Sermon – Fasting – 1815


This sermon was preached by John Latta on the national fast day proclaimed by President James Madison for January 12, 1815.


sermon-fasting-1815

A

SERMON

PREACHED ON THE

TWELFTH OF JANUARY, 1815.

A DAY

RECOMMENDED

BY THE

PRESIDENT

OF THE

UNITED STATES,

TO BE OBSERVED AS A DAY OF

HUMILIATION, FASTING, AND PRAYER.

By the Rev. JOHN E. LATTA, A. M.

A SERMON,
&c.

II CHRON. XXXII. 7, 8.

“BE STRONG and courageous, be not afraid nor dismayed for the king of Assyria, nor for all the multitude that is with him: for there is more with us, than with him. With him is an arm of flesh, but with us is the Lord our God, to help us, and to fight our battles. And the people rested themselves upon the words of Hezekiah, king of Judah.”

Sennacherib, king of Assyria, had invaded Judea. After he had taken several fortified cities, he threatened also to besiege Jerusalem, the metropolis of the kingdom. “And when Hezekiah saw, that Sennacherib was come, and that he was purposed to fight against Jerusalem,” he made preparations to sustain a siege and to defend the city. “He set captains of war over the people, and gathered them together to him in the street of the gate of the city, and spake comfortably to them, saying, in the language of our text: Be strong and courageous, be not afraid nor dismayed for the king of Assyria, nor for all the multitude that is with him,” &c.

Our design, in this discourse, is to speak—

I. Of the grounds of Hezekiah’s confidence in the divine protection.

II. Of the PROPRIETY of his confidence.

I. We are to speak of the grounds of Hezekiah’s confidence in divine protection:—And we would mention,

1st. That his having greatly reformed the nation, was a proper ground of his confidence.

When Hezekiah ascended the throne of Judah, the nation was grossly devoted to almost every species of idolatry. He therefore immediately made vigorous exertions to abolish all idolatrous rites and institutions, and to restore the worship of the true God. “In the first year of his reign, in the first month, he opened the doors of the house of the Lord and repaired them. And he brought in the Priests and the Levites, and said unto them, hear me ye Levites; sanctify now yourselves, and sanctify the house of the Lord God of your fathers, and carry forth the filthiness out of the holy place. For our fathers have trespassed, and have done that, which was evil in the eyes of the Lord our God, and have forsaken him, and have turned away their faces from the habitation of the Lord, and turned their backs.” After the house of the Lord, and the Priests and the Levites, agreeably to the directions of Hezekiah, were sanctified, he directed the offering of the different sacrifices, prescribed by the law of Moses: and his direction was obeyed. Next he issued a proclamation, requiring all Israel and Judah, to come to the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, to keep the Passover unto the Lord God of Israel. A great number assembled at Jerusalem, and kept the feast, not only seven days, the time prescribed by Moses; but “the whole assembly took counsel to keep other seven days: and they kept other seven days with gladness. So there was great joy in Jerusalem: for since the time of Solomon, the son of David, king of Israel, there was not the like in Jerusalem.”

Next, Hezekiah demolished all the objects of idolatrous worship which were in the land. “All Israel went out to the cities of Judah, and brake the images in pieces, and cut down the roes, and threw down the high places and the altars out of all Judah and Benjamin, in Ephraim also and Menasseh, until they had utterly destroyed them all.” He also commanded, that the tithes prescribed by Moses, should be given to the Priests. “Moreover Hezekiah commanded the people, that dwelt in Jerusalem to give the portion of the Priests and Levites, that they might be encouraged in the law of the Lord.” As Hezekiah was convinced, that the wrath of God was upon Judah, because they had forsaken his worship and devoted themselves to idolatry, and wickedness of various kinds, he justly considered their reformation as a proper ground for his confidence, tht the Lord would again bless and protect them.

2dly. Another ground of Hezekiah’s confidence was, that Sennacherib had blasphemed the God of the Jews—had set at defiance his power to save them—and ridiculed their confidence in the divine protection.

“Who was there (saith he) among all the Gods of those nations, that my fathers utterly destroyed, that could deliver his people out of mine hand, that your God should be able to deliver you out of mine hand? He wrote also letters to rail on the Lord God of Israel and to speak against him saying, as the Gods of the nations of other lands have not delivered their people out of mine hand, so shall not the God of Hezekiah deliver his people out of mine hand.” Here Sennacherib not only defies the divine power and blasphemes the Lord God of Israel, the only true God; but sets in competition with him and his power, the idols of the heathen and their power. Hezekiah therefore entertained a confidence, that God would for the sake of his glory, interpose for the deliverance of Judah from their enemies. He confidently expected, that God, by an extraordinary exertion of his power, would shew the Assyrians, that Israel’s God was not like the Gods of Hamath and Arpad, of Sepharvaim, Hena and Ivah, which were not able to deliver their worshippers; but that he was omnipotent to deliver all, who put their confidence in him. Thus God would vindicate his character against the reviling’s and blasphemies of Sennacherib, exalt himself above all Gods and display his glory to all nations. That this was one ground of Hezekiah’s confidence is evident from part of his prayer on this occasion. Thus he concludes his prayer; “Now therefore, O Lord our God, I beseech thee, save thou us out of his hand, that all the kingdoms of the earth may know that thou art the Lord God, even thou only.”

3dly. Another ground of Hezekiah’s confidence was, that Sennacherib relied entirely upon his own prowess and the greatness of his armies; but he himself placed all his dependence upon God.

“With him (saith Hezekiah) is an arm of flesh, but with us is the Lord our God to help us, and to fight our battles.” Sennacherib vaunted much of the power, which he had manifested in the destruction of other nations and cities; and he boasted, that he had the same power to destroy Jerusalem. But God abhorreth the proud and self-confident. He humbleth those that exalt themselves. “Pride goeth before destruction, and a haughty spirit before a fall. The day of the Lord of hosts shall be upon every one, that is proud and lofty, and upon every one, that is lifted up, and he shall be brought low. Thus saith the Lord, cursed be the man, that trusteth in man, and maketh flesh his arm. But blessed is the man that trusteth in the Lord, and whose hope the Lord is.” This naturally introduces to the

II. Head, viz. to illustrate and prove the propriety of Hezekiah’s confidence in the divine protection, and of his animating exhortation to his captains.

From the grounds which we have just stated, Hezekiah was confident, that the Lord would be with him and his people. This being the case, there was the utmost propriety in his confidence of protection. If the omnipotent Jehovah was for him, nothing could be against him. Who an have any strength against Omnipotence. “All nations before God are as nothing, and they are counted to him as les than nothing, and vanity. It is he that sitteth upon the circle of the earth, and the inhabitants thereof are as grasshoppers; that stretcheth out the heavens as a curtain, and spreadeth them out as a tent to dwell in; that bringeth the princes to nothing; he maketh the judges of the earth as vanity.” What is man then that he should defy the power of God? How insignificant are whole armies of men, when opposed to the Lord of Hosts, the God of armies? God at first spake them into existence, and whenever he gives the command, they crumble into dust. How absurd was it for Sennacherib, even with the multitude that was with him to presume that he should prevail against the King of Judah and his people, when Hezekiah could confidently say, that “there was more with them than with him.” In this expression Hezekiah doubtless had reference to the myriads of Angels, which God can at any moment send forth, either for the protection of his people, or for the destruction of his enemies. This expression of Hezekiah may be well illustrated by referring to the case of Elisha, recorded in the 6th chap. of the 2d book of Kings. A Syrian host compassed the city, where the prophet was, both with horses and chariots: “and Elisha’s servant said unto him, alas! My master, how shall we do? And he answered, fear not, for they that be with us are more than they that be with them. And Elisha prayed and said, Lord I pray thee open his eyes, that he may see. And the Lord opened the eyes of the young man; and he saw: and behold, the mountain was full of horses and chariots of fire round about Elisha.” The Psalmist says; “The chariots of God are twenty thousand even thousands of Angels.” What earthly potentate then, even with all his armies, can successfully oppose the King of Kings? Who can in a moment marshal an innumerable host of Angels, “that excel in strength.” And who shall not be safe under the banner of the Almighty? With great propriety then did Hezekiah confidently expect protection for himself and his people, when he knew, that “the Lord their God was with them to help them, and to fight their battles.”

Again, the covenant, which God made with the nation of Israel, proves the propriety of Hezekiah’s confident hope of protection. In this covenant the Lord engaged to the children of Israel saying; “If ye walk in my statutes, and keep my commandments, and do them, ye shall chase your enemies, and they shall fall before you by the sword. And five of you shall chase an hundred, and an hundred of you shall put ten thousand to flight, and your enemies shall fall before you by the sword. And I will establish my covenant with you. And I will walk among you and will be your God, and ye shall be my people.” Now God is faithful to his covenant. “He is not man that he should change, or the son of man that he should lye.” Since then Hezekiah had reformed the nation, and caused them to keep the statutes and commandments of the Lord, he with the utmost propriety entertained a confidence, that God would, on his part, fulfill his covenant. He had noticed too, that God had always hitherto been faithful to his promises. Without a single exception whenever the Israelites were observant of the divine ordinances, and institutions, they still triumphed over their enemies. This leads me to observe,

Farther, that the numerous instances of God’s special interference in behalf of his people, when beset by their enemies, evince the propriety of Hezekiah’s confidence in the divine protection. Of the many instances of this description, which are recorded in the scriptures we shall quote only one or two. In the reign of Jehoram, king of Israel, Benhadad the king of Syria, besieged Samaria, the capital city of the ten tribes so long and so closely that the women eat their own infants. But “the Lord made the host of the Syrians to hear a noise of chariots and a noise of horses, even the noise of a great host; and they said one to another, Lo, the King of Israel hath hired against us the Kings of the Hittites, and the Kings of the Egyptians, to come upon us. Wherefore they arose and fled in the twilight, and left their tents and their horses, and their asses, even the camp as it was, and fled for their life. And messengers of the King of Israel went after them unto Jordan; and lo, all the way was full of garments and vessels, which the Syrians had cast away in their haste.” In the reign of Ahab, the King of Syria with an immense army besieged Samaria. “And behold, there came a Prophet unto Ahab King of Israel saying; Thus saith the Lord, hast thou seen all this great multitude? Behold I will deliver it into thine hand this day: and thou shalt know that I am the Lord. And Ahab numbered the young men of the princes of the provinces, and they were 232: and after them he numbered all the people, even all the children of Israel, being 7,000. So these young men of the princes of the provinces came out of the city and the army, which followed them. And they slew every one his man: and the Syrians fled and Israel pursued them; and Benhadad the King of Syria escaped on a horse with the horsemen.” The Syrians having conjectured, that the Gods of Israel were Gods of the hills, and therefore Israel were Gods of the hills, and therefore Israel had defeated them, came up again to fight against them in the plain. “And Benhadad numbered the Syrians and went up to Aphek to fight against Israel. And the children of Israel were numbered, and were all present, and went against them; and the children of Israel pitched before them, like two little flocks of kids; but the Syrians filled the country. And they pitched one over against the other seven days; and so it was, that in the seventh day the battle was joined and the children of Israel slew of the Syrians 100,000 footmen in one day. But the rest fled to Aphek into the city, and there a wall fell upon 27,000 of the men that were left. And Benhadad fled and came into the city into an inner chamber.” Such was the excess of numbers in both these instances in favor of the Syrians, that, agreeably to the promise of God, it might, with respect to the Israelites be literally said that one man chased a thousand.

Lastly, the result in the case before us shewed also the propriety of Hezekiah’s confidence of protection. And this was the happy result: “The Lord sent an Angel, who cut off all the mighty men of valor and the leaders and captains in the camp of the King of Assyria: so he returned with shame of face to his own land. And when he was come into the house of his God, his own sons slew him there with the sword. Thus the Lord saved Hezekiah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, from the hand of Sennacherib the king of Assyria, and from the hand of all other, and guided them on every side. And many brought gifts unto the Lord to Jerusalem and presents to Hezekiah king of Judah; so that he was magnified in the sight of all nations from thenceforth.” Hence the propriety of Hezekiah’s confident expectations of protection and deliverance appears abundantly evident. Therefore very properly addressed his captains in the animating words of our text; saying, “Be strong and courageous, be not afraid nor dismayed for the king of Assyria, nor for all the multitude that is with him; for there be more with us, than with him. With him is an arm of flesh; but with us is the Lord our God, to help us and to fight our battles.”

Let us now, my hearers, inquire whether we, as a nation, have any just grounds to entertain the same confidence of protection and deliverance, which Hezekiah entertained. Gloomy and discouraging as our situation may appear, we presume we have some grounds for the same confidence. And

1st. The difference between the nature and character of the two governments (I mean our own government and that of our enemies) is one ground for confident hope of protection, and of a termination of the war favorable to our nation. Here I shall consider myself as speaking to those, who believe, that the Gospel, in its purity and with its native influence, shall, at some period, and a period too perhaps not far distant, prevail throughout the world.

The government of our enemies is in structure or theory, as well as practice, antichristian . 1 It opposes many obstacles to the propagation of the Gospel in its purity. It unites the kingdom of Christ with the kingdom of the world. It makes the king of the nation the head of the church. 2 It requires, that every civil officer shall, by taking the holy sacrament of the Lord’s supper, declare himself, though an infidel, to be a believer—though evidently, by wicked works a member of Satan’s Kingdom, to be a visible member of the Kingdom of Christ. It constitutes ministers of the Gospel lords temporal, as well as spiritual lords, and endows them, whether worthy or unworthy, with exorbitant revenues. Many who hold this sacred office, having been appointed to it, without even the smallest claim to morality or piety, “lord it over God’s heritage.” The gross and abominable abuses, which have resulted from this system, are well known, to all, who are acquainted with that government. The prince, who is declared to be the head of the church of Christ, which, like its founder, ought to be pure and holy, is often at the head, is often the leader, in every thing, that is unholy, licentious, and profane. Many of the Bishops, who are appointed to serve at the holy altar of the Lord, are infamous for their irreligious principles and dissolute morals. Whilst they too enjoy large revenues, though they live in idleness, the curates, who perform the chief labour of parochial duty, have scarcely the means of subsistence. The test of civil office is frequently an instance of the grossest perjury, and has the greatest tendency to bring reproach upon the Christian religion; nay to exhibit it as a mere name, destitute of any reality, a mere technical form without substance. If then the Gospel is to prevail in its purity, every such government must be totally overturned. The gospel church knows no head but Christ. It, everywhere in the New Testament, is represented, as perfectly distinct from the kingdoms of this world. The gospel contemplates all men as brethren, as born equal. None of its laws or institutions give authority to oppress the diligent; nor to bestow rich livings upon the indolent. Its ordinances, being spiritual, were never intended to be a test for temporal preferment.

Besides, the land of our enemies is stained with the blood of the saints. Not only, whilst it was under Papal jurisdiction, did its rulers immure in prisons, put to the torture and burn at the stake thousands of martyrs, but even, since it became a protestant land, it has been stained with the blood of the persecuted. The blood therefore of all these saints cries to heaven for vengeance; and its cry will be heard. And though under the present administration of that government, there has been no direct religious persecution, political intolerance has raged to a degree without a parallel, and has shed the blood of thousands. I say direct; for the test of civil office is a species of persecution. It is true the people of England have of late done more, and are still doing more for the propagation of the gospel, than any other nation in the world. But we must make a distinction between the acts of individuals, and those of the government. This zeal too originated with the dissenters, and still prevails principally amongst them.

But our government, however it fails in doing any thing positively for the propagation of the gospel, places no impediments in its way. Here are no political nor artificial obstacles to the spread of the gospel, in all its purity and native influence. Our constitution in no instance connects civil and religious matters. It recognizes the concerns of the church, as too pure and spiritual to be connected with the affairs of the state. Here then the gospel “may have free course, may run (untrammeled by political interference) and may be glorified.” Our country too is free from the guilt of the blood of the saints. Our government has in no instance unsheathed the sword of persecution, nor kindled the flames of martyrdom. The awful judgments therefore threatened in the scriptures are not to be executed upon this country. They are in the opinion of commentators denounced only against those countries, which have been subjected to the reign of the beast and have persecuted the saints. Not only has our country been free from the guilt of persecution, but it has been the asylum of the persecuted. As in the days of popish persecution the saints fled to the wilderness of Piedmont, so, in the time of English persecution, they fled to the wilderness of America. Since then in this country there are no political barriers in the way of the spread of the gospel in its purity, and since it is not stained with the guilt of persecution, may we not suppose that, whilst other governments shall be overturned, this shall stand; and that here shall begin the dawn of that millennial day, which is to enlighten the world.

2dly. The warlike character of the government of our enemies, the nature and result of the wars, in which they have for many years been engaged, are reasons for supposing, that they will not long prosper, and consequently furnish grounds for hoping, that we shall be protected, and delivered from their hostile designs against us.

War is interwoven in the present system of political things in England. If war had not been originally congenial to her government, she has been so long engaged in it, that it has become part of the system, and necessary to its existence. It has become as necessary as breathing is to animal life; as robbing is to the system of robbery. As it is with systems of nature, so it is with political systems. That, which at first is not at all necessary, in process of time becomes necessary by use or change of situation. To human life intemperance is so far from being necessary, that it is injurious, yet long indulgence in excess, makes some degree of intemperance necessary, in certain cases, to the continuance of life. To the existence of the limpid stream gently purling along the mountain’s brow, impetuosity and overwhelming depth are not necessary, but they constitute its nature, when it becomes the deep, impetuous river, hastening to the ocean. Our enemies therefore in the present system of their conduct toward other countries, do not even pretend that their claims are founded in justice, or are consistent with the law of nations. Their only plea is that their situation renders such conduct necessary. And when remonstrance is made, they answer by shewing the arm of power. Necessity then of their own creating, and power are their ethics and their political justice. Our enemies therefore are not only devoted to war; but their wars, necessarily and systematically, are unjust and oppressive.

The result of their wars for twenty years, too, has been the supporting and reinstating of the popish antichristian power. Antecedently to the late revolution in France, that kingdom was the strong hold of Popery. All other kingdoms and states, which were then devoted to its interest, had dwindled into comparative insignificance. Did you then see our enemies unfurl their banners and marshal their forces to restore the former state of things in France? It was to restore popery in its strong hold. Did you see them aiding Austria? There also they fought the battles of antichrist. Did they erect their standard too in Italy? There they went to replenish at their fountain, the corrupt streams of popish ignorance, superstition, delusion, abominations and soul-destroying mummeries, to establish the man of sin, the son of perdition on his accursed throne, whence he may again thunder through the earth his anathemas upon princes and upon subjects-immure the saints in prison—cause their blood to flow in streams—fill Christendom with gibbets, racks and crosses—and enkindle again in every land, the infernal flames of martyrdom. When too the corrupt streams appears to be running out in Spain, thither you see the British fly with their wonted zeal to stop the ebbing current. They succeeded. The bloody inquisition, 3 the invention of Satan, the engine of hell is restored. Verily, they are the strong bulwark of that unholy religion: Hence it is evident, not only that the government of England is antichristian, but also that it has done every thing in its power to support him, who is emphatically called Antichrist. That too, which makes such conduct more strange and wicked, is, that the coronation oath requires the king of England to exert his power and influence for the suppression of popery. 4 Shall such a government stand! So assuredly as God has spoken it. Babylon the great, the mystery of iniquity shall fall, and all kingdoms, which have aided and supported her cause. Is the gospel of peace to overspread the earth? Then every warlike kingdom must be overturned. But we have proved, that the government of England has war interwoven in its very nature, therefore it must fall before the gospel of peace. How soon, or what nation shall be the instrument of its destruction, we cannot foresee. Perhaps it may fall in the present contest. Perhaps America may be the instrument. All things are possible with God. When he pleases, a David slays a Goliath. When he pleases, at the sound of horns, walls and towers fall down. “When the Lord their God is with them, he children of Israel, who are like two little flocks of kids, put to flight and totally defeat the Syrians, though they filled the country.” The weaker the instrument, and more improbable the event, the greater glory redounds to God, and the greater is the humiliation of the vanquished. This leads me to observe,

3dly. That the similarity of the character and conduct of Sennacherib, with the disposition and deportment of our enemies, forms another ground of confidence.

They like him, considered themselves invincible. They spoke and acted as if they thought no God was able to deliver out of their hand. Especially they vaunted beyond measure of their maritime force. Having so long devoted their principal attention to this species of armament, having augmented their naval forces beyond those of any other nation, or even of all other nations combined; and having been generally victorious by sea, they conceived themselves as lords uncontrolled of the watery element. Particularly they looked with disdain upon our infant navy. Like Sennacherib, having conquered other nations far superior to us, they as it were, said, what are you, that your God should deliver you out of our hands? In a word, the pride and haughtiness of Britain, have become proverbial, If “Pride then go before destruction, and a haughty spirit before a fall,” may we not expect, that she must soon fall?

4thly. The result in the present war, has already shewn, that we have some ground of confidence that the Lord our God is with us, to help us and to fight our battles.

The naval armaments of our enemy, in every instance of equal contest, have been defeated. Their proud flag has been struck and borne off in triumph. Not only have we been victorious, but our victories have been crowned with peculiar glory. In the different sea-engagements, our loss has been comparatively nothing. Our superiority over our enemies in naval contest, has become greater than theirs, over any other nation. Such too has been the celerity of conquest, that our naval heroes may adopt the very expressive language of Caesar, and say, I came, I saw, I conquered. Not only have they been victorious, when they attacked single ships; but also, when they engaged fleets. Every thing considered, the hero of the Nile, will but little exceed in celebrity, our heroes of the Lakes. That too, which adds splendor to their victories, is, that in both they give the glory to God. The hero of Erie, says: It has pleased the Almighty to give us the victory. The hero of Champlain, before the engagement, in imitation of Hezekiah, prayed fervently for divine protection; and after the battle, he pointed to heaven, and said, There is the power that protects man.

By land too, there have been several instances, in which, the Lord our God appeared to be with us, to help us and to fight our battles. In several engagements on the Niagara frontier, though the force of the enemy was nearly double that of our people, we were victorious. How wonderful also the result of the battle at Plattsburgh! Eight thousand regulars, 5 a number of them the invincible of Europe, composed the enemy’s forces. Our force consisted of fifteen hundred regulars (a considerable part of whom were the invalid remains of another army) and of about the same number of untrained militia. Yet, strange to relate! As if their commander in chief had, like the king of Syria, and his host, “heard a noise of chariots and a noise of horses,” the enemy fled in the utmost consternation, and, like the Syrians, in their precipitate flight, they left their implements of war, and an abundance of very valuable stores. On our own Peninsula too the interposition of heaven was equally evident. The enemy, headed by a daring desperado, made a night-attack upon a little band of our people, not more than half their number. Soon did their commander, who was proud and boastful as Sennacherib, fall. And, remarkable providence! Just as the means of their defense failed our men, the enemy precipitately fled. Surely here, with propriety, we may erect our Ebenezer, and say, “hitherto hath the Lord helped us.” The result of the attack upon Baltimore, too, is not without its evidence of divine interposition, as well for our protection as for the confounding of our proud and boastful enemy. The general, who commanded there, had boastingly set at defiance all our forces. He vauntingly said, he would rather meet fifty thousand, than ten thousand such troops in the field. But even before a general engagement took place, he received his death wound, by the hand of one of those, whom he had so contemptuously despised. Soon was the vaunting tongue silenced in death; and the hero weltered in his own blood, in the very spot, where he confidently expected to be crowned with victory and glory. Does not this case appear somewhat similar to the case, to which our text refers? The Syrians most confidently expected to take Jerusalem; but they returned home with shame. I might mention several other instances of success attending our arms; but time will not permit. I shall only add, that by the blessing of God, our north-western and south-western frontiers have been delivered from the merciless savagism, which pillages and plunders every thing in its way, and murders promiscuously, men, women and children. But methinks, I hear some ask; “what do you say of several defeats, which our armies have experienced, and especially of the capture of Washington?” I answer, that these were necessary to humble our pride, and to convince us of our dependence upon God. The destruction at Washington was peculiarly well calculated to humble our nation. There was the acme, the concentration of the pride and extravagance of the nation. The public buildings there exhibited a pride, which ill become our government, and especially in its infantile years. That disaster too was by providence overruled for our advantage. Rulers and people were asleep. But this awaked us from our lethargy: It roused the nation to see their danger, and to prepare for the defense of their property and their lives.

Lastly, that the ground of our confidence may be complete, let us, like Hezekiah reform the nation.

We, as well as the Jews, have much need of reformation. Though like them we have not erected altars to idols, and worshipped them in high places; yet we have done that which was equally wicked. No nation ever increased as rapidly, as we have done, in wealth and respectability. Equally fast too did we increase in irreligion, pride, luxury and extravagance, and vice of every description. We abandoned the altars of Jehovah, and erected altars to riches, sensuality and vain ambition. In the high places of gaiety and vanity, grandeur and pomp we zealously worshipped the God of this world; instead of righteousness and judgment running down our streets in streams, riot, excess and dissipation, gaming and gambling, injustice, fraud and extortion, slander and calumny, lewdness and debauchery, profane swearing, blasphemy and Sabbath breaking, swept through our country, like torrents. Let us then break off all our sins by repentance. “Let the wicked forsake his way, and the unrighteous man his thoughts. Let us do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with God” Let us like Hezekiah, be zealous for the worship, service and glory of the Lord. Be exhorted, my dear hearers, to reverence the name and attributes of Jehovah, to keep holy his Sabbaths, to observe his ordinances, to talk in his statutes and to keep his commandments. Let the whole nation, rulers and people, return unto the Lord by repentance and reformation: and then we may entertain the same confidence with Hezekiah, that “the Lord our God will be with us, to help us and to fight for us,” and to deliver us from our enemies.

To conclude, I exhort the defenders of our beloved country, not to be afraid nor dismayed for all the multitude that is against them. Quit yourselves like men. You fight against a proud, oppressive, unjust and antichristian government, a kingdom devoted to destruction. You fight for your independence, for civil and religious liberty, for rights purchased by the blood of your fathers. “You fight for your brethren, your sons and your daughters, your wives and your houses.” You defend the only land, where manly freedom is enjoyed, and where the gospel of peace and salvation, may, unshackled by political interference, “have free course, run and be glorified.” Should such men as you flee! Heaven forbid it. Your beloved country calls. Bravely rally round its standard. Gird on your harness, and put it not off, till you have put to flight your proud enemies—till you have retrieved the honor of your country, re-established your glorious independence, and have obtained an honorable peace. And trusting that our nation, will this day, humble themselves before God, repent of their national and individual sins, and hereafter turn from their evil ways. I would not close this discourse in the animating language of my text. Be strong and courageous, be not dismayed for all the multitude of your enemies, for there be more with us, than with them. With them is an arm of flesh, but with us is the Lord our God, to help us and to fight our battles. And to him will we ascribe all the glory. Amen.

If it be objected to this discourse, that it has a greater tendency to exalt than to humble the pride of the nation, and is therefore unsuitable to the occasion: The author replies, that if declaring to an individual, that his salvation depends upon God’s “working in him to will and to do,” has a tendency to increase his pride; then teaching a nation that their safety depends upon the help of the Lord, will tend to exalt their pride. To an attentive reader it will plainly appear, that the discourse is calculated to shew the importance of having just grounds for confidence in divine protection and assistance, and that whenever this nation has been successful in the present war, they should give the glory to the Lord of hosts.

 


Endnotes

1. Antichristian means opposed to Christ, or to the propagation of the Christian religion in its simplicity and purity. To constitute a government then antichristian, it is not necessary that it be subject to the Pope, who is emphatically called antichrist. The reformation of England, therefore, from popery, does not free her from the charge of being antichristian. It only frees her from the charge of antichristian papacy. It is doubted however, by some, whether her reformation has been great enough to free her even from this charge. The union of church and state, it is supposed, bears some resemblance to a mark of the beast. When, therefore, the author of this discourse calls the government of England antichristian, he does not mean that it is in no degree reformed from popery, or that its prince, who is the head of the church, is emphatically the antichrist. He is please too, to find, that the Episcopal church in this country, tho’ they trace their origin to the church of England, do not contemplate her as the origin of their church in her established form, as connected with the civil government, and supported by it. The following is an extract from a sermon delivered by Bishop Hobart at the opening of the General Convention, May 18, 1814. “In boasting of our origin from the church of England, the preacher does not contemplate her as enriched with secular wealth, adorned with secular honors, or defended by the secular arm. Of the policy of this union of the civil and ecclesiastical authority, so that the latter in exchange for the wealth and patronage of the former, relinquishes a portion of her legitimate spiritual powers, and is in danger of being viewed as the mere creature of human institution, and of being made the engine of state policy, there have been sound churchmen, even of her own communion, who have entertained serious doubts.
Nor is the church of England contemplated in connection with the character or conduct of the government or nation where she is established, concerning which, wise and good men (and within the knowledge of him, who addresses you,) correct and exemplary churchmen entertain very different opinions; and your preacher would deprecate as unsound in principle and most impolitic in its results, any connection of our church, as a religious communion, with the principles and views of political parties.
Nor does he contemplate the church of England in that particular organization of her government, and those local ecclesiastical appendages, which involve no essential principle of church order. But in boasting our origin from the church of England, he views her merely as a spiritual society, possessing the faith, the order, and the worship, which were the characteristics and the glory of the primitive ages of the church.”
The author of this discourse will not therefore in his strictures on the British government, be considered as even insinuating any reflections against the Episcopal church in this country. His strictures refer only to the establishment. And if the intimation, just quoted, (viz. that the church in consequence of the establishment “relinquishes a portion of her legitimate spiritual power”) be correct, the establishment must be antichristian; for it is certainly contrary to the authority given by Christ to his church. To her and her officers, and to them alone, without any civil connection, “the keys of the kingdom are given.” But Bishop Hobart declares that his church does not trace its origin to the established church of England, or which is the same thing to her “enriched with secular wealth, adorned with secular honors, or defended by the secular arm, or in that particular organization of her government and local ecclesiastical appendages.” Of a church of England without these the author of this discourse has never heard. Divest the church in England of these and it is no longer (appellatively) the church of England. It has lost its primary essential mode. Why is it called the church of England? Certainly not as “merely a spiritual society,” but because it is established by the government of England. Since then the Bishop has chosen for their origin, a church, of which the author of this discourse has never heard, he cannot be considered as reflecting even against the origin of the Episcopal church in this country.

2. See Blackstone, vol. I. page 279.

3. This diabolical tribunal, says a late writer, takes cognizance of heresy, Judaism, Mahometanism, sodomy, and polygamy: and the people stand in so much fear of it, that parents deliver up their children, husbands their wives, and masters their servants to its officers, without daring in the least to murmur. The prisoners are kept for a long time, till they themselves turn their own accusers, and declare the cause of their imprisonment; for they are neither told their crime, nor confronted with witnesses. As soon as they are imprisoned, their friends go into mourning and speak of them as dead, not daring to solicit their pardon, lest they should be brought in as accomplices. When there is no shadow of proof against the pretended criminal, he is discharged after suffering the most cruel tortures, a tedious and dreadful imprisonment and the loss of the greatest part of his property. Those, that are condemned suffer the most excruciating death. They are placed at the top of a post twelve feet high. Their faces are first severely scorched and burned by the application of ignited combustibles. A fire is then kindled under them and they are rather roasted, than burned to death. There cannot be a more lamentable spectacle. The sufferers continually cry out, while they are able; pity for the love of God; pity for the love of God.
Since preaching the sermon the author has ascertained from good authority, that the society of Jesuits is also revived. The plan of this society is as effectual, as any invention of infernal wisdom can be, for the support of popish antichrist, and the destruction of the peace, safety and happiness of all who refuse to do homage to the beast. Every member of it takes a vow of implicit obedience to the Pope. They associate with all ranks, and assume all characters, that they may ascertain the intentions and views of all. They oppose every thing, that favors toleration in religion, and consequently Protestantism; and encourage and support, with the utmost zeal, every thing, that favors ecclesiastical and civil persecution. Of all societies, that ever was formed, this excels in intrigue, multiplicity of schemes, indefatigable zeal and unwearied diligence. In consequence of the baleful effects, which were discovered to result from this order, the different powers in Europe, one after another, expelled its members from their several kingdoms, and at length the Pope himself totally suppressed and abolished it.

4. Or which is the same thing; he swears “that he will to the utmost of his power, maintain the protestant reformed religion established by the law.” See, form of the oath, Blackstone’s Com. Vol. I, page 235. Protestant religion is so called because it protests against popery. The one therefore cannot exist, except to the demolition of the other.

5. Several accounts from Canada state the forces of the enemy to have been fourteen or fifteen thousand.

Sermon – Century Church Anniversary – 1814


Manasseh Cutler (1742-1823) graduated from Yale (1765), and worked as a schoolteacher, store clerk, and an attorney. He was minister to the Congregational Church in Ispwich, Massachusetts (1771-1823). Cutler served as military chaplain for multiple American units during the Revolutionary War. This sermon was preached by Cutler in 1814 in Massachusetts, using Ephesians 3:20-21 as the basis.


sermon-century-church-anniversary-1814

A

CENTURY DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED IN

HAMILTON,

ON

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1814.

BY MANASSEH CUTLER, LL.D.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH.

 

The publication of the following discourse needs apology. After service, on the preceding Sabbath, the congregation were reminded that the next Thursday would close a century from the establishment of the church and society; and it was proposed to notice the day by a religious exercise in the afternoon. A discourse was prepared, merely for the purpose of bringing into view local concerns during that period, which would be interesting only to the people to whom it was delivered, and without the least thought of publication. Afterwards, very unexpectedly, an application was made, represented to be the unanimous desire of the people, that it might be printed. Under existing circumstances, a compliance could not be refused.

It is therefore devoutly inscribed to the CHURCH and RELIGIOUS SOCIETY in Hamilton, by their sincere and affectionate servant in the gospel.

THE PASTOR.

 

A

SERMON.

 

Ephesians iii. 20, 21.
Now unto him that is able to do exceeding abundantly above all that we ask or think, according to the power that worketh in us; unto him be glory in the church, by Jesus Christ, throughout all ages, world without end. Amen.

With this ascription of glory to God the Apostle concludes a most devout and fervent prayer for the church. This epistle was probably written with a view to other churches besides the one at Ephesus, to whom it was addressed. Through the whole of it is a flow of holy affection to his Christian brethren, and ardent solicitude for the establishment and prosperity of the church. Being a prisoner at Rome, he could not go, as formerly, to establish churches by his personal preaching and exertions; but his affectionate desire for their prosperity was not abated. Whilst suffering imprisonment in defence of the Gentile churches, he encourages them to be steadfast in their Christian profession, with an assurance of his constant supplications for them at the throne of grace. I bow my knees unto the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, of whom the whole family in heaven and earth is named; that he would grant you, according to the riches of his glory, to be strengthened with might, by his spirit in the inner man; that Christ may dwell in your hearts by faith; that ye, being rooted and grounded in love, may be able to comprehend, with all saints, what is the breadth, and length, and depth, and height; and to know the love of Christ, which passeth knowledge, that ye might be filled with all the fullness of God.

These servant petitions he closes with an expressive and emphatical ascription of glory to God: Now unto him that is able to do exceeding abundantly above all that we ask or think, according to the power that worketh in us; unto him be glory in the church, by Jesus Christ, throughout all ages, world without end. Amen. What enlarged and exalted expectations may this ascription of adoration and glory to God excite in our minds! What inducement to render praise and glory to him for what he has done for the church! And what encouragement to supplicate his blessing in future time! For he is able to do, not only all that had been asked, but above all—exceedingly abundantly above all that could be asked, were we to enlarge our desires and multiply our petitions to the utmost. To this God of power and grace unspeakable, the Apostle most earnestly desired that glory, adoration and praise should be continually rendered in the church, by Jesus Christ, throughout all the ages of time, even to the end of the world; and closes this rapturous act of devotion by affixing his solemn. Amen.

If we attend to the history of the Christian church, we shall find it replete with signal instances of divine power and goodness, for its protection and preservation. It is founded on a rock, and the gates of hell shall never prevail against it. In every age, under the government of Him who never eases to watch over its interests, events are taking place which well deserve religious notice; and merciful interpositions to be recognized, which claim the highest ascriptions of praise and glory to God. There are particular periods of time, when it may be highly proper to take a retrospective view, and trace back the footsteps of Providence in years past. It may not only gratify an inquisitive and contemplative mind, but excite thankful acknowledgments of distinguished blessings, and lead to serious reflection and useful improvement.

Such, it appears to me, is the present time with regard to the Church and Religious Society in this town. It is, this day, an hundred years since this church was embodied, and a minister ordained to be the pastor.

That we may suitably notice and improve this period of time, it is my intention to make a few general observations with respect to the state of the Christian church within a century past; and then to call your attention, particularly, to a retrospective view of passing events and the state of this church and society, during the hundred years that terminate on this day.

Within a century past, the church of Christ has not been assailed by open and bloody persecutions, as it had been in preceding ages. It has had, however, to contend with most inveterate enemies—enemies who, by secret artifices, by subtle machinations, and unwearied labours, have attempted to suppress the Christian religion, and banish from the world the Christian name. In no age of the church, since the promulgation of the gospel, has infidelity made such secret progress, and, at length, raised its brazen front with so much boldness and expectation of success. The abettors of atheism, deism and infidelity had made such progress, that they reduced their schemes to system, and gained an alarming influence over the minds of men, especially in the higher ranks of life. Secret infidel societies, holding correspondence with each other, were formed; and to poison the minds, and induce people of all grades and conditions to reject the Bible, immense numbers of infidel books, pamphlets, small tracts, and even ballads and songs, were printed. These were industriously spread among all classes of people in many parts of Christendom. From among these infidels were the principal actors in the late French revolution—a scene highly favourable for propagating their principles. The standard of infidelity, undisguised, was now triumphantly erected. The Convention decreed that there was no God, and declared the nation to be a nation of infidels. They held that there was no future state of existence—no account to be rendered after this life—and death was only an eternal sleep. All forms of religion were suppressed, and houses of public worship shut up, or appropriated to other uses. The church of St. Genevieve was changed into a pagan temple. In this temple, with supercilious parade, they performed their heathen orgies. A common prostitute, personating the Goddess of Reason, received the worship of both the Convention and the infatuated multitude. So inveterate was the enmity against the very name of Jesus Christ, that he was styled the WRETCH; and these are said to have been watch words—Crush the wretch! Strike, but conceal your hand.

