and affections possess such an influence on mankind.

If then some religion has ever been found necessary to the existence of civil government; if where the true religion has been unknown, the ablest legislators have thought it necessary to invent a substitute; if even an historical belief of the doctrines of revealed religion, have so direct a tendency to support civil institutions; certainly the reality itself, the general spread of true piety among all ranks in a commonwealth, must be attended with the most salutary effects. Its influence on the order, the regularity, the peace, and the harmony of a community, cannot fail of augmenting its felicity.

We see then, that beside the spiritual and eternal advantages of true godliness, which the design of this discourse will not admit of our considering, there are important benefits to be derived from it in the administration of civil government; and if generally and faithfully practiced, it would most essentially contribute toward obtaining for, and securing to a community all the valuable ends of such an institution.

In the preceding observations be just, then to maintain, that godliness is of no importance in a civil point of view—that gentlemen may be every way as well qualified, to act in any official character, in the government of a nation without, as with religion—that it is a matter of no consequence to the political happiness of a people, what religious system, or whether any at all prevails among them,–to support these, and similar sentiments, not only tends to the encouragement of immorality, but to the propagation of political heresy. And in proportion to their prevalence, must be productive of the most dangerous consequences. Without religion, a sense of moral obligation can never be preserved. And once destroy a sense of moral obligation, and you strike a deadly blow at the root of all mutual confidence between the different members of the community, and invite the spread of those vices, which are most hostile to the political as well as eternal interest of mankind.

I feel a peculiar happiness on this occasion, in being able to confirm these sentiments, by the authority of that most excellent man, that best of patriots, whose distinguished talents and eminent abilities, faithfully consecrated to his country’s service, have not only in an unexampled manner endeared him to his fellow-citizens, but rendered him the object of the veneration of the world. From that valuable legacy of political experience and sentiment, which he bequeathed to his country, in his address accompanying his resignation, I gladly introduce the following passages.

“Of all the dispositions and habits, says he, which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of a peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

”It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifferency on attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?”

I cannot conclude this extract, without observing that the sentiments it contains, in the view of every wise and good man, must add a luster to a character, already enrolled on the records of deathless fame, and the subject of a more universal admiration, and more extensive esteem, that any which the world hath hitherto produced. May America preserve in everlasting remembrance his political counsels—may they continue, through all succeeding generations, the fundamental maxims of their government—may his successors be all animated by the same spirit of wisdom, patriotism, firmness, and uncorruptible integrity—may he in the shades of retirement be constantly blessed with the special tokens of the divine favor—may self-approving reflections on the part he has acted, and the spiritual joys of communion with God and Christ repay the ceaseless toils and anxieties of his public life—and when heaven shall call him from his earthly abode, may he be admitted to a distinguished seat in the paradise above.

Permit me to add, that if anything can console us under the painful idea that Washington, no longer directs the helm of our government, it is the pleasing reflection that we have for his successor, a gentleman, not only of the first character for literary and political merit, wisdom, firmness and independency of sentiment, but one, who in the very moment of his inauguration, and in the presence of both houses of our national legislature, and a most crowded assembly of all ranks of spectators, ¹ had the fortitude to avow his attachment to the Christian religion, and his fixed determination to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service.

But we suspend these pleasing reflections, and proceed to remark, that if the observations which have been made be just, the importance of supporting Christianity is undeniable. All the political benefits, which can be rationally expected from any religion ever taught in this world, may certainly be expected from the Christian, and in a much higher degree than from any other, in proportion to the superior excellency of its moral precepts. The candid enemies of our faith confess, that the morality taught in the gospel is the most pure, and the best adapted to the purposes of social happiness, of any moral system ever published to men. If then some religion be necessary to answer the purposes of civil government, Christianity even on political views ought to be preferred to all others, as it possesses far the greatest tendency to promote the important designs already mentioned. If its morals are the purest, its tendency to promote social happiness is the greatest, and therefore good policy requires its support.

It is not however our wish that anything similar to the religious establishments of Europe, should be introduced into our country. We hope never to see our magistrates employed, in prescribing articles of faith; nor in the exercise of the least coercive power to compel men to adopt this, or that creed, or submit to any one mode of worship in preference to another. May liberty of conscience, in this land, be never violated. But if there be important political advantages to be derived from Christianity, which cannot be so effectually secured by any other means, as appears evident from the preceding observations, then is it as much the duty of government to endeavour its preservation, as in any other way to seek the public good. If every individual be left to choose for himself both with respect to doctrines, and modes of worship, laws made for the support of public instruction, and the religious observation of the Sabbath, cannot in any proper sense infringe on liberty of conscience.

If religion then has a just claim to the protection of government, it must be peculiarly important to official characters. The more exalted gentlemen are in office, the more public and extensive their sphere of action, the more necessary is it, that their whole conduct should exhibit undeniable evidence of their attachment to religion. The great body of the people look up to them, not only for examples in every virtue, but for that legislative encouragement to the cause of religion, on which its general prosperity under God must in a great measure depend. If godliness be profitable unto all things, if its political advantages be as great as has been represented, good policy will certainly lead to a preservation of the laws for the support of morality, to a maintenance and if need be, to an enlargement of the statutes for the suppression of vice, and to the appointment of such men to fill the several offices under our government, as are known to be at least men of unblemished morals. A steady adherence to this rule would disappoint the hopes of the wicked, and proportionally encourage those of the virtuous. It would make our legislature a terror indeed to evil doers, and a praise to them who do well. Much depends on the conduct of rulers. To support religion, law and liberty, is theirs. We live in a day when each of these have many foes. When the advocates of infidelity are loudly boasting of the increase of their numbers—When licentiousness is alarmingly prevalent, and when the federal constitution, the great palladium of our liberties, has been violently attacked. That amidst all these internal evils, and the dangers which arise from foreign insults and depredations, our rulers may be directed by unerring wisdom—that they may ever possess that firmness and fidelity, which the arduous duties of their station, and the peculiar difficulties of the day require, is the ardent prayer of all their pious constituents. And supported by so important an encouragement, it is hoped, and expected that they will disregard the unfounded clamours, of the enemies of religion and our country.

But besides the support which Christianity has a right to expect from government, it is of the highest importance, that it receive all encouragement from every class of citizens. In this business all should be united, and extend as far, and as generally as possible the practice of true piety. If there were no futurity, if the race of men had been made only for this world, still the universal practice of godliness would be a most desirable object, and as such must meet the sincere approbation of every friend to his country. And if so, how inconceivably important indeed is it, when we are assured by a well authenticated revelation from heaven, that we are all acting not for time only, or principally, but for the rewards, or the punishments of an eternity. The motives to the choice and practice of godliness are immensely great. Both temporal and eternal benefit, the promise of this life and of that which is to come, are all presented to our view, and placed in a very conspicuous light before our eyes, and nothing but the grossest stupidity can prevent our feeling the force of them.

This subject leads me further to remark, that although the laws of our land have excused clergymen from the burdens of civil functions, and left them at liberty to devote their whole time to the business of their peculiar profession, yet no body of men are more deeply interested in the prosperity of their country, or under greater obligations to constant exertions for that purpose. And happily their duty as Christian ministers, and as members of civil society perfectly coincide. In the former, which is the principal capacity in which they are called to act, they are pointedly commanded by their divine Master, to become ensamples to the whole flock over which the Holy Ghost has made them overseers, and to teach, rebuke and exhort with all long suffering and doctrine. The first object of their labors is to prepare men for the kingdom of heaven. This they are to attempt by explaining to them the nature, and enforcing on them the importance of true godliness, and by persuading them, if possible, to a faithful practice of it in all its branches. If they can effect this great purpose, they will not only benefit the souls of men, and advance the kingdom of the Redeemer in the world, but do a most important service to civil society. If they can become the happy instruments of leading those among whom they labor, to forsake sin, to embrace the gospel, to love God and practice every branch of true piety; they will no doubt obey magistrates, and submit themselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake. The more we promote the interest of religion, the more shall we advance that of civil society. The more spiritual good we do the souls of men, the more effectual aid shall we afford to the rulers of our land. Ministers have every argument set before them, to excite them to diligence and fidelity, drawn from the temporal, and the eternal interest of men. And in addition to all this, they are further animated, by a consideration of that future account which they must give of themselves, before an assembled universe. Though the stupidity of this infidel age, may often excite in them the complaint of the evangelical prophet “that they labor in vain and spend their strength for nought,” yet let them not be weary in well doing, but persevere with redoubled diligence, supported by the glorious hope that their labor will not be in vain in the Lord.

Lastly, the foregoing observations point out to us all, the sure means of promoting national happiness. Public virtue, and political prosperity are intimately connected. Righteousness will exalt, and vice bring ruin on a people. If then we are true patriots, if it is our glory really to be, as well as to be esteemed the friends of our country, we shall devote ourselves to the sincere practice of true godliness; and in our several stations faithfully endeavour its universal promotion. Enmity to religion is inconsistent with true patriotism. They who are either publicly or privately undermining the foundation of piety toward God, are weakening the force of moral obligation, and aiming a fatal blow against the dearest privileges resulting from the social compact. If we would wish to be a happy people, to enjoy in peace and tranquility the blessings of a most excellent constitution, and to transmit those fruits of such vast expense of blood and treasure unimpaired to posterity, it is of the highest importance, that we practice true godliness; as every other expedient, while that is neglected, will be found utterly insufficient.

In one word, the choice and practice of religion is urged on us, by every consideration which ought to affect a rational mind. Our duty to God, our country, and ourselves require it—our interest and happiness for time and eternity demand it of us. May God, of his infinite mercy grant us all, to experience it, in all its power, and in all its comforts and consolations, for the sake of the dear Redeemer. Amen.

Endnotes

¹. See President Adams’s speech at his inauguration.

Sermon – Election – 1796, New Hampshire

William Frederick Rowland (d. 1843) graduated from Dartmouth in 1784. He was the pastor of the First Church in Exeter, NH beginning in 1790. This sermon was preached by Rowland in New Hampshire on June 2, 1796.

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED IN PRESENCE OF

HIS EXCELLENCY

JOHN TAYLOR GILMAN, Esquire

GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,

CONVENED AT EXETER ON THE DAY OF THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

JUNE 2, 1796.

BY WILLIAM F. ROWLAND, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN EXETER.

State of New-Hampshire.

In the House of Representatives,
June 3d, 1796.

VOTED, That Mr. Moody, Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Upham, be a committee, on the part of the House, to join such of the Hon. Senate as they may appoint, to wait on the Reverend Mr. Rowland, and return him the thanks of the Legislature for his ingenious Discourse, delivered yesterday before the General Court, and desire of him a Copy for the Press.

Sent up for concurrence;
RUSSELL FREEMAN, Speaker.
In SENATE, June 3d, 1796, Read and concurred. Mr. Flanders appointed.
Nath’l Parker, dep. Sec’ry.
True Copy, Attest, Nath’l Parker, D’y. S’y.

ELECTION SERMON.

2 SAMUEL, xxiii. 3.

HE THAT RULETH OVER MEN MUST BE JUST, RULING IN THE FEAR OF GOD.

A CHARACTER formed upon the principles of religion is the most honorable and useful. It comprises all the virtues that recommend man to the peculiar notice of his Maker, render him an ornament to society, make him happy in a state of social connection in the present world, and glorious in immortality.

Such a character was David, The anointed of the God of Jacob: and he insists upon the indispensable necessity of it in those who rule over men. Nor does he offer merely his own private opinion respecting this important subject, for the Spirit of the Lord was with him—The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

The royal Prophet here points out, in a very brief and comprehensive manner, the duty, and the necessary qualifications of a civil ruler. These words ought to be engraven in the heart of every ruler, and in the heart of every person in the choice of rulers; for while they direct the latter to whom they ought to give their suffrages, they point out to the former the character which they should possess.

It is both pertinent and laudable, and must be considered so, by all good men, to enter on the public business of legislation, by the presentment of the rulers and officers of Government before the Lord in his sacred courts, to hear the words of his law, and to supplicate his presence and aid. We are happy that our civil Fathers have consecrated the present time to these solemn duties of religion. The occasion on which we are assembled, and the theme which I have chosen, will naturally lead me to make some remarks on government; delineate the character of a good ruler; exhibit the necessity of religion in civil administrations, and its happy effects in society.

Mutual advantage, at first induced men to form into social compact, and produced towns, states and empires. To exist in this social capacity, and secure life, property and happiness, it was found necessary that they should have some form of civil government. It is the will of God, that government should exist among men. What particular form is nowhere designated, but every nation has a right to choose for itself, and adapt it to the views, feelings and circumstances of the people. One form may be best for one nation, and a different, for another. That form is best, which most effectually secures their rights and rational liberties.

To the due administration of justice it is necessary that some should be clothed with authority; without this, they will not be able to regulate the affairs of state, and secure the good and peaceable, from the wanton abuse of the wicked and licentious. Their power, it is true, they derive from the people, but when they have invested them with authority they should pay due submission to, and place confidence in them.

A race of rational beings, not connected by the parental or filial tie, not depraved, but perfectly innocent, it is probable would fall into some kind of polity or civil connection. By forming into society the collected gifts and graces of all would become the property and emolument of all; but without social connection, they would be the property and profit only of the person possessing them, and could not benefit the whole. Society cannot be formed, or subsist, without certain regulations, or constitutional establishments. Such a race of beings, as we before mentioned, could find no difficulty in forming into union, and constituting the social tie. If their powers and capacities were different, reason would plainly lead the superior to the head, and the inferior to their respective places of subordination in the body. Or, if in regard to powers and capacities, all were on a par, then all would equally govern, and be equally subject. The good Angels are represented as having a kind of connection and order among them. The sacred books speak of Principalities and Powers, Thrones and Dominions; and the superiority signified by this necessarily supposes connection and subordination. But be it as it may among good and holy beings, yet obviously among beings so deeply depraved and selfish as man, government is indispensably necessary. Without government, it would be impossible to live in such a world as ours. A state of anarchy, without law and government, would be a state of complete wretchedness.—Such are the fierce and savage lusts of men, that property and life would constantly hang on uncertainty. The Israelitish nation found themselves in a most calamitous state, when there was no Government authoritatively established among them, and everyone did without control what was right in his own eyes. The God of nature has pointed out the propriety of civil government, in the constitution of families, and given a specimen of it in parental authority and filial subjection; this only excepted, that all men are born free and stand on a par; so that all rightful governing must derive from the governed and have its foundation in common consent and agreement. Necessity early led men to form themselves into social bodies, and confirm the social tie by certain laws and regulations mutually agreed on and committed to some one or more of the body.

