Era or Event: 1780s-1850s: Early Republic

John Smalley (1734-1820) graduated from Yale in 1756. He was the preacher for a church in New Britain, Connecticut (1758-1798). This sermon was preached by Smalley in Connecticut on May 8, 1800.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT HARTFORD, IN CONNECTICUT,

MAY 8, 1800.

By JOHN SMALLEY, A. M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN BERLIN.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, one thousand eight hundred—

ORDERED, That the Honorable Thomas Seymour and Selah Heart, Esquire, present the thanks of this Assembly, to the Reverend JOHN SMALLEY, for his Sermon, delivered on the Anniversary Election, on the eighth of May instant, and to request a copy thereof for publication.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

ISAIAH iii. 4, 5.

And I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them. And the people shall be oppressed, everyone by another, and everyone by his neighbour: the child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable.

When we read and hear such threatening predictions as this; and see our judges as at the first, and our counselors and governors as at the beginning—equally wise and good; we are ready to bless ourselves, and to say in our hearts, These things shall come upon us. That the whole of what is here foretold, has not yet come upon us, we have certainly great reason to bless God, and to congratulate one another. But it should be remembered, that neither past mercies, nor present happy circumstances, are any security against evils to come. Surprising changes in this fallen world, have ever been frequent, and are still to be expected. Prosperity and adversity, like sunshine and storms, are wont to follow each other, almost in constant rotation. Communities, as well as individuals, that have been remarkably raised up, are often as wonderfully cast down, in the providence of God, when most exalted. “He blesseth them also,” it is said, ¹ “so that they are multiplied greatly, and suffereth not their cattle to decrease. Again they are minished, and brought low, through oppression, affliction and sorrow.”

Of such vicissitudes, the chosen people threatened in our text, was a striking and an instructive example. This nation had long been favored, in regard to government, as well as religion, far beyond any other then on the earth. From its earliest infancy, it had been under the peculiar guardianship of heaven. “When Israel was a child,” says the most High in Hosea, ²“then I loved him, and called my son out of Egypt:–I taught Ephraim also to go, taking them by their arms: I drew them with cords of a man, with bands of love; and I was to them as they that take off the yoke.”

They had been liberated from powerful oppressors, and cruel task-masters, by the out-stretched arm of the Almighty. They had been led like a flock, through the Red Sea, and forty years in a most perilous, howling wilderness, by the hand of Moses and Aaron. Under Joshua, their great and beloved general, they had vanquished mighty armies; and had obtained a peaceful settlement as a free and an independent people, in a land flowing with milk and honey.

Here, when they forgot God their Saviour, who had done such great things for them, and so many wonderous works before their eyes, he sometimes left them to have no guide, overseer or ruler; and suffered the Heathen around them, to make terrible inroads on their borders. Nevertheless, as often as they cried unto the Lord in their distresses, he raised them up judges—valiant, righteous men, to deliver them out of the hand of their enemies, and to administer justice among them. Afterwards, because of their uneasiness, and the hardness of their hearts, God gave them kings; and these, several of them, were very eminent for wisdom and virtue. Nor was their happiness, in this respect, yet at an end; for Isaiah prophesied no later than the reign of Hezekiah; one of the most amiable and best of princes.

But, from the days of their fathers, they had gone away from God’s ordinances; and now, it seems, the measure of their iniquities was almost full. A very awful decree of the holy One of Israel against them is therefore here announced. See the preceding context. “For, behold, the Lord, the Lord of hosts, doth take away from Jerusalem, and from Judah, the stay and the staff; the whole stay of bread, and the whole stay of water; the mighty man, and the man of war; the judge, and the prophet, and the prudent, and the ancient; the captain of fifty, and the honorable man, and the counselor, and the cunning artificer, and the eloquent orator. And I will give children to be their princes,” &c.

From my text, thus connected, the doctrine deducible, which will be our present subject, is this:

That to be under a weak government, is one of the greatest calamities, ever sent upon a people.

This, you observe, is here threatened together with drought and famine in the extreme—a total want of bread and of water; as well as being bereaved of the most eminent men, in every necessary employment: and it is mentioned last, and most enlarged upon, as the consummation of misery.

But, after explaining the calamity designed, and some of the principal causes of it, I shall attend, more particularly, to the proof and illustration of this doctrine.

There are two senses, in which government is said to be weak: when it is unwise; and when it wants energy. The latter is the more extensive signification of the phrase; and it comprehends the former: this, therefore, is the sense now to be considered. By a weak government will be meant, one that wants energy; whether through the weakness of those by whom it is administered, or by any other means.

To mention, with a little enlargement, some of the most common causes of so great an evil, will not be foreign to the design of this anniversary.

1. That the government of a nation or state has not proper energy, may be the fault of its constitution. A form of government may be such, that, unless the administration of it be arbitrary, it will necessarily be weak.

To give rulers all that power, and reserve to the subjects all that liberty, which is best for the people, is a nice point; very difficult, I imagine, to be exactly hit, by the wisest of men, and men the most disinterested. There is a danger of erring, undoubtedly, on either hand; of abridging freedom, as well as of limiting authority, more than is for the greatest general good—of adopting a constitution too despotic, as well as one too feeble. But when it is left to the people at large, what government it is left to the people at large, what government they will be under, the error most to be apprehended, I believe, is on the side of inefficiency.