In the most gloomy seasons, the church has often experienced the most signal interpositions. The great Head of the Church has been pleased to look down upon the languishing vine which his own right hand had planted, and to save it from the ravages of inveterate foes. While the faith of many was shaken, and believers were trembling for the ark, the friends of Zion were awakened to a fervent zeal in vindicating the religion of Jesus. An unusual spirit of inquiry into the divine authority and inspiration of the scriptures was excited. Of that large class of people who take the Bible on trust, without attending either to the external or internal evidences of its authenticity, great numbers became bewildered by the books and company of infidels; but, by candid, unprejudiced examination, found their doubts removed, and faith established.

Still, whatever may have been the happy effect of these researches (which has been believed by some to have been very great and extensive) the efficient means of counteracting infidel philosophy has been the extensive spread of the holy scriptures. The bible carries its own evidence with it. Infidelity has been met, not merely with clear reasoning and strength of argument, which sophistry can always evade; but with the formidable weapon of the bible itself—the Bible without note or comment. One of the most distinguishing interpositions of Providence in favour of the church, which, perhaps, the world has ever witnessed, has been the establishment of Bible Societies. These invaluable, benevolent institutions, designed for the purpose of distributing the scriptures, gratis, among the poor and destitute everywhere, have been encouraged and supported with a zeal which excites astonishment. Emperors, kings and princes have become their patrons; Christians of all denominations, people of all grades and conditions in life, have cheerfully contributed to this noble purpose. As infidels had formed societies, collected funds, printed and distributed books, they have been met in the same way, by the establishment of societies, and collecting immense sums for printing the scriptures in different languages, for the accommodation of Christian and Heathen nations. The parent of these institutions, the British and Foreign Bible Society, embraces in its extensive plan every nation upon earth. Already, by its influence and operations, thousands and hundreds of thousands have had the bible put into their hands. It has astonished, rejoiced and animated the Christian world. While Bible Societies, on a more limited scale, have been multiplying in Europe, the flame has caught in our own country. One, or more, has been established, with the same benevolent views, in every State in the Union.

These societies intermeddle with no wars, but the Christian warfare-contend with no enemies, but the enemies of Christ and his church. Amidst the angry conflicts of contending nations, their exertions and their charities are extended, without partiality, to all the human family. Let the potsherds strive with the potsherds of the earth, but let the friends of Zion, in faith and hope, look forward, by the light of prophetic scripture, to the approaching reign of the Prince of Peace. Though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea; there is a river, the streams whereof shall make glad the city of God. The word of the Lord shall have free course, and shall be glorified.

The happy effects of these exertions must extend to future ages. That the Christian religion will be universally known, and its blessings felt in every part of the habitable world, we believe from the bible; but the way and means by which it is to be accomplished, is beyond our comprehension. Yet the pleasing hope presses into our minds, that this glorious day begins to dawn—that the day when all nations shall enjoy the holy scriptures in their own language—and of the ingathering of the Jews, with the fullness of the Gentile world, is drawing near.

While infidelity was so rapidly spreading in Europe, its baneful influence was sensibly felt in our own country. In some parts of the United States, its champions were bold and open. A small number of infidel societies were established. Its spread was much apprehended by many pious people, and their fears greatly excited. Yet, without any very apparent means, it pleased God to check its progress. Infidels there still are, and infidels there will be, in the ordinary ages of the church. But whilst we have it to lament that so much irreligion and so many vices have prevailed during the past century, we have likewise cause for gratitude and thankfulness to God, that there has been generally in our churches a respectful and serious attention to religion. In many places there have been hopeful revivals and reformations; and in some, large in-gatherings into the church of Christ. In all our churches there have been some of the wandering sheep of Christ’s flock, one after another, gathered into his fold.

Within a century from this time, new churches have been greatly multiplied in the United States. Since the establishment of this church, there have been about six hundred new churches formed within this Commonwealth; and some of them consist of a very large number of communicants.

But I will detain you no longer with general remarks. The principle purpose of our present meeting was to take a concise review of the most material concerns of this religious society, from its establishment to the present time.

So remarkably uniform have been the state and general concerns of this church and society, as far as has come to my knowledge, that there have been few very interesting occurrences for an hundred years. Yet there has been much, in the course of providence, that may be brought into view, well worthy our attention and religious improvement.

The town of Ipswich, on the 22d of May, 1812, voted their consent, that “when their brethren in the Hamlet, so called, should have erected a meeting house, and called an orthodox minister to preach the gospel to them, they should be freed from further charge in the maintenance of their ministers, and be accounted a precinct.”

On the 14th of October, 1713, an act of incorporation from the General Court was obtained, allowing them to be a distinct and separate precinct. In the course of this year the first meeting house was built; the dimensions of which were, 50 feet in length, 28 in breadth, and 20 feet post. What the number of inhabitants were at this time cannot be accurately ascertained, but most probably between seven and eight hundred.

In January, 1714, Mr. Samuel Wigglesworth was invited to preach as a candidate, and on the 12th of October following, a church covenant was agreed to and privately signed. At the same time Mr. Wigglesworth was elected their Pastor. On the 27th of the same month an ecclesiastical council was convened, consisting of the Re. Elders and delegates of the first and second churches in Ipswich, and of the churches in Wenham, Rowley and Topsfield. The church having been regularly embodied by the council, it was styled the third church of Christ in Ipswich. After reading the church covenant publicly to the assembly, the council proceeded to ordain their Pastor elect. The greater part of this newly gathered church were members dismissed and recommended from the first and second churches in Ipswich, and the church in Wenham. When formed, the number was 58; of whom 26 were males, and 32 females.

Their Pastor, the Rev. Samuel Wigglesworth, was possessed of very respectable talents—in his sentiments calvinistical—in the strain of his preaching, evangelical, instructive and practical. Solemn and unaffected in his manner, he commanded attention, and supported the character of an able and sound divine. Amiable and exemplary—respected and beloved, he filled up a long, peaceable and useful ministry. He departed this life on the 3d of September, 1768, in the 80th year of his age, having almost completed the 54th year of his ministry. His public and parochial labours were continued nearly to the close of his life.

Under his ministration many made public profession of their religion, and received admission into the church. Considerable numbers of communicants were added, at different times. Very remarkable awakenings and hopeful conversions succeeded the great earthquake in 1727. This memorable earthquake occurred on the 29th of October, (being the Sabbath) a little before eleven in the evening. 1 Several small shocks were felt for some months after. The next Wednesday was observed as a day of humiliation and prayer; and a solemn, well adapted sermon was preached by Mr. Wigglesworth, and, at the request of the people, was published. In his dedication, dated January 29, he observes, that “the awful occasion of this discourse is not yet entirely removed.” And he adds, “Since the earthquake, there has been a large addition to the church, which I question not but many of them shall be saved. The spirit of reformation seems to be poured out, in plentiful measure, upon all sorts of persons among us; and especially a considerable number of our young persons seem disposed to flee from youthful lusts and vanities, and to flee to Christ and his ordinances as a cloud, and as doves to their windows.”

On my first coming to this town, I recollect to have heard aged people relate, from their own knowledge, many interesting particulars, respecting this reformation. They mentioned the solemn and deep impression made generally upon the minds of the people, especially on the youth and those in early life—a surprising engagedness in all to attend public worship, and occasional religious meetings. Considering the large additions to the church in a short time after, we cannot doubt that God was pleased to accompany this awakening and alarming providence with special influences of his spirit and grace. By the church records, it appears, that, from the last of November to about the middle of February, there were admissions on every Sabbath, except on one day. On some Sabbaths, the number was exceedingly large, for so small a society. On Dec. 10th, seven were admitted; on the 24th, seventeen; on the next Sabbath, eleven; on the following Sabbath there was only one; but on the two next there were four, each day; on the next there were eight; and on the next (4th Feb.) there were fifteen. In four months there were eighty-seven, and in somewhat more than a year, one hundred, added to the church.

It is to be much regretted, that my worthy predecessor kept no record (or none to be found) after the year 1742, or beginning of 1743. To serious, reflecting people it will be desirable to know the number of communicants, baptisms and deaths for an hundred years, but it cannot be accurately ascertained. Were the number of inhabitants, at the time of the incorporation, known, a tolerable calculation could be made by taking average numbers. It has been supposed that the number of people has been nearly stationary. Being mostly farmers, the emigrations (consisting principally of young people) and the deaths have equaled the number of births. This appears probable, as the number of inhabitants by the last census (1810) was only 780, and as the number of baptisms seems to have varied very little for sixty or seventy years.

From the time the church was formed to the year 1742 (28 years) there were 326 members admitted, and 631 baptisms. Taking the average numbers for the following 26 years, there were, during the 54 years of my predecessor’s ministry, 560 admitted to communion, and 1203 baptisms. No record of deaths was found in the church book; but taking the average of deaths for the 43 years of my ministry for data, being nearly 12 annually, the number of deaths in 54 years would be 648. In the interval between Mr. Wigglesworth’s death and my ordination (three years), there were 2 communicants admitted, 75 baptized, and it is presumed, 36 deaths. In the last 43 years there have been 122 admitted into the church, 988 baptisms and 512 deaths. Agreeably to this computation, which can only give a probable idea of the numbers for the 54 years, there have been, by adding the number which first composed the church, 736 communicants, 2266 baptisms, and 1196 deaths in the hundred years.

Since the forming of the church, there have been seven officiating deacons. Of the two first elected, one lived to a great age, the other only a few years, but his successor died in old age. The two next in succession lived to an advanced period of life. They were succeeded the two deacons who still survive. 2

Agreeably to the preceding computations, one third more people, in this period of time, have gone down to the silent grave, than are now living. Your grand parents, your fathers, your mothers, our brothers, sisters, friends and neighbours, where are they? Do they live forever? No; they are gone the way from which they will not return. What an assembly are now sleeping in yonder grave yard! In a less period of time, every one of us—let it be remembered—every one of us must be added to this assembly.

Attention to these enumerations will convince us, that there was more of a sense of religion among the people in the former, than in the latter part of this century. Greater additions were made to the church from year to year. In looking over these records, I was surprised at the frequent instances of men and their wives joining the church at the same time. Many young people were admitted, but it seems to have been rare that one of the heads of a family came forward and made a profession of religion, without the other. It has not been so in latter time. Few instances have occurred for a number of years past. Was it not, that the importance of gospel ordinances were more sensibly felt; that heads of families were more deeply convinced that they could not live religious lives without a profession of religion;–a more impressive conviction of the duty of uniting in a public dedication of themselves to God in covenant, and setting before their children so desirable an example? Was it not that there was more family religion—family prayer—family instruction? And was there not more of union and joint resolution, that as for them and their houses they would serve the Lord?

During the time my predecessor kept a record, there were large numbers who recognized he baptismal covenant, and gave up their children to God in baptism. In the first ten years of his ministry, the number of baptisms were from twenty to thirty annually; and continued with little variation to the year 1742; so that there could not have been many children that were not baptized. In the ten first years of my ministry, the annual baptisms were from twenty-four to thirty-five; and so continued, though with more variation in different years, until a few years past. It was considered by pious people forty years ago to be exceedingly wrong for parents to withhold their children from this ordinance; and often they expressly enjoined it on their children, on their entering into the family state, not to neglect this duty. But, alas! my friends, how is it now? How greatly has this ordinance been disregarded for some years past! In the two last years, the number was only five, in each year. How great the number of unbaptized persons now, compared with former years!

Is this to be imputed to our great declination in religion? Is our moral state so much worse than in years past? Are the people become so much more indifferent to gospel ordinances? It is not, I am persuaded, because the right of infant baptism is doubted; but from the want of a proper understanding, and just sense of this duty. If infants are the proper subjects, and may be brought within the privileges, of the covenant, then it is the indispensable duty of parents, intelligently and uprightly, to devote them to God in baptism. Our Saviour expressly required that children should be suffered to be brought to him. Suffer little children to come unto me, and forbid them not; for of such is the kingdom of God. He was much displeased with his disciples for rebuking those who brought them. Christian baptism was not then instituted; yet the right and the duty of devoting children to God, after it was instituted, maybe clearly inferred from these words of our Lord, and he might have intended a reference to it. Those who then brought them to Christ, must have done it with desire and expectation of spiritual blessings. And is he not able to do as much for them now, as he was then? Were he now on earth, where are the parents that would refuse to carry their children to him? And why not carry them to him, now he is in heaven, by a solemn dedication, in the ordinance of baptism?

You believe children are the subjects of salvation, and you would tremble at the thought of excluding them from it; and can you exclude them from the right of baptism? When they are sick, do you not pray, and desire the prayers of others, for them, that they may recover; or, if removed by death, that their souls may be saved? And yet can you refuse to give them up to God in this ordinance? If you doubt your own right to give them up in this solemn manner, how an you think of living in such a state of impiety and irreligion? Can you refuse your consent to the terms of the gospel covenant? Have you no regard to the due regulation of your families? Family education and order are important means of grace, and, if suitably maintained, other means will be more likely to be successful. Can you then feel unwilling to lay yourselves under (voluntary) obligations to give your children a religious education, and to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord?

Not long before the decease of the Rev. Mr. Wigglesworth (in August, 1768) the present Dr. Hopkins, of Salem, was invited to settle as his colleague, but declined the invitation. After his decease, the church continued destitute for three years. The candidates employed appear not to have been many. On the 6th of March, 1769, Mr. Daniel Johnson was invited to settle, who gave a negative answer. On the 8th of January, 1770, Mr. Benjamin Brigham received a call, but did not accept it. On the 16th of October following, Mr. Jonathan Searle was invited to settle, who likewise declined the offer. The last was your present unworthy pastor, who received ordination on the eleventh day of September, 1771; and whom God has been pleased to continue in the ministerial office 43 years.

At that time, the communicants of the church were 68, of whom 27 were males, and 47 females. Of these communicants, only two, a male member and his wife, are now living. Additions in following years were gradual, and less frequent than in the earlier periods of the church. In some yea there were a considerable number, and in some there were none. But in the latter part of 1799 and beginning of 1800, we were favoured, as we trust, with manifestations of the powerful influences of the Holy Spirit, in calling up the attention of very considerable numbers. Many were awakened to enquire, with solicitude, what they should do to be saved? And numbers to make a public profession of their faith and hope. It seemed to be a time of refreshing from the presence of the Lord. The greater part were young people, but some in the middle, and in advanced periods of life. Admissions into the church were, on several days, in considerable numbers. Before the communion service (24th of Nov.) fifteen were admitted—at the next communion there were three, the next nine—and the next there were six—at others there were smaller numbers. But at four communions in succession, thirty-three were added to the church. Since about that time, we have relapsed into the former state of coldness and indifference. The ways of Zion have mourned because so few travel therein. At the present time the church consists of 73 members, of whom 28 are males and 45 females. Of the females, several have removed into other towns, whose relation to the church has not been transferred.

The house, which was at first erected for public worship, having become inconvenient and much decayed, in the year 1762 this commodious house, in which we this day present ourselves before the Lord, was built on nearly the same spot. It is constructed on somewhat larger dimensions, being 60 feet in length, 44 in. width, and 26 feet stud; and has been admired for its just proportions and pleasing appearance. Having been lately well repaired, it affords a hopeful prospect of remaining a convenient temple for the worship of the MOST HIGH for many years. Thus God, in his great goodness, has been pleased to continue to us the visible tokens of his presence for an hundred years. May He mercifully grant, that in this house his spiritual presence may delight to dwell.

For the greater convenience and advantage in managing their municipal concerns, the people made application to the Legislature, and on the 20th of June, 1793, obtained an act of incorporation, forming them into a town, by the name of Hamilton. This separation from the ancient and highly respecteable town of Ipswich was a transaction, in which the inhabitants of both felt themselves deeply interested. In accompanying this desirable object, every proceeding of the people was conducted with entire unanimity. Altho’ the pecuniary condition appeared to be large, it was promptly and cheerfully paid. And let it also be noticed, with peculiar satisfaction, that the unpleasant feelings excited in the minds of any of our brethren in Ipswich appear to have very happily subsided.

In taking this review of the century which closes with this day, it has been my intention to confine myself principally to the ecclesiastical concerns of this church and religious society. On this cursory retrospection of passing events, many reflections rush upon the mind, which time will not permit me to notice. I must, however, beg your patience while some of them are suggested.

The preservation of this church and society in uninterrupted peace and harmony for an hundred years, claims our sincere praise and thanksgiving to God. May our hearts, warmed with gratitude and love, unitedly offer up ascriptions of glory to Him, whose watchful care and tender mercy have been extended to this church and people during this period of time.

While many religious societies have been rent by divisions among themselves, and divided and separated by intermeddling sectaries of various descriptions and denominations, this society has been happily preserved from any disturbances of this kind. Under the ministration of my worthy predecessor the people discovered no disposition to contend on the ground of religious speculations and opinions. His uniform strain of instructive, evangelical and useful preaching united them in sentiment, and guarded them against an itching fondness for novelties. Steady habits were then established, and have happily been transmitted down to the present time.

In the management of civil and municipal concerns, great unanimity has very uniformly prevailed. In few, perhaps in no society, has there been less of suits at law—unnecessary litigations—or bitter party contentions. While human nature remains as it is, there will be occasional difference of opinions and temporary disagreements; but neighbourly kindness, candour and friendship have undoubtedly been strong traits in the character of this society from the beginning.

In confirmation of the prevailing candid and peaceable disposition of the people, I must mention an event which rarely happens. Two ministers have supplied the pulpit for an hundred years, except a short interval between the death of one, and the invitation of the other. That their lives should be continued so long is to be wholly ascribed to the sustaining power and mercy of God. But separations too often occur from other causes, besides a removal by death. In few societies, I believe, have two ministers lived, and in succession continued their ministerial labours, for a century. It certainly reflects credit on the friendly disposition of the society.

For myself—I cheerfully embrace this occasion to tender to this Church and Society my sincere thanks for the candour and forbearance you have exercised towards me; and for the many instances and tokens of affection, I have received during my ministry.

Since our union in this sacred relation, we have seen troublesome times. We have been subjected to many privations and difficulties. I have found myself, at times, in perplexed and trying circumstances. But in no situation has your friendly attention been withdrawn. Marks of kindness and respect, by the donations of a number of individuals, have relieved present wants, and claim my grateful acknowledgments.

In frequent reviews of my ministerial labours, I find deficiencies enough to humble me to the dust. I have no lament that no more success has attended my feeble exertions. Sure I am that your best, your eternal interests have lain with weight upon my mind. My conscience bears me witness, that it has been my earnest prayer, and all my desire, to bring to your view and impress upon your hearts, the most essential truths and doctrines of the gospel salvation: To preach to you a crucified Saviour—to persuade you to rest on that sure foundation which God has laid in Zion—to exercise that faith by which the just do live—and to follow after that holiness of heart and life, without which no man shall see the Lord. Whatever success may have attended these humble endeavours to promote the glory of God, to advance the interests of the Redeemer’s kingdom, and your own best good, let it all be ascribed to the riches of free grace and mercy.

The time is at hand, when your kindness to me, and my labours with you, must cease forever. My period of life, having arrived to threescore years and ten, is enough to teach me, that my days upon earth must very shortly be numbered. But I have another monitor, placed hourly before me:–the distressing disorder with which I have been long exercised, 3 and which I find increasing upon me, admonishes me that a few hours may close the scene. Many times, I have had reason to apprehend only a few breaths more remained. Often, under the pressure of this complaint, I have been sustained in the services of the sanctuary to my own astonishment. I think I can say, it is good for me that I have been afflicted. Called so constantly to familiarize my mind with the near views of eternity, it has had a tendency, I trust, to strengthen a faith and hope which removes the fear of the last enemy.

Thus far it has pleased God to lengthen out the span—but nature must fail—the time is near. Although life may be protracted a little longer, I feel, that on this occasion I am taking a parting leave of you, my respected and beloved people,–that I may, with propriety, on this day—bid you a long—a most endearing and affectionate Farewell.—The tongue that now speaks, shortly will cease to move—the heart that now throbs with affectionate concern for your eternal well-being, will be cold in death and this worthless body you will deposit in the dust.

I commend you to God and the word of his grace, unto him who is able to do exceeding abundantly above all you can ask or think. When you find yourselves destitute of a minister, may the great Shepherd take you under his gracious protection, and provide for you an able and faithful pastor, who shall feed you with the bread of life, and give to every soul his portion in due season. In all your concerns, seek light and direction from above-cultivate the true spirit of the gospel—and may the God of peace be with you, and bless you.

May this church see far more glorious days in the century now begun, than in that which is just closed; may great additions be made of those that shall be saved—and may it be savoured with the presence of Him who will be glorified in the church throughout all ages, world without end.

I had wished to have been more particular in this part of my address, but the time, so long protracted, forbids.—I will only add—that though we must part, we shall all meet again—meet, on that great day of the Lord, when I must render an account how I have preached, and you must give account how you have heard—when the righteous Judge will pass sentence, and award our destiny, in the ages of eternity. Solemn meeting! Awful day! O that we may then meet with joy, and be permitted to inherit the kingdom prepared from the foundation of the world—and to unite with the redeemed in all ages of the church, in ascriptions of blessing, and honour, and glory, and power, unto Him that sitteth upon the throne, and unto the Lamb forever and ever. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1 It is said to have happened about 40 minutes after 10, P.M.—the air clear—sky serene, and perfectly calm. It approached with a heavy rumbling—at first, compared to the roar of a blazing chimney—at last, to the rattling of carriages driven fiercely on pavements. It was observed, by those that were abroad, that as the shock passed under them, the surface of the earth sensibly rose up, and then sunk down. The violence of the shock was such as to cause the houses to shake and rock, as if they were falling to pieces; doors, windows and movables made a fearful clattering; the pewter and china were thrown from the shelves; stone walls, and the tops of some chimneys, were shaken down; in some places, the doors were unlatched and burst open, and the people in great danger of falling. Its duration was supposed to be about two minutes, and its course from N. W. to S. E. It was known to extend to the river Delaware S. W. and to the Kennebeck N. E. but its greatest violence seems to have been at Newbury, where the earth opened, and threw up several loads of a fine sand and ashes. Great changes took place in some wells, springs and streams of water. Vide Memoirs Amer. Acad. Vol. i. p. 265.

2 The two first Deacons were Deacon Matthew Whipple and Deacon John Gilbert, chosen Nov. 9, 1714. Deacon Matthew Whipple officiated 50 years, and was succeeded by Deacon Nathaniel Whipple, who officiated 45 years, and deceased at the age of 89. His successor is the present Deacon Benjamin Appleton, who has been in office 4 years. Deacon Gilbert lived only 9 years, and was succeeded by Deacon John Thorn, who continued in office 35 years. His successor was Deacon John Patch, who sustained the office 31 years, and died at 90 years of age. He was succeeded by the present Deacon Matthew Whipple, who has been in office 20 years.

3 The asthma, for fourteen years.

Sermon – In Boston – 1814


William Ellery Channing (1780-1842) was the grandson of one of the Newport Sons of Liberty, John Channing. William graduated from Harvard in 1798 and became regent at Harvard in 1801. He was ordained a preacher in 1802 and worked towards the 1816 establishment of the Harvard Divinity School. This sermon was preached by Channing in 1814 in Boston.


sermon-in-boston-1814

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED IN

BOSTON,

SEPTEMBER 18, 1814.

PUBLISHED

AT THE REQUEST OF THE HEARERS.

BY WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING,
Minister of the Church in Federal-Street.

 

In the present state of our country, the author has not felt himself at Liberty to reject the urgency of those, who have requested this discourse for the press. It is always with great reluctance that he addresses the public on political subjects. But the moment has come, when private feelings are to be discarded. A good citizen owes himself to his country, and he will withhold no effort, however feeble, which may purify and elevate public sentiment, or in any manner contribute to public safety.

 

SERMON.
JEREMIAH vi. 8.
Be thou instructed, O Jerusalem, lest my soul depart from thee; lest I make thee desolate.

These words were addressed by God to his ancient people Israel, at a period of great national calamity, when destructive armies were ready to overwhelm Jerusalem, and the whole kingdom was threatened with slaughter and desolation. At this solemn moment God sent his prophets to warn the people of their danger, to call them to reflection and repentance, and to assure them that amendment would secure his favour. I have chosen these words as applicable to our present calamitous situation. “Be thou instructed,” is the language God addresses to this people, “lest I make thee desolate.”

At such a moment as this, when every mind is fixing a fearful attention on the state of the country, it is impossible that a religious instructor should escape participation in the common feeling. His sacred calling does not require him to separate himself from the community, to forget that he is a citizen, to put off the feelings of a man. The religion which he teaches inculcates public spirit, and a strong and tender concern for all by whom he is surrounded. He would be unworthy his sacred function, were he not to love his country, to sympathize with its prosperous and adverse fortunes, and to weep over its falling glory. The religion, which it is his duty to dispense, regards men in all their relations, and affords instructions and motives adapted to every condition whether of individuals or communities. You will not then consider me as leaving the province of a religious teacher, if I speak to you of the dangers, and claims of our country, if I address you as citizens, and attempt to point out your duties at the present solemn period.

The present is indeed a solemn period. The sad reverse which this country exhibits astonishes as well as depresses us. But a few years ago, we stood on the eminence of prosperity. Amidst the storms which desolated nations, we were at peace, and the very storms seemed freighted with blessings for our tranquil shores. Separated by an ocean from Europe, we hoped to escape the whirlpool of her conflicts. Who could have anticipated the change which a few years have made?—And is it indeed true, that from this height we have sunk so low, that our commerce is swept from the ocean, that industry has forsaken our cities, that the husbandman has resigned the ploughshare for the sword, that our confidence is changed into fear, that the tumult of business has given place to the din of arms, that some of our citizens are perishing in foreign prisons, and others shedding their blood on a foreign soil, that hostile fleets scatter terror through our coasts, and flames through our cities, that no man feels secure, that the thought of invasion and slaughter mingles with the labours of the day, and disturbs the slumbers of the night, and that our national government, impoverished, and inefficient, can afford us no protection from such imminent danger? Yes—this is true—we need no reasoning to convince us of its truth. We see it in the anxious countenance, in the departing family, in the care which removes our possessions, in the obstructions and perplexities of business, and in the events which every day brings o our ears. At such a moment, it becomes each man to ask himself what are his duties, what the times demand from him, in what manner he may contribute to the public safety. It is a time for seriousness, for consideration. With prosperity, we should dismiss our levity. The period of duty may to many of us be short indeed. Whilst it continues, let it be improved.

I. The first remark I will make is, that it becomes every man at this solemn moment, to reflect on his own character and life, to enquire what he has done to bring down the judgments of God on his country, to confess and lament his sins, and to resolve on a thorough amendment and sincere obedience of God’s commands. We ought to remember that God is a moral governor. He regards the character of communities as well as of individuals. A nation has reason for fear, in proportion to its guilt; and a virtuous nation, sensible of its dependence on God, and disposed to respect his laws, is assured of his protection. Every people must indeed be influenced in a measure by the general state of the world, by the changes and conflicts of other communities. When the ocean is in tumult, every shore will feel the agitation. But a people faithful to God will never be forsaken. All history and experience teach us, that there is a direct and necessary tendency in national piety and virtue to national safety and exaltation. But this is not all. A virtuous people may expect peculiar interpositions of providence for their defence and prosperity. They may expect that God will direct events with a peculiar reference to their welfare. They are not indeed to anticipate miracles. They are not to imagine, that invading hosts will be annihilated like Sennacherib’s by the arm of an angel. But God, we must remember, can effect his purposes, and preserve the just without a miracle. The hearts of men are in his hand. The elements of nature obey his word. He has winds to scatter the proudest fleet, diseases to prostrate the strongest army. Consider how many events must conspire, how many secret springs must act in concert, to accomplish the purposes of the statesman, or the plans of the warrior. How often have the best concerted schemes been thwarted, the most menacing preparations been defeated, the proud boast of anticipated victory been put to shame, by what we call casualty, by a slight and accidental want of concert, by the error of a chief, or by neglect in subordinate agents. Let God determine the defeat of an enemy and we need not fear that means will be wanting. He sends terror, or blindness, or mad presumption into the minds of leaders. Heaven, earth, and sea, are arrayed to oppose their progress. An unconquerable spirit is breathed into the invaded; and the dreaded foe seeks his safety in dishonourable flight.

My friends, if God be for us, no matter who is against us. Mere power ought not to intimidate us; HE can crush it in a moment. We live in a period when God’s supremacy has been remarkably evinced, when he has signally confounded the powerful and delivered the oppressed and endangered. At his word, the forged chain has been broken; mighty armies have been dispersed as chaff before the whirlwind; colossal thrones have been shivered like the brittle clay. God is still “wonderful in counsel and excellent in working;” and if HE wills to deliver us, we cannot be subdued. It is then most important that we seek God’s favour. And how is his favour to be obtained? I repeat it—God is a holy being, the friend of the righteous, the enemy of the wicked; and in proportion as piety, uprightness, temperance and Christian virtue prevail among us, in that proportion we are assured of his favour and protection. A virtuous people, fighting in defence of their altars and firesides, may look to God with confidence. An invisible, but almighty arm surrounds them, an impenetrable shield is their shadow and defence.

My friends, how far have we sustained the character of a pious and virtuous people? It may be true, that, compared with other nations our morals are in a measure pure. But other nations are not the standard by which we are to be judged. We are descended from ancestors of singular piety, who have transmitted to us principles of conduct, institutions and habits, peculiarly favourable to individual and national virtue. God has placed us at a distance from the corruptions of older countries, and has warned us by their woes. He has also signally prospered and enriched us, and crowned us with blessings. Never did a nation enjoy more abundant means of instruction, or more powerful motives to gratitude and obedience; and can we hope that we have exhibited that purity of manners, that regard to God’s word, that justice, that charity which our privileges and blessings demand? It is hoped that we have many righteous, many Christians. But have not our sins multiplied with our blessings? Does not every heart feel, that we deserve the judgments we suffer? Let us seek by repentance and amendment to avert the judgments we fear. To all of us, and especially to the profligate, the licentious, unjust, and irreligious, this day of rebuke calls loudly for consideration, for penitent confession, and for sincere purposes of future obedience to the divine commands.

II. Having recommended penitence in general assuited to the present moment, let me particularly recommend one branch of piety which the times demand of us. Let us each be instant and fervent in prayer. Let us pray to God, that he will not forsake us in this dark and menacing day; that he will remember the mercy shown to our fathers; that he will crown with success our efforts in defence of our possessions, our dwellings, and our temples; that he will breathe an invincible courage into our soldiers; that he will guard and guide our rulers; that he will turn the invader from our shores; or, if he shall otherwise appoint, that he will be our shield in battle, and will send us deliverance. For these blessings let us daily besiege the mercy seat of God, deeply convinced that he controls the destinies of armies and nations, that he gives or withholds success, and that without him all exertion is unavailing, and all hope will sink into despair. By this, it is not intended that we are to do nothing but pray; that we are to leave our shores without defence, or neglect any means of security. God gives us powers that we should exert them, weapons that we should wield them. We are to employ every resource which he grants us; but, having done this, we must remember that on God, not on ourselves, depends the result of our exertions. The race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. God gives victory, and to him let every eye and heart be directed. You who have no other weapons, contend with your prayers for your country. It will not be imagined from these remarks, that by importunity of prayer God can be bent to favour an unjust cause. But when our cause is just; when, instead of waging offensive war, we gather round our city and shores for defence, we may be assured that sincere prayer, united with sincere purposes of obedience, will not be lost. Prayer is a proper and appointed acknowledgement of our dependence, an essential means and branch of piety; and they who neglect it have no reason to hope the protection, which they will not implore. Let us then take heed, lest the tumult of military preparation make us forgetful of the Author of all good, lest in colleting armies and raising walls of defence we forsake the footstool of the Almighty, the only giver of victory.

III. This is a time when we should all bring clearly and strongly to our minds our duties to our country, and should cherish a strong and ardent attachment to the public good. The claims of country have been felt and obeyed even in the rudest ages of society. The community to which we belong is commended by our very nature to our affection and service. Christianity, in enjoining a disinterested and benevolent spirit, admits and sanctions this sentiment of nature, this attachment to the land of our fathers, the land of our nativity. It only demands, that our patriotism be purified from every mixture of injustice towards foreign nations. Within this limit we cannot too ardently attach ourselves to the welfare of our country. Especially in its perils, we should fly to its rescue with filial zeal and affection, resolved to partake its sufferings, and prepared to die in its defence. The present moment, my friends, calls on us for this fervor of patriotism. The question now is—not whether we will carry invasion, slaughter, and desolation into an unoffending province—not whether we will give our strength and wealth to the prosecution of unprincipled plans of conquest—but whether we will defend our firesides and altars—whether we will repel from our shores an hostile army. On this question our duty is clear. However unjustifiable may have been the measures by which we have been reduced to this mournful extremity, our right to our soil and our possessions remains unimpaired; the right of defence can never be wrested from us; and never, whilst God gives means of resistance, ought we to resign our country to the clemency of a foe. Our duties as patriots and Christians are clear. Whilst we disclaim all share in the guilt of that war which is bursting on our shores, we should resolve, that we will be true to ourselves, to our fathers, and to posterity—that we will maintain the inheritance we have received—that whilst God gives us power we will not receive law as a conquered people.

We should animate our patriotism at this moment of danger, by reflecting that we have a country to contend for which deserves every effort and sacrifice. As members of this Commonwealth in particular, we have every motive to invigorate our hearts and hands. We have the deeds of our fathers, their piety and virtues, and their solicitude for the rights and happiness of their posterity, to awaken our emulation. How invaluable the inheritance they have left us, earned by their toils and defended by their blood! Our populous cities and cultivated fields, our schools, colleges and churches, our equal laws, our corrupted tribunals of justice, our spirit of enterprise, and our habits of order and peace, all combine to form a commonwealth as rich in blessings and privileges as the history of the world records. We possess too the chief glory of a state, many virtuous and disinterested citizens, a chief magistrate who would adorn any country and any age, enlightened statesmen, and, I trust, a fearless soldiery. Such a community deserves our affection, our honour, our zeal, the vigour of our arms, and the devotion of our lives. If we look back to Sparta, Athens, and Rome, we shall find that in the institutions of this Commonwealth, we have sources of incomparably richer blessings, than those republics conferred on their citizens in their proudest days; and yet Sparta, and Rome, and Athens inspired a love stronger than death. In the day of their danger, every citizen offered his breast as a bulwark—every citizen felt himself the property of his country. This elevating sentiment seemed to communicate to them a more than human power, and the men who bled at Thermopylae hardly appear to possess the weaknesses of our nature. It is true, a base alloy mingled with the patriotism of ancient times, and God forbid that a sentiment so impure should burn in our breasts. God forbid, that like the Greek and the Roman, we should carry fire and slaughter into other countries, to build up a false fleeting glory at home. But whilst we take warning by their excesses, let us catch a portion of their fervor, and learn to live not for ourselves, but for that country, whose honour and interests God has entrusted to our care.

IV. The times especially demand of us that we cherish a spirit of fortitude, courage and resolution. The period of danger is the time to arm the mind with all the force and energy it can attain. In communities s in individuals there is a proneness to excessive fear. Especially when untried, inexperienced dangers approach, imagination is prone to enlarge them; a panic spreads like lightning from breast to breast; and before a blow is struck, a people are subdued by their fears. There is a rational fear, which we ought to cherish, a fear which views in all its dimensions approaching peril, and prepares with vigilance every means of defence. At the present moment we ought not to shut our eyes on our danger. Our enemy is formidable. A veteran army, trained to war, accustomed to success, fresh from conquest, and led by experienced commanders, is not to be despised, even if inferior in numbers, and even if it have received a temporary check. But such an army owes much of its formidableness to the fearless spirit which habit has fostered; and the best weapon under Providence which we can oppose to it is the same courage, nurtured by reflection, by sentiments of honour, and by the principles of religion. Courage indeed is not always invincible and when God destines a nation to bondage the valour of the hero is unavailing. But it is generally true, that a brae people, contending in a just cause, possess in their courage the pledge of success. The instrument by which God rescues nations is their own undaunted resolution. Let us then cherish in ourselves and others, a firm and heroic spirit, a superiority to fear, a settled purpose to front every danger in the cause of our country. Let us fortify our minds, by reflecting on the justice of our cause, that we are standing on our own shores, and defending invaded rights. Let us remember what we owe to ourselves and to the honour of this commonwealth. Let us show that our love of peace has not originated in timidity, and that the spirit of our fathers still lives in their sons. Let us call to the support of our resolution the principles of religion. Devoting ourselves to God, and engaging in this warfare from a sense of duty, let us feel that we are under HIS protection, that in the heat of battle he is near us, that life and death await his word, and that death in a service which he approves is never untimely and is never to be shunned. Let us consider that life at best is short, and its blessings transitory, that its great end is to train us to virtue and to prepare us for heaven, and that we had far better resign it at once than protract it by baseness of spirit or unmanly fear. Death awaits us all, and happy he who meets it in the discharge of duty. Most happy and most honoured of men is the martyr to religion, who seals with his blood those truths, on which human virtue, consolation and hope, depend—and next to him, happy is the martyr to the cause of his country, who, in obedience to God, opposes his breast to the sword of her invaders, and repays with life the protection she has afforded.