In order to government, rulers are necessary; and to a happy administration it is requisite that they answer the character in the text: Some delineation of which was the next thing we proposed.

He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. He must be just in all his dealings, in the exercise of the powers with which he is invested, administering justice without partiality. The word of God teaches the necessary qualifications of a good ruler. To this he will look for instruction in his duty. Here he will find a model, on which his character should be formed; and rules relating to his whole conduct. It teaches him to reverence God as the Supreme Ruler of nations, his dependence on Him for light and direction, and his accountableness to Him for all his actions: and this will have a happy influence on his conduct and excite him to fidelity. It unfolds a glorious immortality, through Jesus Christ, to those who are faithful to God in the trust committed to them, and improve their talents aright: by which glorious hope the pious ruler is animated in his laborious undertaking.

It humbles the pride of the human heart, teaches that salvation is only through the grace that is in Jesus, and lays prostrate the hope of man from any distinguished merit in himself; which must tend to inspire the Christian ruler with an amiable humility, while raised to a seat of honor; prevent his exalting himself above his Brethren, and lording it over God’s heritage. It teaches the motives, by which they are to be influenced in all their deliberations and decrees. Influenced by such a religion, the Ruler will consult the good of the community, and will always live in the affections of a grateful people. He will have a humble dependence on God for wisdom to conduct him. He will see his need of divine assistance, and be modest and unassuming. He will not crowd himself into public notice by artifice, but wait until he is called by the voluntary suffrages of the people. Those, who are best qualified to rule, will be least solicitous to obtain an office. A sense of the importance of a public trust, and of having the weight of public affairs devolve on them, forbids their aspiring to rule. Persuaded that the most refined enjoyments are to be found in the walks of domestic retirement, they will quit them for an elevated station, only when called by the united voice of their brethren, and constrained by a sense of duty. There is no greater evidence of a person’s unfitness for public trust than his seeking it by promoting faction. True merit does not seek public notice, and it reluctantly enters the field of action. The good ruler will therefore engage in public life, not to gratify his own ambition, consult his own ease, or obtain the applause of men; but from a sense of duty.

When clothed with authority, he will be concerned that his administrations be consistent with the will of God, and promotive of the public good. He governs for the whole, and consults the advantage of society. No personal or partial considerations will influence him to turn aside from duty. Awed by the fear of God, and a sense of his accountableness, he pursues a steady course, nor is influenced by the adulations of friends or the clamours of pretended patriots. He will always make it his endeavour to enact wise and salutary laws, which are essential to preserve the peace and order of society. Much wisdom and integrity re necessary to direct the ruler in framing such laws, and to preserve him from the baleful influence of selfish and party motives. While the unjust aims to establish such laws as will best promote his own selfish ends, the just will consult the good of his constituents. The ruler of this character will look, not merely to the emolument of individuals, but he will seek the best good of the whole circle: like the parent of a numerous offspring, he has a tender regard for very member, feels interested in their united prosperity, and will not sacrifice the peace of the family, to gratify the capricious humours of a few.

A ruler of this description will not only enact laws which are founded on the principles of justice; but will take care that they be faithfully executed. The wisest and best code of laws will be of advantage to a community, only so far as they are accompanied with a faithful execution. He will not only obey the laws himself, and recommend such obedience to others, by his own example; but will use the power, with which he is vested, to enforce obedience from the unruly. He will be a terror to those who do evil, and while he punishes the guilty, he will praise and encourage those who do well. Firm in the cause of truth and righteousness, not over-awed by popular clamour, he will steadily pursue the dictates of conscience, knowing he has a Master in Heaven, to whom he must give an account. He will not sacrifice truth and justice, though it issue in popular odium, and dismission from public service. He will not pusillanimously shrink from duty, because it is attended with difficulty and opposition; but courageously stem the torrent, until, over-borne by its impetuosity, he is compelled to recede from danger. Influenced in all his proceedings, by the fear of God, he will be more powerfully prompted to a course of rectitude, than by all the adulations or censures of men.

How contemptible must be that ruler, who has no opinion of his own, but is blown about by every gale of temptation, and complies with the caprices of evil and designing men! Firmness and stability are very essential qualities in a good ruler. But, let his talents and abilities be ever so great, and his political acquirements ever so conspicuous, he will be but poorly qualified for a station of eminence, who has no reverence for God, and regard for his religion. His honesty and integrity must be doubted. It is to be feared he would neglect the interest of those, whose prosperity he should seek, and sport with the liberties of the people.

Men devoid of every principle of religion, unawed by the fear of God, and unrestrained by his commands, cannot reasonably expect to be entrusted with the lives and liberties of the people; nor that they will countenance their vices. They cannot put confidence in them; for there is, there indeed can be no reason to think, that they will regard men, who have no fear of God before their eyes. It is therefore necessary that the fear of God be fixed in the heart of him, who rules over men, and that he be influenced by it in all his conduct.

Rulers should not only be concerned that their administrations be good, but must themselves obey those laws, which they enjoin on others. If the makers of the law be the first to break them, they have every reason to expect that many will follow their example.

Rulers are set for an example to the people.—They are to reprove those who violate the laws, and encourage those who keep them, by exhibition a pattern for their imitation, not only in civil, but divine precepts; and, in this way, be nursing Fathers to the Church. The example of those, who are elevated to office, will always, in a greater or less degree, influence society. The people look to them, and form their manners, their dress and behavior; also their sentiments and practice, in a political and a religious view. The body of the people, generally, receive their moral and political complexion from those, who are in eminent stations. The rulers of Israel formed the manners of the nation. When they were wicked and corrupt, general wickedness and idolatry prevailed. Thus, in the time of our Saviour, when the prejudices of the people run high, they enquired, whether, Any of the Rulers of the people believed on him; intimating, that the conduct of their rulers, would influence their minds to receive, or reject the Messiah.

So it has been, in some sense, with other nations, and so it is with our own. It is natural to look to those of superior wisdom and eminence, for example. And though some, from perverseness of nature, being lost to all sense of honor and shame, may totally disregard their good example, and others, awed by the fear of God, may altogether avoid their corruptions; yet the general body of the people are more or less influenced by them to good or evil.

It is of high importance, therefore, that rulers be men of virtue; and that they reverence religion and its institutions. It is in their power to do much good, or evil: the present prosperity, and the everlasting welfare of multitudes may much depend on their conduct.

I proceed to the last thing proposed; which was to exhibit the necessity of religion in civil administrations, and its happy effects in society.

Religion is necessary to the happiness of society; and without it, civil government cannot subsist.—Man is endowed by his great author with social faculties; but so great is his depravity, that selfishness predominates in his heart, and he has lusts and passions, which, if under no control, would fill the world with vice, and its attendant misery. The faculties, by which he is raised in the scale of being, make him more subtle in planning, and assist him in effecting his wicked and destructive purposes. If the mind be impressed with no idea of a God, every object of pursuit may be contemplated with a supreme regard; and the selfish would gain a complete ascendency over the benevolent affections.

The aids of religious principles, in union with the powers and faculties natural to man, are insufficient to restrain his irregular and mischievous passions; and the latter without the former must be much more so.

The light of nature indeed teaches the existence of a God, and an all-wise and glorious providence, when her dictates are suitably attended to; and when they are not, and men boast themselves as men of reason, and through sophistry and ridicule attempt to subvert religion in the hearts of men, the “Age of reason” becomes an age of more than Egyptian darkness.

To guard men against the lusts and furious passions of each other, civil establishments, always known to be insufficient, have been connected with, or have had recourse to the aids of religion.

What could be the origin of society without this connecting bond? And in societies formed, nothing can so powerfully induce the ruler to a wise administration of government, and a faithful discharge of all the duties of his office, or so ensure the obedience of subjects.

A ruler cannot be supposed to lose the feelings of the man by an elevation to office; he has the same passions to govern, and lusts to conquer; and the government and victory of these, is rendered more difficult, by the temptations which are increased, and the opportunities for gratifying them, which are multiplied, by the situation in which he is placed. There are many, perhaps, whose conduct is inoffensive in the stations of private life, who, if they swayed a scepter, would become Neroes. But, how much soever warmed with true patriotism the hearts of civil rulers may be, they cannot calculate upon the interest of their subjects, in the righteous administration of their legal power. With respect to secret crimes, and crimes where numbers and power are enlisted on the side of the transgressors, coercion will be weak, and government of no avail. Set aside the influence of religious principle, and the members of the community could have no ground for rational trust and confidence in each other. No oath could be administered in such a society; they would live each moment in a state of alarm; government would lost all its energy; society would be full of disorder, confusion and every evil work; the voice of joy would not be heard; the name of happiness would not be known; and being itself would be a curse.

If the being and attributes of the Most High, an all-wise, powerful and holy providence, and the retributions of eternity are acknowledged, the state of things is surprisingly altered for the better. Rulers may exercise the powers with which they are invested, and the people, whom they govern, will obey their laws, and feel that their guardian care is a source of mutual happiness to the society of which they are members.

Those who are cordially disposed to lead quiet and holy lives, cannot fail to realize, that they, their interest and happiness, are rendered as safe, as this state, and the existing circumstances with which they are surrounded, can possibly make them. And, on the other hand, men of bad hearts and evil dispositions will not be able to run into those excesses, to which their unbridled lusts would lead them, without counteracting the dictates of conscience; bursting asunder the strongest bands of society, and hazarding, or giving up life, property, and all that is worth living for.

The sacred books teach us the being and attributes of God. They exhibit his Majesty, his Holiness, his Justice, his Goodness, his Mercy, and his Truth: His Omnipresence, his Spirituality, his Omniscience, his Supreme and unlimited Dominion; his readiness to pardon, and his determination to reward the righteous, and punish the wicked and impenitent.

They also bring us acquainted with our nature, state and circumstances; with our misery and the mode of our cure; they point out our duty in every situation, in every relation, and in all the circumstances of human life; they encourage our rational hopes, and animate us by the most sublime motives.

All other things, which are deemed necessary to our peace, in the connected and social state, will not avail without this. No natural principles, nor the best forms of government, will be sufficient without the conducting guidance, and powerful energy of religion. This clearly shews, that the civil ruler is to be considered as God’s minister, and, that the subject ought to yield obedience to good and salutary laws, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.

The beauty of the Christian system is exhibited, and its advantages to connected minds, in many and various respects. It purifies the heart and amends the life. It refines, ennobles and exalts the affections. When the civil order is broken in upon by the licentious and disorderly part of society, when men of weak heads and dishonest hearts officiously attempt to guide the affairs of State, and to arraign, at their bar, the well tried and chosen patriots of the commonwealth, our religion commands them to study the things which make for peace, to submit to good government as the ordinance of God, and to obey magistrates as his ministers to them for good. It enjoins patriotism as a common duty; and whatsoever we would that others should do unto us that we do the same to them—and extend a generous benevolence to the whole race of man.

The malevolent passions and corrupt feelings of depraved nature, if unrestrained, would predominate over the better principles, the social and humane dispositions of man; and involve society, in calamities, too many to enumerate, and too horrible to think upon.

The religion of Jesus rectifies the foil of the heart; eradicates those evil dispositions which have been cultured there; plucks up every plant which his good hand hath not planted; restrains the passions, by bringing them under its happy dominion; and fills society with tranquility and order.

It cultivates in the minds of men, the purest and the sublimest principles of virtue. It reclaims them from all those paths of iniquity, in which, through the solicitations of the wicked, and the allurements of false honor and worldly pleasure, they may have wandered; and makes them good men, and useful members of the community. It secures and promotes the interests of government and the prosperity of its subjects. It directs rulers and people to the duties, which are peculiar to their respective places; and by setting before them the most glorious motives, sweetly constrains and allures to the discharge of them. It promotes peace; it breathes benevolence; it cherishes the kind and social affections, and rectifies the morals of mankind. It prohibits everything that is injurious to our happiness, or the interests of those who are about us. When all the members of a community are under its influence, and conduct agreeably to its requirements, they form the most beautiful and happy society: the voice of profaneness, fraud and licentiousness will not be heard in the streets; iniquity will stop its mouth and virtue triumph. Society is happy in proportion as religion flourishes. But religion has something nobler in its view and tendency than the civil governments of the world; it looks forward into eternity; yet it is as friendly to the happiness of men, in the present state, as if it embraced no other object. It is a dishonorable idea of religion, and degrading to its author, that some entertain—an idea that religion is a substitute to civil government, and looks no farther than the present state.

We have no reason to think, from anything we can find in the sacred books, that our blessed Lord designed to intermeddle with, or, in any respects, change the civil establishments of mankind. His kingdom, he expressly tells us, is not of this world. He suffered Princes and Potentates to remain where they were; and left men to decide all matters of controversy with respect to them, by the principles of reason and their civil laws or forms of government. He inculcated lessons of obedience to them; and wrought a miracle to pay tribute, when he knew that he should have been excused.