The love of liberty is natural to all mankind; and even to birds, and four-footed animals, and creeping things. Of this celebrated virtue, we lost nothing by the fall of our first parents. Everyone, however depraved in other respects, wishes to be free—unboundedly free; to have none above him; to be his own subject, his own governor, his own judge. And when, for obtaining the advantages of social union, individuals give up to the community, or to any constituted authorities, a power over their words and actions, their property and lives; they do it with great reluctance, and as sparingly as possible.

To observe the extreme reluctance of some, on such occasions—to see how strenuously they will dispute every inch of power, vested anywhere, which might possibly be abused, or turned against themselves; is apt to remind one of the cautious policy of certain ancient Pagans, described by Jeremiah, in regard to their gods. Not only would they have gods of their own making, and made of such materials that they must needs be born, because they could not go; but, as wooden gods could fall and might happen to fall upon the makers of them, or on their children, or valuable furniture; for full security, they fastened them with nails and with hammers. “Be not afraid of them,” says the prophet; “for they cannot do evil, neither also is it in them to do good.”

Checks, unquestionably, there ought to be, on every department of a free government: But if such checks be laid upon rulers, that the ruled are under no check at all, harmless, indeed, will such rulers be; but altogether insignificant. These servants of the people, must have more power than the child, and the base, who proudly so call them; unless we would have them miserable gods, or ministers of God to us for good—their scripture titles. They must have authority to punish treasonable lies against themselves, as well as slanders against the meanest of their subjects; otherwise, who will be afraid of them? Or what protection can they afford?

2. That the government of a people is too weak, may be the fault of those betrusted with its administration. It may be owing to their weakness; or to their indolence, or flowness in doing business; or to their excessive lenity; or to their not being of a virtuous character, or not paying a due attention to the strict regularity of their own lives. These particulars, suffer me cursorily to go over.

When the rulers of a land are children; whether in understanding, or in firmness and stability of mind, we are not certainly to expect that the reins of government will be guided with discretion, and held with sufficient force. To govern well, at least in the higher and more difficult offices, considerable theoretic knowledge, some experience, and more than common natural powers, are altogether necessary. And so is that degree of courage and inflexibility, which will enable a man to maintain his post, and to persevere in what appears to him the plain path of duty; unmoved by noisy opposition—undaunted by popular clamor—undismayed by imminent danger.

To support an efficient government, rulers must likewise be men of vigilance and activity. “He that ruleth,” says an Apostle,³ “with diligence.” And of Jeroboam it was said, ⁴ “Solomon, seeing the young man that he was industrious, he made him ruler over all the charge of the house of Joseph.” A commonwealth, under the superintendency of indolent men, will resemble the field of the slothful which we read of, that was “all grown over with thorns; the face of it covered with nettles, and the stone wall thereof broken down.” Or, though rulers be not “slothful in business;” they may be so slow in transacting it, and in bringing anything to a termination, as very much to lower the tone, and defeat the salutary designs, of civil government. When courts of justice are so dilatory in their decisions, and such endless evasions, and reviews, are admitted; that a man had better lose almost any debt or damage, than commence a legal process for a recovery, the protection of law must be lamentably weak.

Excessive lenity, will have a similar effect. Mercy, is indeed an amiable attribute; to pass over a transgression, is said to be the glory of a man; and being ready to forgive, is a duty much inculcated in the word of God: But in one who sustains any place of authority, whether that of a parent or master, or civil magistrate; lenity and indulgence may be carried farther than is the glory or duty of a man; unless it be his duty and glory to have no government. Should rulers remit crimes, or pass them over without condemnation, when the public good, or righting an injured individual, requires their punishment; merciful they might be, but not as our Father in Heaven is merciful.

Liberality to the poor, out of one’s own proper goods, is a capital Christian virtue; but of the property of other people, judges and law-givers, may possibly be over liberal. The persons even of the poor are not to be respected in judgment. Making provision by law, for supporting such as are unable to support themselves, is doubtless very commendable; but why those who happen to be the creditors of the poor; who have helped them much already, and suffered much by their slackness and breach of promise, should be still obliged to lose ten times more for their relief, or for the relief of their families, than others equally able, it is not easy to conceive. And should courts of law, or courts of equity, cancel the debts of men, whenever they please a present incapacity to pay them, whether such clemency might not too much weaken government, as a security to everyone in his rightful claims, may be a question. Indeed, in any case, to give an insolvent debtor a final discharge from all he owes, without the consent of his creditors, looks like giving him a license to be an unrighteous man. For can it ever be right, or can any court under heaven make it right, for a man not to pay his promised debts, for value received, when now he has money enough, because once, the payment of them was not in the power of his hands.