V. I have thus, my friends, set before you your duties to God and your country in this period of danger. Let me close with offering a few remarks on your duties to your enemies. You will remember that we profess a religion, which enjoins benevolence towards all mankind, even towards our personal and national foes. Let not our patriotism be sullied with malignant passions. Whilst we defend our shores with courage, let us not cherish hatred towards our invaders. We should not open our ear to every idle tale of their outrages, nor heap calumnies on their heads because they are enemies. The brave are generous. True courage needs not malignity to feed and inflame it. Especially when our foe is an illustrious nation, which for ages has defended and nurtured the interests of religion, science, and humanity; a nation to which grateful Europe is now offering acknowledgements for the protection she has extended over the oppressed, and for the vigor with which she has cooperated in prostrating the bloody and appalling power of the usurper; when such a nation is our foe, we should feel it unworthy and debasing to encourage a rancorous and vindictive spirit. True, she is sending her armies to our shores; but let us not forget, that our own government first sent slaughter and conflagration into her unoffending provinces. True, she is not in haste to give us peace; but let us remember, that our own government rejected her offer to suspend the havoc of war, at the very moment when we knew that the principal ground of hostilities was removed. Let not approaching danger disturb our recollections, or unsettle our principles. If we are to meet her armies in battle, which God in his mercy forbid, let us meet them with that magnanimity, which is candid and just even to its foes. Let us fight, not like beasts of prey to glut revenge, but to maintain our rights, to obtain an honourable peace, and to obtain a victory which shall be signalized by our clemency as well as by our valour. God forbid, that our conflicts should add fury to those bad passions and national antipathies, which have helped to bring this country to its present degraded and endangered condition.

My friends, I have placed before you your duties. God give you grace to perform them. In this day of danger, we know not what is before us; but this we know, that the path of piety, of virtue, of patriotism, and of manly courage, will lead us to glory and to immortality. No enemy can finally injure us, if we are faithful to God, to our country, to mankind. In such a cause as ours, I trust, prosperity and victory will be granted us by the almighty Disposer. But whether success or disaster await us, we know that the world is passing away, and that all of us will soon be placed beyond the reach of its changes. Let us not then be elated or depressed; but with a firm and equal mind, let us acquit ourselves as men and Christians in our several spheres, looking upward to heaven as our rest and reward.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1814


William Ellery Channing (1780-1842) was the grandson of one of the Newport Sons of Liberty, John Channing. William graduated from Harvard in 1798 and became regent at Harvard in 1801. He was ordained a preacher in 1802 and worked towards the 1816 establishment of the Harvard Divinity School. This sermon was preached by William Ellery Channing in Boston on June 15, 1814.


sermon-thanksgiving-1814

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED IN BOSTON

AT THE SOLEMN FESTIVAL

IN COMMEMORATION

OF THE

GOODNESS OF GOD IN DELIVERING THE CHRISTIAN WORLD

FROM

MILITARY DESPOTISM,

JUNE 15, 1814.

BY WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING,
MINISTER OF THE CHURCH IN FEDERAL STREET, BOSTON

DISCOURSE.

REV. xix. 6.

HALLELUJAH: FOR THE LORD GOD OMNIPOTENT REIGNETH.

It is the dictate of reason and revelation, that God is to be acknowledged in all the events of life, and changes of society. In adversity, his hand is to be adored with uncomplaining resignation; and in prosperity, his goodness is to be celebrated with joy and thanksgiving. Through inferior agents our thoughts should always rise to God, in whom all other beings live and move, and without whom not a sparrow falls.

In conformity to these just and exalted views of God, we are now assembled to offer him our tribute of praise and gratitude for the deliverance he has vouchsafed to the civilized world. We are assembled to bear our part in the joyful thanksgivings which are now ascending to him from liberated nations. Let us bring to his throne the sentiments which this solemnity demands. Let our exultation be purified from all narrow and unworthy feelings. As members of the great human family, and in the spirit of universal charity, let us offer sincere praise to our common God and Father, who has sent this great salvation to his suffering children.

Do any doubt the propriety of our expressions of joy on the deliverance of Europe, because the influence of this event on ourselves in not precisely ascertained? To such doubts I might reply, that the cause of this country is necessarily united with the cause of the world. I might say, that every free and enlightened people has an interest in the freedom and improvement of other nations; that there is a sympathy, a contagion of spirit and feeling, among communities as well as individuals; and that the slavery of Europe would have fastened chains on us. I might say, that the fallen despot of Europe had not forgotten this country in his scheme of universal conquest, that his disastrous influence has already blighted our prosperity, and that if peace and honour are to revisit our shores, we shall owe these blessings to the fall of the oppressor. But obvious reasons forbid me to enlarge on topics like these. Let it be granted, that other nations are to participate more largely than we in the blessings of this happy revolution. And shall we therefore be dumb, amidst the shouts and thanksgivings of the world? Is it nothing to us, that other nations are blest? Does the ocean which rolls between us, sever all the charities, extinguish all the sympathies, which should bind us to our kind? Can we hear with indifference that the rod of the oppressor is broken, because other nations were crushed with its weight? Away this cold and barbarous selfishness! Nature and religion abhor it. Nature and religion teach us, that we and all men are brethren, made of one blood, related to one father. They call us to feel for misery, wherever it meets our view; to lift up our voices against injustice and tyranny, wherever they are exercised; and to exult in the liberation of the oppressed, and the triumphs of freedom and virtue through every region under heaven. We are not indeed to forget our homes in our sympathy with distant joy and sorrow; and neither are we to suffer the ties of family and country to contract our hearts, to separate us from our race, to repress that diffusive philanthropy, which is the brightest image man can bear of the universal Father. God intends that our sympathies should be wide and generous. We read with emotion the records of nations buried in the sepulcher of distant ages – the records of ancient virtue wresting from the tyrant his abused power; and shall the deliverance of contemporary nations, from which we sprung, and with which all our interests are blended, awaken no ardor, no gratitude no joy?

It is an animating thought, that we, my friends, have a peculiar right to rejoice in the prosperity of Europe, because we mourned with her in the day of her adversity. Our hearts bled with her, when she lay a mangled victim at the foot of her oppressor; and who will forbid us to hail her with delight, now that she rises from the dust in renovated life and glory. As a nation indeed, we have no right to participate in the general joy. As a nation, we cannot gather round the ruins of the fallen despotism, and say, We shared in the peril and glory of its destruction. But it is the honour of this part of the country, that in heart if not in act, with our prayers if not our arms, we have partaken the struggles of Europe. In this day of our country’s disgrace we can say, and the world should know it, that we never sung the praises of the tyrant, never joined the throng which offered him incense and bent before him the servile knee. We have had no communion of interest or feeling with the enemy of mankind. We abhorred the prosperous, as much as we contemn the fallen tyrant. Let history, when she records the connection of this republic with the usurper, bear witness, that we were not all involved in this disgrace, that there were some among us true to the cause of human nature, whose hearts sunk under the depression of Europe, and whose hearts leaped for joy, when Europe was free.

Europe then is free! Most transporting most astonishing deliverance! How lately did we see her sitting in sackcloth and ashes; and now she is arrayed in the garments of praise and salvation. Instead of the deep and stifled groans of oppression, on general acclamation now bursts on us from all her tribes and tongues. It ascends from the Alps, the Pyrenees, the Appenines. It issues from the forests of the north. It is wafted to us on the milder winds of the south. In every language, the joy inspiring acclamation reaches our ears, THE OPPRESSOR IS FALLEN, AND THE WORLD IS FREE.

Will you say, that this joy is excessive? It cannot rise to the height of the deliverance by which it is inspired. What despotism was ever so degrading so appalling, so fatal to the best interests of mankind, as that whose subversion we this day celebrate. The fairest portion of the world was its prey, and the most flourishing regions were laid waste by its fury. From Moscow to the shores of the Mediterranean, you may discern in the ruins of cities, and in desolated and deserted plains, the track of this relentless despotism. It was a despotism founded in crime, cemented in blood, and all its splendor was derived from the spoils of an oppressed world. Its ambition knew no bound, and submitted to no restraint. It had no pity for the weak, no justice for the innocent, no regard to plighted faith, no settled end but universal empire. It was sustained by armies disciplined to victory, hardened to cruelty, exulting in success, inflamed with the hope of rapine, and led by generals whose names were a host. Before it went menace, terror, corruption, fraud, and every profligate art, to prepare its way; and behind it were desolation, famine, and slavery. At its presence the old and revered institutions of Europe fell; thrones and governments, which had endured for ages, were overturned. If indeed the former sovereign was permitted to hold his power, he held it as a fief and dependence on the usurper, and was bound to pay for this poor relic of departed greatness, by contributing the treasures and blood of his kingdom to adorn and sustain the despotism by which he was crushed. Wherever this dreadful power was establish4ed, virtue, patriotism, and honour were driven into obscurity, and spies and traitors exalted. This vicious despotism linked with itself the vice of every country. It infused life, energy, and hope into the profligate, mercenary, restless, and desperate, and rewarded them with the plunder of the country they betrayed. Wherever this despotism spread, the press was in chains, and fear chained every tongue. The ordinary pursuits of industry were interrupted. On the once busy and peopled shore, a host of guards watched every sail, and the peasant with a fainting heart tilled the fields, which might be trodden down by armies, or pillaged by lawless rapacity. Every where commerce, the golden chain of nations, the spring of enlarged philanthropy, the disperser of art, science, and improvement, was discouraged by bloody edicts. The old connections of Europe were systematically broken up, and hardly any connection seemed to remain but union to the central despotism.

The moral influence of this despotism, more than all things else, gave it a character of peculiar horror, and should excite our most fervent gratitude for its destruction. It was despotism of low and vulgar minds. It had nothing of greatness and elevated sentiment. It not only destroyed like a beast of prey; but it polluted, like a harpy, what ever it touched. Its breath was poison, tainting the atmosphere, and changing its victim into a loathsome mass of corruption. It left not merely a wilderness in the natural world – it desolated the mind, and robbed human nature of all its honourable attributes. We could have forgiven it, had it only robbed and impoverished, but it degraded Europe. It systematically corrupted, that it might enslave. By its undisguised and unblushing crimes, and its open and successful contempt of the principles of justice, it shook the moral sentiments of mankind, and taught them to look with the indifference of familiarity on deeds, which would once have struck them with horour. Nothing can be imagined more hostile to the authority of conscience and virtue, than the triumphs of a power, which defies God, and honours and recompenses crime. These triumphs every where offered themselves to the eyes of Europe and in the world was a despot, black with crimes, the dark features of whose character were not brightened by a gleam of virtue. His throne was sustained by tributary princes and besieged with flatterers and servile dependents. O that this page were torn from the history of Europe! Never did Europe know so dark and dishonourable a day, as when her princes and nobles, her genius, learning, and eloquence gathered round a base adventurer to do him homage, – to do homage to treachery and murder.

My friends, with what aching eyes did we look on this scene of degradation! The light of the world seemed to us expiring. Europe, the land of our fathers, the land of Christians, the abode of civilization and refinement, crowned with splendid cities and cultivated fields, with venerable temples, ancient seats of science, asylums for human misery, and unnumbered institutions, which embellish, console and refine the social state, Europe, so flourishing, so interesting, the best hope of the world, seemed to us given into the hand of the destroyer.

Such, my hearers, was the despotism, which God in his holy providence permitted to arise in the center his holy providence permitted to arise in the center of the civilized world – so ferocious, so appalling – and IT IS FALLEN, IT IS FALLEN! At the moment of its greatest glory, when its foundations seemed to the gloomy eye of fear firm as the hills, and its proud towers had pierced the skies, – the lightning of heaven smote it, and IT FELL! Most holy, most merciful God thine was the work; thine be the glory! Who will not rejoice? Who will not catch and repeat the acclamation, which flies through so many regions, – THE OPPRESSOR IS FALLEN, AND THE WORLD IS FREE!

What a delightful change meets our view in the face of Europe! The flag of Orange and independence again waives on the spires of Holland. The song of cheerfulness and freedom again ascends the cliffs of Switzerland. Spain and Portugal, deluged as they are with blood, tell us they have not bled in vain, for perfidy has met its’ reward, and no hostile foot now pollutes their fields. Prussia, lately trampled in the dust, now lifts her head in exultation, and points us to her veteran hero and valiant hosts, who have wiped away her dishonour and fought with glorious success the battles of the world. Russia shows us her fields, whitened with the bones of invading armies, which never before knew defeat; and tells us, that she first rolled back the tide of oppression, and gave hope to subjugated nations. Even France calls us to participate her joy, for her sceptre is wrested from the tyrant, and wielded again by a benignant sovereign, who will heal her wounds, and grant her the repose she has so long denied to the world. How changed the face of Europe! The universal tumult of war is now hushed. The patriot now pronounces the name of his country without a blush, for it no longer stoops to the oppressor. The deserted shores begin to resound with busy multitudes, and to whiten with the sails of commerce. The exile returns to his ravaged fields with cheerfulness and hope. The fettered tongue is loosened, and exults without fear in the fall of the tyrant. That power which encouraged crime is now prostrate and its wrecks strew the nations; and if its prosperity emboldened guilt, its ruin speaks in a deeper tone the wretchedness of unprincipled greatness. Who will not rejoice? Who will not participate in the triumphs and gratitude of liberated nations?

I have hitherto called you to rejoice in the fall of the despotism, which has threatened the world. I would now direct you to that most auspicious instructive event, the fall of the despot. My hearers, where is the man, at whose nod nations lately trembled, at whose pleasure kings held their thrones, and whose voice, more desolating than the whirlwind directed the progress of ravaging armies? Behold and adore the righteous judgments of God! A little island now holds this conqueror of the world. No crowd is there to do him homage. His ear is no longer soothed with praise. The glare which power threw around him is vanished. The terror of his name is past. His abject gall has even robbed him of that admiration, which is sometimes forced from us by the stern, proud spirit, which adversity cannot subdue. Contempt and pity are all the tribute he now receives from the world he subdued. If we can suppose, that his life of guilt has left him any moral feeling, what anguish must he carry into the silence and solitude, to which he is doomed. From the fields of battle which he has strewed with wounded and slain, from kingdoms and families which he has desolated, the groans of the dying, the curses of the injured, the wailing of the bereaved, must pierce his retreat, and overwhelm him with remorse and agony.

Here let us learn my friends, never to be dazzled by triumphant guilt, never to forget the crimes of a usurper in his success. Let us learn, that virtue alone deserves our veneration, and that virtue alone will endure. The adulation of the courtier and the homage of the blinded crowd cannot sustain that greatness, which is reared on guilt. The most dreaded and flattered despot is after all but a man, exalted to his bad eminence for the chastisement of a guilty world, and destined to magnify, by his own destruction, the Almighty justice he has defiled. Let not the bloody conqueror boast of his poers. The blood which he sheds, the regions which he wastes, the widows and fatherless whom he bereaves, the poor whom he drives from their homes to perish by cold, famine, and sickness, all cry to God, and draw down on his head deserved destruction.

My hearers, from the events which we this day celebrate, we are especially taught that most important lesson, to hold fast our confidence in God and never to despair of the cause of human nature, however gloomy and threatening be the prospect which spread before us. How many of us have yielded to criminal despondence! How many of us saw, in imagination, the last blow given to national independence, when the usurper poured his hosts into the north! The shouts of new victories already seemed to reach our ears. We now see, that what we dreaded wrought our safety; that the appalling greatness of the usurper, by inspiring presumption, hastened his ruin; that the very rapidity of his progress brought him more surely and more suddenly to the precipice. Slower conquests might have quenched the spirit of nations, and induced new habits in the vanquished. But the impatient usurper, in grasping new dominions, neglected to secure his former acquisitions. In the vanquished there burned a smothered indignation, ready to break forth at the first moment of hope. That moment came – it was hastened by the mad temerity, which success had inspired. Europe rose in her strength, burst her chains with one convulsive effort, and suddenly prostrated the throne which the toils of years had erected. We are here taught, as men, perhaps, were never taught before, to place an unwavering trust in providence, to hope well for the world, to hold fast our principles, to cling to the cause of justice, truth, and humanity, and to frown on guilt and oppression, however dark be the scenes which surround us, and however dangerous or deserted be the path of duty.

Let me close this discourse, with dwelling for a moment on the cheering prospects opened on the world by the fall of the usurper. We are at length permitted to anticipate the long lost and long desired blessing of general and permanent peace. Peace, whilst that usurper held the throne, would never have revisited Europe; or at least no peach but that of silent, motionless, unresisting slavery. War was his element. He was bred to scenes of tumult and blood. He knew no excellence, but that of wielding weapons of destruction, and had no ambition but to erect arches and monument of victory. But the weapons are now wrested from his hands. That perturbed spirit no longer controls the nations. Europe, bleeding under so many wounds, sighs for peace; and we may hope that, taught by tremendous experience, she will shrink, at least for a season, from the renewal of war. In France a most solemn and monitory example has been given of the ruinous effect of the passion for conquest. The woes, which that aspiring people have inflicted on other nations, have rolled back on themselves. A military despotism has ground them in the dust, wrung from them their substance, torn from them their children, and made every family a mourner. The blood of Frenchmen has flowed in streams over the fields of almost every nation in Europe. And not only have they bled at a distance : invasion and conquest have rushed on their own plains, and penetrated to the very heart of their empire – and will the nations of Europe, with his solemn example before their eyes, still pant with undiminished ardor for ware and universal conquest? May we not also hope, that the spirit of peace will be cherished and diffused by the late generous successful struggle, in which all Europe, with one heart and one hand, has beaten down unprincipled ambition and military despotism?

But still greater blessings may be anticipated. I consider the fall of the usurper, and of his power, as the death blow to that system of Atheism and infidelity, which has been the chief source of the miseries of Europe. The French revolution was cradled in Atheism. Its authors hated God, and scoffed at futurity, and boasted that the throne of heaven was to sink in the same ruing with earthly monarchies. Since that period, a most solemn experiment has been making on society. The nations of Europe, which had in all measure been corrupted by infidel principles, have been called to witness the effects of these principles on the character and happiness of nations and individuals. The experiment is now completed; and, I trust, Europe and the world are satisfied. Never, I believe, was there a deeper conviction than at the present moment, that Christianity is most friendly to the peace, order, liberty, and prosperity of mankind, and that its subversion would be the ruin of whatever secures, adorns, and blesses social life. Europe, mangled, desolated Europe, now exclaims with one voice against the rule of atheism and infidelity, and flies for shelter and peace to the pure and mild principles of Christianity. Already the marks of an improved state of public sentiment may be discerned. Amidst the sufferings and privations of war, a generous spirit for the diffusion of the scriptures has broken forth; and at this moment that sacred volume, which infidelity hoped to bury in forgetfulness with the mouldering records of ancient superstition, is more widely opened than in any former age, to the nations of the earth. This reaction in favor of religion and virtue will, we trust, continue to increase. The fall of the usurper, as we have already observed, is the fall of a government, which depressed the good, and gave confidence and strength to the unprincipled of every region. That terrible example of successful guilt will no longer corrupt. That moral pestilence is stayed; and the remembrance of it, we trust, will carry solemn warning to the most distant generations.

To conclude – a new era seems opening on Europe and the world. We have an auspicious omen in the magnanimity of the victorious allies. We have another, still more auspicious in the new constitution of France, in which the great principles of civil and religious liberty are distinctly recognized before the assembled sovereigns of Europe. It is our hope, that the storm, which has shaken so many thrones, will teach wisdom to rulers, will correct the arrogance of power, will awaken the great from selfish and sensual indolence, and give stability to government, by giving elevation of sentiment to those who administer it. It is our hope, that calamities so awful, deliverance so stupendous, will direct the minds of men to an almighty and righteous providence and inspire seriousness, and gratitude, and a deeper attachment to the religion of Christ, that only refuge in calamity, that only sure pledge of future and unchanging felicity. Am I told, that these anticipations are to ardent? My hearers, I am not forgetful of the solemn uncertainty of futurity. I am aware, that the Unsubdued passions of the human heart still threaten sore and multiplied calamities to the world, Perhaps I have indulged the hopes of philanthropy, where experienced wisdom would have dictated melancholy prediction. But amidst all the uncertainties which surround us, one thing we know, that God governs, and that his most holy and benevolent purposes will be accomplished. One thing we know, that God has mercifully interposed for a suffering world and broken the power of the oppressor. For this most gracious and wonderful deliverance, let every heart thank, and every tongue praise him. Let the heavens rejoice, and the earth be glad. Let the sea roar and the fullness thereof. Break forth into singing ye mountains, and be joyful, ye fields! Kings of the earth, and all people, princes and all judges of the earth, both young men and maidens, old men and children, praise ye the Lord! Praise him with the sound of the trumpet, with the psaltery and harp, with stringed instruments and organs; for his name alone is excellent; for he hath visited and redeemed his people, and his mercy endureth forever.

Sermon – Election – 1814, Massachusetts

sermon-election-1814-massachusetts

A

Sermon

Preached at Boston,

At the

Annual Election,

May 25, 1814.

Before

His Excellency Caleb
Strong
, Esq.

Governor,

His Honor William
Phillips
, Esq.

Lieutenant Governor,

The Honorable Council,

And the

Legislature of Massachusetts.

By Jesse Appleton, D.D.

President of Bowdoin College

 

Commonwealth of
Massachusetts.

House of
Representatives, May 26th, 1814.

Ordered,
That Benjamin Green, of Berwick, R.D. Dunning, of Brunswick, and Rev. Aaron Kenne, of Alford, be a committee to wait upon the Rev. Dr. Appleton, and present him the thanks of the House, for the ingenious, learned and appropriate Discourse, pronounced by him, before His Excellency the Governor, and the two branches of the Legislature of Massachusetts, on the 25th inst. And to request of him a copy for publication.

Timothy
Bigelow, Speaker.

Isaiah, XXXIII: 6.

Wisdom and knowledge shall be the stability of thy times, and strength of salvation; the fear of the Lord is his treasure.

This chapter begins with an elegant apostrophe to Sennacherib, King of Assyria, reproaching him, as the ambitious and unprovoked disturber of the peace of nations. The prophet next makes a devout address to Jehovah, expressing confidence in the divine government, and hope of the delivery and security of his people, notwithstanding the menaces of an insolent and imperious adversary.

The text is thought to be directed to Hezekiah, then the monarch of Judah, and is thus rendered by Bishop Lowth.

Wisdom and knowledge shall be the stability of thy times;

The possession of continued salvation;

The fear of Jehovah, this shall be thy treasure.

The terms, wisdom and fear of God, as frequently used in scripture, are synonymous. The fear of the Lord, that is wisdom. But, as both occur in our text, it is rational to conclude, that, by the latter, is signified an ability to accomplish desirable ends, by a judicious choice and arrangement of means. This ability, though often found in connection with knowledge and piety, is not to be confounded with either. The fear of God directs men to aim at the purest and noblest ends. For the accomplishment of these, wisdom makes a selection from those various means, which knowledge has provided.

The doctrine, inculcated by our text is, therefore, that the permanent prosperity of a nation is best secured by a union of knowledge, wisdom, and the, fear of God.

After having endeavored to illustrate this proposition, we shall consider, in what way these qualities can be most effectually promoted.

To elucidate the proposition, we observe, first, that, by science, a nation is enabled to profit by the advantages of its natural situation. It avails little, that the soil of a country is rich, if the art of cultivation is unknown to the inhabitants. It avails nothing, that her shores are capable of being connected with every climate, through the medium of intervening seas or oceans, while science has never taught the construction of vessels, nor the art of directing them. Without this knowledge, there is comparatively little use in the rivers, by which a country is intersected; nor can the advantages of these be fully realized, till all vincible obstacles to navigation are actually overcome, and neighboring streams are made to unite their waters.

That fearful train of disorders, which makes such extensive and perpetual devastation on the happiness and life of man, is found capable of being arrested or enfeebled by the use of those mineral or vegetable substances, which the liberality of nature produces; but of which it is the province of science to discover the virtues, and the just application. It is in vain, that remedies are provided for human sufferings, or sustenance for human life, while the plants or minerals, which contain them, are permitted to remain undistinguished in the bosom of the forest, or buried beneath the surface of the earth. How inexpressibly might the sum of human misery have been lessened, had the science of medicine, among all the nations of antiquity, been advanced to its present state! What enormous waste of life has been annually made for many centuries, by a disorder, the easy prevention of which is matter of recent discovery! The sciences of chemistry and mineralogy, lately introduced into our country, and now cultivated with so much ardor and success, cannot fail, by their influence on medicine, agriculture and the arts, to produce consequences of great national importance. The nature of man on the one side, and of soils and climates on the other, remains the same in every age. It is knowledge it is cultivation, that produces the change. To this are we to ascribe it, that in our own country, where, two centuries ago, wild beasts and savages were contending for the empire of an unmeasured desert, there are now civil institutions, commerce, cities, arts, letters, religion, and all the charities of social and domestic life.

Secondly in wisdom and knowledge is implied a right understanding of the nature and design of civil society. A community possessing these qualities, will consider government as a benevolent institution, resulting from the social nature of man, and conducive not less to his liberty, than to his security. They will adopt a form of government, not only good in itself, but adapted to the local and relative situation of their country, and to their own genius and character. Whatever constitution be preferred, they will never accede to the doctrine, that the people were made for their rulers; but will rather consider the latter as the honored depositaries of power, originally inherent in the people, and voluntarily relinquished by then, on condition of its being used for their benefit. They will, by consequence, believe themselves in possession of a right, either to resume the power, or else to demand the accomplishment of the conditions, on which it was conferred.

Thirdly whatever civil compact they may see fit to adopt, an enlightened people will not trust themselves to calculate, with minuteness and confidence, the greatest degree of political prosperity, that may be enjoyed, nor the least degree of restraint, that may be necessary. It will not escape them, that no human foresight can extend to all emergencies, which a series of years may produce; and that time may develop, in any political constitution, traits, either more or less valuable, than were apparent to its original authors. It is a well known truth in mechanics, that the actual and theoretical powers of a machine will never coincide. Through the flexibility of one part, the rigidity of another, and the roughness of a third, the result may disappoint those fond hopes, which seemed to rest on the firm ground of mathematical calculation. The judicious artist, will not however, on this account, be willing to reject, as worthless, a structure of splendid and complicated mechanism, of solid materials, in the formation of which much labor, experience and ingenuity have been employed.

It is a remark, not less important because frequently made, that an indifferent constitution may be so administered, as to render a nation happy, and that, without a good administration, the best political institutions will fail of accomplishing that purpose. Now, as the manner, in which government will be administered in any nation, can never be foreseen, a discerning people will not confidently anticipate, as their perpetual portion, the highest degree of prosperity which their form of government seems calculated to secure. Nor will they fix their eyes so intensely on the evils, which may be felt at any period, as to forget the imperfection of all human establishments, and that, under a new form of government, may be concealed important disadvantages, which experience alone can bring to light. Rejecting alike the character of inconstancy, turbulence, and despondency, they will neither tamely yield to abuses, nor subvert their political institutions on account of them.

Fourthly as an enlightened people will know how to value their rights, they will place those in office, who, by their ability, knowledge, and integrity, are entitled to such distinction. To obtain their suffrages, it will not be enough, that a man professes his attachment to order, religion, or liberty. He must have more solid ground, on which to establish his claims to public favor. In knowledge and wisdom is doubtless implied a spirit of discernment. To enjoy the confidence of a wise people, there must therefore, be a consistency of character, a uniform regard to moral principle and the public good. They will clearly perceive, that the civil interests of millions cannot be secure in the hands of men, who, in the more confined circle of common intercourse, are selfish, rapacious, or aspiring.

An enlightened regard to self interest and a religious sense of responsibility, will in this case, lead to the same practical result. In exercising the right of freemen, the man of religion experiences no conflict between his duty and his inclination. Towards the dishonest, profane, ambitious and profligate, he feels

       “The strong antipathy of good to bad.”

He has no wish to behold, arrayed in the robes of office, men, whose largest views do not extend beyond the limits of mortal life, and whose deportment and conversation indicate neither love nor reverence for the Author of their being.

In very popular governments, where the elective franchise is widely extended, it is, doubtless, impossible, that candidates for public office should be personally known to all, whose suffrages they receive. How generally so ever knowledge is diffused, all the members of a large state cannot be brought within the sphere of mutual observation. In this case, resort must be had to the best sources of information. But it should not be forgotten, that a portion of the same intelligence and virtue, required in rulers, is necessary in giving information concerning candidates. An honest and well-informed freeman will rely on none but honest and well-informed witnesses.

Fifthly a nation, distinguished by a union of wisdom, knowledge, and the fear of God, is morally certain of having its government well administered, not only for the reason just assigned, but because the tone of morals, existing in such a nation, will operate as a powerful restraint, if, by any casualty or deep dissimulation, persons of yielding virtue should be placed in office.

Public  opinion constitutes a tribunal, which few men, and, least of all, those, who are in pursuit of popular favor, will dare to set at defiance. It is scarcely possible, that a people, truly wise and virtuous, should have a government badly administered. Whenever the majority of a community complain of their rulers, they implicitly utter reproaches against themselves, for having placed their destiny in the hands of men, with whom it is insecure. If their reproaches are long continued, it is good proof that their own morals exhibit no very striking contrast with the morals of those, whose profligacy they condemn. In popular governments, the virtues and vices of rulers must flourish or wither with those of the people.

Again. A union of wisdom, knowledge, and the fear of God, will contribute to the prosperity of a nation by increasing its power.

That a nation, degenerate in its morals, may, however, be formidable by its policy and physical strength, is not to be questioned. But, if ignorance is joined to the want of virtue, we cannot doubt, that its imbecility will be equal to its wretchedness. Let the same nation become both well-informed and virtuous, and the augmentation of power will be incredible. In a wise and virtuous state, the citizens will cherish mutual confidence. This confidence will be a bond of union, not only between the people and their government, but between the different between the different orders and members of the community. In such a state, rulers will act, not for themselves, but for the nation; nor will the people indulge a spirit of restless innovation, murmuring, or faction.

“Virtue, in a society,” says a profound writer, “has a tendency to procure superiority and additional power, whether this power be considered as the means of security from opposite power, or of obtaining other advantages. And it has this tendency by rendering pubic good both an object and an end to every member of the society; by putting every one upon consideration and diligence, recollection and self government, both in order to see what is the most effectual method, and also in order to perform their proper part for obtaining and preserving it; by uniting a society within itself, and so increasing its strength; and what is particularly to be mentioned, uniting it by means of veracity and justice. Power in society, by being under the direction of virtue, naturally increases, and has a necessary tendency to prevail over opposite power, not under the direction of it, in like manner, as power, by being under the direction of reason, increases, and has a tendency to prevail over brute force.”

A state of things is here supposed, it may be objected, which is wholly ideal; since the world, from its commencement, has produced nothing resembling it. This is, indeed, true. But, if it is true, that a state would be extremely powerful, were it entirely virtuous, its power must, by consequence, be proportionate to its virtue.

A nation, but faintly resembling that, which has been imagined, would, indeed, be far less than others likely to experience civil discord and foreign wars. Without cool deliberation, and a solemn conviction of responsibility, it would not gird on the harness. But, proceeding with reluctance, and under the impulse of duty, it would, if circumstances should not only justify, but require the measure, act with the more determined valor. Like the judgments of heaven, its displeasure would be slow and righteous, but irresistible. The people, that do know their God, shall be strong and do exploits.

Further. Wisdom and virtue tend directly to the stability of a government, as they will prevent both the necessity and the general desire of a revolution. The necessity of such an event, in any nation, implies a high degree of corruption in its rulers. The desire without the necessity indicates, with no less certainty, a depraved, restless, and turbulent people. It is evident, that a moral and enlightened people will not be factious: nor will an administration of this character be oppressive. It is a melancholy and mortifying truth, that all human things tend to degeneracy. To check this tendency, in any political establishment, knowledge, generally diffused and actively employed, in connection with a religious regard to the public welfare, may be effectual. Moderate evils, not easily remedied, will be patiently endured. Tranquility and prosperity may thus be the growth of ages and centuries. But, where there is not enough either of knowledge or moral principle to discover or correct abuses, as they occur, the mass, by constant accretions, will become enormous, and produce eventually the atrocities and sufferings of a revolution.

A well informed people know the advantages of the civil, compared with the savage state. They know, that where there is civil society, there must be law, and that law implies restraint. They will consider partial restraint, as a moderate price, at which to purchase the rich blessings of order and safety. From a religious people, civil government, so far as it is of a moral nature, can never incur opposition. The restraints of morality they are bound to observe by stronger obligations than those, which arise from any human authority. On their hearts the words of a divine law are deeply inscribed. They abstain from moral disorder, out of regard to this law, which extends equally to the savage and the social state; to every condition indeed, and to every part of the universe, where there are human, or even intelligent beings.

Knowledge and wisdom tend no less to the stability of a government, by opposing despotism, than by avoiding anarchy. Where the minds of a nation are left free, an arbitrary government can never be established. While the spirit of a people is unsubdued, by which I mean, when it is under no confinement but that, which arises from reason and religion, obstacles, numerous and powerful, will be planted in the road of an aspiring despot. There is no communion there is no congeniality between that intellectual and moral elevation, implied in the character of a people, distinguished for knowledge and the fear of God, and that ignorance, corruption, and debasement, involved in quietly surrendering to human caprice, those rights which our creator designed, as the unalienable accompaniments of a rational nature.

To illustrate and exemplify these remarks, we need only refer to the early history of our own country. Those illustrious men, who, under God, directed the earlier destinies of New England, were distinguished for the character, of which we have been speaking. They were equally remarkable for their love of liberty, and their hatred of anarchy and misrule. They could, without complaint, forego the indulgences and elegancies of life; they could look unappalled on a vast, stormy, unfrequented ocean; they could plant themselves and families, in a wilderness rendered hideous by every danger; they could submit, with invincible fortitude, to toils and privations; but their noble minds could not endure the spirit of civil and religious bondage. How well they understood both the rights of the people, and the rights of government, appears from the following words of one of their chief magistrates. “There is a liberty of corrupt nature, which is inconsistent with authority, impatient of restraint, and the grand enemy of truth and peace; and all the ordinances of God are bent against it. But there is a civil, moral, federal liberty, which consists in every one’s enjoying his property, and having the benefit of the laws of his country, a liberty for that only, which is just and good; for this liberty you are to stand for your lives.”

The fear of God tends to the stability of a nation, by ensuring the divine protection. If no human being either enters the world or leaves it; if no plant of the field either vegetates or decays; if no sparrow falls to the ground without our heavenly Father, can all the parts of that vast and complicated machine, denominated a nation, continue their relative positions, and discharge their various functions without the same counsel and agency? All nations are before him as nothing; they are accounted as less than nothing and vanity. At what time I shall speak, saith Jehovah, concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up and to pull down and destroy it, if that nation, against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil, which I thought to do unto them. And at what time I shall speak concerning a nation and concerning a kingdom, to build and to plant it, if it do evil in my sight, I will repent of the good, wherewith I said I would benefit them.

This language expresses not merely the manner, in which God dealt with the Jewish nation, over which he maintained a government peculiarly retributive; but the course of his providence in general. There are two ways, in which these declarations are rendered effectual. In the first place, such is the divine constitution, that vice brings immediate punishment to a state, by rendering it discordant and feeble. Such is the essential and immutable nature of vice, as to blast the best hopes of society, and to weaken the bonds, by which it is held together. Virtue, we have seen, tends to union, strength, and harmony. It is obvious, therefore, that God protects an upright nation by its uprightness, and demolishes and ruins an immoral nation by its profligacy.

In the second place, it should be considered, that the prayers of the righteous come up, as a memorial before God. This sentiment is not peculiar to revelation, but may be considered, as universal among those, who believe in a superintending providence. God hath never said to the seed of Jacob, seek ye me in vain. But, that the prayers of a nation may be heard and graciously answered, it is necessary that they be offered with uprightness of character. If the Lord will not hear an individual, who regards iniquity in his heart, neither will he accept the sacrifices of a vicious community. Agreeably to this, when the kingdom of Judah had become inattentive to the moral requirements of God, they were not encouraged to expect any favorable answer to their prayers. When ye spread forth your hands, saith Jehovah, I will hide mine eyes from you. When ye make many prayers, I will not hear; your hands are full of blood.

If national prosperity is the sum of happiness enjoyed in a nation, it evidently depends on something more, than either the constitution of government, or what is strictly comprehended in the administration of it. Where both of these are good, there is, indeed, a strong presumption, that the people will be happy. Still it is not certain. No inconsiderable part of the real world of our earthly existence consists in the safety and purity of domestic intercourse. Were all the happiness, hence resulting, destroyed, it is, at least, questionable, whether the remaining would be the better part. Now, though a bad government is likely to contaminate the mass of a nation, and infuse a kind of pestilence into the intercourse of neighbors, and even of individuals belonging to the same family; yet that state of happiness, which is the opposite of this, will not necessarily result even from a union of good laws and good rulers. In order to this, there must be general knowledge, but especially a high sense of moral obligation. While the ties of morality cannot be made to fasten on the conscience, social intercourse will be rendered precarious by falsehood and selfishness; friends will be perfidious; neighbors will be unkind and contentious; and all the joys of domestic life will be embittered. Knowledge, however salutary in conjunction with correct moral feelings, is, without them, wholly inadequate to diffuse either happiness or safety through the more private departments of life. In the time of Pericles, Greece was not happy, because there was nothing in her religion, which could operate, as a principle of moral life. And Rome became dissolute, because she received from Athens, at the same time, both her literature and her manners. In the age of Julius and of Augustus, both public and private vices had become enormous, and extensively propagated. Such likewise was the state of the Jews, when, in the midst of good instruction, they rejected the fear of Jehovah. The want of religious feeling was apparent in all the business and intercourse of life. Every thing was gloomy and full of danger. Take heed, every one of his neighbor, and trust not to any brother; for every brother will utterly supplant, and every neighbor will walk with slanders. They have taught their tongues to speak lies, and weary themselves to commit iniquity.

From all, which precedes, it has become sufficiently obvious that, in order to experience the full effects of the best political institutions, a previous foundation must be laid in the minds of those, who compose the state; and that wisdom, knowledge, and the fear of God, are the precious materials, of which this foundation is to be formed. The promotion of these will, therefore, demand the attention of all the enlightened members of the state, but especially of those, concerned in its government. If it is important to enact laws for the suppression of vice, it is undeniably more important to prevent or exterminate, if possible, those corrupt propensions, which lead to it. The police officers of a distempered city are but ill employed in directing men to fumigate the streets and markets, if no care be taken to clear the ground and purify the atmosphere, from which the contagion is communicated.