The religion of Jesus is replete with the wisest maxims of civil polity, and inculcates them by the most inviting rewards, and the most dreadful punishments. To secure the favor of the Most High is to render to society the most essential advantage. They who rule for God, who protect his Church, who are animated by his religion, and exemplify in their public administrations, and in the private walks of domestic retirement, all the virtues of the Christian, and they only, can govern with safety to themselves, and advantage to their constituents. They will mutually share with the people the blessings which they diffuse. Under their wise councils and determinations religion will flourish. This will make them honorable and respectable to themselves: It will encircle them with a glory, which the breath of mortals will not be able to take away; and raise them to seats of immortal honor.

Civil rulers are the guardians of the people; they will not separate the public weal from their own private happiness, nor feel satisfied with their labors, unless they are directed to the advantage of the community. They will derive the highest pleasure in the administrations, which secure to those under their charge their rights and liberties, civil and sacred.

Rulers, who use their influence to set aside the maxims of gospel morality and piety, forego the important and numerous advantages, which might accrue to themselves from the happy disposition of subjects, governed by the purest motives, and trained to the most virtuous conduct. If society were formed upon the laws of religion, its members would faithfully render to all their dues; cheerfully obey their governors in the proper and rightful exercise of their authority; and in this way strenuously and constantly endeavour to promote the happiness of each other, and of the body politic. But if rulers are so impolitic and wicked, as, by their example or influence, to banish religion, they may reasonably expect that the people to whom they give laws will treat them with no more respect than they treat the Sovereign Ruler; and that they will endeavour, as far as they are able, to disregard their authority, and evade or violate their commands.

The social interest is a vain and wild fancy without religion. Let religion, and the virtues which it inculcates be banished, and the bases of public order and private tranquility are at once subverted; the human character loses its dignity; and has nothing to recommend it above the herd of the forest.

Nothing can lessen the beauty, obscure the brightness, or tarnish the glory of that morality, which the gospel inculcates. To conform to this, he who is called to the arduous duty of ruling OVER MEN MUST BE JUST, RULING IN THE FEAR OF GOD. Parents must be wisely tender and indulgent towards their children, and children must be obedient to their parents. Masters must be gentle, and servants diligent. Ministers must be watchful, and the people to whom they minister must take heed how they receive and hear, and hold fast and repent. It teaches all, in whatsoever state we are, to be content, to be grateful for every enjoyment, and submissive under all the sorrows of human life; to give our hearts to him who hath made, sustained, and redeemed us; and keep ourselves unspotted from the world.

If the laws of religion be viewed in their spirituality, extent, and tendency, reason and equity will be found their basis. And, if he, who is raised to the seat of power, pays no regard to this morality, he has acquired only a fancied elevation, a sorry pre-eminence above his brethren. But he, who is sincere and diligent in his endeavours faithfully to discharge the duties of his station, hath an honor, which enmity and malevolence, with all their poison, will not be able to blacken.

In the social and public, as well as in private life, there is an inseparable connection between holiness and happiness; between sin and misery. From the attributes of the Most High and merciful Ruler, the common dealings of his Providence, and the declarations of his holy word, we may conclude, that he will bless, defend and increase a virtuous nation, and will leave those, who are wicked to suffer the fatal consequences of their own wickedness. The history of the world is full of examples, that in proportion as public virtue, and an attention to the duties of religion have increased or diminished; so the wealth, credit and powers of all states and empires have flourished or decayed. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. Rulers, therefore, who are the ministers of God, are in duty bound to lend their aid to promote religion.

If such as we have described be the character of the good Ruler, and such the happy consequences of his administrations; it is highly important that none but men of this description be invested with authority.

The duty, the interest and happiness of a free people require, that they examine the characters of those, who are proposed as candidates for places of public trust. It is important that they revere the laws of religion; that its sublime principles influence their hearts, and its pure morals be exhibited in their lives. The wicked and profligate, who ridicule or disbelieve the religion of the Bible, who speak disrespectfully of its sacred truths, cannot safely be entrusted with the liberties of the people: they may greatly oppress them, wantonly sport with the lives of their subjects, unjustly wrest from them the property, which they have earned by their honest and industrious labors, and riot upon the spoils of their happiness.

Our subject teaches not only the importance of good rulers, but the duty and necessity of treating them with respect and submission. They steadily pursue the peace and prosperity of their country; encourage a regard for the precepts of religion, which have the best influence on its happiness, and enforce them by a corresponding example. Such rulers are entitled to respect from the people.

All unauthorized societies, formed to prevent the execution of the laws and subvert government, are not only injurious to the interests of the community, but contrary to the laws of religion.

There ever have been unprincipled men, who were impatient under the restraints of government, who have fought their own private emolument at the expence of the happiness of their country. When such men have the address to procure an election to office, they never fail to excite a factious and turbulent spirit. When the wicked bear rule the people mourn. The suspicions and jealousies of restless and uneasy spirits always endanger the peace and welfare of a people. Rulers should be allowed to exercise their own judgments, in the regulation of all affairs, which come under their cognizance. People are not to be unreasonable in their expectations from them. They cannot in all matters please all. They must consult the good of the whole, not their own private interests, or the interests of a few.

The happiness of a people, under whatever form of government, depends on a wise administration.—Under a government in many respects defective, if it be well administered, they may be happy. And the best and most perfect system, with weak or wicked rulers, cannot fail to make them miserable: but a good government and administration will ensure the most important and lasting benefits.

Those, who rule in the fear of God, will make it their study, to promote the happiness of the people, and approve themselves to God their Judge. They act under the notice of his all-seeing eye, remembering that to Him they must render a strict and impartial account of all their conduct. Happy is the people, who have such rulers, yea; Happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

I am happy in addressing those who, I trust, feel the importance of the observations which have been made. I feel a pleasing confidence while, I hope, I am representing those truths which are agreeable to this honorable body, and that they will strive to have them generally practiced.

Our civil Fathers, assembled this day before the Lord, have deserved much of their country, for their decided and firm conduct in the support of order.

His Excellency the Governor, the Honorable the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives have proved themselves lovers of their country, its peace and prosperity: and, we doubt not, will continue their laudable exertions, and, with unremitting diligence and fidelity, pursue the public good.

Religion and learning are necessary to promote and ensure our best interests. They will, therefore, we trust, do all they can to encourage religion, and be an example to the people, by attending on its institutions, and exhibiting its virtues.

Literature and religion ever go hand in hand, and are the best friends to order, liberty and republican government. The civil Fathers of this State will, therefore, consider it as their duty, to reach out the fostering hand, and be nursing fathers to our important and flourishing University, and to our Academies and Schools of learning; that the rising generation may be trained in the moral and divine precepts of our religion, to be pillars and blessings in the Church, and fill the various seats of government, when this honorable legislature shall sleep in the dust.

My Fathers and Brethren in the Ministry can do much to strengthen the hands of the civil rulers, by teaching and enforcing the holy religion of Jesus, which inculcates peace, order, and a due submission to the constituted authorities of government. Our profession excludes us from an active part in the civil and political concerns of state. Nor do we wish to intermeddle with them, any farther than the interests of religion require. But the religion we preach teaches men to Render to all their dues; tribute, to whom tribute; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; and honor, to whom honor.

We are united with the Rulers of this State in conducting this people, as Aaron was with Moses, the Jewish lawgiver, in leading the tribes of Israel as a flock. Called to the arduous and important duty of publishing and enforcing a religion of the sublimest morality, and most glorious tendency; a religion on which our personal, social, and political happiness so essentially depends; let us look to the seat of mercy, and, with fervent importunity, supplicate a double portion of God’s Holy Spirit to animate us to a suitable zeal for his divine honor; to enable us to follow the example of the chief Shepherd; to affect our hearts with the religion of which we are the messengers to others, that we may suitably announce the declarations of his sacred word; to bless our ministrations with a glorious success, that when we have preached to others we may not be cast away; but, having turned many to righteousness, shine as stars forever in the kingdom of our Redeemer.

We are happy, my fellow-citizens, that we have a constitution of our own choice, excellently calculated to secure to us our invaluable liberties. Under its operation we have enjoyed much civil happiness and prosperity. Our rulers are from ourselves, and accountable for all their public measures. Let the best men for capacity, approved virtue, and attachment to the liberties of their country be appointed to rule: Let us keep a reasonable eye on the public measures: But let a spirit of jealousy, discontent and murmuring against government be banished from among us, as unchristian and unmanly, dangerous to our peace, and provoking to Heaven.

While many of the European nations are involved in all the desolating calamities of war; their substance wasted, or wrested from them by the hand of violence; their houses plundered, and their fields drenched in human blood; the peaceful olive spreads its branches over our favored land, and we sit quietly under our own vines.

We have lately seen the clouds gathering over our heads, threatening to subvert our excellent constitution, and deluge our infant and highly favored Republic. And we dreaded the violence of the impending storm. But these clouds are dissipated; our atmosphere has, at length, almost regained its serenity; and we have reason to rejoice, that the abilities of those, who raised it, were not able to effect their designs.

What language is sufficient to express the regret, which the wise and good have felt at the virulent abuse, which has been poured forth from ambitious, but disappointed demagogues, against our beloved Washington, the Christian hero and statesman! A grateful people will remember his deeds of valour, his wise and prudent counsels; rehearse them to their children, who will early learn to lisp his praises; and impartial history will hand them down to posterity; while those, who have attempted to wound his reputation, will be remembered to their reproach, or buried in everlasting oblivion. Long will Washington live in our hearts. Long may he continue to bless his country; and may God think upon him for good, according to all that he hath done for this people.

Finally: Let us all remember that this transitory world is subject to constant vicissitude, and was never designed for our continuing abode. There is another and better country, where the blessed Jesus determines to bring his chosen and peculiar friends. There order and peace forever reign, in the city of our God.

Let us all aspire after this heavenly inheritance, by a conformity of temper and conduct to the great pattern of holiness. Magistrates, Judges, and people, fear the Lord, and serve him with fidelity, remembering that you will ere long meet with the assembled universe before the judgment seat of Christ, to give an account how you have ruled, and obeyed.

In that solemn day, may we all hear from the Supreme Ruler and Judge of the Universe, WELL DONE, GOOD AND FAITHFUL SERVANTS; ENTER INTO THE JOY OF YOUR LORD.

A M E N.

Sermon – Election – 1796, Massachusetts

Jonathan French (1740-1809) preached this sermon in Massachusetts on May 25, 1796.

S E R M O N

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency SAMUEL ADAMS, Esq.

GOVERNOUR;

His Honor MOSES GILL, Esq.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOUR;

THE HONOURABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE, AND HOUSE OF

REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

May 25, 1796.

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By Jonathan French, A. M.
Pastor of a CHURCH in ANDOVER.

COMMONWEALTH of MASSACHUSETTS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES, May 25, 1796.ORDERED, That Samuel Cooper, Joshua Holt, Thomas G. Thornton, Edmund Raymond, Esquires, and Col. Josiah Little, of Newbury, be a Committee to wait on the Reverend Mr. French, and in the Name of the HOUSE, to thank him for the Discourse, this Day delivered, before His Excellency the Governour, His Honor the Lieutenant Governour, the Honourable the Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature; and to request of him a Copy for the Press.

Extract from the Journal.
Attest.
HENRY WARREN, C. H. R.

AN
Election SERMON.ROMANS, 13. VERSE 5.

WHEREFORE YE MUST NEEDS BE SUBJECT,
NOT ONLY FOR WRATH, BUT FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE

The Apostle Paul appears to have been an adept in philosophy, ethics and politics. In his acquaintance with human nature he was equaled by few. Knowing the will of his divine Teacher, and having imbibed his spirit, with irresistible arguments, enforced by a captivating address, and all the power of rhetoric, he inculcated the interesting doctrines and sacred maxims of Christianity. Well versed in the principles of civil government, and knowing the importance of the influence of Christianity upon the minds and conduct of men to the happiness of civil society, as well as to their preparation for another and more glorious state, with the authority of an Apostle inspired by the Holy Ghost; and commissioned from the King of Kings, he solemnly exhorts, “let every soul be subject to the higher powers that be, are ordained of God.” The meaning undoubtedly is, that civil government, through the instrumentality of men, was instituted by the providence of God, for the benefit of mankind, On this principle, civil magistrates are appointed, not for their own honor, emolument or aggrandizement, but to promote private and public peace and happiness, by discountenancing vice, and encouraging virtue and religion. To such a government, well administered, Christianity requires peaceable and quiet subjection; and enforces it with this solemn denunciation against those, who resist such a government; they resist the ordinance of God, and shall receive to themselves damnation.—Such subjection is required not from a principle of feat only, but for conscience sake. The Apostle means a conscience enlightened by the principles of Christianity, and sanctified by the spirit of grace. We must therefore be subject, not for wrath only, but from a still higher motive, a sense of obligation to Deity and the indissoluble bonds of conscience.

The words of the text may therefore properly stand as the head of the following discourse; in which a few thoughts may be suggested upon the necessity and importance of virtue and religion to the support and success of civil government.

The Apostle does not prescribe any particular form of government: This is left to the wisdom and discretion of men; with which Christianity never intermeddles. It is evident from the Apostle however; that government ought to be founded upon the just rights of mankind, and to be administered for the best interests of society. They greatly mistake the Apostle therefore, who suppose him to favor the horrid doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance. Such language is fit only for a despot to an untaught, barbarous people. If this were the Apostle’s meaning, no opposition ought to be made to the greatest tyranny on earth. No revolution might then take place; but men, like brutes, must submit to still more brutish men; patiently wear the galling yoke, and drag out the burden of life in miserable servitude without resistance.

The Apostle teaches no such doctrine. Christianity is by no means adapted to encourage oppression and tyranny. No form of government yet constructed, ever was so congenial to Christianity, as a well regulated Republic. No religion, ever yet known, is so conformable to the genius of a free government, as Christianity.