Thus to exonerate of a heavy load of old debts, one deeply insolvent, is necessary, it will be said; as without this he could have no courage to commence business anew. And, no doubt, such expected exoneration, will be a mighty encouragement to extravagant adventurers, who have nothing to lose, since, by running the greatest hazards, with the slenderest chance of immense gain, they risk only the property of others. If successful, the profit is their own; if unsuccessful, the loss is their neighbour’s. But if the tendency of being thus merciful, were much better than it is; or the urgency for it far greater; would it not be doing evil that good may come. “He that ruleth over men must be just” ⁵ The laws of truth and righteousness, are not noses of wax; to be bent anyway, as will suit present convenience. It is dangerous to break down, or break over, the fixed barrier of eternal justice, on any pretence of temporary necessity.

One way more was hinted, in which those who govern, may weaken government; and that is, by being men of a vicious character; or by not paying a due attention to the strict regularity of their own lives. Indeed, “a wicked ruler” is often strong, and fierce, and active, as “a roaring lion and a ranging bear;” but rarely for the benefit of “the poor people.” He will not be eager to pluck the spoil out of the mouth of the fraudulent villain, or the violent oppressor; unless that he may get it into his own. Nor will authority, in the hands of libertine men, however it may terrify, be much revered. When the makers or judges of laws, are themselves notorious breakers of them, or of the laws of heaven, government will necessarily fall into contempt. It is also to be observed, that advancing to posts of honor, men of loose principles and morals, gives reputation to licentiousness, and stamps it as the current fashion. Their example will encourage evil doers, more than all the punishments they are likely to inflict, will be a terror to them. “The wicked walk on every side when the vilest men are exalted.” ⁶

But rulers may be far from being the vilest men, they may be very good men; and yet, by an incautious conformity to common practices, supposed to be innocent, they may too much countenance some things which are of very hurtful tendency. Permit me to instance in one particular. “It is not for kings,” we read, “to drink wine, nor for princes strong drink.”⁷ And certainly, it is not for the lower classes to drink so much of these as many of them do, if they regard their health, or competence, or peace. I select this instance, because it is directly pertinent to the main subject in hand. Nothing is a greater weakener of government—nothing makes the multitude more heady and high minded—nothing raises oftener or louder, the cry of liberty and equality—nothing more emboldens and enflames that little member, which boasteth great things, and setteth on fire the whole course of nature—nothing, in a word, makes men more incapable of governing themselves, or of being governed, than strong drink. Now, if rulers drink, though not to drunkenness; no so as quite to “forget the law,” or greatly to “pervert the judgment of any;” if they only drink as much as is very universally customary, in polite circles, on great occasions; though they do not hurt themselves, they may too much sanction that which will hurt their inferiors. That divine injunction, “Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil,”⁸ lies with peculiar weight on civil rulers, as well as religious teachers. They, more than others, are under obligation to lead the multitude, in whatsoever things are sober, wise and good. They, of all men, are bound in duty to abstain from all appearance of anything, which, improved upon by bungling eager imitators, might grow into a practice pernicious to society. Nor should it be forgotten, that every deviation from rectitude of conduct, lessens the dignity, and lowers the authority of great men. “Dead flies cause the ointment of the apothecary to send forth a stinking favor: so doth a little folly, him that is in reputation for wisdom and honor.” ⁹ But,

3. That weakness of government which is a calamity to any people, is often principally the fault of the people themselves. It may be owing to their negligence, or to their caprice and folly, in the choice of their rulers; or it may be owing to their ill-treatment of them when chosen. A government most excellent in its constitution, and most wise, just and firm, in its administration, may be enervated, or rendered inadequate, by the ungovernableness of the people: By their revilings and slanders—their haughtiness and insolence—their factions and tumults. David once said, “I am this day weak, though anointed king; and these men, the sons of Zeruiah, are too hard for me.” ¹⁰

Nor must it be omitted, that, besides the immediate natural causes of a weak government, the irreligion, or general wickedness of a people, may be its procuring cause, as a judgment of heaven. “The most High ruleth in the” nations of men; “and giveth” the dominion over them, “to whomsoever he will.” ¹¹ “For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south; but God is the judge; he putteth down one, and setteth up another.” ¹² When the ways of a people please the Lord—when they fear Him, and work righteousness; among other blessings, he gives them good governors, under whose able and equitable administration, they lead quiet and peaceable lives. On the contrary, when they forget Him, neglect his worship, and disregard his word; among other modes of punishment, he takes away their wise and faithful magistrates, and gives them weak or wicked ones in their stead; or leaves them to trample all authority under foot. This was the cause of the calamities threatened in our text and context. See the eighth verse, which concludes the paragraph. “For Jerusalem is ruined, and Judah is fallen; because their tongue and their doings are against the Lord, to provoke the eyes of his glory.”

Let us now attend, as was proposed, to the proof and illustration of the doctrine laid down: That, of all the calamities ever sent upon a people, being under a weak government, is one of the most deplorable.

It is said, ¹³ “Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child.” It is also asked, ¹⁴ “If the foundations be destroyed, what can the righteous do?” And if we consider the matter, it may easily be seen, that the people of all characters, and not merely the righteous among them, must be in a very wretched condition, should government be overturned, or have no coercive force.

First; an exposedness to all manner of mutual injuries, without redress, is one obvious evil thence arising. The people shall be oppressed, everyone by another, and every one by his neighbor.