These intellectual and moral qualities, so essential to the permanent prosperity of a state, can be promoted extensively in no other way, than by education, early begun and judiciously prosecuted. The youth in a community have, long since, been compared to the spring. The loss of these would be like striking out from the year the vernal months. If there be no vegetation in the opening year, what shall support life during the time of autumn and winter? Or what if there be a luxuriant vegetation, but no salutary or nourishing plant? What if thistles grow instead of wheat, and cockles instead of barley?

That education may do much, both for the intellectual and moral improvement of a nation, cannot be, called in question. If the Spartan discipline was fund adequate to its object, during many centuries, though it counteracted some of the strongest affections of our natures; if parental, filial, and even conjugal tenderness could be extinguished or smothered under a political constitution, which formed but one family of a whole state, what might not be done by pursuing, with perseverance, a plan of education, concerted with just views of the human character, and under the influence of that glorious light, which Christianity has shed on the destiny of man!

The active powers of the soul must either be suppressed or directed. If they are suppressed, their possessor loses, in a considerable degree, his rank in the moral world. If they are not suppressed, they must he directed by knowledge and moral principle.

The importance of early instruction was felt by the wisest nations of antiquity. “What,” says an author, speaking in the name of the Grecian sages, and profoundly versed in their writings, “What are the solid foundations of the tranquility and happiness of states? Not the laws, which dispense the rewards and punishments; but the public voice, when it makes an exact retribution of contempt and esteem. The laws, in themselves impotent, borrow their power solely from manners. Hence results, in every government, the indispensable necessity of attending to the education of children, as an essential object, of training them up in the spirit and love of the constitution, in the simplicity of ancient times; in a word, in the principles, which ought ever after to regulate their virtues, their opinions, their sentiments, and their behavior. All, who have meditated on the art of government, have been convinced that the fate of empires depended on the education, given to youth.”

This subject did not escape the notice of the Athenian legislator. Solon enacted a number of laws, relating particularly to education. In them he specified both the time, at which youth should receive public lessons, and the character and talents of the masters, who should instruct them. One of the Courts of Justice was to superintend the observance of these regulations.

At Sparta, it is well known that education was every thing. Children were scarcely introduced into the world, when they were subject to a course of discipline, applied equally to the mind and the body. Lycurgus would have his laws engraved on the hearts of the citizens; and, to effect this, he endeavored so to direct the education of youth, that his institutions might be to them, as a law of nature.

“In the rising ages of Rome,” says the learned Kennet, “while their primitive integrity and virtue flourished, the training up of youth was a most sacred duty. But, in the looser times of the empire, the shameful negligence of parents and instructors, with its necessary consequence, the corruption and decay of morality and good letters, struck a great blow towards dissolving that glorious fabric.”

The same general principle is distinctly recognized in that constitution, which was divinely bestowed on the Jewish nation. These words, which I command thee this day, saith Moses, shall be in thine heart; and thou shalt teach them diligently unto thy children; and shall talk of them, when thou sittest in thine house, and when thou walkest by the way; when thou liest down, and when thou risest up.

If such be the importance of education, may I not be indulged for a few moments, in considering the most obvious ways, in which it may be promoted?

At the head of these, we cannot hesitate to place parental or domestic instruction. In his children, the parent beholds those, who are to become members of the state, and to act, in a sphere of greater or less extent, on its political and moral interests. He is forming their character at an age, when their dispendance is absolute, and resistance impossible. The first development of the mind is made under the domestic roof, and in the presence of those, who are most interested to observe it. It depends on the knowledge and fidelity of parents, whether their children shall be seasonably taught the being, perfections, and government of God, or be permitted to spend the earlier part of their existence in ignorance or contempt of him, from whom they received it. On the same knowledge and fidelity in parents will it depend, whether the first notions, which children form of the Supreme Being, shall coincide with reason and scripture, or be the monstrous birth of a distempered imagination; whether the more gentle affections shall be cultivated, or the wilder passions be permitted to rage and mingle in defiance of restraint, either from prudence or religion.

Every family is a nation in embryo. Civil society originally consisted of families; and so it does still. By forming habits of obedience, intercourse, and beneficence, while under parental government, young persons become qualified to move in a more enlarged sphere, and to discharge duties of more extensive importance. In this manner are now forming throughout this commonwealth, a set of mechanics, a yeomanry, military characters, merchants, divines, legislators, and judges; all those, in fine, who shall compose the body politic, when we, who are now living, shall be covered with the clods of the valley.

In view of this subject, I am irresistibly led to contemplate the primitive character of New England. In relation to those, who, by planting civilization and religion on those shores, transmitted to us this fair inheritance, the language of inspiration may be well used; when thou wentest after me in the wilderness, in a land, that was not sown, Israel was holiness to the Lord, and the first fruits of has increase. In almost every dwelling was there both an altar and a church. Then began men to call on the name of the Lord. The child was early engaged in the worship of Jehovah, to whom he had been consecrated by a Christian ordinance. From the lips of maternal piety and love, he imbibed the lessons of heavenly wisdom. By a father’s authority, guided and softened by the spirit of religion, his aberrations were reclaimed, and virtuous habits were aided and confirmed. It was a scene, which angels delighted to witness! The Bible, the Sabbath, and the sanctuary, were objects not only of veneration, but of affection. Together with the love of truth and probity, they formed a strong attachment to rational freedom; a character, remarkable for solidity, decision, and independence. They knew both how to appreciate their rights and to defend them. They knew what was expected from children, of whose parents it could be emphatically said, that they “feared God, and feared nothing else.”

2. Next in importance to family instruction, is that of common schools. No friend to his country can ever be indifferent to this source of information. Large rivers may be of great utility in fertilizing, within certain limits, the adjacent fields. But the country in general is to be enriched and moistened by smaller streams. By the institution of schools, knowledge is diffused over a whole nation. Its streams are carried to every house and to every cottage. They may be tasted alike by children of wealthy, and by those of indigent parents. Nothing can be more consistent with republican principles, nothing more essential to such a government, than this equal and universal extension of knowledge. To a benevolent mind it is highly gratifying to reflect, that, in a large community, there should be scarcely a child under the hard necessity of passing through life in profound ignorance. No man is in a situation so elevated, as to justify an inattention to such an object.

The advantages, resulting to the public from school education, will obviously depend much, not only on the knowledge, but also on the morals of those, who are employed to give instruction. Parents can scarcely do their children a more material injury, than to place them under the care of a profane, intemperate, or licentious teacher.

3. Academies, or schools of a public nature, are useful, just in proportion to the fidelity and accuracy, with which they teach the principles of morality, science, and classical literature. And perhaps it may deserve the attention of an enlightened legislature, to determine, whether a moderate number of these establishments, with endowments competent steadily to maintain able instructors, would not as effectually sub ˙ serve the interests of knowledge, as to give to a great number, an existence, painful, precarious, and intermitting.

4. In the next particular, we have doubtless been anticipated. The happy consequences resulting to society from more extensive literary establishments, such as colleges and universities, have been so generally observed, as to render it unnecessary to offer either detail or proof. It has been a thousand times mentioned, and ought never to be forgotten, that our ancestors were the friends of learning, as well as of liberty and religion. The university in this vicinity, originally dedicated “to Christ and the church,” stands as a durable monument of the enlarged views entertained by the fathers of New England. How well they judged as to the influence of knowledge, in giving stability both to the church and the commonwealth, will appear doubtful to no one, who examines the long list of civilians, military commanders, or religious instructors, who, in different periods of our country, have defended its liberties, formed its political constitutions, or corrected its sentiments and morals. Of these illustrious names, he will find a large proportion in the catalogues of our older seminaries.

These views, I well know, are familiar to the audience, which I have the honor to address; to a legislature especially, which, recently by an act of noble munificence, gave public evidence of the interest, which it feels in the “advancement of literature, piety, morality, and the useful arts and sciences.”

But, of all kinds of knowledge, none is so important to human beings, as that, which relates to God, to their own present duty, and future prospects. No instructions are like his, who spake from heaven. Wherever the gospel is preached with clearness, and with a becoming mixture of zeal and knowledge, the eternal difference between virtue and vice is openly displayed; sensibility of conscience is preserved, and its decisions respected; the general tone of morals is raised; and vice, if not suppressed, is constrained to avoid observation and seek retirement.

In Christianity, the mind is assailed by motives, such as could not be drawn either from the stores of philosophy or from any other system of religion. A world is here opened on the imagination, absolutely without bounds or limits. The rewards of virtue and the punishments of vice are declared, by the Son of God, to be of such duration, as accumulated ages and millions of ages cannot diminish. The objects of this retribution are human actions in connection with motives and dispositions. Now, can it be, for a moment, doubted, that the public preaching of such a religion throughout a nation, is calculated to arrest the progress of vice, to enliven moral feelings, to diffuse a general spirit of sobriety, and to create habits of deliberation, and religious forecast? But, if the advancement of good morals, by which the execution of laws is infinitely facilitated, be a fit subject of legislation, so must be every institution or practice, which most powerfully tends to such an issue. If ancient legislators were so thoroughly convinced of the value of religion in civil government, as to originate or countenance false pretences to revelation, how much does prudence, as well as duty, require a Christian state to support a religion, which in truth descended from heaven!

It has now, we hope, been sufficiently shown, not only that the permanent prosperity of a nation is best secured by a union of knowledge, wisdom, and the fear of God; but that the education of youth is, under divine providence, the most powerful means of effecting this union.

In view of this subject, shall I be permitted briefly to address His Excellency, the chief magistrate of this Commonwealth?

At a crisis, when acknowledged talents, long experience in public affairs, unshaken integrity, conciliating and cautious manners, joined with decision of character, were qualities, infinitely important in one, who should be selected to preside in our government, we recognize, with devout thankfulness, the gracious hand of Almighty God, in again directing the public attention to your Excellency, and in directing your Excellency to consider the voice of the public, as the indication or duty. We rejoice to witness, in the supreme executive of our state government, a rich assemblage of those republican and Christian virtues, which shone with so benign a luster, in the purer ages of our country.

In the midst of those scenes and duties, which are connected with an office so highly responsible; while there are a thousand interests to regard, and a thousand temptations to resist; while, on the one hand, there are solicitations to repel, and, on the other, provocations to pass by and forgive, your Excellency, perhaps, needs not to be reminded, that there is scarcely a poor man among your constituents, whose situation, in regard to spiritual improvement, is less favorable, than your own. We implore for your Excellency a large supply of the spirit of Jesus Christ, that, when all human beings shall appear, as trembling suppliants, before the Divine Tribunal, it may be your glory, not that you have been frequently called to preside over a free state, but that, by divine grace, you have been enabled to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with God.

His honor, the Lieutenant Governor, will please to accept our respectful congratulations, that the second office in the gift of the people, has been again bestowed on him, in testimony of their high regard for the virtues of integrity, public spirit, and patriotism.

Notwithstanding the length of this discourse, I do entreat the attention of the Council, the Senate, and the House of Representatives, to a subject, intimately connected with the welfare of this state, and of our common country. War is one of the severest calamities, by which the Sovereign of the universe dispenses punishment to guilty nations. The evils of our present condition are too sensibly felt by men of all descriptions and sentiments, to render a minute delineation of them, either expedient or necessary. As to their origin, it is attributed, by a portion of our citizens, to partial, feeble, and ill judged policy in our national administration; by the rest, to an absolute necessity, resulting from the aggressions of a powerful and imperious nation. On this subject, it is not my present design to offer any opinion. I have no wish to add fuel to the flames of party zeal, which already rage with a heat so intense, as threatens o dissolve our political establishments. Wherever may exist the immediate occasion of our unhappy condition, the ultimate cause is to be sought in our national character. The spirit of vice has diffused a deadly contagion throughout every state in the union. The infection is not unknown in this northern extremity, once so pre≠eminently the abode both of private and of public virtue. The holy Sabbaths of God are extensively violated by men of all conditions in life, and of all political creeds. As temptations to this sin have been recently multiplied, the evil has become enormous and intolerable. The habitual profanation of sacred things, but especially of the divine name and attributes, is as general as it is impious and demoralizing. The daemon of intemperance is stalking through our country, wasting our property, consuming our health, and destroying our best hopes, both from objects of earth, and from those beyond the skies. The morals of men hang loosely about them, and are too frequently thrown off whenever an assault is made by individual or party interest.

On this subject, I make a respectful, but solemn appeal to the honored legislators of the Commonwealth. Do you believe, that any state, community, or nation can be powerful, tranquil, and permanently happy, if their morals are extensively depraved? Would not the most alarming depravation of morals result from a general disbelief of the Christian religion? Would the happiness of families, would property or life be secure in a nation of Deists? If Christianity is the most powerful guardian of morals, are you not, as Civilians, bound to give it your support and patronage? Do you, in the least, question whether the institution of the Sabbath has an extensive influence in bringing to the view of men their dependence on God, the extent and purity of his law, the soul’s immortality, and a day of judgment? Is it doubtful, whether that reverent regard, with which this day was treated by our ancestors, was nearly connected with those habits of integrity, industry, sobriety, and moderation, for which they were so remarkable? Have not the general profanation of God’s name, and the inconsiderate use of that language, in which he has been pleased to express the sanctions of his law, a direct tendency to impair the influence of those sanctions, and to dissipate the fears of profligate men?

Probably there was never a time, since we became a nation, when the crime of perjury had become so frequent, as at present. This is the legitimate off spring of other sins, to which we have been long accustomed; and to those, who are acquainted with the human character, it can produce but little surprise. When the witness, the complainant, or the accused adds to his promise of uttering nothing but the truth, these words, so help me God, he does, indeed, imprecate on himself the divine anger, if his testimony should be designedly false. But imprecations of a similar import, he has used, perhaps, a thousand times without feeling his responsibility, or realizing the solemnity of an oath. That individual, therefore, especially if placed in a commanding station, who swears profanely, or violates the Sabbath, does much towards demolishing the foundations, on which civil society is supported. He breaks up the fountains of the great deep; the waters will rush out from their caverns, and overflow the earth. Whoever may be the immediate authors of our present sufferings, certain it is, that in order to our obtaining the blessings of permanent and solid prosperity, a reformation mast be effected in our national character.

The Greeks, with good reason, inveighed against the ambition of Philip. Nor with less reason were the patriots of Rome alarmed at the daring measures of Caesar. But neither did Philip nor Caesar impose a yoke on the necks of a free people. In both cases, the people were enslaved by their passions, and by the unrestrained depravity of the heart. Liberty was not immolated either at Chaeronea or Philippi. She had been long declining; and those places only witnessed her dying struggles. It is the immutable purpose of God, that a people, destitute of moral principle, shall be neither free nor happy. We may, therefore, consider Jehovah, speaking to us, as he once spake to Israel. Put away the evil of your doings from before mine eyes. Cease to do evil and learn to do well. Them, that honor me, I will honor: and they, that despise me, shall be lightly esteemed.

In making this appeal to the venerable guardians of the state, I do not suggest the idea of multiplying laws for the suppression of those vices, which have been mentioned. If the laws, now existing, were executed, the evil would soon be suppressed. If they can be executed, and are not, it is evident, where rest the responsibility and the guilt. But, if our national character has so degenerated, that magistrates would not be supported in executing the laws; if the torrent is so heavy and rapid, as to overwhelm the civil authority then is immediate reformation our only hope. Considering the numbers, which compose this legislative body, the talents, wealth, and character, which it embraces, its influence, if concentrated on a particular object, would be incredibly powerful. There is scarcely a town or plantation in the Commonwealth, which is not here represented. That you have popularity and influence in your respective towns and districts, is evident from the places of honor, which you now hold. You are, therefore, the persons to engage in this work of reform. You may unquestionably do much. And, permit me to say, that when God gives means and ability, there is something, which he will require us to give in return; I mean an account of the manner, in which we use them. Nothing, at present, is better understood, than systematical operation. Our political contentions have taught us to carry this art to high perfection. Let there be the same union of zeal and system to suppress vice, and to revive the habits, the spirit, and piety of our forefathers, which is discovered in bearing down a rival interest, and your names will be forever recorded, as the honored instruments of perpetuating the union, and of achieving the salvation and glory of your country.

THE END

Sermon – Election – 1814, Connecticut


This election sermon was preached by Rev. Dan Huntington on May 12, 1814.


sermon-election-1814-connecticut

THE LOVE OF JERUSALEM, THE PROSPERITY OF
A PEOPLE

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

HARTFORD,

MAY 12, 1814.

BY DAN HUNTINGTON,
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN MIDDLETOWN.

HARTFORD:
PRINTED BY HUDSON AND GOODWIN
1814.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford in said State, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1814.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Asher Miller, and Elijah Hubbard, Esq. return the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend DAN HUNTINGTON, for his Sermon preached before this Assembly on the 12th day of May instant; and request a copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by
THOMAS DAY, Secretary.
 

ELECTION SERMON.

PSALM cxxii. 6.
They shall prosper that love thee.

THE object placed before us in this promise is prosperity. The affection connected with, and leading to it, is love. The context shows us that it is the love of Jerusalem. “They shall prosper that love thee.”

The Psalm which contains these words was written by David, to be publicly sung by his countrymen assembled in that capital, to celebrate some public festival. “Our feet” they said, “shall stand within thy gates, O Jerusalem. Jerusalem is builded as a city that is compact together: whither the tribes go up, the tribes of the Lord; to the testimony of Israel; to give thanks unto the name of the Lord: for there are set thrones of judgment; the thrones of the house of David. Pray for the peace of Jerusalem. They shall prosper that love thee.”

WHAT IS INTENDED BY PROSPERITY? And

WHY MAY IT BE EXPECTED IN THE WAY HERE MENTIONED?—These are the two leading inquiries which will now direct our meditations.

By prosperity, we commonly understand success in our exertions, or the attainment of our wishes. If favoured in our enterprises, be they what they may, we think ourselves prosperous. In this general sense, the term is often used in the scriptures; and is there applied to the enemies of God, as well as his friends. The wicked are there represented, in many instances, as gratified to the extent of their most sanguine hopes. “They have more than heart could wish. They increase in riches. Their eyes stand out with fatness. Their strength is firm. They are not in trouble as other men; neither are they plagued like other men.”

Affluence, popularity, talents, health, long life, and an easy death, are often granted to the very basest of men. The unprincipled libertine, the sordid worldling, the wretch who would rise to influence upon the ruin of his country, the unbelieving and abominable of every description,–“who set their mouth against the heavens, and say—how doth God know, and is there knowledge with the Most High?—Behold these are the ungodly that prosper in the world.” They, as often as others, perhaps, have the attainment of their wishes and exertions, in whatever they set their hearts upon for happiness. Such prosperity, however, is undesirable. It is “the prosperity of fools,” which “shall destroy them.” “I was envious at the foolish,” says the Psalmist, “when I saw the prosperity of the wicked: until I went into the sanctuary of God: “Then understood I their end.”—When they have done the work, for which they were raised up; accomplished the period of their trial; and their characters are sufficiently developed, “they are brought into desolation in a moment;” and the advantages, with which they have been favoured, but have abused, all turn against them.

On the other hand, desirable prosperity is the attainment of our wishes, in whatever is conducive to real, permanent happiness. This is the prosperity, promised in the text; and is applicable, both to individuals and communities. The promise, you notice, is without limitation. It is as much as to say, all shall prosper, in whatever connexion, or under whatever circumstances, we contemplate them, who have the qualification mentioned.

As applied to individuals, it imports, that their souls shall be in health: it applies, peace of mind: reputation: property, so far as it is a blessing:–all, in short, that contributes to substantial enjoyment in life; consolation in death; and blessedness in immortality. Strictly speaking, it implies advancement in all these things: or the means of happiness, in a progressive state. This prosperity, being peculiar to the friends of God, is what we find spoken of in his word, as enjoyed by his servants, eminent for piety. Thus, it is said of Joseph, that “the Lord was with him, “and he was a prosperous man.” So it is said of Solomon, that “he prospered:” of Hezekiah, also: of Daniel: and of others.

As applied to communities, everything is included in the promise, which is conducive to national glory and happiness. That people may be said to prosper, who, elevated as to their national character, and happily exempted from national judgments, are, under the divine smiles, making improvement in their laudable pursuits; and who, aiming to regulate themselves by the great and leading principles of revealed religion, feel, in every grade and department of life, the benign influence of those principles.

Unmingled happiness, indeed, derived from these sources, to people have ever yet found, nor may ever expect to find in a world of sin. The promise of the text includes as large a portion of happiness, both private and social; political and religious; as may be expected to fall to the lot of mortals, in the present state. And who does not desire such prosperity? Who, that has the feelings of a man, does not wish it, for himself? Who, that justly claims the character of a patriot, does not wish it for his country? How readily are they, that have been the instruments of procuring it for us, whether in public, or in private stations, requited with our gratitude, our esteem, and our confidence!—And not without reason: for prosperity, we see, in the best sense of it, is increasing happiness. Our next enquiry is,

WHY MAY IT BE EXPECTED IN THE WAY MENTIONED IN THE TEXT?

But what is that way? Whence are we encouraged to hope for this prosperity? Is it a thing of chance? Is it to be derived from human means? Is it the effect of good calculations merely? May it be expected, from common endowments and efforts? Shall we look for it, from armies, and from navies? Shall we look for it, from splendid achievements in the field, or from brilliant talents in the cabinet? Good is the word of the Lord, “Let not the wise man glory in his wisdom; neither let the mighty man glory in his might. Put not your trust in princes, nor “in the son of man, in whom there is no help.” The promise is to none of these. It is, as has been observed, to those, that love Jerusalem.

The literal Jerusalem, it will be remembered, was redeemed by David, the captain of the hosts of Israel, out of the hands of the Jebusites, to be God’s city; the holy place of his rest; where he would dwell forever. It was the place of the royal residence, and the city of the Jewish solemnities. There was the throne of the house of David. There was the temple. There the Most High established his worship. Thither the tribes resorted. There was statedly heard the voice of praise and thanksgiving. It was a place, for the protection of which, God repeatedly, and in a wonderful manner, interposed by his providence. The extraordinary regard, which he was pleased to testify toward it, ennobled this metropolis, above all other cities, however populous or magnificent. It was a city which, however contemptible, at times, it might appear, in the eyes of the world, was favoured with the special presence of her God. Here, by pouring out his soul a sacrifice, the beloved Saviour made atonement for the sins of the world. Here, was first heard the glad news of reconciliation with God, for penitent sinners in the name of Jesus. It was the city, which God had appointed to be the place for the first gathering of the converts to Christianity, after the ascension of the Saviour: the place of that remarkable effusion of the Holy Spirit, on the Apostles and primitive Christians, which took place, on the day of Pentecost: the place, also, whence the Gospel was to sound forth, into all the world. What it was, however, is but of little importance to us, since it has lain, now, for many centuries, in ruins, excepting that it was a lively emblem of the Spiritual Jerusalem. It was, doubtless, in all these respects, the most eminent type of the Christian Church, with which the people of God were formerly favoured. Accordingly, when speaking of the Church of God, how often do the sacred writers call it by the names Jerusalem; and “the city of the living God!” Unclothed of metaphor, then, the promise is to those, who have at heart the great interests of the Redeemer’s kingdom. That people will be truly prosperous, where the Gospel, and its institutions, are suitably regarded; and where the religion of Christ, in its several branches, is treated, as being what it is, “The one thing needful.” These, as will be more fully seen, in other parts of the discourse, are the things included in that love of Jerusalem, which is the condition of the promise.

It is evident, then, whence we are to look for prosperity. The enquiry now returns with force—Why are we to look for it, in the way here mentioned? Principally, I think for two reasons. Because it is the way, in which it always has been obtained: and because in the temper of heart, implied in the affection here specified, and in that tenour of life, which is the natural fruit of it, are found the only ingredients of true prosperity. It is the way, in which it always has been obtained.

That communities, as well as individuals, have ever enjoyed prosperity, in proportion to their attachment to the cause of God, in the world, and to their zeal in promoting its interests, is a fact which, from investigation, will be found incontrovertible. The experience of all past ages, in concurrence with the declarations and promises of Jehovah, evinces it. “The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom” equally to nations, as to individuals. “Them that honour me” saith the Most High, “I will honour.” “If ye be willing and obedient, ye shall eat the good of the land,” is a promise, by no means limited to Israel. Look the history, however, is more replete with instruction upon this point, than that of the Jews. Contrast their condition, then, with that of the nations around them, and you see the subject strikingly illustrated. “To them, pertained the adoption; and the glory; and the covenants; and the giving of the law; and the promises.” They were exalted to heaven, by their privileges, which they, often, shamefully abused. They, sometimes, fell into unbelief and idolatry. But as a people their attachment to Jerusalem was habitually ardent; and their prosperity, in conformity to the promises of God, was answerable to their piety.They, sometimes, fell into unbelief and idolatry. But as a people their attachment to Jerusalem was habitually ardent; and their prosperity, in conformity to the promises of God, was answerable to their piety.

The promises made them, were such as the following: “If ye walk in my statutes, and keep my commandments and do them; then will I give you rain in due season, and the land shall yield her increase, and the trees of the field shall yield their fruit: and your threshing shall reach unto the vintage, and the vintage shall reach unto the sowing time; and ye shall eat your bread to the full, and dwell in your land safely. And I will give peace in the land, and ye shall lie down, and none shall make you afraid. And ye shall chase your enemies, and they shall fall before you by the sword. And five of you shall chase an hundred, and an hundred of you shall put ten thousand to flight. And I will walk among you; and will be your God, and ye shall be my people.” These, and promises similar to them, were renewed, and often repeated to this people. What can be more explicit? But so exactly were they accomplished, that what is contained in them may be considered a king of prophetical abstract of their future history. So apparent was it, that the Lord was with them, to protect and bless them, that surrounding nations stood in awe of them. The remarkable prosperity, that attended them, in everything, convinced those, who beheld it, that they were under the immediate care of the God, whom they worshipped, and whose covenant people they professed to be.

We find an illustration of the same fact, from comparing particular periods, in the history of this people, when religion pervaded the different ranks in society, with other periods, when religion was generally neglected. What prosperity attended them, for instance when they came up, a handful comparatively, but came up in the strength of the God of armies, to take possession of Canaan! “The hearts of their enemies,” whither they went, “the kings of the Amorites, and the kings of the Canaanites, even melted,” when they heard what the Lord had done, and was doing for them. “The very stars, in their courses, fought for them,” till having completed their victories, and overcome innumerable difficulties and dangers, they obtained quiet possession of the goodly land, an inheritance for themselves, and their children. Their pious leader at the close of life, having assembled the elders of Israel, their heads, their judges, and their officers, is careful to remind them of the covenant faithfulness of God, in all this, and to impress it upon them, that their future prosperity would depend upon the continuance of their obedience. “Behold,” says Joshua, “this day, I am going the way of all the earth, and ye know, in all your hearts, and in all your souls, that not one thing hath failed of all the good things, which the Lord your God spake concerning you: all are come to pass unto you, and not one thing hath failed thereof. Be ye therefore very courageous, to keep, and to do, all that is written in the book of the law of Moses, that ye turn not aside therefrom, to the right hand, or to the left. But cleave unto the Lord your God, as ye have done, unto this day.” As their success, in every laudable undertaking, had hitherto been according to their reverence for God, and his institutions, so should it be, in all future periods. And so it proved. How exactly was it, according to the word of the Lord, by his prophet! “The Lord is with you, while ye be with him: and if ye seek him, he will be found of you, while ye be with him: and “if ye seek him, he will be found of you, but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.” While they manifested a holy zeal for God, and for the honour of his house, they were, eminently, that happy people, whose God is the Lord.” When they sought him, he was found of them, and delighted to own, to bless, and to build them up. On the other hand, when they generally violated their covenant obligations, became unmindful of the God of their mercies, and forsook him, then did he forsake them. Forsaken have they now seen, for ages, and, in their different dispersions, stand as an awful beacon, to warn men everywhere of the danger of disobedience and unbelief.

From what has taken place, since the Messiah’s advent, we gain still further proof of the point in question. Why have nations, professedly Christian, been preserved, like God’s chosen people of old, through a series of ages; and though comparatively feeble, and unprotected by any human arm, been highly elevated; while the great pagan empires of the East, by an influence unseen, have been successively crumbling into atoms? Any why, in civilization, in refinement, in liberty, in religion, and in everything, that stamps dignity upon the character of a people, and renders existence a blessing, have the reformed nations of Europe been distinguished from those, that have been led away, by the delusions of Mohammed and the abominations of Antichrist? Are we at loss for an answer? We have it, in the text. “They shall prosper that love Jerusalem.”

The nations, that have enjoyed this prosperity, were the lovers of the Lord, and of his interest. They were careful to maintain a reverence for divine institutions. “The Sabbath was their delight, and the holy of the Lord, honorable.” Their children were brought up in “the nurture and admonition of the Lord.” Unwearied pains were taken, to render them pious. Seminaries were extensively established, and liberally patronized to educate them for the service of the church. Faithful ministers, devoted to the business of their calling, and honourably supported in it, proclaimed the gospel message, with success. The love of Jerusalem warmed the hearts of the Legislators and Magistrates, and animated their exertions, in everything, that was laudable. Indeed, we need not go abroad, for illustration of the fact. We see its truth, in our own country. So obvious, and so striking is it, that the traveler, as he passes, can almost mark with his eye those districts, where the institutions of religion have been for any length of time regularly observed: and those, where the degraded inhabitants, in a Christian land have chosen to live like heathen. Thus, events, as they have hitherto taken place, in the world, are so many monuments, erected by the hand of heaven, for the benefit of succeeding ages. They lay open and help us profitably to explore the sources, both of prosperity and adversity. They solemnly admonish us, to avail ourselves of the means by which the latter may be avoided, and the former secured.

I am aware, that it will be said by some, prosperity is by no means confined to nations, enjoying the blessings, and regulating themselves by the principles of revealed religion. Others have enjoyed it. What others? Is it true, of the great pagan empires of antiquity? The last, and most flourishing of these, was the Roman. This was an extensive, and a wealthy dominion. The people were far advanced in many of the arts of civilized life. But were they, what is denominated by the Spirit of God, prosperous? Were they happy? Could that people be happy where lust and cruelty were not only practiced, but licensed; where human sacrifices loaded their altars; where deformed children were murdered; and where the shows of gladiators cost them more lives, than the most bloody wars? These, and the like enormities, in that day, were common.

Among modern nations, as examples of prosperity, without Christianity, China and India, are sometimes mentioned. They, also, are great, I allow. They are powerful and politic. They are ingenious. Their soil is fruitful, and they are favoured with the commerce of all civilized nations. They have been, particularly the former of these empires has been happily exempt from bloody wars. It has existed for ages, unsubdued. After all, what is the condition of China? As to moral and social character, they are, as a people, singularly debased. With respect to many of their customs, decency must blush, and humanity shudder to behold them. Nor is the eye relieved, at all, by being turned to the neighbouring country, that has been mentioned; where delusion holds, if possible, a more extensive sway; where infanticide is common; where a family of children, when by the providence of God, they have lost one parent, are left doubly orphans, deprived by a barbarous superstition of the other: where to avoid the scorn and resentment of nearest relatives, tens of thousands, of wretched females, are yearly compelled to ascend the funeral pile of their husbands, there to be burned alive, their own children kindling the fire, whilst their agonizing shrieks are drowned by the noise of drums, and the savage shouts of surrounding multitudes. 1

But we need not examine, too closely, the dark shades of the picture; we need not go far, into “the chambers of their imagery,” to understand the state of society, among this people. Their delusions, their horrid rites and ceremonies, are familiar to our ears. With all the advantages indulged them, prosperity is not theirs. When these examples are mentioned, to invalidate the doctrine contended for, it seems to be forgotten, that the happiness of nations depends more upon their moral habits, than upon any natural endowments, or political greatness.

From what we have yet seen, then, of the dealings of God with communities, in times past, we resume the ground that was taken, under this head of argument, and say, that he will continue to prosper those, that love Jerusalem, and in direct proportion to their love, because he always has done it. That he will do this, we may believe, also, Because in the temper of heart, implied in the affection, here specified, and in that tenour of life, which is the natural fruit of it, are found the only ingredients of true prosperity. THEY SHALL PROSPER THAT LOVE THEE. The affection here specified is LOVE. In this affection abstractly considered, is implied every quality, that assimilates the creature to the Creator, who, when described, in the whole assemblage of his perfections by a single term, is called LOVE. It is an affection, which, as it “is the fulfilling of the law,” embraces all the essential principles and duties of real religion. It imports a sound faith, and a life of obedience: purity of heart, and unspotted manners: godliness and honesty: the bridling of the tongue, and the government of the passions: a sincere profession of religion, in short, and a correspondent practice. Inspired with this affection, the glory of God, the honour of the Redeemer, and the good of souls, rise superior to every other consideration. Beholding the transcendent beauty, reflected from such objects, they who are thus favoured, look down with disgust, upon the pursuits of sin. Captivated with the scenes, continually unfolding themselves, and with the objects passing in review before them, under the government of the Most High God, they not only rest satisfied that all things are in good hands, but their hearts are lifted up in joy, admiration, gratitude, and praise. “They rejoice in hope of the glory of God.” Animated by the “hope, which entereth into that within the vail,” they set a just estimate upon the world and the things of it. Having in them, “the same mind that was also in Christ Jesus,” their ardent desire, above everything, is to be found faithful to their Master by doing good to all men, as they have opportunity. Feeling, in their own souls, the blessings of the great salvation, they long to have all men, partaking with them. Their hearts burn, with the most ardent desires; their fervent prayers are poured forth; their hands are opened to contribute; their services are offered; that the Redeemer’s name, and salvation through him, may be known as far as the earth is inhabited. Under the impulse of such a principle of action, they cannot fail to be useful. If called to fill stations of power and trust, their influence is “as the light of the morning, when the sun ariseth, even a morning without clouds: as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining, after rain.” “How beautiful, upon the mountains, are the feet of him so,” cloathed with such a spirit, “bringeth good tidings of good,” to the perishing; “that publisheth peace and salvation; that saith unto Zion, thy God reigneth!” And in every condition, whether humble or exalted, “Whatsoever things are hones; whatsoever things are just; whatsoever things are pure; whatsoever things are lovely; whatsoever things are of good report,” they all grow, as natural fruit, from this spirit of Love. We need not enquire, therefore, why communities, made up of such characters, and where such an affection predominates, are prosperous. All the necessary ingredients are inherent in the very constitution of such bodies, which can promote prosperity. To such communities, as well as to such characters, the Apostle Paul says, “All things are yours.” “The righteous Lord loveth righteousness,” and will never fail to be “the rewarder of them, that diligently seek him.” Where “pure and undefiled religion” is maintained among a people; where the true God is known and adored; where his law is acknowledged as the proper standard of morality; where guilty mortals, feeling themselves condemned by it, fly to the gospel of his Son, as “a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation;” where the ordinances of the gospel are generally observed, with implicit faith in their adorable Author; and where, as the natural effect of the gospel spirit, thus prevalent, the rising generation are trained up for God; where human laws are good, and faithfully executed; where qualifications for office are properly attended to; and the duties of office are properly discharged; that people are the secure of all that can rationally be desired.

The argument gains strength, too, I think, from considering, a little more minutely, the precise object, to which the affection here specified is to be directed. It is Jerusalem; by which, as we have seen, is intended the church of God. To his redeemed church, and covenant people, the ever blessed God has always sustained a peculiar relation. It is a relation, which will never be dissolved. Accordingly, we uniformly find him expressing the most tender regard for them. “They shall prosper,” therefore, “that love Jerusalem,” because, in loving her, they love what God loves. Their affections meet and centre in the same object. Jerusalem, the church of God, is, emphatically, the beloved city. The plan of it was in the divine mind, from eternity. All that is passing before us, in the kingdoms of nature, of providence, and of grace, are but parts, included in this plan. Before the world was, God determined to make a display of his rich grace, in Christ Jesus, by erecting and completing such a city. It was in view in creation; it was, all along, in view, in the great work of redemption; and all events have hitherto rolled on, with reference to it, in the government of the world. It is, not only altogether the most important of the works of God, other things are important, only as they bear relation to it, and help it forward. The materials for it, gathered from the ruins of the fall, God has been preparing, and bringing together, in different ages, with reference to the final consummation, which shall be, “to the praise of the glory of his grace.” “God saw that the wickedness of man was great in the earth,” but determined that his own glory should not, on this account, be the less conspicuous. His purposes must be accomplished. “From Zion was to go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem,” that the ravages of sin might be counteracted; that those lusts and passions, which would otherwise, keep the world in confusion, might be restrained; that many sons and daughters might be brought home to glory; that finally the world might be regenerated; and thus the machinations of the Devil be defeated; and that, thus, also, “unto principalities and powers in heavenly places, unto angels, as well as unto men,” might be known by the church “the manifold wisdom of God.”

This city is peculiarly the residence of the living God: and hence, in answer to her supplications, he makes all the most glorious displays of himself, that are ever made, in the world. It is a city which, in answer to the prayer of faith, has been “enlarging the place of her tent,” and “stretching forth the curtains of her habitations,” in defiance of all opposition. “The kings of the earth have set themselves, and the rulers have taken counsel together, against the Lord, and against his anointed, saying let us break their bands asunder, and cast away their cords from us.” The cry of the pagan idolater of the unbelieving Jew, of the beast, and of the false prophet, concerning this feeble, and apparently contemptible city, has been “raze it; raze it; even to the foundations thereof:” but always, hitherto, have they found themselves disappointed. “Having, for its foundation, the apostles and prophets;” having “Jesus Christ, as the chief head and corner stone;” it still lives, and rises into “an holy temple of the Lord:” a temple, in which every believer is a “lively stone;” a temple which grows, with every revival of religion; and with the conversion of every redeemed soul; and which finally, embracing every child of God, of every age and nation, will become, in a peculiar sense, “an habitation of God through the Spirit,” where he will be worshipped, in a pure and perfect manner forever. Never will he forsake the city of his love. Never will he abandon those, who have an attachment to her. Never will he forsake the dear people, for whom the Redeemer bled, and on whose behalf, the Holy Ghost was sent down. As God is faithful to his promises, “They shall prosper.” “Behold! Saith the Lord,” to Jerusalem, “I have graven thee, upon the palms of my hands, thy walls are continually before me.” “No weapon, that is formed against thee, shall prosper, and every tongue, that shall rise against thee, in judgment, thou shalt condemn.” “Glorious are the things, spoken of thee, O thou city of God!” Happy are all they who, enrolled as thy citizens, have for their friend and father, the God who is in the midst of thee! With Balaam, therefore, may we not take up our parable and say, “Surely there is no enchantment against Jacob, neither is there any divination against Israel! How shall we curse, whom God hath not cursed; or how shall we defy, whom God hath not defied? Behold! We have received commandment to bless: He hath blessed and we cannot reverse it.”