Whoever critically attends to human nature, the design of civil government, and the influence of religious principles on the minds and conduct of men, will easily perceive how essential morality and religion are to the peace and happiness of civil society. There are in mankind a variety of desires and passions, whence all their actions proceed. In the present state of human depravity, unhappily for us, these desires and passions are frequently at variance with each other.—This circumstance, in spite of philosophy and natural religion, will create a clashing of interest, that will produce those different opinions and opposing actions, whence distressing evils may ensue. To prevent such mischiefs, the invention of civil government undoubtedly took its rise. If the desires and passions of men were duly regulated, civil government and penal laws would be unnecessary. Men would then never err, except through misapprehension, which information and the benevolent affections would always rectify.—But human nature is possessed of the passions of selfishness and ambition, envy and jealousy, which unrestrained would produce discord, strife, and every evil work.

Civil government is a kind of machine, which the necessities of mankind have compelled them to erect for the restraint of such desires and passions as, if let alone, would be ruinous to the public peace and happiness of society. These machines ought to be so constructed and managed, as in their operations to effect that public peace and happiness, which may be sensibly felt, and realized by the people. But these machines require something more, than the power and influence of penal laws, to preserve them in order, and promote their great and important uses. The great art of managing government well consists in laying the desires, the passions and lusts of men under proper restraint.—But how can this be done? The experience of ages decides that penal laws alone are inadequate to the purpose. Though in many instances they may be efficacious, yet in general they do not reform the depraved minds of the lawless, nor correct the vicious habits of the licentious. Fear of punishment may prevent many crimes; but, as it does not destroy the desires and passions which originate them, whenever this fear, through the hope or prospect of impunity, subsides, the same passions will again urge on to licentiousness and criminality. Human reason and philosophy are not of themselves sufficient to secure the permanent peace and happiness of society from the depredations of licentious desires and passions. Further aid beyond anything civil government abstractedly considered embraces, is necessary to support it, and to secure the liberties and happiness of the people. Religion proffers this aid. The very design of Christianity is to reform mankind, to meliorate their tempers, to bring them to discharge their duty to God, and one another, and through the merits of the Redeemer to fit them for happiness in the world to come. The spirit of the religion of Jesus, thoroughly imbibed, would check all dangerous aspiring ambition, and those restless jealousies, which so often disturb the peace of mankind. Christianity embraces the true principles of free governments, as founded, not in usurpation, tyranny, or oppression, but in the true freedom and happiness of mankind. Divine revelation describes the character of good rulers, as men of wisdom and understanding; and requires that they be able men, such as fear God, and hate covetousness. Thus said David, the spirit of the Lord spake by me, the God of Israel said, He, that ruleth over men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God. Such rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. They are Ministers of God for the good of the people. The sacred Oracles teach us, that, though they live, as God upon the earth, they must die like men, and be accountable to him, by whom Kings reign and Princes decree justice; who taketh not bribes, and is no respecter of persons.

If a government usurp an authority, and claim the exercise of a power, with which they never were invested; or if one branch of government should leap its own prescribed limits, and invade the prerogative of another; or if the people should claim the exercise of that authority, which they have delegated to their rulers; in all such cases the order and harmony of government will be necessarily interrupted, the public felicity suffer, and the liberties of the people be endangered. Hence such contests may arise between peace and faction, government and anarchy, as will shake, if not destroy, the very foundation of public happiness. To prevent these fatal evils, Christianity requires that nothing be done through strife and vain glory. But that each in lowliness of mind esteem others better, than himself. That everyone study to be quiet, and to do his own business; not going beyond, nor defrauding others in any matter. Christianity teaches to render to all their dues; tribute, to whom tribute; custom to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; honor, to whom honor. We are not to speak evil of dignities; nor use our liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, but as the servants of God. We are to lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty; and in all things, whatsoever we would that men should do unto us, even so to do unto them. All this is to be done from love to God and our neighbor, and from a religious regard to duty.

No substitute was ever yet found equal to virtue and religion for the support of order and good government. They, who reject these, may boast of their constitutions, their laws and administration; but neither the wisest constitutions, most rigid laws, nor strong nerved officers, dreary prisons, nor severest punishments without aid of virtue and religion can secure the permanent felicity of civil society. The boasted powers of philosophy, of natural reason, and national honor are all too feeble or capricious to be depended on to effect that manly, that regular, and uniform mode of conduct, which is the natural offspring of virtue and religion. Natural religion is of high importance, and its inducements to righteousness and truth, peace and good order are numerous and weighty; but they fall far short of the motives of Christianity and give less security to the liberty and happiness of civil society. The influence of the former terminates with this life; but the latter embraces motives drawn from the consideration of a future state; that the actions of men as moral agents will be rewarded or punished in the world to come. These are motives the strongest and most influential, that can apply to the consciences of men. Without these the public, in many cases, can have no security. The conscientious man, in full belief of the existence of God, and the truth of Christianity, as an honest man and sincere Christian, acts as under the eye of the all seeing and heart searching Deity, who will bring every secret thing into judgment, punish the guilty, and beautify the meek with salvation.

But what has the infidel to do with conscience, whose mind is contaminated with unbelief? Whose principles are destructive both of religion and morality; and whose conscience is feared as with an hot iron by deeply rooted vicious habits? What dependence can society place on such characters? A foe to God is not a friend to man. Restraining laws, necessary as they are for the prevention of crimes can never reach the evil of abandoned principles and vicious habits, so as to effect a remedy. Such characters may sometimes act for the public good; but this is only, when such a line of conduct coincides with some favorite passion—They always change with the current of their passions and interests. Such men are unstable in all their ways.

In connection with the power of conscience, we may instance the importance of the influence of religion, in the use of lawful oaths. An oath is a solemn appeal to God, for the truth of what is affirmed or promised: It implies an imprecation of the just and righteous judgment of God, if what the person declares, be not true; or if, in what he promises, he should not be faithful. An oath is therefore a solemn religious act, implying the imprecation of the wrath of God upon a person, if he be guilty of perjury. Dreadful is the punishment threatened in such cases. A curse shall enter into the house of him that sweareth falsely by the name of the Lord!

The utility and necessity of oaths in cases of evidence and in laying a person under solemn obligation to fidelity, in the discharge of the duties of his office, have been known and acknowledged among most nations. An oath of confirmation, says the Apostle, is an end of strife. As a kind of sanction to the lawfulness and utility of oaths in important cases, the Deity himself, graciously an oath. Oaths of evidence and of office are of so much importance, that civil government would be unsafe without them. It would be difficult, if not impossible to invent a substitute, that would answer the purpose. “Because, as one observes, the obligation of an oath reacheth to the most secret and hidden practices of men, and takes hold of them in many cases, where the penalty of human laws can have no awe or force upon them.” But what is the oath of an infidel, or of a man void of religion? What security can the public have from the oath of a person, who does not believe there will e a future state of rewards and punishments? What obligations of conscience can such a person feel? His taking the form of an oath while he is regardless of that being, by whom he swears, is no better, than solemn mockery. The public, it may be repeated, have no security from such oaths. The utility and necessity of oaths therefore, to the public safety and happiness evince the necessity of religious principles and virtuous habits. IN the days of Polybius such, we are told, was the corruption of the principles and morals of the people of Athens, that, “no Greek could be trusted on the security of his oath.” But in the republic of Rome, antecedently to their abounding licentiousness, such was the impression of their religious principles and virtuous habits on young minds, “that no Roman was ever known to violate his oath.”

The passions of men, unawed by religion and conscience, are dangerous, and ruinous to the freedom and happiness of civil society.

When loose principles, ungovernable passions, and vicious habits take place of morality and religion; ambition and avarice, revenge and thirst for dominion in the disappointed, or envy against those, who rise above them in wealth and honor, united with dishonesty and intrigue, sow the seeds of discord among the people, excite jealousies, raise factions, and disturb the public tranquility; and, if unrestrained, would throw government, yea even the world itself into confusion.

The evil effects of irreligion and immorality may be exemplified from the universal history of mankind. A few instances may be sufficient to confirm the subject.

Whoever attends to the history of that ancient nation, the Jews, will find these observations verified. When Balaam found that every other expedient to bring destruction upon Israel failed, he laid a diabolical scheme to corrupt and debauch the morals of the people, and by this mean effected their ruin. To the same cause, the corruption of principles and morals, may be traced the final destruction of the Jewish policy, church, and state.

The ancient republic of Sparta through the extraordinary policy and rigid laws of Lycurgus, aided by principles and habits impressed upon the young mind by a singular mode of education, existed for almost seven hundred years. While it remained cemented by the force of principles and manners, it bore down all opposition, and bid defiance to the world. But it finally fell a sacrifice to dissolute manners and lawless faction.

To similar causes may be ascribed the ruin of the famous, though short lived republic of Athens. Solon lived to see the fabric of freedom, which he had erected, fall to destruction. He gave them laws, which he acknowledged were not the best that might have been given, but the best they could bear. On his departure from Athens political storms arose; aided by an unprincipled licentious populace, demagogues took the lead, deluded the people, seized the stronghold, and established a system of tyranny. The freedom of Athens was never recovered. That once famed republic, overrun with ignorance and barbarism, now groans under Turkish tyranny, and Mahometan imposture.

The feuds and factions, which eventually proved the overthrow of the freedom, and the republic of Rome, may be traced up to the same destructive fountain of bad principles and dissolute morals of the people. “They adopted the luxury, the immoralities, and irreligion of other nations.” These in coincidence with their own passions effected their complete ruin. Thus that renowned republic, which nothing else could conquer, was conquered by its own vices. “A corruption of manners and numerous crimes, says a distinguished writer, made greater havoc in the city, than the mightiest armies could have done; and in that manner avenged the conquered globe.”

As human nature in all ages of the world is the same, like causes, under similar circumstances, in whatever period or part of the globe, will produce like effects. Happy will it be for America, if we avoid the rocks, against which so many others have been dashed in pieces.

Many important inferences and reflections, apposite to the present occasion suggest themselves from the subject.

If the influence of virtue and religion are so essential in preserving the freedom and securing the permanent felicity of civil society; the cultivation of good principles and virtuous morals among the people may be considered, as an object highly meriting the regard of our Legislative, Judicial, and Executive branches of government. What encouragement then should be given by our civil Rulers, by all influential men, and every class of citizens, to morality, religion and piety; and to all Christian institutions, as calculated to promote such happy effects.

If civil government thus needs the aid of good principles and virtuous habits, to render its operations happy and permanent, it must be a hazardous experiment for any nation under Heaven to reject that aid, on supposition that constitutions and human laws are sufficient without it, to secure peace and good order, and the rights and privileges of the people. Men may form constitutions, enact laws, display their philosophy, and exert all their eloquence in conjunction with coercion, but all will be insufficient for the permanent security of freedom and good government, without the aid of religion.

Reasoning from human nature and past events, we might venture to predict, if any nation should have the temerity to cast off morality and religion, as unnecessary to the happiness of civil society, it would in the event pay dearly for the experiment; and find, perhaps too late, that their own folly was their ruin.

From the foregoing observations we may infer the high importance of a virtuous education.

In countries, where religion is only the tool of states and of tyrants, the more ignorant the people are, the more easily they may be imposed upon and enslaved. It is the interest of such governments therefore, to keep the great mass of the people in ignorance. But, as mankind were not made for slavery, an enlightened virtuous people will never suffer themselves to be long enslaved. If, through supiness and inattention, tyranny should slip on the galling yoke, and fasten upon them the chain of slavery, they would soon feel their misery, and with a manly, virtuous resentment raise the all conquering arm of liberty, and break the yoke, as a with of straw, and snap the chain, as a spiders web.

A virtuous education is essential to the permanent felicity of all free governments. “The infant mind, says a writer of note, left to its own untutored dictates, inevitably wanders into such follies and vices, as tend to the destruction of itself and others.” “The early and continued culture of the heart can alone produce such upright manners and principles, as are necessary to check and subdue the passions of the soul; and liberty can only arise from a general subordination of these to the public welfare.”

Education in general forms the characters of men. Principles instilled into the mind, and habits formed in early life, lay a foundation, for the happiness or misery of the world. They verify the sacred maxim, train up a child in the way, he should go; and, when he is old, he will not depart from it.

Impressed with these ideas, our pious ancestors made the earliest exertion for the diffusion of knowledge, and the promotion of morality and religion among the people. Their design has been happily aided by many Christian Patriots, whose numerous charitable donations for the promotion of knowledge and religion, while they have so greatly served to advance private and public happiness, have at the same time laid up for the pious and charitable donors a rich inheritance in heaven!

We are happy in living under a government, where the great object of promoting learning and religion has arrested the attention of our wise and patriotic Legislators, who from time to time have enacted such laws, as, if carried into execution, would prove the grand palladium of our republic. Our Legislators have declared that “a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue is necessary to the prosperity of every state, and to the very existence of a Commonwealth.”

To promote the great design of a virtuous education, a present existing law of this Commonwealth, makes it the “duty of the President, Professors, and Tutors of the University in Cambridge, Preceptors of Academies, and all other Instructors of youth, to take diligent care, and to exert their best endeavours, so impress on the minds of children and youth committed to their care and instruction, the principles of piety, justice, and a sacred regard to truth, love to their country, humanity and universal benevolence, sobriety, industry, and frugality, chastity, moderation, and temperance, and those other virtues, which are the ornament of human society, and the basis, upon which the republican constitution is structured; and it shall be the duty of such Instructors; to endeavor to lead those under their care (as their ages and capacities will admit) into a particular understanding of the tendency of the before mentioned virtues, to preserve, and perfect a republican constitution, and to secure the blessings of liberty as well, as to promote their future happiness; and the tendency of the opposite vices to slavery.”

May this monument of the wisdom and patriotism of the Legislature, who framed it, be as lasting, as the world.

This leads us to reflect upon the importance of entrusting the instruction of youth to those only, who are persons of religion and good morals; who will teach by example as well, as precept.