“Surely oppression maketh a wise man mad,” is an observation of the royal preacher.¹⁵ And many are the accounts in history, of oppression’s having had this effect on a multitude of men, the wise among the foolish. How often have whole nations raved and raged, like the fiercest of animals, under the operation of the hydrophobia, at only a distant oppression of this terrible evil?

I am sensible, it is the dread of oppression from government, and not of being oppressed one by another, through the want or weakness of it, that usually occasions this rage, and these ravings. The people are ten times more apt to be afraid of having heavy burdens and grievous restraints laid upon them, by the best men in power, than of anything they might be in danger of suffering from their equals, however wicked, and however unrestrained. But what can be the reason of this? Is it because there is not really as much mischief to be feared, from individual, as from public oppression? From the oppressions of the many, as of the few? From the unrighteousness of millions, let loose, as from that of one man, or a small number of men?

This, certainly, is not the case; this cannot be the reason. When there is no law, and everyone does what he thinks fit, without fear of punishment, the people, I believe, have ever been and are ever likely to be, much more unhappy than even under a very despotic and oppressive government.

What then is the reason? Why are the people, whose voice is said to be the voice of God, so much more ready to sound and take an alarm, when threatened with the latter, than with the former of these evils? Why are they so loud and tumultuous, when their liberties are thought to be in any danger; and so quiet and easy, when government is rudely attacked, and ready to be overthrown? Why is the shock of terror so much greater and more universal, at the remotest prospect of tyranny, than at the nearest, and most evident approximation to total anarchy?—There may be several reasons.

One, probably, is; when the people are oppressed by each other, their sufferings are separately felt: Whereas, oppression from the higher powers falls upon all in a body. In the former case, everyone bears his own different burdens; and divided complaints, though bitter, make but a confused and feeble murmur: in the latter case, all feel or fear the same; all voices, therefore, are united in one tremendous cry.

Another reason may be; under oppression from government, often no other way of relief is seen, than popular combinations and insurrections; but when injuries are done us by individuals, because there is no government to restrain them, a remedy is always near and obvious. If everyone is oppressed, everyone can be an oppressor. If a man’s neighbours all bite and devour him, he can bite and devour all his neighbours. Hence, a dissolution of government, instead of being universally deprecated, appears to many, “A consummation devoutly to be wished.”

But there is another cause of the wonderful phenomenon I am accounting for, more influential perhaps with the most, than both the forementioned. It is owing to charity. A kind of charity, not the exclusive glory of modern times; but entirely peculiar to fallen creatures. A kind of charity, which covers a multitude of our own sins, from our own sight. A kind of charity which always begins, and ends, at home; though often extensive in its circuits. From this boasted charity, we are ever inclined to hope all things, and believe all things, in favour of any number, or class, or order of beings, in which we ourselves are included. Thus men, naturally think of mankind, more highly than they ought to think. Frenchmen, of the French: Britons, of the British: Americans, of the people of America: Those of every state and town, of their own state’s men and town’s men; and men of every calling, of their brethren of the same occupation, collectively considered. In like manner, the common people, think the common people exceedingly honest, harmless, and virtuous; while of those in power, though of their own choosing, and just chosen out of all the people, they have not near so favorable an opinion. That the people should have too much liberty, therefore, they are not at all afraid: that rulers will not have checks enough upon them, is all their fear.

This beam of selfish liberality of sentiment, it ay be impossible for us to cast wholly out of our eye: But that, round the edges of it, we may get some glimpse of real human nature; I know of no better way than to look upon mankind one by one; or in circles not including ourselves. Let us then think of other nations; other states; other towns, and neighbourhoods; or of particular persons among our nearest neighbours. In this separate view, let us search and look; let us impartially examine characters.—Where do we find a great predominance of the innocent inoffensive people? Where do we find a nation, or state, or town, or society, except our own, so very virtuous? Where do we find many individuals, besides ourselves, so just and true, temperate and chaste, meek and merciful; so free from covetousness, pride, envy, revenge, and every unfriendly passion, that we could live safely among them, were they at full liberty from all the restraints of law and government?

Indeed, how great an alteration this would make, in the apparent characters of most men, it is difficult to conceive, without the trial. A very partial trial of it, for a short time, some of us have once seen; when it was made lawful to discharge pecuniary obligations, at the rate of a tenth, a twentieth, and even a fiftieth, of the real value justly due. We then had a convincing evidence, that the external justice of our common honest people, is owing to the expected compulsion of civil law, much more than to uprightness of heart, or feelings of conscience, or any dread of a higher tribunal. From this specimen, and from the sacred story of the behavior of the men of Benjamin, relative to the Levite from mount Ephraim, when “there was no king in Israel; and everyone did that which was right in his own eyes;” we may have some faint idea of the horrid scenes of unrighteousness, lewdness and cruelty, that would everywhere be acted, were it not for the fear of temporal punishment. From all that we have read of the destruction of mankind by one another, whenever they are at liberty; and from recent indisputable information of the shocking state of things, where government has been overturned; we may well believe that the scripture accounts of the depravity of men, are no exaggeration. Not even the following: “Their throat is an open sepulcher; with their tongues they have used deceit; the poison of asps is under their lips; whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness; their feet are swift to shed blood. Destruction and misery are in their ways, and the way of peace have they not known.” ¹⁶