A direct inference from the whole is, that Where there is not a love for Jerusalem, that people cannot prosper. If there be a God, and if not, “let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die”—if there be a God, “who loveth righteousness, and who hateth iniquity,” they cannot prosper. As his declarations are true, they cannot. As the promise, in the text, together with others, that speak the same language, have any meaning in them, they cannot. They cannot prosper in the nature of things. Communities, made up of irreligious characters, “who regard not the work of the Lord, neither consider the operation of his hands,” contain within themselves all the materials of wretchedness and dissolution. For wise reasons, they may be permitted to exist, and for a time to flourish, as we often see, but they cannot prosper. They cannot be happy. Nothing gives permanent peace, real happiness, or that which deserves the name of prosperity to a state, but the influence, derived from the purposes of God’s redeeming love in Jesus Christ, extensively diffused and felt, through its different departments.

By the mere politician, whose views are limited to the present condition of man; who sees, in the great events, that are taking place, in the world, only the workings of human passions; and who looks for the destinies of Empires, no higher, than to the fellow-worm, who fills the chair of state, such a sentiment, I know will be spurned, as weak and visionary. I do not, however, retract the suggestion. Let the luke-warm professor start at it, and let infidel sneer, if he will; but let them know from God, that accursed is everything, which is not in subserviency to the interests of the Redeemer’s kingdom. That “sin is a reproach to any people”; that obedience to the divine institutes shall e rewarded; and that disobedience shall be punished; is the general tenor of the word of God. “Hath he said, and shall he not do it? Hath he spoken, and shall he not make it good.” “Thus saith the Lord of hosts, I am jealous for Jerusalem, with a great jealousy.” He is jealous for her honour, as he is for that of his own name. He watches over her continually. He notices what is done, both for and against her. His love, and endeared relation to her, will not permit him to overlook any circumstance, either of injury or neglect. Under his government, therefore, communities, where the interests of his church are, for the most part, excluded; where her sacred institutions, to say the least, are treated with cold indifference by the multitude; where his very being is not acknowledged; where his perpetual and universal providence is not regarded; where his authority is not felt; and where, as the natural effect of all this, gross immorality is rampant, cannot long flourish. They may have the appearance of prosperity, for a time, but “Their root is as rottenness, and their blossom shall go up, as the dust, because “they have cast away the law of the Lord of hosts, and despised the word of the Holy One of Israel.”

The covenant with Israel was, indeed, in some respects, peculiar, and no other people is governed, exactly, according to the same rule. God, however, deals with nations everywhere, as collective bodies: and to all who believe in his existence, and are favoured with his revealed will, as their guide, he says, as to his people of old, “If thou wilt not hearken to the voice of the Lord thy God, to do all his commandments, and his statutes, which I command thee, this day; cursed shalt thou be in the city, and cursed shalt thou be in the field. Cursed shall be thy basket and thy store. Cursed shalt thou be, when thou comest in, and cursed shalt thou be, when thou goest out.” Individuals will exist, and be judged, and be recompensed, in a future state: but collective bodies, having no future existence, will, therefore, be recompensed in this world. And as a tender regard to the cause of God, in the world, ensures national prosperity; so impiety, especially, where churches are established, and the ordinances of the gospel are enjoyed, will inevitably end, in the ruin of a people. In that government, which is to stand, and for any length of time to be happy, in the enjoyment of the divine smiles, there must be “pure religion”; there must be a careful attention to the soul; there must be a love for Jerusalem; and a sincere attachment to her interests, interwoven in its very contexture.

The world stands, as a theatre, on which the mighty work of redemption is carried on, until that work shall be accomplished. Civil government is an ordinance of God, instituted with express reference to this kingdom, and is to be administered, in subserviency to its interests. If it be not administered for Jehovah, it is against him, and will certainly incur his malediction. The potentates of the earth, be they good or bad men, wise or foolish, are raised up, with reference to this kingdom, and are employed in carrying on the dispensations of the Most High, towards his people, either of mercy, or of judgment, as their obedience, from time to time, pleads for the one, or their transgressions call for the other.

Two grand and leading interests divide the whole order of intelligent creatures, that of Him, “who hath on his vesture, and on his thigh, a name written, King of Kings, and Lord of Lords”; and that of him who is styled “The God of this world: the prince of the power of the air, who worketh in the children of disobedience.” The former, with all that appertains to it, will endure when this earth and these heavens are no more; it will flourish, in immortal youth and beauty. The latter, and everything leagued with it, shall be utterly consumed.

We, therefore, further learn from our subject, the importance of having for rulers, men who are decidedly religious. And, here, I am happy to avail myself of an observation of the pious and learned Scott; who says, “Magistracy is an ordinance of God; they therefore, who are employed, even in the most subordinate offices of government, should be chosen persons, able men, of clear heads, and sound judgments; such as fear God, and from a principle of genuine piety, are steadily men of truth, of integrity and fidelity; and have learned to hate covetousness; that they may shake their hands, from holding of bribes, and administer justice impartially. What then,” he enquires, “ought law-givers, and supreme magistrates, to be? Happy, indeed, are the people, that are blessed with such rulers, yea blessed are the people who have the Lord for their God.” 2

In a free government, the example of rulers must necessarily be commanding and influential. If they have not a love for Jerusalem, it can hardly be expected that this affection will very extensively diffuse itself in society. To have the streams salubrious, the fountain must be pure. Thus, then, as it respects the prosperity of a state, the character of those, to whom the management of its public concerns is entrusted, is a thing of vast importance. Their influence, in fixing the standard of public sentiment, upon all political and religious concerns, renders it desirable, that they should have the qualifications, pointed out by unerring wisdom. How desirable, that they should have personal piety! That virtue is necessary, all allow. All the changes of her praises have been repeatedly rung in our ears, ‘till the desired effect is lost.

Men and brethren, bear with me, while I freely plead before you, the cause of vital godliness.—I am always ready, to testify my regard to what is commonly called morality. It is entitled to commendation. It has its reward. But, there is not a single consideration, in favour of morality, as a qualification for office, which is not as much more in favour of undissembled piety, as the motives for action, drawn from eternity, outweigh those of time. Indeed, nothing but piety gives proper security for morality.

“Talk they of morals? O thou bleeding Love,
The grand morality, is love of thee.”
Nothing but piety in rulers gives proper security, for fidelity to the interests of human society; much less to those of the church. It is an observation which has been often repeated, but repeated from the best authority, and which from repetition can never lose its force, that, “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice, but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.” It is an observation, abundantly verified, by the experience of many generations. When Israel was favoured with rulers, that were righteous, how was their influence felt, through the body of the nation! How prosperous their circumstances under Moses, and Joshua, and Samuel! When, under the former dispensation, was the church ever more flourishing; when were the lovers of the Lord, and of his Jerusalem, more numerous; when were divine ordinances better attended; and religion, as to all its dearest interests, more suitably regarded, than in the days of David, and of Solomon, and of Asa, and of Jehosaphat, and of Hezekiah, and of Josiah, and when did the nation ever enjoy equal prosperity?

On the other hand, when men were exalted to places of distinction, who manifested no proper regard to the authority of God, like a deadly plague, the infection ran through the vitals of the body politic, polluting the whole frame. The same is visible, in a degree, in every other nation. How desirable, then, to see men in office, decidedly religious. Those, therefore, entrusted with the right of suffrage, cannot be too careful in exercising it. Be it impressed upon the people, that in exercising that right, it is unsafe to place the concerns of civil society, in the hands of men destitute of religion.

An awful responsibility, also, methinks, rests upon those who accept the trust reposed in them, of “ruling over men.” They are the “Ministers of God,” and how amazing the consequences, both to themselves and to society, if they be not found “Ministers of God, for good!” How amazing the consequences, if found unfaithful to the interests of that cause, for which they were raised up, and brought forward to the places, which they fill! “He that ruleth over men”—with what solemnity and force, does the sacred penman preface the precept! “Now these be the last words of David: David the son of Jesse said: and the man, “who was raised up on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob, and the sweet Psalmist of Israel, said: the Spirit of the Lord spake by me, and the word was in my tongue; the God of Israel said; the rock of Israel spake to me.”—What? What is it thus ushered into special notice? “He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.” He must be just. Now justice demands that we render to all their due; not only “to Cesar the things that are Cesar’s, but to God, also, the things that are God’s.” To be just toward God, is to render him his due: it is to render him the honour and glory, which are his due, by listening to his instructions; by walking in his statutes; and by obeying his commandments. It is nothing less, than by a voluntary act of self-dedication, to acknowledge ourselves as his, in the New Covenant. It is to be truly religious. He that ruleth over men, then, to be what he ought to be, must have an attachment to the Redeemer’s kingdom, with “the love, that is strong as death, which many waters cannot quench, neither can the floods drown it.”

It is not morality, which the inspired writers speak of, as the leading qualification in rulers. Laying the axe at the root of the tree, they, everywhere, insist upon Justice: The fear of the Lord; Righteousness; which imply real piety. How, as is required of them, can they be “nursing fathers and nursing mothers” to the church, if they have not a real, sincere friendship to her interests? What, in short, have they to do, with the kingdom of the Redeemer, who belong to another kingdom?

Let us enquire then, are we, as a community, enjoying the prosperity, promised in the text? Are we seeking it, in the way here mentioned? If not, how may we expect to find it? We profess to reverence our forefathers. We speak of them, as wise, religious and happy. But are we walking in their footsteps? How did they seek and find prosperity? They did not forget Jerusalem. The interests of the church lay near their hearts. To enjoy civil and religious liberty unmolested, they sacrificed the endearments of life, in their native country. For these, they encountered innumerable dangers and difficulties, on the land, and on the ocean. Under the divine smiles, they planted the fair vine, which we now behold: under the shadow of which we so comfortably repose ourselves, and the fruits of which we so richly enjoy. But in what they did, let us remember, they kept the ark of God before them. The Bible was their guide. Their trust was in Zion’s God. In all their ways, they acknowledged him. Religion was incorporated, in their civil code. Our historian remarks, “all government was in the church. They early resolved, as a fundamental principle,” he further observes, “that the scriptures hold forth a perfect rule, for the direction and government of all men, in all the duties, which they perform to God and man; in families, in the commonwealth, and in the church; 3

That the work of the ministry might not be left undone, every religious society supported a pastor and a teacher. Magistrates and ministers of the gospel, like Moses and Aaron, and like Zerubbabel and Joshua, went hand in hand together, in building up the interests both of the church and the state. The religious instruction of the rising generation was provided for, and particular attention paid to establish them, in the great truths of the Bible. The happy effect was, that they grew up, favourably impressed with their importance, and were zealous to communicate the same blessings to their offspring. Thus was transmitted to us the fair inheritance, which we now behold. And shall ICHABOD be written upon it, under our guardianship? We felicitate ourselves, upon belonging to a section of the country, that has enjoyed almost unexampled prosperity. But are we secure of its continuance? Stands our mountain so strong, that it cannot be moved? Far otherwise. Have we not, already, reason to tremble at our departure, from the great principles, which regulated our illustrious forefathers? Does not our love for Jerusalem sensibly wax cold? What irreverence for God and his institutions, is there, in many places! What disregard to the Sabbath! What coldness in the things of religion! “How do the ways of Zion mourn, because so few come to her solemn feasts!” In how small a proportion of the families of Connecticut, is there the morning and evening sacrifice! What an inordinate attachment to property is there observable, as if it were the chief good! What a rage for speculations in trade, without regard to means or consequences; and as naturally connected with it, what a spirit of extravagance and dissipation is creeping in! How many silent laws, and how many inefficient magistrates! What an unnecessary multiplication of oaths administered, seemingly, but to be trifled with, and egregiously violated! Yes, Brethren, “Because of swearing the land mourneth.”

Permit me to add, as what I believe to be, at present, one of the darkest traits, in our public character, that in promoting men to places of distinction, and in filling those places, so little regard is shown to the great Head of the church; to his just and reasonable claims upon us; and to the general interests of his kingdom. Swerving from the simplicity and purity of the pilgrims of New-England, are there not those, brought forward to minister for God, in his temples of justice, and in the respective departments of our government, who scarcely believe in a Holy Ghost, who are “aliens from the commonwealth of Israel;” who are “strangers from the covenants of promise,” and who, in accepting the sacred trust committed to them, have regard to little else, than the honours, or the emoluments of office? “Because of these things, cometh the wrath of “God upon the children of disobedience.” Things being thus with us, to expect the continuance of prosperity, that prosperity, which is derived from the approbation and smiles of our God, is preposterous. “And knowing the time, is it not now high time to awake out of sleep?”

In speaking of the happiness of our forefathers, in comparison with our own, and the causes of it, I pretend not that “the former days were better than these,” in all respects. It would be attributing to them something more than human, to say that they had left no ground for improvement, to those who should come after them; and it would be, but justifiable self-respect, to say that this ground has been, in some measure, occupied. At the same time, be we careful to remember, that wherein we depart from “the faith” and practice “once delivered to “the saints,” we make no improvement. If the system pursued by our ancestors was not entirely unexceptionable; if it would not, in all its forms, adapt itself to the present state of society, where I ask, do we find one which, for so great a length of time, has secured to any people so large a portion of happiness?

I am, by no means, an advocate for laws which shall favour any one description of men to the injury of another. I have no desire to see, an empty profession of religion, the test for office. The unnatural and meretricious connexion of church and state, such as we observe in some of the corrupt governments of the east, are the abhorrence of my soul. What is desirable, is to see the minds of the people raised to a proper standard on the subject; aiming at the glory of God, and the honour of his Son; to see those who enjoy the elective franchise, voluntarily promoting men to places of power and trust, who are “not ashamed of the gospel of Christ.” If we have men who, by “a walk of faith,” “patience of hope,” and “labour of love,” give evidence of piety, by all means, other things being equal, let them have the preference.

Shall we here be met with the objections, that such sentiments, put in practice, are calculated to make hypocrites: that real characters of men cannot be known: and the like? But “who art thou, that judgest another man’s servant? Why dost thou judge, and why dost thou set at nought thy brother? To his own master, he standeth or falleth.” To denominate this or that man a hypocrite, is not our province, any further than we are evidently authorized by the rules of our Saviour. When we feel ourselves thus authorized; when we see men, in practice, deviating from their profession, it is easy, at any time, in a free government, like ours, to rank them with the openly immoral and irreligious. And though men cannot be known by their professions; yet our Lord has told us, how they may be known. “By their fruits,” says he, “shall ye know them.” And one of the first fruits of the Spirit of God, dwelling in the heart by faith, is obedience. “If ye love me, keep my commandments.” Where love and obedience are visible in the characters of men, they may be sufficiently known to be trusted.

Although, as has been publicly said, “it is not by profession, only, that men become the disciples of Christ;” although it is to be lamented, that the most detestable characters are sometimes found in the visible family of the Redeemer; although profession is nothing, without the Christian spirit, yet with the Christian spirit, is is a duty of an imperious character. It is what our master Jesus enjoins upon those that love him. No sincere follower of Christ will think lightly of it. Either Christ is our prince and lawgiver, or he is not. If not let us be consistent, and renounce the Christian name. If he be, let us obey him, in all his requirements.

Real religion so raises the disciple above the fear of men, and the shame of the cross; that he is not unwilling to stand forward, and own himself the friend of that Emmanuel, on whose atoning merits, he reposes himself for the salvation of his soul.

Like a good, and faithful, and obedient soldier, he wishes to be seen fighting under the banner of his Captain. “The child of Abraham,” who is “an heir according to promise,” esteems it an honour to “subscribe with his hand to the Lord, and to sirname himself by the name of Israel.” The citizen of the spiritual Jerusalem will be careful to have his name enrolled as a citizen, and will feel his obligations to do duty accordingly. He will not be deterred from what he believes to be his duty, through fear of incurring the odious appellation of hypocrite; nor from popular motives; nor by any selfish consideration.

The objections, therefore, to the “old way” of our fathers, and of the God of our fathers, are groundless. A departure from the “good paths,” in which they have walked, “and found rest to their souls,” I must think an ill-boding omen. So wide a departure as we witness at present, is peculiarly alarming. Unrepented of, what have we to expect, but that a holy God, “jealous for the honour of his name” and “jealous for his Jerusalem,” will leave us as his revolted heritage? What remains, then, but in “this our day to know the things that belong to our peace.”

The subject claims the special attention of the constituted authorities of the state, here present; and of the servants of Christ in the work of the gospel ministry. It has been, till of late, equally the honor and the happiness of this state, that from its first settlement, our principal offices have been filled by men, not backward to acknowledge themselves the friends of the great Redeemer. I mention it with peculiar pleasure, that to the present time, the chair of state has been filled, almost without exception, by men, not merely professors of religion, but men, whose characters have adorned their profession. The natural effect has been that religion and its institutions have ever been held in reverence, by the great body of the people. And where, on the whole, have we known greater prosperity? Our eyes, then, upon this occasion, are turned toward our civil fathers, while with some anxiety we ask, What are our prospects for the future?

You have now assembled, gentlemen, professedly to consult for the prosperity of the community, in which we live. You have seen, whence it is derived. You have seen, that as we have enjoyed, so we may expect prosperity, in proportion to our love for Jerusalem. For an example in this, as in every other thing which is laudable, we are looking to those who have, from their station, a leading influence. Have you then, sirs, that generous affection of heart; are you governed by that love, which is the condition of the blessing? Sustaining the relation which you do, to the community in which you live, you in justice owe to them the prosperity with which you are, in a sense, entrusted on their behalf. You owe to the present, and to future generations, the making of them virtuous and happy. It is with you to say, under the great Head of the church, whether the wise institutions of our venerable ancestors, which have secured to us so many blessings, shall be cherished; whether the gospel shall be preached to dying sinners; whether faithful men shall be supported in devoting themselves to the good work; whether the rising generation shall have the advantages which they need, to qualify them for the learned professions; whether seminaries of learning shall be well endowed, where they may be trained up for extensive usefulness in church and state; whether good and wholesome laws shall be enacted, and steadily enforced, and in these ways God be glorified, and the desolate, waste places of our Jerusalem be built up; or whether, by relaxing yet more and more, we shall become a prey to the destroyer. “If the Lord” THEN “BE God, follow him.” “Follow the Lamb, whithersoever he goeth.” Taking the word of God as your guide, be directed by it implicitly; and let it be seen, that the religion which it inculcates has a decision of character that is unwavering.

However the sentiments advanced in this discourse may be now received, the period cannot be far distant, when the Redeemer’s kingdom will rise to view, in its importance and glory.

“Six thousand years of sorrow have well-nigh
“Fulfill’d their tardy and disastrous course,
“Over a sinful world.”
“Behold the measure of the promise fill’d!
“See Salem built the labour of a God?
“Bright as a Sun, the sacred city shines;
“All kingdoms, and all princes of the earth,
“Flock into her; unbounded is her joy,
“And endless her increase.”
A prosperity will then be realized, which the nations have never yet seen. The love of Jerusalem will pervade all hearts. Vital religion will take possession of palaces and thrones. “The kingdom and dominion, and the greatness of the kingdom under the whole heavens shall be given to the people of the saints of the Most High.” The world will then be looked upon as God’s world. The kingdoms of the world, and the glory of them, will be considered as his. Christ the Lord, will be regarded as the head of all principality and power, “the Prince of the kings of the earth.” The attainments of the scholar, the honours of the statesman, and the trappings of the warrior, will be laid at his feet. Civil government will then be administered with reference to his interests. Rulers will use their delegated authority for him; and employing their influence, their riches, and their power for the glory of his church, their motto will be, “If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy.”

Whether we may see this day, in its brightness, or not, we may, if we will, begin to enjoy many of the blessings of it, as individuals, and as a people. From the commanding stations, which they hold, we are looking, with the mingled emotions of hope and fear, to those, who have the management of our public affairs to learn our destiny. “May the God of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of glory, give unto you” fathers, “the spirit of wisdom, that the eyes of your understanding being enlightened, ye may know what is the hope of his calling; and what the riches of the glory of his inheritance in the saints; and what is the exceeding greatness of his power, toward those who believe: according to the working of his mighty power; which he wrought in Christ Jesus, when he raised him from the dead, and set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places; far above all principality, and power, and might, and dominion, and every name, that is named, not only in this world, but, also, in that which is to come: and hath put all things under his feet, and gave him to be head over all things to the church, which is his body, the fullness of him that filleth all in all.”

The subject, also, claims the special attention of the servants of the Lord, in the work of the gospel ministry. As “watchmen upon the walls of Jerusalem,” brethren, we hold a station, under the great Head of the church, both honourable and useful. As “watchmen,” our duty may be comprised, perhaps, in vigilance and fidelity: vigilance to descry danger, and faithfulness, in time of danger, to give the alarm. “Son of man,” said the Spirit of God, to his servant of old “I have made thee a watchman unto the house of Israel: therefore hear the word, at my mouth, and give them warning from me.” The words are applicable to every minister of Christ. Let us remember, brethren, if we fail to give warning to the wicked, and they die in their iniquity, their blood will God require at our hand. But if they have the warning, and turn not from their wickedness, though they perish, we have delivered our souls. Awakened by all the animating motives, thus presenting themselves, in view of the station, which we hold, and the account we must give, at last, let us think of nothing but perseverance. Let each say with God’s servant of old, “For Zion’s sake will I not hold my peace, and for Jerusalem’s sake I will not rest, until the righteousness thereof go forth as brightness, and the salvation thereof as a lamp that burneth.” Our work is the noblest ever committed to mortals. If there are trials in it, they are the allotments of our Master. Whatever they may be, may we endure them with fortitude, and see to it, that we be found faithful to the interests of the beloved city. It is but a little time, in which we have either to do, or to suffer. Our fathers, where are they? Our brethren, also, where are they? In quick succession, they are passing away from the earth, and following each other to the retributions of eternity.

When last together, upon a similar occasion, the removal of eight ministers was mentioned, as “an unusual and awful mortality.” We have not to mourn the loss, of the same number, 4 who have left us, since the last anniversary election, some of whom were then our fellow-worshippers. Very soon, and we shall all be with them in the world of spirits. Let us so live and labour, that, through grace, our works may follow us to a blessed reward.

And who of this assembly can be named, that does not feel an interest in the truths, now suggested? Who, among us, does not wish prosperity to our common country? Who does not wish for private happiness? Behold them, here made over, and secured by promise, to all who love Jerusalem! How little, has either national or individual prosperity hitherto been sought, by an implicit reliance upon the divine promise! And shall the lively oracles of God, the only guide to happiness, lie by us thus neglected? Is there an object before us, so interesting, of such amazing magnitude—a city of which the blessed Redeemer is the head and law giver; which is the place of his peculiar residence; which he has principally regarded in all the administrations of his providence and grace; to the interests of which, all events are subservient; a city, which he never will forsake; holy in its character; immeasurable in its extent; and in its duration everlasting; all the inhabitants of which, he will make happy for time and eternity, and shall it not attract and ravish all hearts? Are we invited to become partakers together, in its immunities and shall acceptance be, with any, a thing of indifference? No longer, I beseech you, despise your mercies. We live in a day, in which, we peculiarly stand in need of these privileges. In such a day, precious to the believer are the promises of God’s word. Though “Heaven and earth pass,” yet what is here recorded will be remembered. When called to behold on the earth, “distress of nations with perplexity, the sea and the waves roaring, men’s hearts failing them for fear,” how comfortable to know that Zion’s God reigns, and that the Head of the church has mercifully provided for those that love him. “Though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea; though the waters thereof roar and be troubled, though the mountains shake with the swelling thereof: There is a river, the streams whereof shall make glad the city of God; the holy place of the tabernacles of the Most High. God is in the midst of her: she shall not be moved. God shall help her, and that right early.”

Whatever calamities there may be in the world, or persecutions in the church, before the end come, we are sure it shall be well with them, that love Jerusalem. They shall not only be preserved, they shall prosper. “All things shall work together, for good to them that love God.” Inconsiderable, and even contemptible, as this city may now appear to the eye of unbelief, yet Christ the Lord is in the midst of her in his glory, and she shall one day “become a praise in the earth.” That day cannot be far distant. We have striking, and constantly increasing evidence, of its near approach, in precious revivals of religion; in a mighty spirit stirred up, in many parts of Christendom, to make the name of Emmanuel known and glorified in the earth; in the removal of those barriers, which have hitherto obstructed the blessed work; and in the general fulfillment of prophecy. “The signs of the times” cannot be mistaken. The period in which we live forms an era, for Christian enterprise. Great projects, and great achievements, are daily coming into notice in the church, such as, from the days of the apostles, have been unknown. He who hath said, “Surely I come quickly,” is evidently on his way. Many “wise men have seen his star in” the east, and, attracted by his love, have “already presented unto him their gifts.” The holy scriptures, that testify of him, are now translated into almost every language. Millions, emerging from horrible darkness, begin to read in their own tongue the wonderful works of God. The princes and potentates of the earth are seen subscribing with their hands to the Lord, and lending their aid for the diffusion of his truth. Indeed, the train seems to be laid for an explosion, which will soon lay in ruins the infidelity and paganism of the old world. 5 The plot thickens, as the scene is drawing to a close. “The Sun of righteousness” is breaking from the cloud, that has long vailed his glory. There is a general movement of the church of God, upon earth. The servants of the Lord begin to “speak comfortably to Jerusalem,” and to cry to her, that her warfare is “well-nigh accomplished.” In a little time, and “the mystery of iniquity” will cease to work; neither the literal nor the mystical Jerusalem shall be longer “trodden down of the Gentiles,” but both Jews and Gentiles shall be “turned to the Lord.” “The vision is yet for an appointed time, but at the end it shall speak and not lie: though it tarry, wait for it, because it will surely come, it will not tarry.

Look, then, at the great events which are passing before you in the light of divine truth. Amidst the commotions and distractions, that agitate the world, keep your eye upon that kingdom, which cannot be moved. Let every revolution be contemplated, as connected with, and subservient to the Messiah’s reign upon earth. Enter into his views. Cast in your lot, with his people. Bind yourselves to the interests of his cause. Be obedient; be humble; be prayerful; be watchful. “Blessed are they that do his commandments, that they may have a right to the tree of life, and may enter in through the gates, into the city—the NEW JERUSALEM”—whose foundations are upon the holy and everlasting hills, which cannot be removed but standeth fast forever….AMEN.


Endnotes

1 See the splendid speech of Mr. Wilberforce, found in the parliamentary discussions on Christianity, in India.

2 Scott’s Family Bible—Practical observations on the xviii Chapter of Exodus.

3 Doct. Trumbull’s History of Connecticut. Chapters vi and xiii.

4 Reverend Joshua Belden, Wethersfield. Ozias Eells, Barkhamsted. John Foot, Cheshire. William Graves, Woodstock. Ammi R. Robbins, Norfolk. Lucas Hart, Wolcott. Simon Waterman, Plymouth. Samuel Mills, Chester.

5 As vouchers for the facts here stated, see the letter from Prince Galitzin, President of the Petersburgh Bible Society, to Lord Teignmouth, also that from Josiah Roberts, Esq. London, to Robert Ralston, Esq. of Philadelphia; also a very interesting communication from Dr. Naudi, relative to the spreading of Christianity, in the East, found in most of the religious magazines of the day.

Sermon – Fasting – 1814, Massachusetts


Elijah Parish (1762-1825) graduated from Dartmouth in 1785. He was the pastor of a church in Byfield, MA (1787-1825). This sermon was preached by Parish on the fast day of April 7, 1814.


sermon-fasting-1814-massachusetts

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED

AT BYFIELD,

ON

THE PUBLIC FAST,

APRIL 7, 1814

BY ELIJAH PARISH, D.D.

A DISCOURSE, &c.

EXODUS 5. 17, 18.

BUT HE SAID, YE ARE IDLE YE ARE IDLE; THEREFORE YE SAY, LET US GO AND
DO SACRIFICE TO THE LORD.
GO THEREFORE NOW, AND WORK: FOR THERE SHALL NO STRAW BE GIVEN
YOU, YET SHALL YE DELIVER THE TALE OF BRICKS.

That evil exists in the world, requires no proof. That tyranny and despotism are not among the smallest evils, which afflict the family of man, will be generally allowed; yet from the days of Nimrod to Napoleon, the earth has trembled under the iron foot of her tyrants. Their swords devour more than the pestilence; streams of blood follow their course; the sighs of the nations, and the tears of the world, are extorted chiefly by their oppression. The greater part of the windows, and the orphans, and the poor, and the miserable, and the dying, execrate them as the authors of their woes. Nor is this ferocious despotism peculiar to one form of government; whatever government is worst administered is worst. The Republics of Rome and Venice, and perhaps another, which alone exists, have been as oppressive as the despotism of Turkey, of Persia, or Japan.

Nor is it the least among the proofs of a divine superintendency, that great “good is often educed” from these political evils. Had not the barbarous despotism of Egypt extorted tears of blood and sighs of desperation, from the posterity of Jacob, they might possibly, till this day, have been the slaves of her servile princes, the vassals of her imported Mamelukes, repairing the cities, which their fathers built, plowing the fields, manured with their fathers’ bones. The sons of Israel were passionately attached to their union with this ancient Dominion. They and their fathers had been in the country about two hundred years. 1 They no longer had any predilection for the country of their forefathers nativity; they preferred the turbid Nile, to all the waters of Canaan; the plains of Egypt, to all the hills of Judea. So rooted were their attachments to their present connection, notwithstanding their oppressions, that Moses, who knew them well, so despaired of rousing them to demand their independence, that he said, “They will not hearken to my voice.” So it happened. After he had called on them, to redress their grievances themselves, instead of writing petitions; to act, instead of making melancholy faces; they met him, and said, “Ye have made our name to be abhorred;” “ye have put a sword in their hands to slay us.” You frighten us, and you will ruin us, by your bold preachments. “So they hearkened not unto Moses, for anguish of spirit and for cruel bondage. The political measures, which Moses urged, appeared rash and violent. Moderation was the popular doctrine; it therefore, became necessary that God in His providence should afflict, and distress, and ruin them, by the abominable measures of their government, to render them willing to adopt suitable measures for their own advantage.

To mention some of Israel’s oppressions, noticing any points of resemblance in our own country, which may happen to occur, and suggesting some happy results of those oppressions, is the present design.

I. I am to mention some of Israel’s woes.

1. The exactions and hard services of the government were among the evils endured by Israel. They were compelled to build the cities of Pithom and Raamses, to which it is thought, have succeeded Damietta and Cairo; They were probably compelled to raise the pyramids, those stupendous wonders of the world. These grievous hardships wore out their strength, exhausted their patience, and blasted their hopes. Exod. 5. 11. 13, 14. Their labours were, as various, as they were oppressive. The object of their tyrants was, not merely to enrich or aggrandize themselves; but to discourage and break down the spirits of Israel, to change the state of society, to bend their sturdy minds, to new modes of employment. Therefore, they made them serve in mortar, and brick, and in the field. New manufactures were, probably, established; or old ones extended. In the fields they might dig canals from the river, or carry out manure, while the pyramids demanded the greater part of their time. These, though externally, coated with stone, are partly of brick, just such brick, as the Israelites made, having straw or stubble, incorporated with the clay. Accordingly history informs us, that Sesostris, whom a learned writer 2 supposes to be the Pharaoh of scripture, caused it to be inscribed on all his great works. “No native Egyptian labored on this.” If strangers performed these labours, who so probably as the enslaved Israelites? Taskmasters were set over them; princes of burdens, it may be rendered. The laws were unjust; the manner of executing them was barbarous. Josephus says that his countrymen were forced to dig canals, to raise walls, to build the pyramids, and finally, that they were forced to learn all sorts of mechanic arts. It is therefore, an old scheme of cunning Tyrants, to drive their people from commerce and agriculture, to engage them in manufactures. This enfeebles their powers of body and mind, and makes them fit for slaves, and tools of despots. Therefore, the daring sons of Abram were no longer permitted to sail on the “Great Sea” to “the mart of nations, whose merchants were princes.” They were not allowed to navigate the Red Sea; nor to bring spices and all precious things from the East.

I do not pretend to discover any likeness between the Pharaohs of Egypt, and the Presidents of America. If all intelligent hearers perceive a surprising resemblance, between their laws and measures, I pray you to remember that Pharaoh was raised up to afflict, to punish, and ruin his wicked country; our rulers are chosen, and approved by the people. They are, therefore, pronounced honorable men. Would any people choose Pharaohs to crush and ruin their best hopes?

2. Another grievance of Israel was, their hopes of domestic felicity were blasted; their sons were torn from them. This order of the Egyptian government argues, that they had lost all the sentiments of humanity, that they sported with the rights of their subjects, that they must have been the terror of the people and the scourges of God.

“But why is this introduced? Has anything resembling this taken place in this Christian country, of chosen Rulers? Has any little Moses been heard weeping on the river?”—Ye, who make these enquiries are abundantly able to return the answer. Concerning two unprincipled and profligate laws, judge ye, which is the most infamous and abominable. With the balance of truth and candor in your hands, say then, which is the most horrible law, that which consigns an infant offspring to the tomb; or that which declares an offensive war, against a whole nation, which involves all the people of your own country in the guilt and calamities of war; which drafts your sons by thousands and hundreds of thousands, to march against a friendly province, commanding them to murder and destroy, and probably to be slain or perish themselves? Which law is most terrible, that which puts in jeopardy a part of the infants in one nation; or that, which puts in jeopardy all the people of two nations, which lets loose the sword and conflagration, with their attendant evils, famine, terror and pestilence in two countries?

It is conjectured by the learned 3 that the law of Pharaoh, against the male infants of Israel, did not take place, till after the birth of Aaron, and was repealed soon after the birth of Moses; or else 80 years after, the males could not have amounted to 600,000 able men. It is also the united opinion of Commentators and of the learned in general, that this edict was repealed at the death of the king, who first published it, which they suppose happened 4 years after the birth of Moses, and that it never was executed to any great extent. This is made certain by the scripture history; the agents appointed to execute the law were rebuked for their neglect, and God rewarded them for disobeying the wicked law. The law perhaps was originally restricted to the vicinity of the court; and therefore, only two midwives were sufficient to execute the law. This demonstrates, that the law extended only to a very small district. But our Rulers have given commission, not to two women, two feeble women, but to the whole veteran armies of Britain, with their navy of a thousand ships, to murder, burn and destroy New England. A thousand times as many sons of America have probably fallen victims of this ungodly war, as perished in Israel by the edict of Pharaoh. Still the war is only beginning; if ten thousand have fallen, ten thousand times ten thousand may fall. Say then ye, who are wise; ye, who are considerate, whose calamities have been the most terrible, the sons of Jacob, or the sons of America? Whose Rulers have been most greedy of blood? Which people have had most cause to adopt measures of relief?

3. The petitions of Israel, and their manly remonstrances, were treated with neglect; they produced no effect, but to multiply their vexations and burdens.

“Then the officers of Israel cried to Pharaoh; Wherefore dealest thou thus with thy servants; ye say to us, make brick; behold thy servants are beaten; but the fault is in thine own people. (But he said,) ye are idle, ye are idle, Go, therefore now and work; for no straw shall be given you; yet ye shall deliver the tale of brick;” and the officers of Israel did see, that they were in an evil case; after it was said, “ye shall not minish aught from your bricks of your daily tasks.” “They did see that they were in an evil case.” This required no wizard eyes, long before; yet they could reproach Moses, for attempting their emancipation.

Unhappy Israel, had thy father Jacob anticipated such a result; had he forseen these miseries of his posterity, had he seen your ignominious, servile endurance, would he have left his native country? Would he have united his interest with Egypt? Would he not rather have starved in Canaan? The petitions had been respectful and pathetic; yet they provoke increasing vengeance; they pull down increasing calamities. At first they only excluded them from their usual occupations, requiring them to build one or two cities for the NATION, for the public good. Then they made them serve with rigor, in mortar and brick rearing those lofty tombs of their kings, or temples of their gods. Then they sent them into their fields to dig ditches. Then they made war upon their sons; and last of all, deprived them of straw, with-held their means; yet would not lessen the demands of government. Such is the process of despotism; she begins with little; like the grave, she takes all. Was ever a savage yell more terrible, than a tyrant’s voice? “Let the people gather straw where they can find it;” so the people were scattered through the land. Those who had been shepherds, learned to burn brick; the sailors joined the army; the merchants went to build cities; others dug clay. These were the fruits of their petitions. Such is always the fruit of petitions to a mercenary, venal government. They are a society organized for mischief. “To abandon usurped power, to renounce lucrative error, are sacrifices, which the virtue of individuals has on some occasions, offered to truth; but from any society of men no such effect can be expected. The corruptions of a society, recommended by common utility and justified by universal practice, are viewed by its members without shame or horror; and reformation never proceeds from themselves; but is always forced upon them by some foreign hand.” 4 You may as well expect the cataract of Niagara to turn its current to the head of Superior, and rush over the western mountains, as a wicked Congress to make a pause in the work of destroying their country, while the people will furnish the means. Not their petitions; but their march to Canaan, relieved the woes of Israel, and instantly stopped the work on the last pyramid, which has not been finished to this day.

With what puerile simplicity, then is it asked. “Will not the peace in Europe, or the dastardly conduct of our armies, give us peace?” No. Our disasters are a part of the original scheme. It was never intended, nor wished, that the Canadas should be subdued. Look at your officers; look at your soldiers, the clippings and parings, and refuse of humanity. Was it ever expected that these miserable beings would make conquests? Ye would as soon expect an army of caterpillars to mow down your forests. What is the peace of Europe to your Rulers? Should the English now be at liberty to send all her armies, and all her ships to America, and in one day burn every city from Maine to Georgia, your condescending Rulers would play on their harps, while they gazed at the tremendous conflagration. They would make this a new argument to carry on the war with new alacrity.