Happy will it be for these rising States, if our Legislative and Executive branches of government be impressed with the idea, that without close attention to the virtuous education of youth, republicanism, freedom, and public happiness can never be preserved.

From a regard to the happiness of the people, private and public, present and future, our civil fathers, we may hope, will give every encouragement to literary and religious institutions. Parsimony in the support of education and religion is a kind of sacrilege, in which we cheat ourselves and the rising generation, injure the public, and rob God of his due.

If morality and religion be thus essential to public happiness and the support of free governments, it must then be of high importance, that our rulers be virtuous and good men.

I believe it may be considered, as an unfailing maxim, that no man can in heart be a true republican, who is not a person of piety and good morals. An infidel, immoral true republican is a solecism in language. Consequently no man, who is unfriendly to religion in profession or practice, ought to be entrusted with any important concerns in government. If it be pleaded, that bad men in many instances have done great good to the public; it may be replied, this happens only, when the selfish principles and passions chance to coincide with the public good. Such cannot be confided in. Special caution ought to be used against all those, who treat Christianity with contempt. Whatever such men may pretend, I appeal to the serious part of the community, whether an enemy to the cross of Christ can be a friend to mankind? The liberties of the people can never be safe in the hands of unprincipled men. While the following maxim remains an eternal truth, “That can never be politically right, which is immorally wrong;” an unprincipled man can never be a good politician, and ought never to be confided in by the people.

The example of wise and religious rulers, if justly esteemed, will have great influence upon the people.—For, in a general way, we may say with the wise son of Sirach, “As is the judge of the people himself, so are his officers; and what manner of man the ruler of the city is, such are they, that dwell therein.” From the imitative nature of man, the power of example lays an indispensible obligation upon rulers, and upon all influential men, to exhibit an example of virtue and piety in all their words and actions.

Happy must it be for that people, whose rulers feel the weight of this obligation. Bad examples are always contagious. The higher men are called in life, the greater in general is the influence of their example. If legislators disregard the laws, they have framed, they practically declare such laws are of no consequence.—One of the most effectual methods, to induce men to obey the laws, is for those, who prescribe them, to set the example. Highly favored is that people, whose legislators may each, with an honest heart say, as a great and wise ruler in Israel said to the people, “look on me, as I do, so do ye.”

In every view it must be the highest wisdom in all elections to have an eye to the religious character of men as well, as to the other qualifications. What can have a greater influence upon the minds and consciences of Rulers, to excite them to fidelity in discharge of their duties of their office, than an habitual sense of the all seeing eye of Deity, joined to a firm persuasion, that the most exalted, who live, as Gods on earth, must die like men, and appear at the awful tribunal of God, who is no respecter of persons, and be adjuged and rewarded according to their works.

If the influence of religion be so essential to public happiness; then the encouraging of virtue and piety, and discountenancing of all profanity, intemperance, profanation of the Lord’s day; all public shows, and plays, and everything, which tends to dissipate the minds, and corrupt the morals of youth, or the people at large, claim the attention of our wise and virtuous Rulers, the guardians of our laws and liberties. On some of these vices, particularly on profanity, intemperance, and profanation of the holy Sabbath, with their baneful influence upon society, I might expatiate, were it not that I should intrude too much upon your patience. One vice however I cannot forbear to mention. I mean slander or detraction. This, whether it proceed from the tongue, the pen, or the press, is an evil of the meanest, blackest die, and of the most mischievous tendency. Its envenomed shafts often aim a deadly blow at the fairest and most important characters, to wound and destroy that good name, which is better, than great riches; yea, that is next to life itself. When long tried virtue, distinguished merit, and signal services are repaid with ingratitude and abuse, an it be expected, that men of integrity will be willing to continue in the service of their country? If men of this character be driven from office, and others succeed them, who prefer private emolument to the public welfare, we shall, when too late, rue the folly and wickedness of that conduct, which produced the change. Slander is an evil of such magnitude, that no bounds can be set to its mischievous consequence. Well might the wise preacher call the defamer a madman, who casteth fire-brands, arrows, and death. With infinite reason did the inspired Apostle represent the defaming tongue, as a fire, a world of iniquity, that setteth on fire the course of nature; and as set on fire of hell.

There is nothing however, to be feared from an open, manly, honest, and decent investigation of public men and measures. The right of free discussion and private judgment is the glory of every free American. But, when this degenerates into falsehood, sourility, and personal abuse; no indignation nor contempt can be too great to be expressed against it.—Happy, thrice happy will it be for America, when the principles of Christianity, and the energy of good morals shall influence every heart, dictate every tongue, and guide in every action. Then will harmony of opinion, peace, and truth pervade every part of the United States. Then will wrath and bitterness cease, faction hide its monstrous head, iniquity be done away, and, the kingdom of the Redeemer flourish.

We must pass over many other inferences and reflections, which naturally suggest themselves from this fruitful subject.

This day recalls to our grateful remembrance, what we have heard with our ears, and our Fathers have told us concerning the great things our all gracious God hath done for this land. Our pious ancestors, on account of the dissoluteness of manners and licentiousness of the youth, among whom they resided, “and fearing their posterity through these temptations and vicious examples would degenerate, and religion die among them; for the sake of purity of worship, and liberty of conscience, and from a hope of laying a foundation for the propagation of the kingdom of Christ,” left all that was dear in their native country, and planted themselves in this then barbarous land.—From small beginnings, by a series of almost miraculous events, the United States have arisen into an extensive, flourishing nation.

And now, with respect to our constitutions, laws, and administration, civil and religious privileges, and with respect to our commercial and agricultural interests, may it not be affirmed, without an hyperbole, that we are the happiest nation, that has existed, since the morning stars sang together, and the sons of God shouted for joy at the creation of the world.

What gratitude is due to Heaven on this occasion, for our State and Federal governments, and for the precious privileges and blessings, we enjoy under them? With what grateful sensations should we remember that wise and valiant band of statesmen, warriors, and other patriots, whose great exertions have been employed in pulling down the strong holds of tyranny and oppression, and in rearing up the pillars of liberty, peace, and public happiness? To do full justice to whose characters, would beggar the power of language. May their memories remain indelibly engraven on the heart of every American! But who, O who can render adequate thanks to God for WASHINGTON—whose wisdom and integrity, firmness and magnanimity, have excited the astonishment of the nations of the earth, and added a new wonder to the political world!

What is wanting, to render our national happiness as complete, as the present state of things will permit, but a just estimate of the numerous public blessings, whereby we are distinguished from other nations, due gratitude to Heaven, and an expression of this gratitude by a correspondent behavior. We ought however, to remember that a state of prosperity is a state of danger. It excites envy abroad, and lulls to security at home. It presents us a mark for the wiles of those, who are well versed in intrigue; while our youth and inexperience render us unsuspicious of their stratagems, and poorly qualify us to detect and defeat them. While we are just and faithful in the fulfillment of our engagements to all, as free and independent States, may we be proof against foreign arts, and foreign influence from every quarter.

On this auspicious anniversary, while many nations are sitting in darkness, others are involved in the horrors of war, struggling for the blessings we enjoy, and are groaning to be delivered from calamity, to behold our civil fathers, the heads of our tribes, here peaceably assembled to transact the great affairs of state, what heart does not swell with gratitude to Heaven? What tongue is not ready to break forth into a song of praise.

His Excellency the Governor, his Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the honorable the Council, and the honorable the Members of Legislature, will please to accept my warmest and most respectful congratulations on this important, joyful occasion. May Almighty God take your Excellency and Honors into his most holy protection! Influenced by the best of principles, the peaceable religion of the Prince of Peace, may wisdom and unanimity attend your counsels and decisions; that the people may rejoice and say, blessed be the Lord God of Israel, who hath set such wise and good men to rule over us. Wherefore let us be subject, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.

May the various branches of the State and Federal governments, under the influence of the religion of Jesus, each in its proper sphere, like the various orbs above, keep their proper places and balances, the one never encroaching upon, or interfering with the other, move on in harmonious rounds till time shall be no more!

If such be the importance of morality and religion to the support of the freedom and happiness of society; my much respected fathers and brethren in the ministry will never be wanting in their exertions to promote religious principles, and the Christian virtues among the people. I am happy in believing the great body of the Clergy, with a very few exceptions, are firm friends to our State and Federal governments, to our constituted authorities, to virtue and religion, peace and good order among the people. And, if their united exertions and patient sufferings in effecting the American revolution are marks of patriotism, may they not justly lay claim to the title of Christian patriots? When the divine Saviour commands us to render to Cesar the things that are Cesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s—When the inspired Paul solemnly charges Titus to put his hearers in mind to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work—When the inspired Peter solemnly exhorts his hearers to submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake—When we hear the inspired Jude denouncing his anathemas against those, who despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities; with such divine commands, and enforcing examples before us, on any great emergency, should the Clergy show indifference, and not exert their influence to save their country; might not our divine Lord and Master say, as in another case, I tell you, if these should hold their peace, the stones would immediately cry out.—In every serious danger, on every important crisis, for Zion’s sake they will not hold their peace, and for Jerusalem’s sake, they will not rest, until the righteousness thereof go forth, as brightness, and the salvation thereof, as a lamp that burneth. They will plead that God will spare his people, that none among the nations of the earth may say of America, where is now their God?

In a word, may the consideration of the great importance of virtue and religion to our public and private happiness, both present and future, engage every class of citizens to cultivate the Christian temper, and to promote sobriety, peace, and good order in every sphere of action; that our peace may be as a river, and our righteousness, as the waves of the sea! May the holy Spirit of the Lord be poured out upon all the nations of the earth; and that kingdom, which consisteth in righteousness, peace, and joy in the holy Ghost, universally prevail! That instead of wars and bloodshed, Kings may become nursing Fathers, and Queens nursing Mothers to the people of God. Then will that ancient prophecy be fulfilled, the kingdoms of this world are become the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ, and he shall reign forever and ever.

FINIS.

Sermon – Election – 1796, Connecticut

Sermon

Preached
Before His Honor

Oliver Wolcott, Esq. L.L.D.

Lieutenant- Governor and Commander in Chief,

And the Honorable the

General Assembly

of the

State of Connecticut,

Convened at Hartford, on the day of the

Anniversary Election,

May 12th, 1796.

By John Marsh, A.M.

Pastor of the First Church in Wethersfield.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1796.

Ordered, That the Honorable Jeremiah Wadsworth and Ezekiel Porter Belden, Esquire, present the Thanks of the General Assembly to the Rev. Mr. Marsh, for his Sermon delivered on the day of the General Election, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed. A true copy of Record, Test, Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

Nehemiah V. 19.

Think upon me, my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people.

This is the language of a ruler, who was an ardent lover of his nation. He had done much for the people over whom he was placed, and had the satisfaction arising from a consciousness, that he had served them from the best principles and the purest motives. He could appeal to God, to whom he had respect in the discharge of the duties of his office, and with comfort hope in him for that reward in his favor, which he hath graciously encouraged all, who do well, to expect. Happy are those rulers, who, like Nehemiah, have the interest of their people at heart, and under the habitual influence of the fear of God, and with a prevailing regard to his approbation, exert themselves for the promotion of their welfare! Happy is that people that is distinguished with such rulers!

In the following discourse, I propose, in conformity to the occasion of the present meeting, and the ideas suggested by the passage just read, to consider the design of civil government, and the importance of religion in those, to whom the administration of it is committed.

First. Let us consider briefly, the design of the institution of civil government.

This is intimated in the text to be the benefit of the people: According to all that I have done for this people.

Could men have been as secure in their lives and properties, and enjoyed equal happiness in a state of nature, as in a state of society, civil polity would never have been erected among them. It is unreasonable to suppose that any number of men, inhabiting any portion of the earth, would ever have come into an agreement to relinquish some of their natural rights as individuals, and to submit to certain laws deriving their authority from such agreement, without a view to their greater advantage- to the more effectual security of their most valuable rights, liberties and privileges.

Man is formed for society. Such are his faculties- his natural desires, inclinations and capacities, that he would be uneasy without an intercourse with his fellow-creatures. Such his weakness and his wants, that without their aid, he could not exist comfortably, if he could exist at all. And such are the lusts of men, from whence come wars and fightings, that the weaker would always be in danger from the stronger, without the protection of laws, which numbers agree to adopt and support, for their mutual safety and advantage.

This being the case, nothing is more natural and reasonable, than that numbers should associate for the defense, assistance and improvement of one another. And though, by such association, they put themselves out of a state of natural freedom, they are richly compensated therefore, by the numerous important benefits to be enjoyed only in a state of civil society.

The end of the appointment of civil rulers cannot be their own personal honor and emolument, but the benefit of those over whom they are placed. Rulers are made for the nation, and not the nation for rulers.

As members of society, they are to enjoy in common with others, the advantages resulting from the social compact. As rulers, they are entitled to an honorable support, and to all that respect and esteem, which the dignity of their stations and the importance of their services render fit and proper. They are not, however, to seek their own separate interest, but the interest and welfare of the community.

These dictates of nature and reason, the dictates of revelation strengthen and confirm. In the book of inspiration it is expressly said of the civil ruler, “He is the minister of God to thee for good. Rulers are not a terror to good works but to the evil. They are God’s ministers, attending continually upon this very thing.”

The benevolent author of our existence- of our capacities and all the means of improvement and happiness, in the directions he has given in his word, respecting the qualifications and duties of rulers, as well as correspondent conduct of the people, has an evident view to the good of society- that the members in general, “may lead a quiet and peaceful life in all godliness and honesty.”

Various are the forms and constitutions of government, which the different genius, prejudices, circumstances, situations and customs of men, have led them to frame and adopt. That is justly accounted the most eligible for a particular people, which is best adapted, under their circumstances, to promote and secure the great end for which magistracy is appointed. But no form of government can ensure happiness to a people, unless it be well administered.