But if this be a true portrait of fallen men, when left to themselves, how much are we indebted to the restraint laid upon them, for the little peace we enjoy? And may we not well be convinced, that all the terror of the civil sword, in the most faithful and skillful hands, will not be more than enough to restrain from iniquity, such a race of beings, so that they may dwell together, not in unity, as brethren, but with any tolerable safety? Especially if, as is added to finish the above picture, “There is no fear of God before their eyes?” And that this last trait, is still a part of the character of many, is abundantly evident, both from their avowed principles and open practices. Now this being the case, that while the hearts of men are fully set in them to do evil, they have no fear of the God of heaven to restrain them; were it not for the dread of gods on earth, our civil rulers, what security should we have, for our names, or property, or lives? If we had no other evil to apprehend, from weakness of government, than only this, of lying open to all manner of mutual oppressions, slander, frauds and violences; it would, even then, be evidently one of the greatest calamities that could befall a people.

But a second evil, somewhat distinct, and worthy of some notice, is suggested in our text: No one in a subordinate station would keep his proper place, or treat his superiors with suitable respect. The child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable.

Solomon says, “There is an evil which I have seen under the sun, as an error that proceedeth from the ruler: Folly is set in great dignity, and the rich in low place. I have seen servants riding upon horses, and princes walking as servants upon the earth.” ¹⁷ When authority fails, or is obstructed, at the fountain head, its remotest streams must, in a little time, run low. If parents will not obey magistrates, children will be disobedient to parents; if masters refuse subjection to the higher powers, their servants and apprentices will soon pay as little regard to their injunctions. Thus this evil proceedeth from the ruler; or from his not being able to rule. And a serious evil it certainly is. By superiors, in every degree, it will soon be very sensibly felt. They will have none to fear them, none to honor them, none over whom they can have any command. Inferiors, of the very lowest grade, may exult, for awhile, in such areas of freedom; and think them glorious times. But even to these—to the child and the base, this turning of things upside down, generally proves fatal in the end. Being under no control, they spend their time in idleness; waste their substance, if they have any, in riotous living; have recourse to pilfering, gambling, and every hazardous expedient, to support their extravagances, and by various foolish and hurtful practices, soon plunge themselves into irrecoverable wretchedness and ruin.

There is yet a third capital evil, arising from too weak a government, which, though not mentioned in our text, should be briefly noticed, when treating of this subject at large. A community in such a situation, will be able to make little defense against a foreign enemy. Like the people of Laish, who had no magistrate in the land to put them to shame in anything; they will be an easy prey to any handful of enterprising invaders. No resources can be drawn forth—no navies furnished—no armies raised and supplied—no fortifications erected and garrisoned, without energy in government. What Solomon says of a man that has no rule over his own spirit, holds equally true of an ungoverned nation: it “is as a city that is broken down, and without walls.”

The doctrine, I conceive, needs no farther illustration or proof. It only remains, that I endeavor to point out some useful inferences from it, applicable to our own times, and to the present occasion.

1. The Holy Scriptures may hence be vindicated, in their being so much on the side of government; and no more favorable to the insurrection of inferiors.

On these topics, it must be acknowledged, the spirit of the gospel, as well as of the Old Testament, is somewhat different from the spirit that worketh in the children of disobedience, among whom we have all had our conversation. Our Saviour “went about doing good, and healing all that were oppressed of the devil;” but under the political oppressions of the Jews, his countrymen, he seemed not much to sympathize with them. When it hurt their consciences to pay tribute to a foreign power, and they asked him whether it were lawful; his answer was, “Render to Caesar, the things that are Caesar’s, and to God, the things that are God’s.” He constantly preached peace, meekness, humility and submission. His apostles in like manner, taught children to obey and honor their parents: and servants to be “subject to their own masters, with all fear; not only to the good and gentle, but also to the forward.” And, instead of animating their numerous proselytes, at Crete, at Rome, and all over the world, to rise in arms against these rulers of the earth who were their unrighteous and unmerciful persecutors; they would have them “put in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates:” ¹⁸ they exhorted them to “submit themselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake;” ¹⁹ and told them, “Whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation.” ²⁰

At this distance of time, and after so many revolutions, such passages as these may seem hard sayings, to some good soldiers, even of Jesus Christ. No wonder that the inculcators of so much poverty of spirit, should be rejected with scorn, and treated with scurrility, in this “age of reason.” We are not to wonder, were there no other cause, that infidelity should exceedingly increase, in these times of “illumination.”

To the spiritually minded Christian, however, it will readily occur, in favour of the author and finisher of our faith, and his first ministers, that the great objet they had in view, was to save the souls of men; and that, teaching them to be meek and lowly in heart, poor in spirit, and contented in whatsoever state they were, was better adapted to this design; than filling the heads of inferiors with exalted notions of the equal “rights of man;” inflaming their hearts with pride and angry passions; and throwing families into envying and strife, and nations into the convulsions of civil war; till everyone can be as free as the freest, and as high as the highest.