No peace will ever be made, till the people say, “There shall be no war.” If the rich men continue to furnish money, the miseries of war will continue till the mountains are melted with blood; till every field of America is white with the bones of the people. 5 Equally childish are your hopes from the effect of your petitions. Let the towns and the Counties and the States, continue to petition and petition, till all the paper in the land is consumed, it will not alter one vote in Congress. For years the wagons of government have groaned with your petitions, and remonstrance’s, and supplications. The tables of Congress have shuddered , under the woes of New England. Thousands and thousands, and tens of thousands of the independent merchants, and farmers, and other people, who had never before asked petition of any man, have humbly bowed before the national government, have humbly recounted their miseries, have humbly suggested the easy mode of relief, have anxiously implored relief, with a pathos, which might have moved the cold ear of Death. What has been the effect? Precisely the same, as at the court of Pharaoh. Tyrants are the same on the banks of the Nile and the Potomac, at Memphis and at Washington, in a monarchy and a republic. Petitions are the means, and the hope of children. As well may the solitary pilgrim in the desert of Sahara petition a horde of wild Arabs, not to plunder his bread and his water, as the sons of the pilgrims petition their masters of the South. As well may the shrieking vessel petition the howling winds not to drive her on the rock of the billows; as well may the terrified inhabitants of the Canadas implore the Christian barbarians of the South, not to burn their fair villages, their pleasant homes, and their temples. Happily the day of petitions has passed away.

A principal effect of all your petitions has been to convince you, that your first sufferings were light. They were a serpentine rivulet; they now are a mighty river. If ye were then vexed to madness, what will ye do in these swellings of Jordan? Non-importations, and restrictions have been added to non-importations and restrictions; open war has been added to secret machinations, and ye have approached the highest point in the tremendous climax of human despotism. Without a license, the boat of the fisherman, the more humble canoe of the hermit, may not leave the cavern of his rock, to seek his daily support.

But these restrictions are, or will be repealed.”—Undoubtedly. Who does not know this, as certainly as that your oppressors have cunning and treachery? Were they to persevere, they, and their laws, and restrictions, would be cast to the moles and the bats. They will, therefore, suspend, and they will alter, and they will change the mode of despotism; yet all is despotism still. The very relief shows the barbarism of their system. They now tell the farmer, he may drive his team, and not be assaulted; the fisherman, that he may row his boat, and not be sunk by their artillery; the traveller, that his trunk is now free from search; the bride, that she may convey her choicest furniture to her home, it shall not be broken by the axe of their strolling officers; that all may sleep, and not be alarmed, by the midnight ghosts of administration.” What is this, but saying, “We claim the RIGHT of taking away these comforts; we justify our late barbarous laws, which subjugated you to these vexations. These shall overwhelm you again, like the tide of the ocean, when it shall be our sovereign pleasure.” 6

The government have opened their Pandora’s box, and every plague, which comes forth, is more terrible than his fellow. What may next appear, from their lake of miseries, scares the imagination to conjecture. Will martial law be proclaimed through the land? Will a conscription like that of France take place, as has been threatened? Will gangs of hired assassins, called soldiers, patrol your streets, rouse you from your midnight slumbers, burst open your doors, abuse, and wound, and scourge, and terrify your families? These things have already been done without law.

Deliver us, oh ye Rulers, of a submissive and dispirited people; deliver us from this dreadful uncertainty. Give us a law, though written in blood, though written by the finger of despotism, that we may know when to open our houses to midnight prowlers of the government, when to be silent under the point of their bayonets, when to open our bosoms to the daggers of a ferocious soldiery, that we may hear the cheering voice of tyranny, saying, “Hitherto I will come, and no further.” Though this law should command us to submit to grossest indignities, to fall down before the petty tyrants, who are the golden images of the administration, or to admit them to enter our bed chambers, like the frogs of Egypt, we shall submit; we have submitted. That we can endure despotism with as much meekness and silence, as the slaves of the grand Seignior, has been demonstrated by a long course of experiments. His subjects believe, that insult and death from his hand, is a privilege, is martyrdom. They covet the favor, as a title to immortal felicity. How many of our country now glory in the infamy and misery of aiding the government, in those very measures, which are not only destroying the country, but depriving themselves, and their families of employment, of property, and of bread! Some have thus demolished large estates. Like Sampson they have willfully pulled destruction on their own heads. We have seen an opulent merchant persevere in this mad infatuation, till he has petitioned the town; yes, till he has petitioned the town for the base privilege of a pauper. The base privilege has been granted him. Thus, like the worshippers of Moloch, the supporters of a vile administration, sacrifice their children and families on the altar of democracy. Like the widows of Hindoostan, they consume themselves; like the frantic votaries of Juggernaut, they throw themselves under the car of their political idol; they are crushed by its bloody wheels.

Vexation upon vexation, misery upon misery, infamy upon infamy, have resulted from your petitions to the government. At first they interdicted certain articles of commerce, from certain countries; then they interdicted all foreign commerce. Your petitions were like clouds wafted to Washington by every wind; like clouds they produced nothing, but a more dismal storm, a more frightful prospect. An offensive war was openly declared. Again petitions persecuted the palace; all commerce was interdicted, or every boat, and wagon, and trunk of a solitary traveller, was subjected to search and plunder. This law is now executed by brutal soldiers, sword in hand. Not only your ships, but your boats, your teams, and yourselves, as to any object of traffic, unless you will expose yourselves, to the artillery of government, are chained, as fast as the slaves of Algiers. The full viols of despotism are poured on your heads; and yet you may challenge the plodding Israelite, the stupid African, the feeble Chinese, the drowsy Turk, or the frozen exile of Siberia, to equal you in tame submission to the powers, which be.

Forgive me, forgive me, my friends, though I thus speak, it is not the language of reproach. Your obedience to law is your merit, your glory. Your patience is not the patience of fear; your gentleness is not the torpor of insensibility; your silence is not weakness; it is not cowardice, NO. Your patience is magnanimity; your silence is conscious strength; your obedience is moral habit, is religious principle, supported by religious ordinances. These principles and ordinances, though they are the scorn of your oppressors, have saved their laws from contempt, their officers from deserved violence; their whole system from insult and outrage. They, with their imported Secretaries and patriots, raised an insurrection, rather than pay a tax on their intemperance; the sons of the pilgrims pay a tax for their bread; yes, thousands and thousands yield up their bread, and their common means of support with manly silence; but there is a point; there is an hour, beyond which,——you will not bear——

II. We were to suggest some of the advantages, which resulted to Israel from these immense oppressions of their government.

Their separation from the Ancient Dominion, who had oppressed them, was the great, the grand result of their political miseries. In this event were involved blessings, too great to be described, blessings too numerous to be named. By this, they were freed from their former bondage. They bid farewell to the brick kilns and ditches of Egypt. Their merchants never again raised the walls of her cities, nor grew dizzy on the top of their towering pyramids. But here for once the parallel fails. The people of New England cannot separate themselves from the country of their oppressors. The Atlantic will not open us a passage; no Canaan flows with milk and honey for us. If we leave our fields, and towns, and temples, looking to the west, though no Anakims appear on the mountains, nor are their cities walled up to heave, nor have we heard the fame of their valor; yet do we not behold the sons of violence and rapine? In their neighborly quarrels, are not “their hair and beard clotted stiff with gore,” Do you not hear their dismal howlings for blood, more blood? Will the sons of New-England give up their traffic, and their homes, to dwell with the ferocious hordes of Kentucky and the West. NO. Here we must trample on the mandates of despotism; or here we must remain slaves forever. But, I may specify a few happy effects of Israel’s sufferings. Possibly some future Columbus, on a voyage of political discovery, may devise some means of making our miseries produce permanent blessings. Some political galvanism, yet to be discovered, may heal the infectious pestilence, which is wasting the vitals of the Commonwealth.

1. The oppressions of Israel introduced a better government, better adapted to their character.

They had endured a perpetual conflict with their superiors in power. Their collision of interests had become intolerable to the sons of Jacob. What gave wealth and ease to their oppressors, ruined them. These sections of the community had been like two dark and furious clouds, ascending the hemisphere. In their union, they disgorge their thunders, and shake the world; but Israel was the sufferer, the tributary, a mere attendant, bearing the burdens of the government, while denied the blessings. Her sons no longer sailed on the great sea, nor on the Red Sea; but were deafened by the eternal rattle of her dismal manufactures. These measures of government were as fatal to the prosperity of Israel, as were the ten plagues to Egypt. Israel had submitted to the unlimited control of Pharaoh, a proud infidel, a despiser of religion, a profane scoffer at divine things. He neither knew, nor cared whether there were one God, or twenty Gods; but when Israel separated, Jehovah became their Legislator and King. They had been vexed and scourged by petty tyrants, tools of government; now they were under the pious guidance of Moses and Aaron. “Their nobles were from themselves, and their governors proceeded from the midst of them.” They had been the creatures, and tools, and engines of a government, in confederacy against God and his cause; they now combined all their power and resources to exalt their Savior; They persevered in the great design, till they had passed the wilderness of Arabia; till they had crossed the channel of the Jordan; till they had subdued their enemies; till they had reared the temple on mount Zion; till their millions had covered the hills of Canaan; till their laws, their customs, and their religion, were established from the banks of Euphrates to the river of Egypt. Such were the fruits of their miseries and vexations in Egypt. It was necessary, that they should sigh under the rod of oppression, to wake them from their political lethargy, to dispel their prejudices in favor of the union, under which their fathers had enjoyed repose and prosperity, to provoke them to seek a better government; to inflame them to noble darings, in bursting the bonds of oppression; in dissolving their connection with the merciless slave holders of the country. Well might they sing; “Partial evil is universal good.” But alas, we have no Moses to stretch his rod over the sea.****No Lebanon, nor Carmel, nor Zion, invites us across the deep.***

2. Another immense advantage, to Israel from dissolving their union with Egypt, was an escape from the fatal contagion of infidel examples.

Though the body of the Israelites might have but little connection with the body of the Egyptians, still there must have been a constant intercourse, dangerous to all, and fatal to many. The nature of the case, and subsequent events, in their zeal for Egyptian idolatry, demonstrate all this. Though, not as judges, and legislators, and advocates, many persons must have been at the court of Pharaoh, if it were only to bear the sighs and tears of the people, before the throne of their tyrant. Here they must witness a thousand instances of impiety; they must see the first man in the nation neglect all the forms of religion. They must be tempted with bribes, and a thousand nameless enchantments of an opulent court. Returning home, these men would bring pestilence and death to the tribes of Israel. Some of the most unprincipled and profligate supporters of the administration would be appointed collectors of the revenue. These would poison the country with the spirit and vices of infidelity.—–Many of the laws breathed oppression, and provoked to crimes. By these and other means, wicked examples were greatly multiplied. Roused by the vexations, they endured, their chains fell off, and they escaped this danger of irreligious examples; they separated themselves from this land of mischief and crimes.

Though it is a law of your nature, that the general spirit of the community be transmitted to the distant members; though distinguished individuals, diffuse their spirit, however base, in the community around them, I certainly do not present the fact as matter of information, that a black cloud of infidelity hangs over the south. It cannot be criminal in one to mention what is publicly known to all. If the late President, the sage of Monticello, proud of his infidelity, has employed Printers to publish his contempt for the writings of Moses; if he has pronounced the universal deluge an impossibility; if his successor has given the whole nation every possible reason, except his public avowal, to believe that his deism is, as fixed as the ice of the poles; if his profanations of the Sabbath, if his common, his habitual, his notorious neglect of public worship, are, as complete evidence, as the most candid confessions, that he has no part nor lot in Him, who was crucified on Calvary, and rose from the tomb of Joseph, is it strange, that a swarm of scoffing infidels should darken the country, where these exalted personages reside? The approach of that region to paganism may be inferred from the riot of their Sabbaths, from their falling temples, the small numbers of their churches, and the smaller number of their Pastors. Do you not fear that this virulent impiety will by degrees be extended to all sections of the country, which are under the same government, and swayed by the fatal policy of the same men?

Those, who are in the least acquainted with history, sacred or profane, well know, that the irreligious character of Rulers, like the atmosphere of Java, carries poison and death through the land.

Here again you may envy the privilege of Israel, and mourn that no land of Canaan has been promised to your ancestors. You cannot separate from that mass of corruption, which would poison the atmosphere of Paradise; you must in obstinate despair bow your necks to the yoke, and with your African brethren drag the chains of Virginia despotism, unless you discover some other mode of escape.

3. Israel’s woes in Egypt terminated in giving them the fruit of their own labors. This was a powerful motive for them to dissolve their connection with the Ancient Dominion. Though their fathers had found their union with Egypt pleasant and profitable; though they had been the most opulent section in Egypt; yet since the change of the administration, their schemes had been reversed; their employments changed; their prosperity destroyed; their vexations increased, beyond all sufferance. They were tortured to madness, in seeing the fruit of their labors torn from them, to support a profligate administration. Instead of laying up corn, and silver, and gold, as once they did, they were no longer their own masters. With the money, which they earned, they were not permitted to pay their own debts; but the debts of the ancient dominion. After they had paid the debts of others, they were still in debt themselves. If they paid money, sufficient to build navies, and construct roads, and other great works, these were not for themselves; but for their lordly tyrants, or the money was wasted by bankrupt officers, before it reached the treasury, and often devoted to projects of folly and mischief. If they were compelled to pay taxes, to build forts and support armies, neither the forts, nor the armies were for their defense. They became discouraged; they were perplexed. Moses and others exhorted them not to despair, and assured them that one mode of relief would prove effectual. Timid, trembling, alarmed, they hardly dared to make the experiment. Finally; they dissolved the union; they marched; the Sea opened; Jordan stopped his current; Canaan received their triumphant banners; the trees of the field clapped their hands; the hills broke forth into songs of joy; they feasted on the fruit of their own labors. Such success awaits a resolute and pious people.

Is there any thing? Whereof it may be said “See, this is new? It hath been already of old time. Say then, ye who are best acquainted with the state of the country, is a course of abominable oppression, not unlike that of Egypt, bearing down New-England, and tearing from her mouth the fruits of her own labors? In the Southern States, are costly roads made? Are post offices supported? Are fortifications erected? Are armies paid? Are princely salaries enjoyed? Are palaces reared in royal splendor, from monies, chiefly paid in these commercial States?

Enquire, examine whether of the national expenditure for twenty years, the proportion of Virginia, according to her population and representation in Congress, be not more than thirty one millions, while she actually paid only thirteen millions, exonerating herself at once of eighteen millions. On the other hand, the proportion of this Commonwealth was twenty millions; but such were the taxes on your laborious industry, that instead of 20, you actually paid more than forty millions. 7 Again in the year 1791, the proportion of the public debt, belonging to Virginia was nearly eleven millions. The income of her revenue since that time, so far from paying any part of the principal would have fallen short of discharging the interest, by almost thirteen millions; but by sharing the revenue from your labors and dangers, all this interest has been paid for her, with nearly half her principal, making a profit to her of eighteen millions. Massachusetts has sacrificed these immense portions of her labors, for the privilege of belonging to the UNION; for the privilege of embargoes, and war, and all the privations and miseries, which she has endured. Had Massachusetts only received the fruit of her own toils, her fortifications and other means of defense might have been rendered formidable; and she might have built from twenty to thirty ships of the line. What a glorious union for Virginia! You have saved her from bankruptcy; you have built her fortifications, maintained her armies, paid her expences of government. Have you learned to sympathize with her imported slaves? Your labors go into the same purse; you virtually support the same masters; you generously lend your help to those miserable beings, who blacken their fields; you help them in paying for those luxuries, those costly mansions; those splendid equipages, and those prancing chariots, which you never saw. Is not all this right? You are healthy and vigorous; they are feeble and delicate. You are poor, or in moderate circumstances; they are rich in lands and slaves. You are compelled to labor hard, to submit to frugality, and endure a thousand privations; they move in splendor, and riot in voluptuous pleasures. You toil in a cold, and barren country; they enjoy a delicious climate, and a richer soil. Is it not pleasant to obey such lords, to minister to the pleasures of such a happy race? What a blessing is a Union with such delightful masters! No wonder, if every man in New-England preaches in favor of the Union! Resume your labors then; to pay their expences, hew down your forests; drag your masts from the snowy mountains; launch into the ocean; buffet the storms……………. “Is the preacher distracted? If a spy of government be present, we may all be accused of treason.” If you pass yonder Cape, you may probably never return; the boats of government are more fatal than all the cruisers of the ocean.

The Israelites were compelled not only to labor; but to labor, as their masters commanded, in mortar and manufactures; so must you. Go not then to the water’s edge; go not to the East; go not to the West; go not to the North; this is “towards the enemy.” Hasten, hasten, home; purchase you a wheel, a distaff, and a spindle, and wool, and flax, and spin with thy maidens. If death be more desirable; then follow the banner of the tremendous Dearborn; force your way through the forest to the Canadas; AND THERE DIE, as ten thousands have before thee, to feed the wolves of the north. Whether your vexations, are more or less intolerable, than those of Israel, ye are able to judge.

They became weary of yielding the fruit of their labors to pamper their splendid Tyrants. They left their political woes; they separated. Where is our Moses; Where is the rod of his miracles? Where is Aaron? Alas! No voice from the burning bush has directed them here. Bow then to the publicans of government, and say to the humble African, “Thou art my brother.”

4. The woes of Israel, and her subsequent separation from Egypt, relieved them from being involved in her judgments.

To escape the judgments, which are decidedly coming on a wicked nation is a mighty deliverance. Individuals may escape their demerits; communities cannot; communities do not exist in a future state. Accordingly those communities, which are peculiarly wicked, are punished as such; the members of such a body politic, though relatively innocent, are at least partially involved in their punishment.

Lot suffered the loss of his house, his goods, his cattle, and a part of his family in the fire of Sodom. Noah and his family, merely from living in the same world, with a wicked generation, though not included in the most dreadful part of the sentence, endured undescribable distresses. Giving up his former pursuits, laboriously engaging in the building of the ark, anticipating the destruction of his house, his fields, and the world, what must have been the anguish of his spirit. Collecting his household, at the door of the ark; seeing the dark clouds arise; the hemisphere wrapped in darkness; the lightening blazing; the thunders rolling, how dreadful the scene. As the waters rise, the ark floats along the vale. As the waters rise, his neighbors ascend the higher ground; they hail the lordly ark; they implore relief; they entreat; they beseech the patriarch to receive them on board; they plead and weep; they stretch forth their hands, when their voices are lost in the howlings of the storm. The door is shut, and there is no room. Who can imagine the distress of the Preacher, in his last words to his perishing neighbors. Confined a whole year in the dismal mansion with fowls and beasts, driven at the mercy of the winds, over the towering billows of the world; no friendly port in view, no friendly sail to be spoken, totally uncertain on what mountains top he might strike, on what rock he might dash, must it not require all his faith in God, to calm his own fears, to soothe the terrors of his afflicted family? Such were the evils of being connected with an impious people. Israel had by a series of miracles escaped the judgments of Egypt; but they could not expect miracles always to be performed for their security. They, therefore, separated; they burst their chains, and escaped the judgments, which were filling the land with horror.

What is the moral aspect of our nation? Has not New-England, as much to apprehend, as the sons of Jacob had? But no child has been taken from the river to lead us through the sea: yet are not a million slaves, a million “souls of men” bought and sold in the markets of the south? Are not the tears and miseries of a million souls daily crying to the God of justice to hasten the day of retribution? Will they cry in vain? Are the same people unitedly supporting the Antichristian power of Europe? Are they fighting her battles, and must they receive her plagues? Must not those States, which remain united with them, whatever may be their individual character, share in their punishments? When the day of retribution comes, and come it will, the whole community, however extensive, just bend before its terrors. If God shall send the sword, her crimson terrors will not be arrested on thy borders; but echo from thy hills, and reverberate across thy valleys. Should the angel of pestilence be commissioned, he would not only visit the south, but the North; lover and friend would be put far from thee. Should Famine say, “Here am I; send me;” the pale messenger would blast the fruits of thy grounds, snatch the bread from thy mouth: the morsel from the little hands of thy sons, thy daughters. If judgments are coming on the nation; if the sea does not open thee a path, where, how, in what manner will you seek relief? No Moses—no Canaan—no separation. Finally:

To conclude the subject, we discover the malignant nature of American democracy. Democracy, is the Author of all the Egyptian misery and mischief, endured in the land. Our political sufferings are entirely different from those of other nations. In other quarters of the globe, tyrants entrench themselves, behind the shields of their standing armies. But here the people themselves produce their own calamities, defend their own tyrants. They intrigue, they vote, they petition, for the continuance of their embarrassments, and their poverty, and their distresses. Yes, when their clamors and their votes are not sufficient, and when the sober part of the country send their petitions, and spread their grievances, before the thrones of their Masters, the men of democracy come forward with counter petitions, and beseech, and implore the government not to relieve the sufferings of the country, not to restore the nation to its former affluence and prosperity. They pledge ‘their sacred honor’ and lives to support the most baleful measures. These are the men, who forge the chains for themselves and their country. Were a fair statement of these facts made in a distant country, it would be considered an irony, a satire, a burlesque on humanity. But when a thousand Gazettes, and a million votes have confirmed all this, what must be the astonishment. The relation is believed, merely, because it is impossible to disbelieve. When Israel were sighing under their hard bondage, and Moses and his adherents were constantly making application for relief, what would have been thought, had an unprincipled, savage party been plying Pharaoh with counter petitions, beseeching him not to furnish straw, entreating him not to lessen the tax of brick, and pledging their infamous honors to support his abominable measures? Precisely such is the temper of American “republicans,” so called. A new language must be invented, before we attempt to express the baseness of their conduct, or describe the rottenness of their hearts. Has such a barbarous infatuation ever prevailed before? Divines had described a dreadful depravity among the sons of Adam; but divines had not described, nor conceived such a depravity. Where could they have found facts to support such a theory? Robbers and banditti have not destroyed themselves, to crush their associates; tigers do not mangle their own flesh; nor do fallen spirits with all their malice towards their companions petition for the increase, or continuance of their torments. Where is the man, forging chains for himself and posterity? Him have I offended.

2. God governs the nations for great and good designs. He controlled the affairs of Egypt, the affairs of Israel. Egypt was infatuated by her power and prosperity to crush the Israelites, and to drive them to a separation. The Israelites by those oppressions were roused to independence, and prepared for the highest prosperity: the best country, and the best civil polity in the world. The fame of their wisdom, their skill in the sciences, and their immense traffic, travelled through the world. Awed by the valor of their legions, and the impetuosity of their cavalry, distant tribes sued for peace, and the noise of battle ceased. Their merchants caught the gales of remotest seas, and silver was abundant in Jerusalem, as the stones of the hills. Princes came from the ends of the earth to admire the splendor of the court, and the felicity of the subjects. God continues to raise up other Pharaohs; their hearts are hardened against reason, and persuasion, and sound policy; and though it is not in their heart, neither do they think so; yet we know that the morn of light and glory will burst from this political darkness. Therefore,

3. Let us bear our public calamities with submission to the will of heaven.

God will bring good from every evil. The furnaces of Egypt lighted Israel to the land of Canaan.

Though a terrific cloud hangs over our land; though it may drown your fields in blood; God may be about to accomplish a glorious purpose. The book of providence is a sealed volume; nor may the wisest angel open the mysterious leaves. When the days of Israel were bitterness, and their nights terror, did they believe that those evils would result in their emancipation from an abandoned government? Yet, so it was; and perhaps these were the only means, that could have roused that people, to assume their independence. What dismal reflections must have torn the bosom of Pharaoh, surveying the miseries, which he had occasioned. “I have ruined my kingdom; I have destroyed myself.” What must be the reflections of our exalted President, in the silence of retirement? “While I have made myself great, I have ruined my country. Her morals, her affluence, her cheerfulness, are gone. To feed my friends, I have kindled the fires of war. Burning villages, and dying soldiers, are the monuments of my glory. Ten thousand wretches in the agonies of death have poured their curses on my name. I am steeped in blood. History will hold me up to the execration of the world; not a triumphant murderer, like Pizarro or Attila, but like Pharaoh or Absalom, a mere blunderer in the science of blood. Had I loved my country, as I love my office, I should not have been the scorn of the universe.”

We live, my brethren, in a most eventful period. The whole Christian world are standing with their swords drawn. Our country, hungry for blood, is ambitious of making a figure in this boundless scene of destruction; she is trying, and striving, and panting, to lift a sword; but as the Hebrews, waging an offensive war against the Amalekites, when the Lord was not with them, were vanquished and driven back with shame; so are our armies led into captivity, and vanquished, and driven back.

Should the navies and armies of Britain invade New-England, could the general Government defend you one day? Would not your beautiful towns vanish in a blaze? Could the standing army prevent an invading foe from marching where they please? The armies of government are “as a thread of tow, when it toucheth the fire;” New-England, if invaded, would be compelled to defend herself. Do you not then owe it to yourselves, owe it to your children, and owe it to your God, to make peace for yourselves? Will you rush to the combat, when you dare not ask the blessing of heaven? Will you crimson your fields with the blood of your sons, merely because your Rulers have commenced the contest, merely because they find their advantage in your miseries? Will you perish to please your oppressors? Where then are you ministers of peace? Although the sword of the foe has not drunk the blood of the valiant; nor have the sons of the mighty been led into captivity; although the legions, who move to this iniquitous war, will find no bard to make them renowned in their day, to raise the song of mourning; nor to relate their deeds to other times; although for the perpetual disasters of the camp, “no sighs arise with the beams of the east; no tears descend with the drops of the night;” yet is this war most calamitous. It calls for shame and pious sorrow; it calls for supplication and grief of soul, that Heaven in anger should punish us with such men of blood, to rule the nation. Passing events seem to indicate that God intends to purify the earth, not with a flood of water; but a deluge of blood. Blessed are they, who understand the signs of the times. He that taketh the sword shall perish with the sword. He that leadeth into captivity shall go into captivity. He that killeth with the sword, must be killed by the sword. Those, who engage in a murderous, offensive war, shall have blood to drink, for they are worthy. They have had blood to drink. Woe to the inhabitants of the earth, and of the sea, for the devil is come down to you, having great wrath; because he knoweth, that he hath, but a short time.

The Lord cometh out of his place to punish the inhabitants of the earth. The earth shall no more cover her slain. The stars are falling; the moon is blood; He taketh the sun in his wrath, and hideth him in his clouds. The great day of his wrath is come, and who will be able to stand?

 


Endnotes

1. For an explanation, see the comment in Henry, Scott, or Clark, &c. on Exod. 12, 40.

2. Mr. Whiston.

3. Dr. A. Clark.

4. Dr. Robertson.

5. Probably the country has distinctly pronounced. “Peace shall be made;” i.e. the rich have refused to trust the government. This class of men may have peace when they please. An army cannot breathe a week without their aid.

6. Accordingly Mr. Madison’s paper already boasts of “the rigor” with which the law has been executed, “as an assurance” “of complete effect” should there “be a resuscitation of this system.” Thus our lords talk concerning the resurrection of the goblin, before she is buried or even dead. A more puerile spirit was never manifested than the exultations, because the late afflictive system is suspended. A measure of dire necessity, which tortures every nerve of the rulers. As well might the martyrs of the Inquisition sing hosanna to their tormentors in the moments of respite from the rack or burning stake.

7. See Learned Essays of Calculator in the Columbian Centinel.

Sermon – Perjury – 1813


Noah Porter (1781-1866) graduated from Yale in 1803. He was pastor of the Congregational Church in his native town, Farmington, CT (1803-1866). The following sermon was preached by Porter in 1813 on perjury.


sermon-perjury-1813

PERJURY PREVALENT AND DANGEROUS

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED IN FARMINGTON,

AT THE

FREEMEN’S MEETING,

SEPTEMBER, 1813.

BY NOAH PORTER, A.M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH OF CHRIST IN FARMINGTON.

A SERMON.

EXODUS XX. 7.

Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain.

Innumerable are the ways in which sinful men take the name of the Lord their God in vain; but in no way can they do this more heinously, than by committing the sin of perjury, or swearing by that name falsely.

Assembled, as we are at this time, to perform an important duty, under the obligation of the oath; and liable to be called, on other occasions, to act under this obligation; it is important that we consider its nature, and the guilt and danger of violating it:—the more especially important, because its influence is moral, and depends on its being understood and felt.

Introductory to what will be suggested concerning the sin of perjury, a few observations will be made concerning the oath; particularly concerning the necessity, the lawfulness, and the import of the oath.

In civil society the oath is necessary. The necessity of it results from the selfishness and deceitfulness of man. Mutual dependence is indispensable. Reputation, property, and life itself, must often be suspended on the veracity of a witness in court. The peace, security, and liberties of a nation, necessarily depend much on the fidelity of men in public office; and, in a free government, on the purity of elections. Obliged thus to commit our dearest earthly interests into the hands of men, and conscious that men are selfish and depraved, we reasonably demand of them every security which the nature of the case allows. Hence we require the most sacred bond that can be laid on a dependent and accountable being, an appeal to the Omniscient and Ever-living GOD, by solemn oath. Such being the necessity of the oath, it has been common to all ages and nations.

The use of the oath in such cases is lawful. Under the ancient dispensation, it would seem that God not only permitted, but required, his people, on important and needful occasions, to adopt it. “Thou shalt fear the Lord thy God,” was his direction by Moses, “and shalt serve him, and shalt swear by his name.” Swearing by the name of Jehovah appears to have been an instituted mode of worshipping him; one of the methods in which his people were to acknowledge him as their God, in distinction from the gods of the heathen.

Nothing appears as a reason why the oath should not be thus regarded still. Not only is the ancient use of it not prohibited in the New Testament, but it is directly warranted there. Our Great Example, when adjured by the living God to declare whether he were the Christ or not, answered the high-priest, without making any objection to the oath. The Apostle Paul, on several important occasions, “called God to witness,” and “for a record on his soul,” to confirm his declarations. And the writer to the Hebrews speaks of the custom of swearing, not only with no mark of disapprobation, but with mention of God himself as condescending to confirm the truth of his promise in the same manner. “For men,” he says, “verily swear by the greater, and an oath for confirmation is to them an end of all strife. Wherein God, willing more abundantly to shew unto the heirs of promise the immutability of his counsel, confirmed it by an oath.”

As to the prohibition of our Saviour, “Swear not at all,” which has occasioned the scruples of some religious sects about the lawfulness of the oath, it is evident from the whole tenor of his discourse, and especially from the words which both introduce and follow the prohibition, that it was designed, not to abrogate the law of Moses, which, to say the least, permitted the use of the civil oath, but to remove the corrupt glosses on that law, which were introduced by the Jewish teachers, and were sanctioned by their traditions: in other words, that it has no respect to the civil oath, but only to profane swearing in ordinary conversation. No other instance throughout the discourse is ever adduced, in which it is pretended that the Divine teacher discountenances any thing required or permitted in the law of Moses. His direction on this subject, as on others, he contrasts not with that law, but with what had been “said by them of old time”; and our whole duty, in this particular, he sums up in the words “Let your communication, your ordinary conversation, by yea, yea; nay, nay;—a simple affirmation or denial, or at most, a repetition of the one or the other.

The oath has commonly been accompanied with some significant bodily action, expressive of its solemnity. The most ancient, and among the Jews at least, the prevalent custom seems to have been the same as we have adopted—lifting up the right hand towards heaven. Thus Abraham said to the king of Sodom, “I have lifted up mine hand unto the Lord, the Most High God, the possessor of heaven and earth.” Thus also David speaks of those, “whose mouth spake falsely” and “whose right hand was a right hand of falsehood.” And in the New Testament, the angel whom John saw in vision, “lifted up his hand, to heaven, and swear by him that liveth forever and ever that the time should not be yet.”

But whatever custom in this respect be adopted, the import of the oath is always the same; and that import, well deserves the consideration of all who thus take the name of the Lord their God, lest they take it in vain. As a moralist observes, “it is invoking Him as a witness of what we say, and it is imprecating his vengeance on ourselves, or which is the same thing, it is renouncing his aid if we are not true in what we affirm, and sincere in what we engage.” This is the meaning of the concluding sentence in our common form, “So help me God.” So, that is, on condition of my speaking the truth or performing what I engage, and not otherwise, may God help me.”

It might be supposed that no rational creature could be found so hardened in impiety, so lost to all sense of obligation and of fear, as deliberately to renounce help from that Almighty Being in whose hand his breath is, by swearing falsely; but in this enormous guilt, our country in common with every other country where God is known, is deeply involved. Perjury, is not an uncommon crime; but, in some forms, is so common, that it excites little public sensibility. In our courts of justice, indeed, while we cannot but see that even here the oath is very commonly treated with but a small measure of the reverence it demands, we are yet glad to acknowledge, that if a man be known to have willfully testified a falsehood in evidence, his crime is regarded with general abhorrence. This, however, we must ascribe in great measure to the penalties ordained in such cases by the laws, and to the conviction which every reflecting person must feel of his own exposure, were the crime to meet with public toleration. For if we view the same crime in forms, where self-interest is less directly concerned, and where punishment from men is not to be expected, we find it frequent beyond calculation, and notorious without disgrace.

What little credit is due to custom-house oaths, and how slightly a isolation of them is generally regarded, is proverbial. That multitudes habitually defraud the public of a part or the whole of the revenue required of them by the laws, and of the penalties which become due in certain cases by transgression, and then cover that fraud with perjury, is not to be questioned. Especially when a law, whether from real or merely pretended injustice or inexpedience, is unpopular, it soon becomes, a matter of system and dark intrigue with many to evade it; and if needful in order to the success of the evasion, to cover it with perjury. All this is done by multitudes with as little apparent compunction, as though no sin were committed;—as though rebellion against the delegated authority of God were nothing; systematized deceit in such a cause, hallowed; and false-swearing an unmeaning sound.

Nor is this the full extent of the crime. Oaths of office are multiplied;—and when we look at the manner in which they are generally regarded, we fear that the violation of them, is even more common than any other form of perjury. Clear it is that when a person swears that he will perform certain specified duties, which, at the time of the oath, he does not fully intend to perform in the manner required, or which afterwards he voluntarily neglects, he is false to his oath.—And when we consider the terms of the oath taken by the freemen of the State, and then look at the spirit and the conduct of partisans in it, or the apparent inconsideration of multitudes in the use of their elective franchise, how can the most enlarged charity repress the apprehension, that many, both when they swear by the name of the Ever-living GOD, and when they enter on the transactions to which their oath has respect, are, in the sight of Him who looketh on the heart, guilty of this shocking crime. Or, if we look at our laws for the preservation of good morals, and at the oaths taken by the various informing and executive officers in the State, and then see how openly, constantly, and fearlessly many of those laws are violated; how can we avoid the most painful reflection, that not a small number in the community, who are honoured with its confidence, as guardians of its vital interests, do themselves lie before God, under the guilt of habitual perjury. To say that those laws are obsolete; that it would not be prudent or salutary to execute them, or that, in this day of declension, the juror must not be understood according to the letter of the oath, will satisfy no enlightened conscience. Will it be seriously maintained, that we have no laws prohibiting gross Sabbath-breaking, profaneness, drunkenness, gaming, lewdness, with other breaches of the essential principles of morality? Or that it has ever been found, by experiment, imprudent or hurtful for the constituted guardians of the public peace, according to their oaths, to subject offenders to the penalties ordained? Or, that their oaths are to be interpreted according to their secret reservations, or discretionary views?—Nothing can be more manifest, than that oaths are binding according to the terms of them—and that the freeman, or he officer who voluntarily neglects the duties, which he is sworn to perform, violates his oath, no less than the witness, who willfully misstates or withholds facts which he is sworn truly and fully to declare. The perjury, in the former case, is not usually capable of being as certainly proved, is not as dishonourable among men; and does not aim so direct a blow at the foundations of individual security, as in the latter: but it is as really perjury; it strikes at the essential interests of society; and it is commonly more deliberately committed, is longer persisted in, and is more habitually contracted, in this, than any other manner.

But in whatever manner perjury be committed, it is one of the most aggravated crimes that can be named. Lying and profane swearing are justly considered, as expressions of a heart nearly assimilated to the prince of darkness. But perjury, excepting only some cases of official perjury, involves both these; nay, without an exception, it violates a greater confidence than a simple lie, and is more deliberately committed than common profaneness. It generally involves the guilt of calling on the High and Holy One to witness a falsehood—of making his glorious and fearful name a sanctuary for crimes—of tempting Him to attest and to countenance deceit by withholding that vengeance which the perjurer imprecates; and always proceeds, either from an atheistical disbelief, or an impious contempt of the divine majesty, holiness, justice and truth. It is an affront, which, were it offered only to a pure created mind, could not fail to awaken extreme abhorrence. When offered to the Eternal Uncreated Mind, before whom the seraphim bow with the most profound reverence and awe, it must excite the severest indignation. In terrible instances has he already shown that he will be sanctified of them that come before him, and in the sight of all the people will be glorified; and in the day of future recompence he will assert his Majesty and glory, and will fully clear himself from the stain which would otherwise appear to rest on his character and administration, as an abettor of deceit, by executing on the impenitent perjurer, the vengeance he had imprecated.

Again; perjury tends, more directly than almost any thing else to dissolve the bonds of civil society. The oath is a principal pledge of that confidence which is indispensable to moral union. Remove this, or which is the same thing, make it nugatory, as every person who openly violates it, does, so far as his influence goes, and you have nothing left for the security of any interest below the sun. That such is the destructive tendency of perjury in legal adjudications is generally felt and acknowledged. Every one, sensible that his property, character, liberty and life may be at issue on trial, and be suspended on testimony, feels that perjury, in this form, strikes directly at the security of every thing dear on earth. And if the liberty, order, security, and general prosperity, of every people under a free government, depend on the purity of elections, and on the fidelity of men in public trust, it is not less manifest that official perjury strikes at the welfare of the State. How pure, how peaceful, how happy, I had almost said how heavenly would be society, protected by the wise and salutary laws under which we live were they properly executed!…and executed they would be, were the oaths of office by which they are guarded, sacredly fulfilled. It is justly remarked by a writer on this subject, that, “if our country is corrupted and destroyed, to the neglect of official duties must the guilt be charged.” If in official duties, we include those which are incumbent on us as freemen, we trace the evil to its real source. And these duties cannot be neglected, without incurring the guilt of perjury. Whether therefore, we consider the nature of perjury as it respects God, or as it respects society, it is one of the most heinous sins that can possibly be committed, and cannot fail to expose the author of it, to an aggravated punishment at the hand of the righteous Judge of all.