A Constitution, in many respects defective, in the hands of an able and upright administration, may be rendered subservient to the signal prosperity of a people. Whereas, a far more perfect form of government, in the hands of rulers of an opposite character, will fail of affording the citizens that protection and security, that peace and quietness, without which they cannot but be miserable.

If these observations be just, what a post of importance is that of the civil magistrate! His elevated station, as it is a station of honor, is also one of labor and high responsibility; and it will be no further honorable to him, than as he fills it with dignity, and usefulness to the public.

The care of those things which respect the welfare of a great people requires the close and unintermitted attention of the civil ruler. To attend to their situation with regard to other powers- to provide for their defense against foreign invasion and internal sedition- to secure those advantages that may justly be derived from an intercourse with other nations- to attend to the internal state of the commonwealth- to its finances- to its agriculture- commerce- manufactures- morals- learning and religion; to make such alteration in the laws, or such new ones, as the varying circumstances of the country, state, towns and corporations, may render expedient, and take effectual care to have them executed, is a most laborious and difficult employment. Such a variety of great, interesting and complicated business cannot be properly performed but by men of superior ability, knowledge and wisdom, firmness and integrity.

They who are called to sustain the weight of government, and to manage the great affairs of the state and nation, need the united influence of every argument and motive, adapted to strengthen and invigorate the human mind, and to encourage and animate them in their arduous work.

Secondly, I proceed to consider the importance of religion in the civil ruler. Think upon me, my God, for good.

This request, in connection with what it is grounded upon in the latter part of the text, implies, that Nehemiah had acted under the influence of religion, in his public character- that the great things he had done for the people over whom he ruled, were the fruit of a pious regard to God, and a firm belief in his promises.

Religion is of high importance in a ruler, as an incentive to fidelity, in the discharge of the duties of his station- as it will lead him to seek the direction and assistance of Heaven- as it will afford him the best support under the burdens of his office, and cause him, by his precepts and example, to do much for the promotion of piety and virtue among the people.

Great abilities, through indolence and a love of ease, may lie useless in a ruler. The community will derive little or no benefit from them, unless he is possessed of a principle sufficiently active to bring them into operation, and sufficiently virtuous to direct their operation for the public good.

As superior talents in an exalted station render a man capable of doing signal service for the community, so they render him capable of doing as signal mischief. Nothing, like a principle of religion deeply imbibed in the heart, can secure him from the one, or prompt him to the other.

Other and lower principles, it must be confessed, have influenced, and may influence, men to do many beneficial deeds for their nation, and greatly promote their quietness and prosperity.

But these principles- such as honor, ambition, a natural benevolence of temper, or a desire of the continued enjoyment of the emolument of a public office, are too contracted to reach many cases, with which the happiness of society is intimately and essentially connected, and have not that force requisite to produce an even, steady and consistent course of action.

The ruler, who is not under the prevailing influence of the fear and love of God, and that love of mankind which is an inseparable concomitant of the love of God, is always in danger of betraying his trust, and involving the community in misery and ruin. Temptations to do wrong, when they make a vigorous assault upon him (and none are more exposed to temptations, than those, who are in elevated stations) will be likely to meet with a feeble, if any resistance. He will not be deterred from a measure however injurious it may be to individuals, or destructive in its tendency to the interest of his country, when, by going into it, he call gratify his avarice, or save himself from present infamy, and preserve the favor of a majority of his constituents.

Such may frequently be the situation of things, that the civil ruler cannot, in conformity to the dictates of an enlightened understanding, and a benevolent heart, pursue such conduct, as will greatly conduce to the advantage of the community, without exposing himself to certain reproach, and hazarding the loss of his official existence.

But he, and he only, who, regarding the praise of God more than the praise of men, is solicitously concerned to approve himself to that glorious being, who standeth in the congregation of the mighty and judgeth among the Gods, is to be depended on in all seasons. In seasons the most trying nothing can warp him from his duty. Having accepted an important trust, he is deeply concerned to discharge it with all fidelity. He feels himself accountable to God, whose eye is continually upon him. The fear of man, which bringeth a snare, is swallowed up by the greater fear of that great and terrible being, with whom are all the possible causes, of life and death- of happiness and misery.

Charmed with the character of the Deity who is of purer eyes than to behold iniquity, and cannot look on sin, whose goodness is his glory, be has an ardent desire to imitate it. In his official, as well as private capacity, he will feel an aversion to every thing immoral- every thing impure, unjust, oppressive and cruel- every thing that tends to the hurt of the public, or individuals. He will feel a disposition to promote, to his utmost, the comfort, the peace and happiness of all men, with whom he has to do.

The civil ruler, who is under the united influence of this disposition and the various powerful arguments and motives of religion, arguments and motives that respect both the present and the eternal world, will be a benefactor indeed to his nation. He will not fail to attend to the duties of his station. He will take due pains to inform himself what is right and fit to be done, in every case that comes under consideration. He will not be backward to decide upon it, according to the dictates of his conscience, however such decision may expose him to infamy and reproach. His fortitude and independence of spirit will be in some good proportion to the strength and vigor of his faith, in the great objects of religion. With him it is a very small thing that he should be judged of man’s judgment. He that judgeth him is the Lord.

In seasons of darkness and perplexity, when it is not easy to know what ought to be done, the ruler, who is a man of religion, will be under superior advantages for forming a right judgment. In a humble sense of his dependence on God who is the father of lights, he will repair to him for all needed illumination. Encouraged by that direction and declaration in his word, “If any of you lack wisdom, let him ask of God, who giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not; and it shall be given him,” he waits upon him in hope of a gracious answer.

The most able men know by experience, that the human mind is not possessed of a principle of inerrability, but that it is liable to mistake and err- that in things which relate to goverment, they frequently want wisdom. The ruler, who seeks it of God, surely, is more likely to determine wisely in difficult cases, than he, who refuses to apply to him for direction and assistance. It is easy for that being, who formed the mind of man with all its powers and faculties, and has the most intimate access to it, secretly and imperceptibly to influence its operations, direct and assist its enquiries, and lead it into such views, as will essentially affect its determinations, without the least infringement of its moral liberty. Those, therefore, who trust so far in their own wisdom, as to neglect all application to Him for counsel and direction, act very irrationally, and are in danger, through the just resentment of Heaven, of having their boasted wisdom turned into foolishness.

Religion, in civil rulers, is of high importance, in respect to the influence they have, in forming the religious and moral character of the people. The character of the rulers of Israel marked the state of religion in that nation. A similar influence may be looked for, from the disposition and conduct of the rulers of every other people. It is an observation of Solomon, who was distinguished above all others for his wisdom, If a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked.

Experience evinces, that there is a peculiar propensity in persons in the lower walks of life, to imitate those, who are in places of eminence and dignity. When this propensity, by means of the corrupt practices of great men, is led to co- operate with another, which is natural to all, I mean an inclination to do evil, what an inundation of wickedness is to be expected?

The ruler, who allow himself in prophaning the name of God- in treating the institutions of religion with neglect, irreverence and contempt- in violating the laws of righteousness, sobriety, chastity and temperance, though he should be active in framing and enacting laws, for encouraging piety and virtue, and for discountenancing and suppressing vice and irreligion, takes the most effectual method to defeat the good tendency of such laws, and spread corruption far and wide.

He only who enforceth his precepts by his example, whether he be the head of a private family, or the ruler of a larger society, can rationally expect that his precepts will be much regarded. Religion will be likely to flourish, or decline, among a people, according as it is treated by men in conspicuous places. Their elevated station gives a luster to their example, which will not fail to produce a great and extensive effect. What regard then, ought to be had to the moral and religious character of persons, who are candidates for any important office, by those to whom it belongs to elect them!

The civil ruler, who is a man of piety and virtue, sensible that he cannot be a good ruler, any further than he is a benefactor to the people, will consult and pursue their true interest, by every just and reasonable method in his power. Knowing by experience, the salutary effect of religion upon his own temper and conduct, convinced of the necessity of it in order to the happiness of others, viewing in a strong point of light, the benign aspect of the Christian religion, on the liberty and order, the peace and prosperity of the community, he will ever be ready to recommend it, and use the whole of his influence to encourage its profession and practice. The good ruler will cheerfully give his assent to laws calculated to promote the education of youth in virtue and knowledge, and the training them up for public usefulness in the Church and State; and which will most effectually provide for the support of public worship and instruction, and are friendly to the general diffusion of knowledge and true religion. Nothing will discourage him from adopting and persevering in such measures as appear to him, on mature deliberation, necessary, and the best adapted to encourage and promote righteousness, which exalteth a nation, and discountenance sin which is a reproach to any people. What satisfaction must the ruler of this character, who has been instrumental of great good to his people, have in reflecting on his past conduct, and the happy fruit of his beneficent labors?

But, should his faithful services for the public, his tried patriotism, his inflexible regard to the interest of his country be forgotten- should he be neglected, and treated with infamy, by those of whom he has deserved well, what a source of comfort will he have in the testimony of his own conscience to his integrity? And, with what pleasure, may he look forward to that day, when the secret motives of his conduct shall be laid open and applauded, with all his worthy deeds, by the Judge of all, in the, presence of the whole world?

Though he is deeply sensible of his many imperfections, and that had he done all that was required of him, he would have been an unprofitable servant, having done no more than was his duty to do, yet, possessed of a character, formed thro’ the influence of the divine word and spirit, a character, to which the promise of eternal life thro’ Jesus Christ, is made by the infinitely glorious and faithful God, he may well rejoice in hope of all that glory and felicity, with which the righteous shall be remunerated in the world to come.

But, should the faithful ruler receive no disagreeable treatment from those whose peace and prosperity lie near his heart- should his services meet the approbation, and be rewarded with the grateful acknowledgements, of the multitude of his fellow citizens, yet there is a trying season approaching, from which none are exempted, even of those among men, who are stiled Gods. It is a declaration of scripture, which the experience of all past ages has verified, “I said ye are Gods; but ye shall die like men.” In the near prospect of his dissolution, what comfort must it afford the pious ruler to be able to say, “Remember, O Lord, how I have walked before thee in truth, and with a perfect heart, and have done that which is good in thy sight.”

This State, blessed be God, has been distinguished with rulers of this character, who in seasons that try souls, have exhibited the most undoubted evidence of their firm and unshaken attachment to the cause of truth and righteousness- of liberty, order and religion. They have exerted their great talents in the cause of their endangered country, and have not been afraid openly to assert the rights of man; and as openly to oppose that spirit of intrigue and levellism, which threatened all the evils of anarchy and confusion.

The present signal prosperity, with which we are distinguished from all other nations, is owing, under God, to the vigilance, the care, the exertions, of wise and faithful rulers.

May we never want a sufficient number of citizens worthy to be entrusted with the administration of government; and may the people never be so blind and inattentive to their own interest, as to be duped by the artifices of designing men, into the bestowment of their suffrages on persons of a bad, or suspicious character.

Through the smiles of divine providence, the people of this State have had another opportunity of giving their suffrages for those, who are to compose the two branches of the legislature, and the supreme executive. And the joyful anniversary is returned, when we behold most of the heads of the tribes of our Israel come together into this city of their solemnities, and assembled in the house of the Lord, to give thanks unto his name, and supplicate his presence and blessing.

But it is no small degree, in which the joy of the day is lessened, by the absence of the late Chief Magistrate. We have been wont, with pleasure and satisfaction, to behold him at the head of the legislature, on this anniversary solemnity: But we shall see his face no more.

The Sovereign Disposer of all things has seen fit, in his holy providence, to remove him from our world, and to put a final period to his services for this people, by whom he was deservedly held in high estimation.

By his public profession of religion, for may years, his steady attendance on the institutions of Christianity, and his exemplary good conversation, Governor Huntington made it manifest to all, that he was not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ.

The various important public stations into which he was successively chosen, he sustained with dignity, and displayed such ability, prudence and integrity in the discharge of them, as met with great acceptance from the multitude of his brethren.

The important services he rendered this State and country, during the scenes of danger and distress, through which we passed, whilst contending with a powerful nation for our just rights and liberties, ought not to be forgotten. His name will be transmitted with honor to posterity, enrolled among the names of those Illustrious Patriots, who dared to sign that instrument, which sealed the independence of United America.

The remarkable unanimity, with which his late Excellency was re-chosen, from year to year, to fill the chair, exhibits an evidence, not only of the general approbation, but of the wisdom and equity of his administration.

The satisfaction resulting from the continued approbation and acceptance of his services, by his fellow citizens, however great, must have been a small thing with him, in the near view of his departure, compared with the joy arising from the testimony of his conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace of God, he had discharged the duties of the several relations in which he had been placed.

The voice of God in the death of the Governor, and in the more recent death of the Secretary of the State, a Gentleman respectable for his abilities- his usefulness in the long continued exercise of his office, and for his exemplary Christian faith and virtue, demands the attention of the Public.

When rulers, of such a character, are taken away, especially, in times of growing infidelity and corruption, the people have great reason to mourn, not for them, but for themselves and their children; and may well exclaim, “Help Lord, for the godly man ceaseth; for the faithful fail from among the children of men.”

May surviving rulers and officers of every grade, be deeply impressed with a sense of the high importance of approving themselves to God, in the whole of their conduct. May they lay it to heart, that though they are called gods, and are said to be children of the most High, yet the time is approaching with great celerity, when they shall die like men.

The Lieutenant Governor, on whom the chief command devolved in consequence of the demise of his late Excellency, we trust, is no stranger to the joy and satisfaction, arising from a consciousness of a prevailing and habitual regard to God, in the discharge of the duties of public, as well as private life.

May his Honor, whose great talents have been employed many years, in various important public stations, continue, under the invigorating influence of the great principles of religion, to exert all his abilities, as God shall give him opportunity, for the good of this State and Nation, and of mankind.