But, leaving things eternal out of the question; according to the subject to which we have now been attending, if the preachers and penmen of the New-Testament had aimed only to promote the temporal happiness, of only the lower classes of mankind, they would have done wisely in writing and preaching, on the duties of subordination, exactly as they did. Never can there be peace on earth, or any safety among men, while children are allowed to rise up against their parents, servants against their masters, and subjects against their civil rulers, whenever they think differently from them, or dislike their government. Thus to make the child, the governor of his governors, and the base, the judge of his judges, is the certain way to endless confusion, in all human societies.

2. If the doctrine insisted on be true, it follows, that a ready submission to all those burdens which are necessary for the support of good government, and for national defence, is the wisdom, as well as duty of any people.

The apostle to the Romans, having said, “The powers that be are ordained of God;” having observed that the benevolent end of their ordination was the good of the people; and, on these grounds, having enjoined subjection to them, he adds; “For this cause pay ye tribute also: for they are God’s ministers, attending continually upon this very thing.”

Public expenses are apt to appear to many, excessively high: but, perhaps, they do not well consider the real occasion there is for great expenditures, in a nation or state of any magnitude.

In order to the support of good government, many rulers, of high and low degree, are absolutely necessary. And it is necessary that those who occupy the higher offices, should be men of superior knowledge, and uncommon natural abilities: such knowledge as is not easily acquired, and such abilities as might procure them a plentiful income in other occupations. If the bramble, or the shrub oak, were adequate to rule over the trees, a cheap government might be expected; but if the vine, the fig-tree, and the olive-tree, must be promoted; we are not to think that these will leave their rich fruits; their sweetness, and fatness, without a suitable compensation.—Besides, rulers of high rank, must be at no inconsiderable expense, to support the proper dignity of their stations. It is also to be taken into the account, that the duties of those who rule well, and attend continually upon this very thing, are not only exceedingly laborious, but that some parts of the essential services they have to render must be very disagreeable; if they have any compassionate sensibility. The execution of deserved vengeance, is said to be God’s strange work; as being, in itself, most opposite to One whose nature is love, and who delighteth in mercy. And, doubtless, that punishment of evil doers, for which earthly rulers re appointed, and which the public good requires, must be rally painful to the feelings of humanity; more painful, in many cases, than the amputation of limbs, and other high operations in surgery, for which, on that account, as well as because of the superior skill and great care requisite, an ample fee to the operator is thought reasonable. Moreover; those who stand in elevated stations, are the marks of obloquy, and exposed to many dangers, much more than men on the level ground of private life. All these things well weighed, the equitable reward of governors, and the necessary cost of supporting good government, must be no inconsiderable burden on the people.

In order to national defense, against hostilities from abroad, still heavier expenses are often indispensible. In perilous times, there must be armies and fleets, forts and garrisons. At the first outset, more especially, when all these things are to be new-created, to a people unused to such vast expenditures, they will naturally appear enormous; and very easily may a popular clamor be raised against them. It is possible, indeed, that more may be laid out in these ways, many times, than the public exigencies require; but of this, few of the complainers are competent to judge. A nation that has an extended coast, and an extensive commerce to defend, had better be at immense charges for the security of these, than lie open to those spoliations and invasions, to which, without arming, when all the world is at war, they might inevitably be exposed.

To provide both for the internal and external safety of a numerous people, the burdens laid upon them must often be heavy. These are evils to be lamented; but in the present state of mankind, they are necessary for the prevention of far greater evils; and should therefore be submitted to, without murmuring.

3. The preceding observations may suggest to us, some peculiar advantages of a republican form of government. ²¹

Under every form, there must be orders and degrees; some must bear rule, and others be subject to tribute. Under every form, there will be duties, imposts, excises, and perhaps direct taxation. All forms of government, however, are not equal. Much advantage hath the republican, many ways.

One advantage is, that the people may always have good rulers, unless it be their own fault. Under a monarchy, or an aristocracy, let the body of the people be ever so virtuous, and ever so vigilant, they may have children for their princes, and babes to rule over them. When power is hereditary, in kings or nobles, not only is there a risk of having the highest seats of government filled by minors; but, if this should not happen, the hazard is great, that those who inherit the first offices of government, will frequently be men of not much knowledge, or of not much virtue. But in elective governments, where the people at large are the electors, and especially where the elections are frequent, they may always have wise and faithful men in all places of authority; if such are to be found, and if such they choose.

It may next be observed; that in republican governments, there is the least occasion for illegal associations, or popular tumults, to obtain a redress of grievances. If there be any mal-administration, or any fault in the constitution, a remedy is provided, without disturbing the public pace.

Another advantage must not be forgotten, which is very great: under this free form of government, the interests of rulers and subjects are so blended—so the same, that the former cannot oppress the latter, without equally oppressing themselves. In an absolute monarchy, the king; and in an aristocracy, the nobles, may “bind heavy burdens, and lay them on men’s shoulders,” without being obliged to “touch them themselves with one of their fingers:” but in democracies, the highest magistrates are subject to the same laws, the same duties, the same taxes, which they impose upon others. At least, those who this year bear rule, the next election may be under law, under tribute. This is a great security against their decreeing unrighteous decrees, and writing grievous things.

Lastly; representative rulers feel themselves so dependent on the people, for their continuance in office, that they are not likely to grow haughty and unreasonably over-bearing, as those naturally will, who have no such dependence.