The occasion, I am sensible, requires me to be brief; but I shall presume on your patience while I subjoin a few reflections:

First. Profane swearing and cursing, besides the contempt they cast on God, are mischievous to society. They make that a common and insignificant thing, which God has ordained, and the public good requires, should be held sacred. They remove the fear of an oath, and thus strike at the last resort of human confidence. The man who makes Jehovah’s name a common expletive, and is every day invoking the wrath of heaven on himself and his neighbours, will make little, of profaning that name and exposing himself to that wrath, by perjury—will be likely to treat the civil oath as a mere ceremony, without meaning or obligation.—He is too unbelieving and too hardened to be powerfully influenced by that bond; and he removes himself and all over whom his example has influence, every day, farther and farther from a sensibility to its obligation. In vain then, does he pretend that he injures no man’s person, property or character. He removes from his own mind, and the minds of others, that fear of an oath which is often the only security to every temporal interest.

Secondly. We infer from our subject that gross impieties and immoralities, are proper subjects of legislative prohibition. If profane swearing, Sabbath-breaking, and intemperance, with other breaches of the first principles of religion and morality, tend to extinguish the fear of God in the heart, and blunt the moral sense; if in this way they dissolve the bonds of social union in general, and, “the adamantine chain of civil liberty,” the fear of an oath, in particular, it is most obviously the province and the duty of the civil state, for its own preservation, to watch them with a vigilant eye, and suppress them with a strong hand. In this, every real friend of his country, not to say every faithful servant of God, will lend a cheerful concurrence.

Thirdly. No atheist, deist, or universalist, who denies a future punishment should be permitted to take the oath. For, what avails the oath of such a man? He denies what is most essential to its efficacy. The oath is designed as a restraint on the selfish propensities of men….a barrier against the violence of human corruption….a security for the faithful conduct of those, in the inflexibility of whose integrity of heart, amidst strong temptations we cannot place implicit confidence. It has this efficacy chiefly by appealing in the most solemn manner to their dread of forfeiting the favour and incurring the wrath of Almighty God. But those who renounce the doctrine of future punishment, in proportion to their sincerity, are strangers to this dread. The oath in their lips, is therefore nugatory. They can regard it only as an insignificant ceremony, or a superstitious device. They have emancipated themselves from this bond of civil society, by denying the punitive justice of God. It should therefore, never be laid upon them. And if, as the practice of all nations in all ages suggests, it is indispensable in places of high public trust, they ought not to be elected to those places. It is manifestly unsafe to admit them to places, where it would be unsafe to admit men without the oath, for the oath in their lips is nugatory. They ought, therefore, to be excluded, on the same principle as minors and persons destitute of estate, are excluded; that is, on the principle that, as a general thing it is unsafe for the community to admit them. Nor does this principle infringe any right in its application to them, more than to others. Let them think for themselves; let them enjoy the protection of the laws, except when they forfeit that protection by disturbing the peace of society; but, let them neither be admitted to the oath, which if sincere, they cannot conscientiously take, nor expect the favor of public confidence to which they have no claim.

Fourthly. Those persons should not be re-elected to office, who have given satisfactory evidence that they have voluntarily and habitually neglected the official duties which they were sworn to perform. If a perjured witness ought not gain to be admitted to give his testimony in court, why should the public officer, who lives in the manifest and habitual violation of his oath, be again entrusted with the public confidence; at least, till he gives satisfactory proof of repentance? Beside the plain inconsistency of this, does it not tend to multiply instances of perjury? Does it not give a public sanction to the crime? Does not a community as such, by these means become chargeable with the high offence? Can a community in any other way provoke God more fearfully, or break down the laws, and encourage licentiousness more effectually?

Here it may not be impertinent to notice the common sentiment, that no conscientious man can take the oaths required of our informing officers…that a faithful discharge of the duties imposed on them by the laws, is impracticable….that in attempting to do it, they would be overwhelmed with a tide of popular resentment.

It cannot indeed be too much lamented, that good men, lovers of good government, have been so generally unwilling to appear in open support of its constituted guardians. Too many of them are lukewarm and timid, while the supporters of vice are zealous and daring. But we as a people reduced to such a state of moral degradation, that a man, clothed with the authority of office, when he appears in the performance of a bounden duty, in obedience to his solemn oath, and to execute laws which long and uniform experience has proved to be essential to social happiness, would be overwhelmed with a tide of popular resentment? Are we, my brethren and friends, for ourselves, willing to bear such an imputation? Are not the majority of the people in this, and almost every other town in the State, desirous of seeing every vice that is forbidden by the laws suppressed, and prepared to thank and revere the officer who faithfully engages in so self-denying a duty? Do not transgressors themselves, in many instances, after perhaps a momentary impulse of resentment, venerate him in their hearts? If at any time a cry is raised against him, is it not commonly begun and supported exclusively by a few noisy opposers whose esteem it would be no honour to possess? And have not informing and executive officers been themselves too generally the cause of the evil of which they complain? Have they not been too unmindful of the dignity of office, when properly supported, and of the timidity of vice, when boldly and prudently assailed? Have they not, without real necessity, shrunk from the high ground they might maintain in the authority of the laws, and in the conscience of every sober citizen? If there be doubts on the subject, how easy is it for you, brethren and friends, at once to remove them! How easy as it respects this town, to make it as necessary to public confidence and esteem, that your officers be faithful to their oaths, as any have ever conceived it to be necessary to these, that they be compliant and neglectful! Whatever may have been the scruples of some conscientious persons on this subject, allow me to hope that the time is not far distant, when they will be done away; that the friends of religion and good order, in our favoured section of the country, are awaking to a sense of the destructive tendency of our growing licentiousness, and are beginning to use the influence they possess, to remove the evils which they have long been fruitlessly lamenting.

We are now assembled for he discharge of a most important duty, and at a most interesting period. We no longer meet under the smiles of national peace, but amidst the calamities and dangers of war; of a war, which, viewed as under the superintending Providence of God, must be considered as a visitation for our crimes; a visitation, as righteous as it is tremendous; and which, at the same time, by reason of our hardness of heart, is an occasion of multiplying our crimes beyond measure. The God we worship has the destinies of this, and every other nation in his hand, and though, “to him belongeth mercy,” yet manifestly he is not an indifferent spectator of our sins; but, “has come out of his place to punish us for our iniquity.” Surely, then, if we claim a place among his worshippers and servants, it behoves us, like Phinehas, each in his proper station, to exert our influence to remove the causes of his displeasure, and turn away the fierceness of his anger. The influence we possess as freemen, is great. Under Him from whom all power is originally derived, we in connection with our fellow free-men, are the fountain of authority and power in the State. On the manner in which we use this influence our own dearest earthly interests, and those of our children, depend. It may be so used as to afford a confident hope of our transmitting to posterity, the fairest inheritance on which the sun has ever shone; or, it may be perverted to our speedy and irretrievable ruin. Let our minds be deeply impressed with a sense of the sacred obligation, under which we act in every view, and especially, in regard to the oath of God. Let us bear it in mind, not only at this time, but, whenever we give in our vote, touching any matter in which the welfare of the State is concerned;….in the appointment of executive, as well as legislative rulers;….and of those who are to act in subordinate, as well as the higher stations.—Let us remember that the man who gives in his suffrage, with a view to excite a smile in the assembly, when it shall be declared, as we have sometimes been shocked to perceive, or from any selfish or party view, contrary to his sober judgment of the best interests of the State, as we have reason to fear is more common, purchases that poor gratification at the hazard of losing the favour, and incurring the vengeance of Almighty God. Let it not be overlooked that the terms of the oath like the law of the most Holy God, respect our secret judgment and motives, as well as our visible actions; nor be forgotten that He to whom we have lifted our hands, is a witness of our hearts, and “will bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good or evil.” In expectation of that all-decisive trial, “let us think on our ways:” and if by inconsideration or of deliberate purpose, any of us have sworn falsely by the Lord, or in other methods, have taken his name in vain, let us make haste to clear ourselves of the guilt, by penitential and believing application to the blood of atonement, and to prove the sincerity of our application by renouncing the wages of iniquity, and walking before God in holiness and obedience all the days of our lives. “God is not mocked.” That solemn invocation, “So help me God,” is not an insignificant word. However heedlessly it may be uttered or assented to, it will be found to have entered into the ear of the Lord of Hosts, and to be frought with an important meaning. If we renounce his favour and do not repent, it will be to us as we shall have said. Unless the sin be washed away in the Redeemer’s blood, through faith in his name, it will seal to all eternity, our miserable doom. “For the Lord our God will not hold him guiltless that taketh his name in vain.”

The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Election – 1813, Connecticut


Chauncey Lee (1763-1842) graduated from Yale in 1784. He was pastor of a church in Sunderland, VT; Colebrook, NY; and Marlborough, CT (1790-1835). This election sermon was preached by Lee in Hartford, CT on May 13, 1813.


sermon-election-1813-connecticut

THE GOVERNMENT OF GOD THE TRUE SOURCE AND
STANDARD OF HUMAN GOVERNMENT

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE DAY OF THE

GENERAL ELECTION,

AT

HARTFORD,

IN THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

MAY 13TH, 1813.

BY CHAUNCEY LEE,
PASTOR OF THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN COLEBROOK.

See that thou make all things according to the pattern shewed to thee in the mount.
JEHOVAH.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, in said State, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1813.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Aaron Austin, and Samuel Mills, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. CHAUNCEY LEE, for his Sermon delivered at the anniversary Election, and request a copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Examined by
THOMAS DAY, Secretary.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

MATTHEW vi. 13.

For thine the kingdom, and the power, and the glory forever. Amen.

These words are the conclusion of that short and memorable form of prayer, which our Saviour taught his disciples. They are also the ground of all the preceding petitions, and the weighty argument, by which they are jointly and severally enforced. These, from lisping infancy, we have been accustomed to repeat. They have been the language of devotion in the nursery, in the closet, in the family, and in the sanctuary, through every age of the gospel church; and to the true worshipper will ever be the most expressive words of prayer and praise. They are the common centre, source and argument of all his requests; for, with him, the glory of God is the supreme object of desire. To the saints on earth, and in heaven, they are the standing medium of divine communion. While they expand the heart with love and devotion, they pour the richest instruction upon the mind, present the sublimest objects of faith and hope, and lead up the soul, in holy rapture, to the Father of mercies, the infinite fountain of good.

The character of God being the foundation of all religion, the spirit of devotion is also that of obedience; and for the same reason, why we should love and worship God, we are bound to acknowledge and serve him, in all the various duties and relations of human life.

The text, therefore, not only presents the important objects of faith, but has an immediate respect to moral practice. It opens the source of all religious knowledge. It evidences truth, and enforces duty. It is the foundation of the good man’s hope and joy, and the sword of avenging justice to alarm and punish the wicked. It is interesting to every individual, and applies to all human occasions. Let us, then, with reverence attend to it; and may the Spirit of God assist and bless our inquiries.

The great subject before us, is this discourse, is the GOVERNMENT of God. No subject is more interesting. In none other, is presented such an engaging and extensive field for devout contemplation, and religious improvement. The theme, indeed, is boundless and inexhaustible. To glance at a few of its most prominent parts, is all that we can or dare assume. But where reason faints and nature fails, faith may flourish, and devotion say, “O the depth of the riches, both of the wisdom and knowledge of God; how unsearchable are his judgments, and his ways past finding out.” 1

In this exalted view, is the subject presented in the text. Every word is emphatical—in orderly succession, regularly advancing, enlarging, rising, and brightening at every step; till we are conducted, in the vast field of God’s holy purposes, from the commencement of created existence, to the grand consummation of all things, in the highest happiness and glory of his eternal kingdom.

1. The first point of instruction held up in the text shews the government of God to be original and supreme. “Thine is the kingdom,” expresses a high and incommunicable attribute—a peculiar and distinguishing glory of the King Eternal, totally inapplicable to any created potentate. It is thine in the most absolute sense—thine emphatically and exclusively.

As God is the creator, he is the proprietor and Lord of all things. The kingdom is his, by right of creation. He singly fills the throne of underived and supreme dominion. “For who hath known the mind of the Lord, or who hath been his counselor? Or who hath first given to him, and it shall be recompensed unto him again. For of him, and through him, and to him are all things.” 2 Who, then, shall dare dispute God’s property in the works of his hands—his right to govern the creatures he hath made—to establish the ordinances of earth and heaven—to give laws to universal nature; and to decree and effect the various conditions of angels and men? Having an absolute property in all his works, he hath good right to do what he will with his own. This is a dictate of human reason, no less than of divine revelation. Men themselves assert this prerogative. In the fruits of our own labour and skill, we claim, in relation to our fellow-men, an absolute and exclusive property. The principle applies with infinite force to the government of God. Because he is the maker, he is the Lord of all things.

This truth is uniformly taught in the sacred volume. It is there celebrated as the ground of the divine authority and government—of the rightful and supreme dominion of Jehovah. There his character is displayed, as the great author of existence, and clothed in all the majesty and glory of creating power. “The Lord hath made all things for himself.” 3 And the church triumphant sing, “Thou art worthy, O Lord, to receive glory and honour and power; for thou hast created all things, and for thy pleasure they are and were created.” 4

2. The government of God is unlimited in extent. “Thine is the kingdom,” teaches us not only that the kingdom is the Lord’s by right of creation, and that as proprietor and Lord, he possesses supreme dominion, but that his government is universal. There is no other kingdom but his. The Lord hath prepared his throne in the heavens, and his kingdom ruleth over all. 5 He is above all, and through all, and in all. 6

The Most High is not like the false gods of the heathen, a local and tutelary deity; limited to a particular place—presiding over the interests of a certain people, or country, and confining his attention to some favourite objects of human concern. Nor are there, according to the Magian heresy, two independent, co-existing and co-eternal beings, as the originating cause, and separate authors, the one of good, and the other of evil. No. There is ONE Lord; and his kingdom is neither limited, nor divided. He alone is the great first cause of all things, declaring, in the solemn majesty of his word, “I form the light and create darkness, I make peace and create evil, I the Lord do all these things.” 7

God is an infinite spirit, and pervades all space. His government respects all creatures, and directs all events. His providential agency is universal. The hairs of our heads are all numbered, and, without him, not even a sparrow falls to the ground. Every object or occurrence forms a part of this one immeasurable whole, and is a little stream issuing from this infinite fountain. This truth gives importance to the smallest things; and, without it, the greatest would lose their magnitude. Inexpressive of order, beauty or design, the moral world would be involved in chaotic darkness and confusion.

Vain, my brethren, is that religion which ascribes to casualty the direction of events; or, arrogating to creatures the rightful honours of the Creator, yields not to Jehovah the absolute possession of his throne, and the universal influence of his power. Absurd is that philosophy, opposition of science falsely so called, which, by ascribing any independent efficacy to means and second causes, opposes the sovereign and universal agency of God—shuts out the immediate presence and action of the divine Maker from any part of his system; and denies to the King Eternal, that dominion, which he exercises over all the works of his hands.

3. The government of God is absolutely perfect. “Thine is the kingdom and the power and the glory.” A very interesting advance is here made in the text. By this it appears, that the Most High God not only exercises a rightful, supreme and universal dominion, but that he is perfectly well qualified to reign. He possesses, in the fullest manner, all the requisite qualifications to ensure the highest and most important end of government, the greatest possible good and happiness of his subjects. Thine is the power and the glory; that is, all power, and all glory are thine.

The glory of God, as defined in his word, and especially as declared in his name published to Moses, is, essentially, his goodness. God is glorious in all his works; all his works praise him, because they manifest his infinite benevolence. They conspire to the full and final accomplishment of the purposes of infinite goodness—that high and important end for which he made, and for which he governs the world. In this, his wisdom is necessarily implied. It is immediately and inseparably connected. Therefore, by glory in the text, the wisdom and goodness of God are primarily and specially intended.

Here, then, are presented, in a collective view, the three great requisites of a perfect government—goodness, wisdom and power. Goodness to act with a benevolent regard to the happiness of the subject—wisdom to devise and adopt the best means, for effecting the best ends; and power sufficient to put in execution the plans thus devised.—Can a doubt be entertained, whether these requisites of supreme magistracy belong to that great and infinite being, whose is the kingdom, and the power and the glory? That God is able to do whatever he pleases, is a first principle in natural religion. All power is his. “With God all things are possible.” His wisdom is unsearchable. “He is the only wise God.” His goodness is his glory. “There is none good but one, and that is God.” 8

4. The government of God is everlasting. “Thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory forever.” The government of God is not only rightful in its origin—supreme in its authority—universal in extent; and administered with infinite perfection; but it is unlimited in duration. There never can be any revolution, nor changes in Jehovah’s empire. No insurrections among his subjects, the most numerous or mighty, and with the utmost malice, power and subtlety combined, can shake the stable pillars of his throne; or, for a moment interrupt, divert, retard, or weaken the steady advancement of his high and holy purpose. God lives and reigns forever. He is “the King immortal, invisible and eternal. His dominion endureth throughout all generations, and his kingdom is an everlasting kingdom.” 9

After the whole race of mortals, in their successive generations, shall have trodden and passed off the stage—after the empires of men shall have all sunk in oblivion—this scene of human butchery, bloodshed and tears, be closed, and the bustling energies of this rolling ball, be over and gone forever;–after all the systems of the natural world shall be dissolved, time be lost in eternity, and ages of ages have rolled away, the GOVERNMENT of God will still remain—his wisdom, power and goodness be still shining, with increased and increasing effulgence; and the glory and happiness of his kingdom will still be advancing, rising, and brightening forever, without the least approximation to their utmost height.

But in these sublime elevations of faith, we have not yet reached the crowning excellency of the subject, nor laid our hand upon the key stone of the glorious arch. Under the reign of the great Messiah, the God of heaven hath set up in our ruined world a KINGDOM of GRACE, as the only vestibule connected with, and leading to the kingdom of glory. The God-man, Christ Jesus, is the anointed king of Zion, and sways the scepter of universal empire. Great, without controversy, is the mystery of godliness—God manifest in the flesh—suffering the death of the cross—rising and ascending to heaven—living and reigning forever, the head of all authority, and of all vital influences to his redeemed church.

Abstracted from the mediatorial economy, and the hope set before us in the gospel, of what advantage or avail could it be to the sinful children of men—what source of happiness, or of hope, to know that a God of infinite perfection governs the world, and will reign forever; a God who is of purer eyes than to behold iniquity, and who will, by no means, clear the guilty? With the devils, we might believe and tremble, but never could have any warrant to hope and rejoice. What has a rebel, under the best government, to expect from the hand of his offended sovereign, whose goodness, no less than his justice, seals his condemnation, but the certain execution of the penalty of the law? And what, to the unpardoned sinner, is his prospect of immortality? An interminable scene of darkness, suffering and horror, as dreadful as eternity and the wrath of God can make it. But, blessed be God for Jesus Christ, and that pardon, salvation and eternal life, which he hath purchased with his blood, and freely bestows on all who the God of heaven hath set up in our ruined world a KINGDOM of GRACE, as only vestibule connected with, and leading to the kingdom of glory. The God-man, Christ Jesus, is the anointed king of Zion, and sways the scepter of universal empire. Great, without controversy, is the mystery of godliness—God manifest in the flesh—suffering the death of the cross—rising and ascending to heaven—living and reigning forever, the head of all authority, and of all vital influences to his redeemed church.

Abstracted from the mediatorial economy, and the hope set before us in the gospel, of what advantage or avail could it be to the sinful children of men—what source of happiness, or of hope, to know that a God of infinite perfection governs the world, and will reign forever; a God who is of purer eyes than to behold iniquity, and who will, by no means, clear the guilty? With the devils, we might believe and tremble, but never could have any warrant to hope and rejoice. What has a rebel, under the best government, to expect from the hand of his offended sovereign, whose goodness, no less than his justice, seals his condemnation, but the certain execution of the penalty of the law? And what, to the unpardoned sinner, is his prospect of immortality? An interminable scene of darkness, suffering and horror, as dreadful as eternity and the wrath of God can make it. But, blessed be God for Jesus Christ, and that pardon, salvation and eternal life, which he hath purchased with his blood, and freely bestows on all who believe in his name.—Here is the foundation of christians’ hope and joy; here, of the faith and patience of the saints; here, with heart and voice, and uplifted hands, they cry, “thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory forever;” and unitedly shout their joyful Amen.

Let us now attend to some useful reflections on this subject, in the way of application and improvement.

1. It is evidently the great design of God’s government to display his character. This is the language of his word and providence, and the important instruction of his wisdom, in all his administrations. He gives us no misrepresentations of himself. His judgments are ever according to truth. He “is wonderful in counsel, and excellent in working.” 10 —The various circumstances of men, the many and constant changes taking place in the world, which human sagacity can neither foresee, nor prevent, display the sovereign, all-disposing hand of Him, who doth according to his will, in the army of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth. 11

The government of God is as benevolent as his nature, unchangeable as his being, and unlimited as his works. It is the united display of all his perfections, in the production of their proper fruits. It is that sensible medium, by which the divine character is diffused and acted out. In a word, it is the visible portraiture of the invisible God, drawn by his own hand, and corresponding in all its parts with the most perfect exactness, to its infinite original.

Of the mysteries of divine providence, in the prosecution of the great, eternal plan of God, in which every creature, of every character, angels, saints, wicked men and devils have all some part to act, and as instruments, are accomplishing his purposes; of these, we have but a very imperfect view. It is “a wheel within a wheel.” Infinite regularity, order and design, in apparent disorder and confusion. We see but a small part of the great whole—but here and here a link in the infinitely extended chain. Yet surely we see enough to believe the rest. We see wisdom, order and design in the works of creation; and shall we hastily conclude that his agency and divine skill are less concerned in his kingdom of providence—his oral government of the world? Certainly not. Our views of this subject are narrowed by ignorance, and darkened by pride. These blind our mental sight to the wisdom and beauty of the divine government.

Present to the eye of an ignorant man the mere outlines of a piece of portrait, or landscape painting, before the finer touches of the pencil have given them any expression or likeness—he will see only lines and sketches—he cannot enter into the spirit of the artist; and he recognizes neither beauty, order, nor design in the plan. It is thus, though in a much higher degree, with men, short sighted creatures, in judging of the government of God. The scale is so large, the objects so numerous and multiform, and the plan so complicate, diffuse and wonderful; and alas! such is there disinclination of heart, such their stupid inattention to the works and ways of God, that though they have eyes, they see not; though they have understandings, they perceive not the glorious perfection of his government. Not discerning the connection, design and tendency of its parts, they question its wisdom. They look at the shades in the painting, and call them blemishes. But take away the shades, and the beauty is gone. Remove these blemishes, and the plan itself is destroyed.

It is moral beauty, however, which forms the distinguishing excellency of the divine government. This must, in some measure, be seen, loved and imitated by us, or we have no true knowledge of God. This constitutes the happiness of his children. This fills all heaven with joy, and calls forth the adoring hallelujahs of saints and angels above; who cry, “Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of hosts; the whole earth is full of his glory.” 12

2. Redemption is the end of all God’s other works both of creation and providence. To this great object, as their central point, all the mighty displays of divine wisdom, power and goodness are directed. The eternal Father hath invested his Son, our God-Man Mediator, with supreme and universal dominion, in fulfillment of his eternal covenant promise; and in reward of Christ’s obedience unto death. He is given to be head over all things to the church; and must reign till he hath put all enemies under his feet. Of the increase of his government and peace there shall be no end. God hath set his king upon his holy hill of Zion, and glorious things are spoken of the city of our God, 13 respecting the enlargement, peace and prosperity of the Redeemer’s kingdom in the latter day. The benign influence of Christianity shall pervade and actuate every heart, and the glory of the Lord overspread and fill the earth.—Here is the consummation of God’s precious promises to his militant church—the blessed fruits of her hard struggles and conflicts, through all preceding ages—her glorious victory, obtained by a warfare of six thousand years.

The promises of God to his church are interesting, they are animating, they are glorious. Listen to the voice of prophecy, beyond conception, elegant, sublime and heavenly. Oh, it is sweet as the music of an angel’s lyre—transporting as the songs of the New Jerusalem. “Arise, shine, for thy light is come, and the glory of the Lord is risen upon thee; and the Gentiles shall come to thy light, and kings to the brightness of thy rising.” 14

Of all subjects, this is the nearest to the heart of the Christian. It must enkindle the flame of devotion and zeal, in every friend of Zion. It has supported the hopes, excited the longing desires, and called forth the fervent prayers of God’s afflicted people, in all ages of the world. At the same time, the success of the gospel has ever been confronted, by the most determined opposition of its enemies. This has employed their tongues, their pens, and their words. It has called into action all the subtlety and false philosophy of the human heart. It has enkindled and pointed the thunderbolts of war—caused the convulsion and distress of nations, and immolated millions upon its altar.

But they are waging a desperate war. They are setting themselves as briars and thorns, in battle array against the devouring flame. By all their rage and malice, God is fulfilling his purposes; and amidst all the confusion and distress of the nations, he is strengthening and rearing the walls of Zion. And the glorious work of grace he will carry on and accomplish; for the kingdom, power and glory are his forever. His truth and faithfulness are pledged that he “will make Jerusalem a praise in the earth;” and that “the kingdom, and the dominion, and the greatness of the kingdom under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people of the saints of the Most High.” 15

3. This subject should inspire us with adoring views of God’s glorious majesty, and a fixed trust in his wise and perfect government.

How is the greatness and glorious supremacy of God exalted in this view! How absolutely independent! What wisdom in all his moral government! How infinitely exalted above all creatures! He makes his enemies fulfill his purposes, even in their acts of rebellion; and everything conduce to the greatest possible good of his system.

Do we reverence the majesty of princes, and court the favour of those raised but a little above us in wealth or power? Do we fear the frowns of the great—admire the wisdom of the learned—applaud the deeds of the mighty; and contemplate, with wonder, the history of powerful nations, or the achievements of worthy and renowned men? But what are all these? Nothing, and less than nothing. In the light of divine perfection, all created excellency utterly vanishes.

What a privilege is it, my brethren, to live under the government of such a great and good being, whose is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory forever! We but quarrel with our own happiness in not choosing to be wholly and always dependent upon him, and cheerfully submissive to his will, in all the duties and sufferings he appoints us. A clearer view of the great plan of infinite wisdom would overwhelm us with shame, for having ever exercised the least opposition to his government, or indulged the slightest murmur under any of his dealings. “Man was not made to censure, but adore.” Humility, submission and obedience are the great points of human wisdom. To fear God and keep his commandments, is the whole duty of man. 16 Let us then be humble and believing; and amidst all our national alarms and fears, let us still rejoice in the security of the church. This is a great comfort to the pious mind. Let us, then, resign ourselves, unreservedly, to a power so munificently employed; and trust, with implicit confidence, in a wisdom and goodness so watchful, so active, so unwearied in our behalf.

4. By this subject, we are taught the true spirit of government—its foundation, principle and end. These, in all legitimate governments, are uniform, through all the grades of moral beings; from human authorities, up to the throne of uncreated majesty. “Be ye perfect, as your Father who is in heaven is perfect,” 17 is the authoritative language of Emmanuel. The character of God being the standard of moral virtue, and of human perfection, his government, the medium by which it is displayed, is therefore the perfect pattern, and unerring standard of all HUMAN GOVERNMENTS. Though subordinate and limited in their powers, yet, in relation to the proper objects of their institution, they must be the same in kind with the great original, from which they emanate. They must move and act by the same benevolent principle, and be directed to the same ultimate end.

For the preservation of order, peace and happiness in human society, God, in his great goodness, hath instituted civil government, and seen fit to depute a small portion of his authority to civil rulers; empowering them, by the force of salutary laws, to protect and avenge the innocent—to enforce commutative justice—to defend the weak—to restrain the licentious, and to punish crimes against the interests of society. Human governments, hen, form so many several parts of the divine government. They are distinguished from it, but as they are administered through the instrumentality of men. ALL IS THE GOERNMENT OF GOD—for the kingdom, power and glory are his forever. By him kings reign, and princes decree justice. 18

With what reason or propriety, then, is the principle professed, and even by some contended for, that between religion and government there exists no connection?—yea, that they are severally contaminated by a mutual touch; and the influence of each is hostile and baneful to the interests of the other? Can a man believe his Bible, and subscribe to a doctrine so absurd? The reverse of it is truth, and the deeper our researches in this subject, the deeper will be our conviction. It is separating what God hath joined together, and bidding defiance to reason and experience, as well as to scripture. It is separating man from his Maker—dismembering the government of God, and exalting the “little, brief authority” of an aspiring worm, paramount to the throne of the King Eternal.

In the holy scriptures, we find princes and civil magistrates actually called gods; 19 and it is for this reason, because human authority is a shadow of the divine; and civil rulers are the vicegerents of God, commissioned to rule for him, and execute his will. With this argument, Paul enforces the duty of obedience to civil magistrates; on the ground, that human government is a divine ordinance, and earthly rulers are commissioned and empowered by the King of heaven. The instruction of inspired truth upon this subject is very express. Thus runs the charter of human governments—establishing their high authority—defining their legitimate powers—pointing out the true policy of their administration, and declaring the benevolent end of their institution:–

THE POWERS THAT BE ARE ORDAINED OF GOD. RULERS ARE NOT A TERROR TO GOOD WORKS, BUT TO THE EVIL. HE IS THE MINISTER OF GOD TO THEE FOR GOOD. HE BEARETH NOT THE SWORD IN VAIN, FOR HE IS THE MINISTER OF GOD, A REVENGER TO EXECUTE WRATH UPON HIM THAT DOETH EVIL. 20

Three important points are here established. First, That civil rulers are commissioned of God, and act by an authority delegated from him. Secondly, That impartial justice, truth and equity must form the spirit of their laws, and the policy of their administration. Thirdly, that the highest good of community, the general happiness, peace and prosperity of the state or nation, must be the great object and end of all human governments.

In perfect accordance with these principles was the solemn charge, which Moses, and after him Jehoshaphat, gave to the constituted authorities of Israel: “Hear the causes between your brethren, and judge righteously between every man and his brother, and the stranger that is with him. Ye shall not respect persons in judgment—ye shall hear the small as well as the great—ye shall not be afraid of the face of man; for the judgment is God’s.” Deut. i. 15. 16. “And he said to the judges, take heed what ye do, for ye judge not for man, but for the Lord, who is with you in the judgment.” 2 Chron. xix. 6.

Wisdom, power and goodness, the great principles of perfect sovereignty, so transcendently displayed in the government of Him who ruleth over all, are absolutely necessary to the perfection and proper ends of human governments, in all their constitutional forms, and in all their varied modes of administration. It is only through the deficiency of one, or some, or all of these, that any government ever fails of answering the highest and best end—the promotion and security of the general good.

If wisdom be wanting, the measures of government, however well intended, and however faithfully executed, yet being laid in ignorance and folly, must prove abortive, and fail of their end.—If goodness were wanting, wisdom would be but craft and cunning, and power degenerate into furious and arbitrary might. If wisdom and goodness both were extinct, government would be dreadful in proportion to its power. It would be the most frightful despotism; and directed to no other end than the misery and ruin of its subjects.

Without power, government would be but a name. The best laws would be unexecuted. Wisdom and goodness would be exercised in vain, and operate to no end. In the absence of them all, government has no existence. But these three united constitute the perfection of government, and exclude the possibility of tyranny and oppression.

The object of the divine government, as we have seen, is the greatest general good. This must be the object of human governments. Real philanthropy, enlarged, disinterested, diffusive benevolence, is the only genuine patriotism. Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself, is the true spirit of all free and happy governments among men; whether administered by one, by few, or by many;–by an hereditary monarch—by a diet of nobles—by a representative assembly chosen by the people; or, by a mixed government of either two or all of these combined. Wisdom, public spirit, uprightness and integrity are the indispensible qualifications of civil rulers. This we know from the highest authority. It is not a dictate of human philosophy only, but the injunction of divine revelation: “Take ye wise men and understanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you.” Deut. i. 13. “Moreover, thou shalt provide, out of all the people, able men, such as fear God; men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them, to be rulers of thousands, rulers of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens.” Exodus xviii. 21.

These plain passages, to every believer in divine revelation, must place the matter out of all doubt; and set the following points of political wisdom in the clearest light:

First, That legislators, rulers and civil magistrates must be men of sound heads and clear understandings—of known characters as men of talents, political wisdom and integrity: known among your tribes; thou shalt provide able men,” &c. Let them be native, free born citizens, nursed in the lap of their parent country—bred in the principles, habits and feelings of freemen, and well able to distinguish liberty from licentiousness, and the government of laws from the reign of tyranny and terror.—Again, “Take ye wise men, and understanding—provide out of all the people able men,”&c.; men well versed in the science of government, and understanding the true interests of the publick; not upstart pretenders, visionary theorists and projectors, strutting upon the stilts of philosophy, and swelling with the wisdom of Solon, while ignorant of the alphabet of legislation and government.

Secondly. From the same authority we learn, that civil rulers must be men who fear God—men who are the servants of the Most High—obedient subjects of the divine government, and devoted to the interests of the Redeemer’s kingdom.

The fear of God is the principle of religion in the heart; and “he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.” 21 Civil rulers, therefore, no less than the people over whom they rule, must feel themselves subjects of the universal government of God. They must recognize their allegiance and accountability to Him, under whom they hold their commissions, and take all their directions in duty from his word. In fine, they must be men of pure morals—men of virtuous character—men of real religion. Such only are qualified, in the several offices of civil authority, to co-operate with the infinite benevolence of their Creator, to the great and important ends of his government. Such only are fit instruments to be the ministers of God for good to his people. They who fear not God will not regard man. They will hold the divine authority and human happiness in equal contempt: and as vainly may we expect, from such rulers, the fruits of benevolence in the publick good, as to gather figs from thistles, or grapes from the noxious bramble. Human experience has ever verified that maxim of divine wisdom, “When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn.” 22

Thirdly. Civil rulers must be “men of truth.” They must not only walk humbly with God, but deal justly with men. They must possess that noble elevation of sentiment, that incorruptible integrity of soul, which is incapable of descending to the vile electioneering arts of intrigue and slander, misrepresentation and falsehood, to effect the objects of their own or others’ ambition. Let them be no fawning Absaloms—no cringing, time-serving office seekers, nor brawling professors of their exclusive love for the people.

Truth is the basis of every real excellence. It is the criterion of all moral and political worth. Civil rulers, therefore, must be sincere, and not pretended patriots—honest men, and not deceivers of the public; disguising their real views and motives, veiling their weak or wicked measures under false and specious pretexts—thus prostituting their talents, and sacrificing their integrity, their conscience and their country at the shrine of popularity. The administrators of government should never fear the truth—never fear to avow, in a plain and open manner, the real objects of their legislation and administration; but manfully meet their full share of responsibility; and not, by evading arts, meanly seek to cast off the odium of their own errors upon men more righteous than themselves.

Fourthly. Civil rulers must be men “hating covetousness.” Though the character is here delineated indirectly, and as it were, in a negative form; yet it is expressive of distinguishing and positive traits; and men of enlarged views, liberal sentiments and publick spirit, may be seen sitting for the picture.

The cupidity of hungry demagogues, scrambling for the loaves and fishes of office, is in nothing more distinctively marked, than in their flattering or censuring the conduct of men in power, according as they may apprehend the one or the other the more favourable to their views. Selfishness, not patriotism, is the concealed spirit which moves them;–their own honour and emolument are the real and sole objects of their aim. But those, possessing the qualifications of good rulers, are of a more excellent spirit. They are men of a disinterested character—men hating covetousness—men who will subordinate their own personal honour, wealth and aggrandizement to the publick good, and point, with undeviating aim, all their counsels, exertions and official duties to this one great end.

We have now delineated, by a comparison of opposites, the scriptural character of good civil rulers, who fill their office with duty and usefulness, and are publick blessings to their people. The character is drawn by divine wisdom, in the shortest terms, and yet it is full and complete. They must be provided or selected out of all the people—men of known wisdom and understanding—such as fear God—men of truth, and hating covetousness. These are the essential characteristics of good civil rulers. These, blessed be God, we and our fathers, the favoured sons of Connecticut, have known and realized by the happy experience of almost two centuries. To the divine goodness our warmest thanks are due. God hath never given us babes to be our princes, nor children, nor wicked men to rule over us; but hath ever given us our “judges, as at the first, and our counselors, as at the beginning;” 23 men, who have been his ministers for good to the people. This, from the infancy of our highly favoured republic, has been the distinguished character of our political fathers, who have successively filled, adorned and dignified the chair of state. They have been the chariots of our Israel, and the horsemen thereof. In this venerable catalogue, those men of God, the fathers and founders of our Commonwealth, Haynes, Winthrop and Saltonstal, and in later days, our illustrious Trumbulls, hold an eminent rank, and will ever occupy distinguished pages in the history of our country.

To the list of our departed worthies, we have now to subjoin the name of our late excellent and much lamented chief magistrate, Roger Griswold. The incurable malady, which, at our last anniversary, deprived us of his presence, and the legislature of his aid, has since, alas! terminated his useful life, and he now sleeps with his fathers.

After the striking testimony of respect to his memory, already borne by this honourable legislature, 24 and his correct and able funeral eulogium, now in the hands of the publick, it becomes me, I am sensible, on this subject, to be concise. Yet duty forbids me to be wholly silent. Justice to my own feelings—to the feelings of a bereaved publick, and to the memory of distinguished merit, demands, at least, the tribute of a—tear. The career of his publick services will furnish an interesting theme to future biographers, and to them it is left. His general character, however, by which he justly stood so highly respected and endeared, may be briefly drawn, in a few well known and distinctive traits.