Should he be placed in the first chair of dignity and power in the State, may he be supported under the increased weight of government, and, with are enlarged sphere of usefulness, be happy in doing proportionably greater service for God and his people.

Through the remaining vicissitudes of life, may he have the protecting, cheering and supporting presence of God and his Savior- in the solemn hour of death, comfort and fortitude, and be crowned with superior glory in the world to come.

May the Honorable General Assembly be favored with the presence, guidance and blessing of the Sovereign Ruler of the world. To him they are accountable for their conduct in their public, as well as private capacity.

The power with which they are clothed, is given them, both by God and man, to be employed for the good of the community. This, therefore, they will ever keep in view in all their deliberations and decisions.

It is justly expected of them, that they as upon a large scale. While they take effectual care that no injustice be done to any citizen, they will be concerned not to sacrifice the good of the State, or Nation, to the honor, ease or emolument of individuals. They will take heed how they are influenced by local advantages, or personal attachments.

Laws that will do equal justice, afford equal protection, and secure equal advantages to all, and the bestowment of offices upon men the best qualified, the people have a right to expect from those, whom they entrust with the power of legislation, and of making civil and military appointments.

In all their proceedings, it is reasonably expected, that they act with the same integrity, virtue and honor, as becometh men and Christians in private life.

Deeply impressed with the importance of religion and virtue to the welfare of a community, you will suffer me, Honored Fathers, to beseech and exhort you, not to fail to do every thing in your power, to cause them to flourish among the people, whose greatest and best prosperity you are under every obligation to seek.

“Magistrates may probably do more by their example, than in any other way, and, perhaps, more than any other men,’ to promote the practice of piety and virtue among a people. Happy are those rulers, who, by the united influence of their authority and example, are instrumental of spreading religion and virtue through the community, over which they are placed:- happy, in rendering their government easy and pleasant to themselves, and to the people:- happy, in the reflection upon the great good they have been instrumental in doing for them:- happy, in an approving conscience, that gives them confidence towards God, the Judge of all:- And supremely happy will they be, who in the great day shall be found faithful; for they shall be rewarded with a crown of glory, that fadeth not away. While those, who, regardless of the true interest of the people, have “corrupted them by their example, shall be covered with shame and confusion, and sentenced to that place of blackness and darkness, where there is weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth!”

The pastors of the churches, who have the spirit of their station, and feel the power of that benevolent religion, which they preach to others, will be deeply concerned for the welfare of the community, and ready to exert themselves, to their utmost, in their proper spheres, that the great end of civil government may be attained. Though not sharers in the administration, they have an important influence on the object of government. In laboring to promote the spiritual and eternal interest of mankind, which is the immediate object of the institution of the evangelical ministry, they co- operate with the civil Magistrate in promoting their temporal interest. The wise and benevolent Governor of the world, in the appointment of magistracy and the priesthood, has expressed a tender regard to the happiness of men, and is pleased to make use of both conjointly, for accomplishing the purposes of his good pleasure. He led his ancient people like a flock, by the hand of Moses and Aaron.

Christian pastors are workers together, not only with the civil Magistrate, but with the great God himself, for the good of their fellow men. How noble is their work! What inducements have they to be diligent, active and zealous in it! The honor of God and Christ, their dear Redeemer, the peace, comfort and happiness of their brethren of the human race, in this world, and their eternal welfare, in that which is to come, together with their own salvation, conspire to engage them to fidelity.

Let us, my respected Fathers and Brethren, be excited to take heed to the ministry, which we have received, that we fulfill it.

Sensible of the aid we derive from the civil ruler in our work, may we be ready to encourage him in his, by our prayers; and by inculcating on the people of our respective charges, both by our preaching and example, all that respect and obedience to magistracy, which our holy religion requires.

The citizens in general of every class, have abundant reason for thankfulness to God, for the blessings of a free, mild, and yet energetic government, with which the inhabitants of these United States are distinguished. May all be concerned to make such improvement of them as shall ensure their continuance.

We glory in the possession of constitutions of government of our own choosing, and in the privilege of electing our own rulers. Should we not continue to be a free and happy people, the fault will be our own.

Should we abuse our liberties, by voting into public office, men, who are enemies to the peace and prosperity of the country, or who might easily be bought by those who are so: Or should we refuse to support the constituted authorities, in well concerted measures for promoting and securing the public good, we should justly deserve all the evils of anarchy, confusion and war, which would be the natural consequence of our folly and wickedness.

It is our honor and happiness, that we have at the head of the general government, a Character, who is held in the highest veneration abroad, and from whom, it has not been in the power of faction, to withdraw the confidence of the citizens of United America.

The many and great things which, under God, he has done for this people, have deservedly endeared his name to his country.

As our General, he has fought our battles, and procured for us peace and independence, with all their train of numerous blessings.

As President of the United States, he has fought our wealth and prosperity, in the continuance of peace, and improvement of the great natural, civil and religious advantages with which our country is distinguished. He has delivered us, without effusion of blood, from a threatening insurrection- and saved us from foreign war, with all its expense and- horrors, with which we were menaced.- And of late, he has given us higher evidence, if possible,- than any he ever before had an opportunity to give, of his firm patriotism- unshaken attachment to the interest of the people, and worthiness to be entrusted with their most valuable deposit, by protecting, preserving and defending their constitution, against a most artful, daring, and alarming attempt to encroach upon, and subvert it. “The archers have shot at him and hated him: But his bow has abode in strength, and the arms of his hands were made strong by the hands of the mighty God of Jacob.”

Under the auspices of his presidency, “our country,” highly favored by Heaven, “has enjoyed general tranquility, while many of the nations of Europe, with their American dependencies, have been involved in a contest unusually bloody, exhausting and calamitous- Our agriculture, commerce and manufactures have prospered beyond former example:- and our population has advanced with a celerity exceeding the most sanguine calculations”- And by treaties with the several powers, “between whom and the United States controversies have subsisted”- treaties, for carrying which into effect the necessary provisions have been made (though not until the public mind was greatly agitated and offended by the delay) “a firm and precious foundation appears to be laid, for accelerating, maturing and establishing, the prosperity of our country- a country that exhibits a spectacle of national happiness never surpassed, if ever before equaled.

May all the enemies of the public peace and prosperity- and of this Benefactor of our nation, be clothed with shame. But may God think upon him for good, according to all that he hath done for this people.

Whilst we rejoice in the blessings of external peace and prosperity- and are ready to felicitate ourselves, and one another, on the fair prospect of their continuance, presented by the removal of the dark cloud that so lately menaced our tranquility.- May we remember that these blessings, however estimable in themselves, derive their principal value from the more favorable opportunity, they afford us, for attending to those things, which relate to our spiritual and everlasting peace and happiness.

This world is but the beginning of our existence. It bears no proportion to the eternal duration, for which we are formed. It is, however, an important part of our existence, as on our conduct here, our condition hereafter has a settled and unalterable dependence. He, who created us, and, therefore, has an indisputable right to be out judge, has declared in his word, that “he will render to every man according to his deeds:- to them, who, by patient continuance in well doing, seek for glory, and honor, and immortality; eternal life; But unto them that are contentious, and do not obey the truth, but obey unrighteousness; indignation and wrath; tribulation and anguish upon every man that doth evil.”

The time is fast approaching, when death will put a period to our state of trial, and seal up our accounts to the judgment of the great day; when, “we must all appear before the judgments seat of Christ; that every one may receive the things done in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be good or bad.”

In all our affairs, civil, secular and religious, may we act with a wise reference to that day, when an end shall be put to all civil distinctions- when all earthly kingdoms, states and empires shall be no more:- when Christ who is King in Zion, after he has judged and passed sentence on all men, of every rank and denomination, according to their behavior in the body, shall deliver up the mediatorial kingdom to God, even the Father, that God may be all in all.

Sermon – Execution – 1796

SERMON:

DELIVERED
At Salem, January 14, 1796,

OCCASIONED BY THE

EXECUTION OF HENRY BLACKBURN,
ON THAT DAY,
FOR THE MURDER OF GEORGE WILKINSON.

BY
NATHANIEL FISHER, A.M.
Rector of Saint Peter’s Church, Salem.

PUBLISHED AT THE DESIRE OF THE WARDENS AND VESTRY.

Printed by S. Hall, in Boston, for J. Dabney, in Salem
1796.

For we must all appear before the Judgment Seat of CHRIST, that everyone may receive the things done in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be good or bad.
2d. Corinthians, v. 10.

As the doctrine of a future state of retribution is the principal support of piety and virtue, the great and universal importance of it must be obvious. And that this is a doctrine “worthy of all acceptation,” we have the concurrent testimonies of natural and revealed religion.

Our test leads us to consider – the certainty of a future judgment – some of the peculiarities of this judgment, as revealed in the gospel – and the purposes for which God hath appointed it.

In regard to the certainty of a future state of retribution, let it be observed,
That the judgment we pass upon our own actions, or that faculty by which we discover the difference between good and evil, is the foundation of many of our most pleasing hopes, and of our most disquieting fears. The satisfactions which accompany a life of innocence, are greatly increased by the expectation of a future recompense; and the terrors of a guilty conscience as greatly enhanced.

And we see, in many instances, that the dispensations of Providence in the present state, are promiscuous and unequal. No certain conclusions can be drawn from them, in regard to the virtue or the vice of men. The righteous often suffer, and for being righteous: and the wicked prosper, and prosper through their wickedness.

And although the wife and considerate in all ages, from a conviction that virtue was excellent in itself, and that vice was pernicious in its own nature, have endeavored to reward the former, and to punish the latter, according to their respective merits; yet no human laws have ever been able to effect these most desirable purposes. No human tribunal can investigate the secret emotions of the heart, the source from which all our actions proceed; and in proportion to the relation which they bear to this fountain, they deserve either censure, or praise. The specious hypocrite may come forward, and challenge the severest scrutiny, while the fear of a discovery has led him to commit his vile enormities in the dark. But, that impartial justice may be dispensed, the motives and intentions of the agent must be known. The rich, who, of their abundance cast much into the treasury, will undoubtedly receive their reward; and yet, the poor widow’s two mites may entitle her to a much greater recompense.

Should the internal satisfactions which accompany a virtuous life, and the miseries which commonly overtake the wicked, be urged, as an adequate reward to the former, and a sufficient punishment to the latter, it may be asked, whether any degree of external affluence, in addition to the pleasures which flow from a good conscience, separate from the views of eternity, would be deemed by a wise man, an adequate recompense for the exquisite sufferings with which the inflexibly virtuous are sometimes called to struggle?

As these inequalities have been from the beginning of the world, we have all reason to suppose, that they will continue unto the end of it. And from this state of things, it is natural to conclude, that there will be a future state of retribution, in which all these inequalities will be rectified, and impartial justice dispensed to every man.

And this has been the prevailing opinion, in every age, and in every nation. It is true, that one sect of philosophers among the heathen, and some among the Jews, denied the resurrection of the dead; but those characters were not very numerous; they bore scarce any kind of proportion to the body of the people, the great multitude, who received the doctrine of a future judgment. On no other principle can we account for the worship of the dead; and for the animated descriptions which the poets have given of the Elysian fields: in which all the virtuous are represented in a state of happiness, and in the enjoyment of the fruits of their past labors: while the wicked are excluded those happy abodes, and consigned to the regions of woe and misery forever. And although the rewards and punishments assigned to these characters, in the future world, are very different in their nature, from those which revelation has taught us to expect hereafter, and fall infinitely below them; yet they are strongly expressive of the general opinion concerning the doctrine before us. The Apostle, in his address to the Gentiles, observes, that, “the invisible things of him,” (God) “from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood by the things which are made, even his eternal power and Godhead. So that they are without excuse, because that, when they knew God, they glorified him not as God.”

But, although the religion of nature taught men to expect a future state of retribution, in which they would be rewarded and punished, according to their respective deserts; (and the evidences of this great doctrine have been confirmed by every revelation which God has given of himself), yet it gave no intimations of the circumstances which would attend it. For these most solemn and interesting discoveries, we are indebted to the revelation of Jesus Christ; through whom, “life and immortality” are “brought to light:” i. c. more fully and clearly revealed.

The first of these peculiar and important discoveries which I shall mention, is this, – that there will be a DAY, on which all the generations of men, will be gathered together, in one great and general assembly, to receive the respective rewards of their past behavior.

“When the Son of man shall come in his glory, then shall be gathered before him all nations – God hath appointed a DAY, in which he will judge the world in righteousness – but of that day and hour, knows no man, not even the Son.” This is one of those “secret things” which “belong to God.” But we are informed, that this judgment will take place “at the end of the world,” an indefinite period; and which may be much nearer than we apprehend! And when it shall commence, we are assured, that it will be accompanied by a universal resurrection – of all who in this world have ever tasted death.

“We must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ,” &c. “Verily, verily, I say unto you, the hour is coming, and even now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of God, and they that hear him shall live.” – “Marvel not at this, for the hour is coming, in which all that are in the graves shall hear his voice, and shall come forth, they that have done good, unto the resurrection of life, and they that have done evil, unto the resurrection of damnation.”

And immediately after this general resurrection, we are informed, the world which we now inhabit will appear all in flames, and be utterly destroyed by fire.

“The Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven in flaming fire, taking vengeance on them who know not God, and who obey not the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ.” “The day of the Lord will come as a thief in the night, in which the heavens shall pass away in a great noise, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat. The earth also, and all that therein is, shall be burned up. Seeing then, that all these things are to be dissolved, what manner of persons ought we to be, in all holy conversation and godliness!”

Another circumstance concerning this future judgment, revealed in the gospel, respects the person to whom the judiciary powers of that great and solemn day are committed. And this is the Lord Jesus Christ himself. The person who once appeared in this world, in the form of a servant, and to save sinners, although “the Lord of life and glory” – “who went about doing good” – and after a life of the purest benevolence, and of unspotted innocence, “was taken, and by wicked hands, crucified and slain. But God raised him up.”