These are some of the peculiar advantages of a republican government. But then, it is to be well remembered, that the best things may become the worst for us, be being abused. To render democratic governments stable and happy, it is highly necessary that the people should be wise, virtuous, peaceable, and easily governed. For want of these requisites, republics have often been, like “man that is born of a woman, of few days, and full of trouble.”

4. In the more particular application of our subject, we are naturally led to a view and conviction, of our own mercies, and privileges, and prospects, and duties.

That the past mercies of Heaven towards this country, have been singularly great, every pious observer will be ready devoutly to acknowledge. I have reference, chiefly, to political mercies; or those which relate to civil liberty and government. Hardly another instance can be found, I believe, in all history, of a people’s enjoying both these blessings jointly, in so high a degree, for so great a length of time, as they have been enjoyed by several of these united states; and by this state, in particular. The people of Connecticut, from the beginning, have invariably chosen their chief magistrates, and general assembly; and they have had a succession of good governors far beyond the common lot of mankind. Our “officers have been peace, and our exactors righteousness,” with as few exceptions, perhaps, as ever were known in any part of the world.

Or, if we confine the retrospect, within the compass of the last five and twenty years; and extend it to the whole union, how wonderful have been the salvations granted us! In this period, we have passed through the Red Sea of a revolutionary war; in which our then friends and coadjutors, assaying to follow us, as most who ever attempted it before us, have been drowned. Here, quite contrary to what usually happens, on such occasions, we had guides eminent for prudence, stability, coolness, and unconquerable perseverance. And one, super-eminent for all those; by the integrity of whose heart, and the skillfulness of whose hands, we were led like a flock, in safety, far surpassing all rational expectation. We have also passed, afterwards, thro the howling wilderness of an almost national anarchy: where were pits, and scorpions, and fiery flying serpents. Here again, our great men, with the greatest of all at their head, in a general convention, formed and recommended our present admirable constitution. And our wisest counselors and most eloquent orators, in every state, straining every nerve, procured its adoption; whereby we were saved, when on the brink of dissolution. That such men were raised up, and put forward, in these times of need; and their way made prosperous; was certainly “the Lord’s doing, and ought to be marvelous in our eyes.” In either of these perils, “it was of the Lord’s mercies that we were not consumed.”

And as past mercies, so our present privileges, are singular, and such as deserve a very grateful acknowledgment. While many other nations are suffering the ravages of a most furious war, still likely to be carried on with redoubled rage; we enjoy the inestimable blessings of peace. While most other nations are under the dominion of hereditary kings and nobles, such as they happen to be born and educated, whether virtuous or vicious, wise men or fools; we have rulers from the highest to the lowest, of our own election. While one other nation, great and highly civilized, after swimming in seas of blood for eight years, and after nearly as many revolutions, in a violent contest for liberty and equality, has at last, nothing more of either than the empty name, we possess the reality of both, as far as is consistent with any order or safety.

Our national expenses are necessarily great: but the burden of them is laid, as much as possible, on those most able to bear it; among whom, the imposers, being of the richer class, has taken a large proportion on themselves. In the nation, and in this state, the policy of government, certainly, is not to “grind the face of the poor.” The mildness and gentleness of our administration, it appears to me, is generally very great; and, in regard to its wisdom and firmness, considering the times, I think it deserving of much applause. Respecting rulers, certainly our condition, hitherto, is far different from that described and threatened in our text.

Such have been our mercies; such are our privileges. What then are our prospects?—Not altogether fair and promising, after all. As in the blessings of heaven, and the abuse of these blessings, there is a striking resemblance between us, and the land of Judah and inhabitants of Jerusalem, at the time of this prophecy, to which we have been attending; so, in the sequel, it is possible there may be a similitude. Our mountain is not yet so strong, that we have reason, from any quarter, to say in our prosperity, we shall never be moved.

Some may flatter themselves, that, although other republics have frequently been tumultuous, and of short continuance; ours will be peaceful and permanent, because of the greater knowledge and virtue of the people.

It is true, in this part of the union at least, “We know that we all have knowledge.” But, I doubt, we have more of the “knowledge which puffeth up,” than of that knowledge which promises “stability of times.” It is true, we have the light of the gospel; and were we disposed to be guided by this light, we need not fear the fate of ancient republics, that were bewildered in Pagan darkness. But, in matters relative to government and subordination; too many choose to take their instructions from Heathen philosophy, rather than from the oracles of God. And as the knowledge, so the virtue, of even this happy country, exceedingly wants to be Christianized. It is true, our “charity aboundeth:” but I am afraid we have not much of that charity which is “the bond of perfectness, or the bond of peace.”

Perhaps some good people are ready to think, we may safely “trust in God; who hath delivered, and doth deliver, that he will yet deliver us.” And had we rendered according to the benefits done us, indeed, we might thus securely trust. But has this been the case? On the contrary, have we not sinned more and more, since the almost miraculous deliverances granted us? Has not the worship of God been neglected; his day and name been profaned, his laws transgressed, and his gospel despised and rejected, of late years, more than ever? Have not infidelity, and all manner of loose principles, and immoral practices, abounded in all parts of the land, since the revolution, and our happy independence, more than at any former period?—Shall we then “lean upon the Lord, and say, Is not the Lord among us? No evil can come upon us?” ²² Or shall we think, “Because we are innocent, surely his anger shall turn from us?” His ancient covenant people thus leaned, and thus said, in times of their greatest degeneracy; but what were the answers of God to them? ²³ “You only have I known, of all the families of the earth; therefore will I punish you for all your iniquities.” And, “shall I not visit for these things? Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?”