In private life he was the accomplished gentleman, the man of science, the amiable friend, the kind and courteous neighbour, the affectionate parent, the tender husband, and the agreeable companion in every relation. In his publick walks, he was the thorough investigator of truth, the able statesman, the luminous speaker, the patriotic legislator, the discerning and upright judge, and the faithful, firm and independent magistrate.

While, with sentiments of affection and gratitude, we weep over his grave, and the tears for our beloved Trumbull, scarcely dried, are now caused to flow afresh for his worthy successor—let us bow, in humble submission, to the holy will of the supreme disposer, whose awful hand, in the short period of three years, 25 hath twice bereaved us of our chief magistrate. Let us penitently acknowledge his righteous chastisement, and bless him for his goodness, in raising up and qualifying, with such eminent talents for public usefulness, this distinguished fellow citizen, the faithful and able defender of our constitutional rights. With a peculiar sensibility, let us recognize his firm and distinguished conduct, in a late crisis of our national affairs, the most trying, interesting and eventful. 26 Thanks to heaven, that, at the first bursting of the storm, a Griswold stood at the helm; and undaunted at the shock which tried men’s souls, calmly guided, with his dying hands, our little bark, steady, straight and safe from all rocks and shallows, in its true constitutional course. His talents and firmness were tried and found equal to the emergence. Thus, like the clear, unclouded sun, he shone the brightest in his setting rays; and by the last act of his public life, he crowned the lofty climax of his well earned fame.

May the mantle of our departed Griswold, and his illustrious predecessors, descend to their successors; and their spirit be transmitted down to the latest posterity, through the venerable legislators, judges, and ruling fathers of our state.

5. Our subject leads us to reflect, that a good civil government is one of the greatest earthly blessings. It is to be enjoyed, with thankfulness to the great giver; and carefully preserved and transmitted, as the richest bequest to posterity.

The government, under which a people live, is so interwoven with their happiness, that it is inconceivable, how they can be prosperous, or happy, if this be evil. It would, therefore, be an unpardonable breach of duty, on this day, not to recognize so great a blessing.

Our form of national government originated from men of tried integrity and experience; having a full knowledge of the situation and peculiar wants of every portion of the country; and all the various forms of civil government on earth, with their evils and benefits, excellencies and defects; together with the experience of all preceding ages, fully before them. Possessing these advantages, they were enabled to construct an exceedingly wise and happy form of civil government. And no nation, it may be affirmed, ever experienced greater prosperity, than what we have enjoyed, under its operation and influence.

But this blessing is to be guarded with assiduous care, and preserved by every requisite means. Experience enforces this duty upon us. Public, as well as private, blessings are liable to be taken from us, and lost. The best human governments are imperfect. They are subject to abuse. They are formed, and they are administered, by frail, selfish and fallible agents. Under the wisest form of government, we have suffered various and grievous oppressions. In the obstinate pursuit of a strange and infatuated policy, our country has, for years, groaned under a series of privations and distresses; till, at length, we are plunged into an offensive war, with one of the most powerful nations of Europe, and under circumstances, in which national ruin is staring us in the face. We have, therefore, abundant reason to be alarmed with our danger—to be active in applying the means of safety; and to mingle fervent supplications of thanksgiving and praise.

6. We have, all of us, my fellow citizens, individually, and as a people, a special interest in this subject. It points its instruction to everyone, and speaks in loud and commanding accents. Let us hear the voice of wisdom, and attend to the things of our peace.

Is religion so necessary to the character of good civil rulers?—such a high and important qualification, for men in public authority, and called to administer the government of the state? Is it less so, to those who are the subjects of civil government, and in the walks of private life? No—but, if possible, the more necessary and important; as it is the proximate cause, and the necessary means of the other. For, in a free and elective government, where the people are the source of power, and have, either directly or indirectly, all the gifts o civil office, in their hands, the character of rulers will ever be formed by that of their constituents. They will be of the same moral stamp,–the very “image and superscription” of the people by whom they are elected. Unless, therefore, we are a religious people, it is vain to hope for the blessing of religious rulers. A corrupt spring will never send forth sweet waters; nor can the stream rise higher than its source. Let the great body of the people, or the majority of them, become wicked and unprincipled, and “the post of honour is”, at once, “a private station.” The excellent of the earth, if such may be found, men who fear God, and hate covetousness, will not be the public favourites, nor even candidates for office. They will be thrust into the background, and wholly overlooked. From the mutual relation between rulers and subjects, this truth results, as an invariable maxim, that a government will be wise and prosperous, according to the purity of the fountain from which it emanates. The connection is indissoluble, between a united and virtuous people, and the government of wise and faithful rulers. Both are great public blessings, but they cannot exist apart. The former is a necessary means of the other. The character of an elective government will ever be derived from that of its constituents; and its operation and success will be accordingly. Indeed, it is not within the reach of the wisest laws—it is utterly beyond the power and skill of the best civil rulers, to make a wicked people, a happy people; or to do them good, any further, than they may have influence to change the public character: for they are morally incapable of the blessings of any government, either human or divine. In the same proportion, therefore, in which, as a people, we relax in virtue, and the public character becomes vicious, is our government endangered.

The diffusion of general knowledge—the improvement of those means calculated to promote religious order and peace—the encouragement of schools, the due observation of the Sabbath, the support of the gospel ministry, and the public worship of God: and the counteracting of those corrupt principles, which weaken the sense of moral obligation, break the dearest ties of human life, and destroy the faith of an eternal retribution: these must be considered as things the most interesting to the public welfare. They essentially affect the main spring of our government. These are at the root. They form the character of the people, on whose shoulders the government rests.

While on this branch of the subject, I must beg the indulgence of a more particular attention to a certain moral duty of incalculable moment; I mean, the strict and religious observance of the day of holy rest. The idea has already been suggested, but I know not how to pass it with only a cursory hint; though a volume would scarce suffice to set forth its connection with the best interests of society; and trace all its important bearings upon the temporal and eternal welfare of men. No command in the Decalogue is enforced with more alluring, or more awful sanctions: there is not a duty inscribed upon the pages of inspiration, to which the promise of national blessings, and the threatening of national evils are so frequently, and so solemnly annexed, as to that divine precept, Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy. Among the multiplied proofs of this truth, I would only point you to that memorable passage, in the 17th chapter of Jeremiah’s prophecy: “Thus saith the Lord, take heed to yourselves, and bear no burden on the Sabbath day, nor bring it in by the gates of Jerusalem. Neither carry forth a burden out of your houses on the Sabbath day, neither do ye any work, but hallow ye the Sabbath day, as I commanded your fathers. And it shall come to pass, if ye diligently hearken unto me, saith the Lord, to bring in no burden through the gates of this city on the Sabbath day, but hallow the Sabbath day, to do no work therein, then shall there enter into the gates of this city, kings and princes, sitting upon the throne of David, riding in chariots, and on horses, they, and their princes, the men of Judah, and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and this city shall remain forever.” That is, the court, the city, and the country shall flourish; enjoying all the rich and valuable blessings of national peace and prosperity. “But, if ye will not hearken unto me, to hallow the Sabbath day, and not to bear a burden, even entering in at the gates of Jerusalem, on the Sabbath day, then will I kindle a fire in the gates thereof, and it shall devour the palaces of Jerusalem, and it shall not be quenched.” A threatening which was literally fulfilled, and which this very prophet lived to see and lament.

Observe, therefore, how necessary it is to sanctify the Sabbath, if we desire the favour of God, and the prosperity of our country. This duty is equally required of all classes of men. No burdens are to be borne, no common work to be done, no laboring, travelling, carrying out, or fetching in, except, in case of absolute necessity. We see what stress God lays upon this duty. He charges the neglect of it, as a crime which will bring ruin upon the state.—The religious observation of the Sabbath will support all the other branches of religion. It will strengthen and invigorate the principle of holy obedience. It will water every moral, and every Christian virtue at the root, and render them flourishing and fruitful. Indeed, there can be neither religion, nor morality without it. Therefore, let us take heed to ourselves. Great caution is needful, in a degenerate day, amidst so many bad examples, and when actually suffering, by war and pestilence, the awful judgments of heaven for this very sin. They, who merely to save time, on working days, contrive to take journeys, to visit their friends, or follow their business, on the Sabbath; and by so doing, deprive themselves of religious advantages; do, at least (however their thoughts may be employed) set a bad example to others and encourage them to profane the Sabbath. All, who indulge in such practices, should seriously attend to this awful admonition of heaven. And how they can imagine such a conduct consistent with the divine authority and law, with the design of the Sabbath—the solemnity of a Christian profession, or even with seeking the true interests of their country, is very astonishing. How they can vindicate it, before him, who will give to every man according to his ways, and according to the fruit of his doings, they would do well to consider.

When we reflect on the degenerated state of our national morals, and consider the fickle and fluctuating disposition of people, with regard to the necessary means of public strength and happiness, the long continued existence of our government is rather an object of trembling hope, than of confident expectation. We have, indeed, the means of perpetuating the government of our choice; but the danger is in our abusing these means—in our losing sight of that virtue and religion, the influence of which is absolutely necessary to the long, or real existence of any free government.

Besides, a government like ours, more than many others not so free and good, opens a wider door for the exercise of unprincipled ambition, and for the rage of party animosities. By the frequent elections 27 to the great national offices, rivalries will be excited, and party spirit, once in action, has no sufficient time to die. The flame is increased, and the difference of opinion widened. It is diffused through every vein, and effects every limb and joint of the great body politick. This has been our great political disease; and too true it is, that the most proper, and only efficacious remedy has been overlooked and unapplied. A spirit of conciliation, of mutual charity and condescension has been greatly wanting, among even the honest and well meaning of both parties. “Man is man;”—a composition of ignorance, weakness and vanity. Human conduct is ever marked with imperfection and error; and the best cause is often injured by improper motives, means and management.—These things, in their nature and tendency, are great evils. In their progress, they threaten, and in their issue, will destroy a republican government.

Every person, acquainted with the history of nations, knows that factions have always been the bane of free governments. And when we consider the unhappy divisions in our country, and the unyielding spirit which accompanies them, what is the ground of our hope? What, the pleasing prospect of transmitting the blessings of freedom and good government to our children?—Alas! all earthly enjoyments are empoisoned with sin. All human affairs are mutable and transitory. The constitution of bodies politic, no less than that of the human frame, is liable to infirmity, disease and death. Kingdoms and States embosom the seeds of dissolution, implanted in the moral nature of man. They rise and fall, in succession, like day and night. They have their morning, their rise, their meridian, their decline, and their setting sun. But, the GOVERNMENT OF GOD shall stand. The kingdom, power and glory are his forever, and all his blessed purposes shall be accomplished. Here is the only stable ground of hope, of comfort, and of confidence, in all the darksome scenes and prospects of human woe. This is the key note in the gospel harmony; this, the chord which ever vibrates in unison with good man’s heart.

Public virtue, then, I resume, is the foundation, and the very corner stone of every free government. It cannot exist without it. Let the religious principle become extinct, in the minds of the commonalty; so that the influence of public good, and the restraints of conscience shall cease to operate; and the republican institution is sapped at the foundation; the best laws will be totally inefficient, republican government will be but a name, and that too, of short continuance. As a natural consequence, it will tumble, like a rock from the precipice; and with it drag down, in one common ruin, the last remains of liberty, and every privilege and comfort, which render life a blessing. It will, it must end in despotism. In such a state, or nation, nothing but a system of terror, propelled by the strong arm of physical power, can impose the necessary restraints, and keep the heavy, iron bound wheels of government in motion. These, grating harsh thunder, as they roll, like those of the horrid car of Juggernaut, 28 will be smeared with the blood of wretched victims, crushed beneath their ponderous pressure. Injustice, oppression and cruelty are the mild, kindred virtues associated in the throne of despotic power. These are the garlands which deck the grisly brow of the Moloch of Tyranny.

Let it, then, be received, as an axiom in politics; let it be engraven upon our hearts, as with the point of a diamond; that Religion is the only sure foundation of a free and happy government. It is the great palladium of all our natural and social rights. Indeed, the connection between time and eternity is not more near and certain, than that between a wicked, demoralized state of community, and the government of tyranny.

With this truth blazing before us, can we pause, and reflect for a moment, without the mingled emotions of wonder and regret; that that public instrument, which guarantees our political rights of freedom and independence—our Constitution of national government, framed by such an august, learned and able body of men; formally adopted by the solemn resolution of each state; and justly admired and celebrated for its consummate political wisdom; has not the impress of religion upon it, not the smallest recognition of the government, or the being of God, or of the dependence and accountability of man. Be astonished, O earth!—Nothing, by which a foreigner might with certainty decide, whether we believe in the one true God, or in any God; whether we are a nation of Christians, or—But, I forbear. The subject is too delicate, to say more; and it is too interesting, to have said less. I leave it, with this single reflection, whether, if God be not in the camp, we have not reason to tremble for the ark?

I return from the digression, and repeat the sentiment, Religion is the only sure foundation of human government. Religious people are the good members of society. They who, in heart and life, acknowledge their allegiance to the King of heaven, are the best subjects, and the best supporters of civil authority; and they only are qualified to enjoy the permanent blessings of a free and equal government. Benevolence is the bond of social union, and the source of public peace and happiness. This holy principle cements all the natural and social relations. It makes good men, and good citizens. It strengthens, endears and sweetens all the tender charities of life. It unites the man to his neighbour, the Christian to his brother, and the creature to his God. Where there is this unity of sentiment and affection, there is ever unity of sentiment and affection, there is ever unity of interest and enjoyment. But a house divided against itself cannot stand. A building, composed of jarring and heterogeneous materials, like the visionary image of Nebuchadnezzar, tends to dissolution. The iron and the clay will never cement—never form a solid and lasting union; but, sooner or later, will tumble into ruin. That member of society, who is void of social and benevolent affection, is both a troublesome and disgraceful member. Like a round stone, in the composition of a great building, he can fit no place, in the whole wall. He touches his neighbours, but at points, and every touch is a wound. He mars the beauty, destroys the uniformity, and weakens the strength of the whole building. In a society, in a state, or nation, composed of such member, adieu to order, to friendship, and to peace.

Be cautioned then, my fellow citizens against the demon of party spirit; that spirit which casts the publick good into the background; and without any regard to the national interest, seeks, exclusively, the interests and the triumphs of a party. This is destructive to all free governments. It is the spirit of disunion, and tends to all evil. It violates the social compact, beats down the restraints of vice and immorality, tramples upon the most sacred obligations, sports with the dearest rights of society; and is rebellion against all governments, human and divine. Alas! The bright morning of our national glory, so calm, cool, peaceful and prosperous; while our GREAT AND GOOD FATHER lived, to protect and bless his country; this evil spirit has, thus quickly, overcast with clouds of darkness, greeted with the thunder of war, and encrimsoned with a deluge of blood.

The necessity of union cannot be too frequently impressed, nor its importance too highly appreciated. Bankruptcies incurred have often been retrieved;–ships lost can be replaced; Moscow, burnt to ashes may be rebuilt; but “union lost is seldom regained; and freedom once flown is gone forever.”

Our present situation imperiously requires unanimity, wisdom, firmness and energy among the people. In this day of darkness, distress and danger, in which our liberty, our independence, our national existence, our everything dear and valuable, on this side heaven, are at stake—there should be but one public sentiment—but one pulse should beat—one voice be heard; and one soul animate and inspire the whole body politic. If united and firm, we may still hope. If divided, we shall fall by our own hands, and incur the guilt of national suicide.

Pardon my warmth on this subject—it is impossible for me to be cold. It is the language of my heart, and I cannot suppress it. It is, however, by no means, intended to give offence to anyone; unless the truth shall offend; and the short lived and honourable reproach of such offences, I am willing to bear. They, whose views, either of religion, or government, do not exactly coincide with my own, will do me the justice to believe, that I mean not to wound their feelings, and that I am as honest in maintaining my opinions, as they can be in theirs; and that a sense of duty only, in the public station I hold under God, impels me, on this occasion, thus freely to declare them. I do declare myself feelingly alive to the public danger. I tremble in every nerve for the honour and safety of my country; and the awful fate which awaits our divided situation and our weak and distracted counsels. The title of United States, applied to a disunited people, is a burlesque and reproach. It is high time for the rage of political controversy to cease, or soon—I shudder at the thought—the sword may be drawn, which will be sheathed in brother’s bosoms. Let union at home and peace with the world, be the countersign with every class of citizens; the rallying watch-word among all the sons of freedom, the friends of their country and of mankind. Away, then, with all spirit of party dissension; its paltry objects and pernicious views; and away with that tame, temporizing spirit of dastardly union, which yields, and yields, and yields to be trodden and crushed to death, under the proud foot, which is elevated but to destroy. Let our union, like the wisdom from above, be first PURE, then PEACEABLE, gentle and easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy. 29 Our interests, fellow-citizens, are one, and why should not our hearts and our exertions be united? Let us join hands in the common cause, to promote the interests and achieve the salvation of our dear and suffering country.

Respected Legislators. In these principles and duties, you will readily recognize your own immediate and individual concernment. To you, they are especially interesting. Called by the suffrages of your country, to the high duties of legislation, under God, the administrators of our free and happy government; to you, we look up, as the guardians and protectors of our dearest rights. The duties of your station, ever the most important to the public, the present unhappy situation of our country renders the most difficult and arduous to yourselves. To “stem the torrent of a downward age”—to preserve the invaluable institutions of our pious ancestors—to ward off the threatening evils of a misguided policy, and to renew the happy scene of national peace and prosperity, which once we enjoyed, require the combined exertion of all your talents, wisdom, prudence and patriotism. On those halcyon days, we now look back with regret, and sighing exclaim. Oh, that we were s in months past, as in the days when God preserved us, when his candle shined upon our head; as we were in the days of our youth, when the Almighty was yet with us. 30

At no time, has our sovereignty, as a state, been more endangered, nor appeared more interesting to our own and our country’s happiness. You are called, therefore, fellow-citizens, to act your part, in a trying and difficult day. Our lot is cast in a perilous period. We have indeed fallen upon the worst of times, and therefore need the best of men at the helm; for without skillful and faithful pilots, on such a stormy sea, our national shipwreck is near and certain. But amidst all the existing evils and impending dangers, which assail our present peace, and darken our national prospects, faint not, nor be discouraged; be firm and undaunted, and never despair of the commonwealth. Truth is powerful and will prevail. The scales of imposition are falling from the eyes of ignorance. The light is beginning to penetrate the dark recesses of obstinate blindness and error—and after our long and dreary night, the rising sun will again appear, and pour the reviving beams of prosperity and peace. Remember that the Lord reigns, and the Most High is the governor among the nations. 31 The kingdom, power and glory are his forever. Be strong in the Lord, and trust in the God of your fathers. His counsel shall stand. His government is his own, it is perfect, it is supreme, it is universal, it is everlasting. Look to that as the grand source and perfect standard of all human authority. Thence derive all your directions in duty, all your wisdom and fortitude, all your support and encouragement. Then shall you be the ministers of God, for good to his people; and generations, yet unborn, shall arise and call you blessed.

Reverend Fathers and Brethren. May our hearts be warmed with renewed zeal, in the great duties of the holy ministry, and our motto be, that of our divine Master, “I must work while it is day.” The time is short—our departure is at hand. Soon will the night of death overtake us, and close our working season for ever. Soon must we be individually called, to give an account of our stewardship, and to meet our people at the bar of God. Let us be fired with a noble emulation to finish well this short life of labour and trial. Let nothing weaken our resolutions, nor paralyze our exertions; neither let us count our lives dear to ourselves, so that we may finish our course with joy, and the ministry which we have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace of God. Since the last anniversary election, no less than eight 32 of our dear brethren, our respected fathers and fellow labourers, in this state, have closed their earthly course, and given their final account. An unusual and awful mortality! Great is the publick loss in the removal of so many faithful ministers of Jesus. Our Zion mourns. Her watchmen weep. They vent their grief and their consolation too, in the feeling language of the Psalmist,

“Spare us, O Lord, aloud we pray,
Nor let our sun go down at noon;
Thy years are one eternal day,
And must thy children die so soon?

Yet, in the midst of death and grief,
This thought our sorrow shall assuage;
Our Father and our Saviour live,
Christ is the same in every age.”

For the kingdom, and the power and the glory are his forever. Under the influence of such and so many solemn warnings, Oh, let us be faithful to the interests of souls—faithful to the church of the Redeemer, which he hath bought with his blood—faithful to our country and to our God.

Men, brethren and fathers, rulers and citizens, ministers and people of every class, let me beseech you to reflect seriously upon this interesting subject—to divest yourselves of all party feelings and prejudices; and candidly inquire into the real situation, and the true interests of our country.

Our present happy form of government may survive these decaying limbs of ours; for we must soon sleep with our fathers: yet, the most of us have children whom we love, to leave behind us; and who is there, in all this numerous assembly, so base, as to be willing to leave them exposed to the dreadful effects of party rage and oppression? Who is there, sunk so far below the insensibility of a savage, as to feel indifferent towards the fate of posterity; and not earnestly wish to leave, to them, the same blessings, of civil and religious liberty, which, through the mercy of God, we have received from our ancestors, as the fruit of their patriotism, their piety, their prayers, and their blood?

Remember that “righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is the reproach of any people;”—that it is equally the duty of rulers and citizens, to do justly, love mercy and walk humbly with God. This is the sum of all religion. This is the true spirit of a free government. This is a duty incumbent on every citizen. If, therefore, we desire the prosperity of our country; if the salvation of our immortal souls, we must live soberly, righteously and godly in this present world.

Under a deep impression of this solemn truth, of our dependence on God, our awful accountability, and our high and immortal destination—let us unitedly pray, Our Father, who art in heaven, of thine infinite mercy, through Jesus Christ, vouchsafe to us and our dear posterity, all the blessings of life, liberty, peace, religion and government; the comforts of time and the happiness of eternity; for thine is the kingdom, and the power and the glory forever.

Amen.
 


Endnotes

1. Rom. xi. 33.

2. Rom. xi. 34, 35.

3. Prov. xvi. 4.

4. Rev. iv. 11.

5. Psalm ciii. 19.

6. Eph. iv. 6.

7. Isaiah xlv. 7.

8. Matthew xix. 26., 1 Tim. i. 17. Matthew xix. 17.

9. Psalm cxlv. 13.

10. Isaiah xxviii. 29.

11. Daniel iv. 35.

12. Isaiah vi. 3.

13. Psalms ii. 6. And lxxxvii. 3.

14. Isaiah lx. 1, 3.

15. Dan. vii. 27.

16. Eccl.

17. Matthew v. 48.

18. Prov. viii. 15.

19. Exodus xxii. 28., Psalms lxxxii 1. 6. And cxxxviii. 1., John x. 34.

20. Rom. 13.

21. 2 Samuel xxiii. 3.

22. Prov. xxix. 2.

23. Isaiah i. 25.

24. Governor Griswold died at Norwich, while the legislature were in session at New-Haven. Upon the news of his death, a committee of both houses was appointed, to attend his interment. A solemn funeral service was also attended by the General Assembly, in which, by their appointment, the Hon. David Daggett, Esq. pronounced an eulogium upon his character. The assembly also resolved to wear badges of mourning for thirty days.

25. Governor Trumbull died August 7th, 1809—and Gov. Griswold October 25th, 1812.

26. See the printed documents of the legislature, published at their special session in New-Haven, in August last; detailing the correspondence of our state executive with Gen. Dearborn, and the Secretary of War, relating to the subject of calling into actual service, in the present war, at the command of the President of the Union, a certain portion of the militia of this state.

27. What precise term of civil office is the most wise and beneficial, is a desideratum in politics, and a point in which the most enlightened republican statesmen are far from being agreed. Witness the great diversity of practice adopted by the constitutions of the several state governments, respecting the period of their elections. Frequent elections are unquestionably6, most congenial with the republican spirit, and most favourable to the liberties of the people: and yet it must be acknowledged, that there are mischiefs connected with either extreme. In the above observations, therefore, I pretend not to act the part of a Censor, nor even to hazard an opinion; but simply to state facts, and trace effects to their true cause. Perhaps, the evil complained of, party spirit, is an unavoidable appendage of a free government: arising from the weakness and imperfection of human nature: and may always be expected to exist, and be, more or less operative, under every republican institution; until the religious principle has a more general, and powerful influence; or, in other words, until men are more disposed to conduct like rational creatures, and become fitter subjects for the enjoyment of rational liberty.

28. See Dr. Buchanan’s Christian researches in Asia.

29. James iii. 17.

30. Job xxix. 2, 3, 4, 5.

31. Psalm xxii. 28.

32. Rev. Messrs. Timothy Pitkin, of Farmington; George Colton, Bolton; Benjamin Wildman, Southbury; James Dana, D. D., New-Haven; Joseph W. Crossman, Salisbury; Asahel Hooker, Norwich; Noah Benedict, Woodbury; Samuel Camp, Ridgefield.

Sermon – State Prison – 1812


sermon-state-prison-1812

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

STATE PRISON,

IN

MASSACHUSETTS,

November 29th, 1812.

BY CHARLES LOWELL,
Minister of the West Church in Boston

This Sermon was necessarily composed in much haste. In committing it to the press, the author has yielded to the wishes of friends, whose judgment he respects, and who thought the publication of it might be useful. The intelligent reader, recollecting the occasion and circumstances, will not be surprised at its plainness and simplicity.

SERMON.

Romans, ii. 4.
The goodness of God leadeth thee to repentance.

In addressing an audience like the one which is now before me, it may, at first view, appear extraordinary that, of all the attributes of God, I should select his goodness for the theme of my discourse. Deprived of that liberty, which is usually considered as the most precious birthright of man; prohibited, in a great measure, that social intercourse, to which the instincts of our nature forcibly impel us; and destitute of those domestic enjoyments which, next to religion, give the sweetest relish to human life, it may seem as if you, my friends, have but little reason to meditate on the goodness of God. His justice, indeed, has appeared to overtake you, and, in exhorting you to repentance, you might think it proper for me to dwell on the further infliction of that justice, if you continue impenitent. But where have been the proofs of his goodness, and what motives can be drawn from thence for penitential sorrow?

Listen to me, my hearers, with serious attention, and I will endeavour, in plain and simple language, to shew you that God has indeed been good to you, and that the recollection of this goodness ought to lead you to repentance.

In common with those of your fellow creatures whose situation is apparently more favourable than yours, you have received the gift of life. Life is in itself a blessing, and if rightly improved, is a source of much happiness. If you have not improved the blessing as you ought, if you have rendered life a source of unhappiness and misery, it is your own fault, and not the fault of God. It was good in him to bestow life, and in bestowing it, it was his design to confer happiness.

In common with others of your fellow creatures, you have received the gift of reason. This raised you above the brutes of the field, rendered you capable of acquiring knowledge and virtue, of holding intercourse with your fellow creatures, and of enjoying felicity both here and hereafter. If you have abused and perverted this gift, it is your own fault, and not the fault of God. It was good in him to bestow reason, and in bestowing it, it was his design to promote your happiness.

In common with other, you have received the gift of conscience, to deter you from sin, or to admonish you of guilt. If this faithful monitor has been disregarded, and its reproaches stifled, it is your own fault, and not the fault of God. It was good in him to bestow this gift, and it was his design that it should prompt you to virtue and happiness.

In common with others of your fellow creatures, you have been possessed of parents and friends. Your parents watched over you, and, under God, provided a supply for your wants, when you were unable to take care of yourselves; and many other of the friends whom God had given, have probably added to your comfort and enjoyment. Some of you have undoubtedly had parents and friends, who were anxious to bring you up in the fear of God, and thus to make you a blessing to yourselves and to society. If you have not been sensible of the value of these blessings, or heeded the advice or admonition you may have received, it is your own fault, and not the fault of God. It was good in him to bestow these blessings, and it was his design that they should promote your benefit and increase your happiness.

In common with some of your fellow creatures, you have been offered the gift of religion, of that religion which points out to you the path of duty and happiness here, and which promises you, if you accept of it, through the merits and mediation of Christ, the possession of perfect and everlasting enjoyment hereafter. If you have despised and rejected this gift, if you have turned a deaf ear to the voice of those who urged you to accept of the terms of salvation, it is your own fault, and not the fault of God. He was good, infinitely good, in offering you so great a blessing; and it was his design, that you should accept of it and be happy.

In thus enumerating the instances of God’s goodness towards you, my friends, I have necessarily confined myself to a general view of it. The particular circumstances of your past lives are best known to yourselves. You can, each of you, call up to mind numerous and essential benefits with which you have been favoured. The enjoyment of health, relief in seasons of distress, escape in times of danger, the favourable opportunities you may have possessed, however misimproved, for gaining knowledge and piety, or for success in the world by honest industry. All these things, and many more of which each of you must be conscious, are proofs, strong and affecting proofs, of the goodness of God.

And now let me ask you, let each one ask himself, what return he has made to God for so much goodness? Alas, my friends! The situation in which you are now placed, is a most sad and impressive reply. But, even here, even in your present circumstances, confined within the walls of this prison, you have reason to acknowledge and adore the goodness of God. Why were you not arrested in your career of iniquity by the hand of death, and hurried, with all your sins unrepented of, into the presence of an offended God? It was, because he would give you a longer space for repentance, not willing that you should perish, but that you should turn unto him and live.

Reflect, for a moment, how dreadful, how unspeakably dreadful would have been your condition, if, at the instant you were perpetrating the crime for which you were condemned to this place, you had been called, not to an earthly tribunal, but to the tribunal of the Almighty; of that Being who is of purer eyes than to behold evil, and who cannot look upon iniquity, but with the utmost abhorrence; of that Being, who is not only able to destroy the body, but can destroy both body and soul in hell.

Why, I may further ask, are you placed in a situation comparatively so comfortable, where you have the means of religious instruction and improvement, and where those who superintend the institution, are so anxious to lessen the evils of your lot, instead of being secluded in a dark and gloomy cell, or confined to a place where you would be destitute of the advantages you here enjoy? It is, because God is good to you.

Let me ask you again, what return have you made for all this goodness?

God gave you life, that you might glorify him, and promote your own welfare, and that of others. How unmindful have you been of the important ends for which life was bestowed upon you! Instead of devoting it to the service of God, have you not devoted it to the service of the enemy of God and man? Instead of promoting your own welfare, and that of others, have you not been pursuing a course destructive of your own welfare, and highly injurious to the welfare of your neighbor? Instead of a blessing, have you not been a pest to society?

God gave you reason, that you might know and love and adore him, that you might fulfill your duty in this world, and make preparation for a better world. How much have you abused and perverted this precious gift! It raised you above the level of the brute creation; have not many of you, by drowning it in intemperance and debauchery, often sunk yourselves far below their level? Instead of seeking to acquire a knowledge of God, have you not shewn by your conduct that you desired not the knowledge of his ways? Instead of glorifying God with the speech which he had given you, have you not often blasphemed his holy name and imprecated his vengeance upon yourselves and others? Instead of fulfilling your duty in the world, and devoting your powers and faculties to an useful purpose, have you not neglected your duty, and employed your powers and faculties in devising and executing plans of mischief and wickedness? Instead of preparing for heaven, have you not been pursuing the broad way that leadeth to destruction?

God gave you conscience to deter you from sin, or to excite you to repentance for it. Instead of heeding this faithful monitor, have you not stifled its reproaches, and some of you even seared it “as with a hot iron?”

God gave you parents to take care of you when you were unable to take care of yourselves, and friends to promote your comfort and happiness in life. How dreadfully have you requited those parents for their care of you, and how poorly have you fulfilled the claims of friendship!

Perhaps some of you have even abused the parents who gave you birth, have reviled them, have lifted up your unhallowed hands against them, or by your misconduct have brought down their heads in sorrow to the grave. This may have been the case with some of you whose parents not only gave you birth, and took care of your infancy and childhood, but endeavoured to teach you your duty to your God and your neighbor, that you might be respectable, useful and happy; who wept and prayed and labored for you. Oh, unfeeling, ungrateful men! Where was the vengeance of the Almighty that it did not forever silence the tongue that was uttering reproachful words of a father or a mother, that it did not wither the hand that was raised to smite a parent, that it did not at once arrest the guilty wretch in his mad career, and consign him to endless woe? How long-suffering, how compassionate is God!

Perhaps some of you have wronged the friends who trusted to your friendship and confided in your honour; or have corrupted and ruined them.

God offered you the gift of religion. He provided a way of salvation for you by Jesus Christ. He sent his son into the world to die that you might live; the just for the unjust that he might bring sinners to God. Have you not despised the gift? Have you not been unmindful of the sufferings and death of Christ on your behalf? Have you not turned a deaf ear to the invitations and warnings and threatening’s of God’s word? Have you not neglected the means and opportunities of religious instruction? Have you not followed the devices and desires of your own evil hearts, and been careless about the one thing needful, even the salvation of your immortal souls?

God has spared your lives, and given you a space for repentance in this place. How well you have requited this great and unmerited goodness, I cannot tell. But in the review of the goodness of God, and of your own ingratitude, disobedience and guilt, let me exhort you, let me earnestly exhort you, to deep and sincere repentance. I would fain hope that there are many of you who can be touched with a sense of the goodness of God, and with sorrow for having sinned against so much light, and so much love. This is the foundation on which repentance should be built. This is the repentance that will be most acceptable to God.

But if any of you are so hardened as to be unmoved by the recollection of the goodness of God, perhaps you may be affected by the view of his justice, which will assuredly be exercised upon you to the utmost, if you do not repent. An awful judgment day is at hand; it may come upon you unawares, and dreadful indeed will it be, if it find you unprepared for its arrival. Your portion will be weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth.

Be persuaded then, be excited to repentance and prayer, to seek earnestly for the forgiveness of your sins, for an interest in your Saviour, for peace with God. Let the sincerity of your repentance be manifested by a meek and quiet spirit, by respectful obedience to those who have the rule over you, by an obliging and affectionate conduct towards each other, and by a diligent performance of the work assigned you.

Many of you are here but for a limited period, and some of you are perhaps soon to return again to that world, which was the scene of your temptations and your guilt. Let me beseech you to endeavour to carry with you such principles and habits, as will enable you to redeem the time you have lost, and to compensate to society the injury you have done it. Perhaps you have parents still living, prepare to be a comfort to them in their old age, to sustain their feeble hands, to support their faltering footsteps, and to smooth their passage to the grave. Perhaps you have a wife, tender and affectionate, prepare to make her happy by a life of sobriety and virtue. Perhaps you have children, whom by your example, if not by your precepts, you may have been training up to vice and misery. Prepare to be yet a blessing to them, and to teach them by your future conduct, that having tasted the fruits of sin, you have found them indeed bitter. Thus you will be respectable and happy. You will regain the affection and esteem you may have forfeited, and retrieve the character you have lost.

Let those of you who are destined to finish their earthly course within these walls, endeavour to acquiesce in their lot, as the appointment of a wise and righteous Providence. Be thankful, my friends, that you have so many comforts, and especially, that you have the means of spiritual improvement. Use these means with diligence, I entreat you. Be earnest in your prayers, and sincere in your repentance, and you may then hope, through divine mercy, when the term of your probation is ended, to exchange a state of bondage and imprisonment, for the glorious liberty of the sons of God.

The most painful and arduous task I have yet to fulfill, in addressing you, my unhappy brethren, who by the sentence of the law are condemned to die. 1

How awful, how exceedingly awful is the situation in which you are placed. But a few short days will pass away, before you, who are now in health and in the vigour of life, will suffer an ignominious death, and appear at the judgment seat of God. How shall I address you? What words shall I use to impress you with a true sense of your condition, and of the importance of devoting the few remaining days of your life to diligent, to unwearied preparation for eternity?

You have heard me discourse of the goodness of God, and you have a witness in yourselves, that he has been good to you; that you are allowed this space for repentance, and that the officer, 2 to whose charge you have been committed, is so attentive to your spiritual, as well as temporal welfare, is a strong, but unmerited, proof of divine goodness. Do not, I conjure you, do not cast away from you the privileges you now enjoy!

How great, how aggravated have been your offences, against the clearest light; against the dictates of your reason; against the admonitions of your consciences; against the warnings of your parents; against the laws of society of which you could not be ignorant; against the suggestions of the Spirit, and the invitations and threatening’s of the word of God; against love unparalleled, mercy unbounded;

Let the goodness of God lead you to repentance. You have a little space left to you; fill it up with duty. Does any thing burden your consciences? Relieve yourselves from the burden. Can you repair any injury you have done to a fellow-creature by confession and acknowledgment? Do it. You are bound by all your hopes of happiness hereafter to do it. Have you kept back anything, that you have been exhorted to reveal? Do so no longer; you cannot deceive God, and in his presence you will soon appear.

My friends, this is the last time that I shall address you in this public manner. Soon, very soon, the curtain of eternity will hide you from my view; and the execution of the awful sentence of the law will deprive you, forever, of the means of instruction, will place you beyond the reach of any warning voice. I feel the solemn, the unspeakable importance of my situation. Oh, that I could be instrumental in exciting or encouraging repentance! Oh, that I could be instrumental in bringing you to your Saviour and your God! Turn ye to the strong hold, ye prisoners of hope! The blood of Christ cleanseth from all sin. Pray, earnestly pray, that you may be cleansed in that blood, and that you may secure an inheritance above, before it is forever too late. Let me again and again, entreat you, by the goodness of God, by the tender mercies of your Saviour, by the convictions of your own consciences, and by the prospect of a judgment to come, to seize this moment, which is given you for repentance.

Farewell—a long farewell.—Go to your cells again, and in that solemn retirement, where God only is present with you, meditate on what has now been said.

May God of his infinite mercy, carry it home to your hearts, and to the hearts of each one of us. And at last, when our course of duty and of discipline on earth is ended, may we all meet again in heaven, to celebrate, forever, the goodness of God, and the wonders of redeeming love!—Amen.

 


Endnotes

1 Samuel Tulley an American, and John Dalton an Englishman, then under sentence of death for piracy. They were convicted at the Circuit Court in Boston, October twenty-first.

2 The Marshal of the Massachusetts District, who has been unwearied in his humane attentions to these miserable men, and anxious that they should have, to the utmost, the benefit of religious instruction.