“The Father judges no man, but hath committed all judgment to the Son. It is Jesus that is ordained of God to be the judge of quick and dead – God will judge the world in righteousness, by that man Jesus Christ, whom he hath appointed.”

In some passages of scripture, God himself is said to be the judge of all the earth, and who will do right and that he will reward every man according to his deeds; “To them who by patient continuance in well doing, seek for glory, and honor, and immortality, eternal life; but unto them that are contentious, indignation and wrath, tribulation and anguish upon every soul of man that doeth evil.” But these texts may be reconciled with the former, when we consider, that the future judgment will commence on the day appointed by God; and that all the transactions of it will be managed by his Son; to whom he has delegated his authority and power; and who will perform all the duties of that great and solemn office, in perfect obedience to the will of his Father.

Another peculiarity, and which deserves our most serious attention, is the manner in which he will appear upon that solemn occasion.
“He shall come in his own glory, in the glory of God, and in the glory of his holy angels – he shall sit upon the throne of his glory, and all nations shall be gathered before him. And he shall separate them, one from the other, as a shepherd divides his sheep from the goats. The Lord himself shall descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of the archangel, and with the trump of God. The dead in Christ shall rise first, and they that are alive shall be changed, and caught up to meet the Lord in the air.”

Further, the gospel of Jesus Christ discloses the purposes of God, in the appointment of this future judgment: namely, that his wisdom, justice, goodness and mercy, may be universally acknowledged and magnified – that all the ungodly may be convinced “of all their hard speeches spoken against him” – and that the glory of the great Judge may be most illustriously displayed – “That all men should honor the Son, even as they honor the Father” – Because “thou hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity, therefore God, even thy God, hath anointed him to the important office of Judge, both of quick and dead, “because he was the son of man” – To quiet our fears and apprehensions on that great day, when we shall behold, in the person of our Judge, the greatest benefactor and friend of the human race – one made like unto ourselves – acquainted with all the imperfections of our nature, and disposed to pity and compassionate our weakness.

“It behooved him to be made like unto his brethren, that he might be a merciful and faithful High Priest, which cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmities.”

And here, it may be observed, that there is nothing in any of these peculiar discoveries of the gospel, concerning a future judgment, inconsistent with the principles of natural religion. A Being possessed of almighty power can gather together all nations on that great day, as easily as dispose the individuals of which this numerous assembly is composed to meet together on the present very melancholy occasion.

And there can be no absurdity in believing, that the Being who first gave us life can reanimate the bodies which we now possess, and clothe them with fresh powers of life and sensibility, after they have laid ever so long a period in the graves.
And that the unexampled obedience and sufferings of our blessed Lord and Savior should be most openly acknowledged, and rewarded by the Deity, who has declared himself to be the rewarder of all them that diligently seek him,” is most agreeable to all our notions of justice.

And does it not appear to be a merciful dispensation, that the human race should be judged by one in their own likeness?

And is it not proper and right, that the most public and expressive marks of approbation should be conferred upon the righteous; and that the wicked should be as openly exposed to disgrace and punishment?

Let us now attend to a few reflections, which arise from this most interesting and important of all subjects.
And First,
Allowing that we know not the nature, nor the proportion of the rewards and punishments to be dispensed in a future state; yet, this is certain, the gospel has represented them, and the solemnities of a future judgment, in the strongest light: and in such a manner, as to excite the most pleasing hopes in the virtuous; and the most awful apprehensions in the wicked.

“Then shall the King say unto them on his right hand, come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world. – Then shall he say unto them on his left hand, depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels.”
Again. From the certainty and circumstances of a future judgment, how great must be the absurdity of dissimulation! On that day, “when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed,” the hope of the hypocrite will perish. None of those arts and subtleties which he once practiced in the world, and with success, will then avail him. He will find no friend to cast the mantle of charity over his deceptions; nor any corner in which to hide his guilty face. He will appear before his fellow creatures, and before the holy angels, in his true character, and be filled with shame and remorse. The greater his duplicity may have been, the greater will be his confusion and distress. He will then reflect on the value and importance of a good conscience: and be ready to acknowledge, that there are no pleasures comparable to those which flow from a faithful performance of our respective duties, and from a heart which cannot reproach us.

Again. As the hopes given us in the gospel of Christ are most glorious, and its promises, respecting a future world, “exceeding great and precious,” not to extend our principal views towards futurity must be the greatest folly. More especially, as our own feelings, and the circumstances of all things about us, are continually suggesting the infinite importance of it. This is the “one thing needful,” and the greatest concern we can possibly attend to. So great is the disproportion between things spiritual and things temporal, that we must see where our interest lies, and cannot be ignorant of the part we should prefer. As we acknowledge, that the pleasures of this world are precarious, inadequate to our expectations, and only for a season, it becomes us to “set our affections on things above, not on things on the earth.”

Further. Although the certainty and circumstances of a future judgment must strike the wicked, whenever they reflect upon them, with the utmost terror; they afford the greatest comfort and consolation to the righteous. There are so many contending interests in the present world, and the passions and appetites of men are so strong and violent, that the virtuous are often reproached, and cruelly treated: and sometimes persecuted unto death. This was the case with many of the primitive chieftains in particular; and who endured the greatest afflictions, and suffered the most grievous punishments, having “respect unto the recompense of the reward.” They comforted and supported one another with the blessed hope of everlasting life – a future state of existence, in which their integrity would be completely rewarded. “Our light affliction which is but for a moment, works for us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory. For we must all appear before the Judgment seat of Christ, that everyone may receive the things done in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be good or bad.”

The subject leads to many more very useful reflections; but they cannot be pursued at present: And I shall close this discourse, with an address to the audience, – and to the criminal.

My Brethren,
In the unhappy prisoner now before you, surrounded by the executive officers of justice, and fast bound in the chains of death, you behold a miserable sinner; covered with shame and stung with remorse: the usual and just effects of a wicked and profligate life!

One end of the law, in ordering him to suffer, in this public and ignominious manner, is to alarm and deter others – lest they should come into the same condemnation. And if the solemn transactions of this day should not touch, and powerfully affect your hearts, they must be insensible indeed!

And here, permit me to caution you, in great seriousness, against those vices in particular which lead more immediately to the crime for which this unhappy man is now to suffer.

Among others, we may mention a barbarous and cruel temper. It must be evident to those who are acquainted with the human heart, that every kind, and every degree of cruelty practiced upon man or beast, lessens the influence of those tender sensibilities implanted in our nature for the most benevolent purposes, and leaves impressions on the mind unfavorable to the interests of humanity. The person who can wantonly wound and torture a brute, and take delight in his sufferings, will soon become callous to the feelings of his fellow creatures. And society can never be too securely guarded against this brutal insensibility of temper.

Further. All violent and head-strong passions lead to this monstrous crime: more especially when they have acquired, which is often the case, an irresistible authority. A man thus enslaved is every moment liable to the most serious and affecting misfortunes.

And revenge, or a disposition to redress our own wrongs, leads onto the most fatal extremes. Every emotion of this passion, is pregnant with danger: and victims without number have been sacrificed to its rash and precipitate purposes.
But, the most awful effects may be expected from a fixed rancor and malevolence of heart. This is the most unsociable and wicked temper that can possibly possess a man. It is the temper of that degraded being, “who was a murderer from the beginning.” And “every man, who hateth his brother, is a murderer” also.
To these we may add avarice, gaming and dissipation; which excite contentions and quarrels; expose persons to the fevered temptations; and tend to destroy all sense of moral obligations.

There is another vice extremely prejudicial and dangerous, as it leads to the heinous crime of perjury; viz. rash and profane swearing; which has a tendency to lower the Divine Being in our minds, and to take off that reverential awe which is our natural duty to our Creator.

And if we may credit the concessions of many who have suffered for the crime of murder, a disregard to the Sabbath, and to the public worship of God, may be considered as ruinous to individuals, and highly injurious to the peace and welfare of society. And this, I think, will hardly admit of a doubt, when we reflect, that the public exercises of our religion are calculated to keep up a lively and constant sense of God, and his providence, upon our minds; to impress our hearts with benevolent sentiments; and to establish the principles of self-government, by motives of present, and eternal happiness.

And now let me entreat you, in the most serious and affectionate manner, to guard yourselves not only against these great and most pernicious vices, but against every kind and degree of immorality.

If you believe in the existence of a God, who governs the world in wisdom and equity, and that you are accountable to him for your conduct, you have the strongest motives, great and powerful as they are, are often superseded by the solicitations of the tempter, attend to the first advances of vice, which approaches step by step: “First the blade, then the ear, after that the full corn in the ear.” Look upon every deviation from the path of duty, however small, as unjustifiable and wrong. Consider, that every irregular indulgence leaves an impression on the mind unfavorable to the interests of virtue. It lessens the fear of shame, that innate modesty which is the natural guard of innocence, and weakens the power of conscience. Be persuaded, that your duty and happiness are inseparably connected; and avoid even “the appearance of evil.”
And, may the inspiration of the Almighty govern your hearts!

You, HENRY BLACKBURN, are this day to suffer the pains and penalties of an ignominious death; for the unnatural and atrocious crime of MURDER: A crime of the highest nature; to which the law of God, and the laws of nations, have annexed this righteous, though awful punishment, “he that sheds man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed.”
You have repeatedly protested, and in the most solemn manner, by immediate appeals to heaven, that neither revenge, nor hatred, nor any other malignant passion, moved you to take away the life of the person who died in consequence of the wound you gave him. But your country, after a most deliberate, solemn and impartial inquiry, has pronounced you guilty – and guilty of willful murder. The matter rests with God and your own soul; that God who cannot be deceived, and “who will not be mocked.”

But, allowing that you had no design against the life of the unfortunate stranger, who fell a victim to your rashness and folly, this will not wipe away, although it may greatly extenuate your guilt. Life is a gift too sacred to be sported with; and the weapons of death are not to be used lightly and wantonly. And, although you may not have incurred the fearful guilt of willful murder, this is certain, you have shed the blood of a fellow creature; and in such a manner as cannot be justified in the sight of God, nor in the opinion of man.

During your confinement, which has been long and tedious, you have had time for the most serious and deliberate reflections: And you have been encouraged and assisted in the great duty of repentance. You have been persuaded, “by the mercies of God, and by the terrors of the Lord,” to repent, to forsake your sins, and to turn most heartily unto God. And from the solicitude which you early discovered for instruction, and from the apparently open and candid acknowledgments which you have made of the errors of your past life, we have reason to hope, that some good fruits have been produced in your heart: but, if you have imposed on your sincerest friends, and deceived yourself, let me exhort you, in the most serious and pathetic manner, by the mercies of God, and by the affection which you bear to your own soul, to renounce your hypocrisy this instant; to acknowledge your multiplied transgressions with your deepest humility; and to turn unto God with your whole heart.

Within a few moments, you will be taken from the house of God, carried to the place of execution, and “appear before the judgment-seat of Christ, to receive the deeds done in your body, whether they be good or bad.” You have just heard the certainty, circumstances, and design of this judgment; and the passing interval before you must awaken all the powers of your soul! It is enough to overpower your sensibility, unaccompanied and alone; and much more so, attended by the habiliments of death, and by thousands of surrounding spectators.

O, my brother! Thus encompassed with the sorrows of the grave, and the snares of death, you stand in need of every consolation. And, to assist and support you in this most distressing hour, and to show the part which it becomes you to perform, “look unto Jesus, the author and finisher of our faith.” It is true, the difference in point of character is infinite: For, although he died the death of a malefactor, he died perfectly innocent of every crime. He died to support the cause of piety and virtue, and to save sinners: but you will die a malefactor indeed – for your atrocious crimes – because you have disregarded the principles of religion, and shed the blood of one, whom he died to redeem.

Our blessed Lord and Master endured the cross, despising the shame. And he suffered that ignominious and painful death with the most perfect submission to the will of his Father, with the most heroic fortitude and equanimity of mind, and in the exercise of a most charitable and forgiving temper, even towards his enemies, and those who persecuted him unto death, and who insulted him in his last agonies.

And you have the example of one, who was a great sinner, and who suffered with him; and whose faith was not to be shaken by all the terrors of a lingering, shameful death. Although he saw the Savior of the world nailed to the cross, and knew that he would expire within a few hours; yet he believed on him, and died entirely resigned to the will of God. He died with Christian fortitude and submission; he died a sincere penitent; and he died in prayer – “Lord, remember me, when thou comes into thy kingdom.” And as a reward of his faith, penitence and obedience, Christ answered him, and said, “Today shall thou be with me in paradise.” And O that you, my brother, may discover this believing, resigned and heavenly temper, at the hour of your departure, and be admitted into the kingdom of the Great Redeemer!

Now, “unto God’s gracious mercy and protection we commit thee; the Lord bless thee, and keep thee; the Lord make his face to shine upon thee, and be gracious unto thee; the Lord lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace, both now and evermore.”
Let us pray, &c.
END.

Explore

Engage

Initiatives

Categories: Sermons

Sermon – Fasting – 1798

Sermon – Fasting – 1798

Sermon – Fasting – 1798, Massachusetts

Endnotes

Sermon – Execution – 1797

Sermon – Election – 1797, Massachusetts

Sermon – Election – 1797, Connecticut

Sermon – Election – 1796, New Hampshire

Sermon – Election – 1796, Massachusetts

Sermon – Election – 1796, Connecticut

Sermon – Execution – 1796

QUICK LINKS

OTHER LINKS

Explore

Engage

Initiatives

Explore

Engage

Initiatives

Endnotes

QUICK LINKS

OTHER LINKS

SOCIAL LINKS

Explore

Engage

Initiatives