When we read such solemn divine admonitions as these, and consider our own ways and doings, can we confidently expect the continued smiles and protection of the holy governor of the world? Instead of this, may not our flesh well tremble for fear of him? Have we not reason to be afraid of his avenging judgments?

And has he not already begun to testify his righteous displeasure against us, in some terrible instances? For several years past, our capital towns and cities have been sorely visited with a wasting pestilence; little, if at all known before, in these parts. And now, very lately, a most awful breach has been made upon us; and of the very same kind threatened in our context to Jerusalem and Judah. For, behold, the Lord, the Lord of hosts, hath taken away from America, the stay and the staff:–the mighty man, and the man of war. The judge, and the prudent, and the ancient: The captain of all our armies, and our most honorable man. All these, in one; by a sudden and surprising stroke, hath the Lord taken away. The man who “fought for us, and adventured his life for, and delivered us.” The man who gave system to our distracted affairs; united our broken confederacy; and long guided our difficult course, between the whirlpools of European wars. The man, but for whom, very possibly, we should now have been wretched, conquered, rebel colonies; instead of triumphant, free, independent states; and but for whom, afterwards, we might have been as a rope of sand, instead of a strong united nation:–The man to whom we are thus indebted—on whom we were thus dependent, is no more.

What farther public calamities the sudden decease of this great Saviour of his country may portend, God only knows. We have reason to apprehend, that as he was ever prosperous in life, so his death, for him, was favorably timed; that he was taken out of the way of evils to come; great evils coming on a land most dear to him; which he could only have seen, to his inexpressible sorrow of heart, without being able to prevent. This lesson, however, we are plainly and most impressively taught, by a Providence which has clothed a continent in mourning; that Gods on earth must die like men.²⁴ That o man hath power over the spirit, to retain the spirit; neither hath he power in the day of death; and there is no discharge in that war.” We have many great and good men, yet spared to us; nor are we without one, at the head of our national government, who, I presume, has the high veneration of the best judges, and their cordial prayers that he may long live; and long fill the important station which he now possesses. But his breath is in his nostrils; and so is the breath of every other man, most accounted of; in the nation, or in the state. Nor is natural death, the only way whereby our remaining firm pillars, may be removed.

And if we consider the spirit that now worketh, well may we be apprehensive of unhappy changes; and of all the evils threatened in our text. Some of these, we already experience. Though God hath not given children to be our princes, nor many bad men, we hope, to rule over us; yet the people are oppressed one by another, in a degree, I believe, beyond what has been usual heretofore. And certainly it is a remarkable day, for the child’s behaving himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable. Nor is this to be wondered at. Of such scenes as we have lately passed through, it is the natural consequence. In revolutionary times, all expressions of respect are wont to be laid aside, or the application of them reversed. The great lessons inculcated on youth, instead of modesty, dutifulness and subordination; are boldness, self-sufficiency, and self-importance. Children, too young to read the Bible, or to be taught their catechism, are mounted on the stage, to act the orator, the patriot and politician: while the parents, the aged and the wise, fit or stand around in low place, wonder and applaud. Brutus and Cassius, (not Jesus nor Paul, Peter nor John,) are the great models and instructors, of the rising generation of Christians. Such things as these, we have seen; and the effects of them, we still sadly feel. Habits of subordination, always painful to human pride; when once effaced, or much weakened, are not easily restored. On the other hand, habits of haughtiness and disobedience, always congenial to the human heart; when once imbibed, naturally increase to more ungovernableness. One point of freedom gained, another is struggled for with the greater ardor. Licentiousness, like the rave, never says, “It is enough.”

In this state, though not near so free as some, great liberties are enjoyed. We have liberty to do everything that we ought; and a great many things that we ought not. In matters of religion, our liberties are almost unbounded. We may sell, buy and read, what books we please: the best, or the most atheistical and blasphemous. We may worship what god we choose: a just God, or one who has no justice for men to fear. Every creature, has equal liberty to preach the gospel: and to preach what gospel he thinks proper. Those who persuade men by the terrors of the Lord, to stand in awe, and not sin; and those who embolden men in all manner of iniquity, by assurances of no wrath to come, have equal encouragement. Any people may make the firmest legal contract for the support of what minister they will; and any number, or all of them, may break it when they will.—In civil matters, our liberty is a little more circumscribed; yet, in these, we have a good deal of elbow-room, to do wrong, as well as right. We may honor all men, or defame the most dignified and worthy characters. We may speak the truth, or assert and propagate falsehoods. Man may fulfill their promises, or not fulfill them; pay their debts, or never pay them, without any restraint, or much danger of compulsion. All these liberties, and a thousand others, if not explicitly by law allowed; are taken, very freely by many, in their worst latitude; and taken with impunity, in a multitude of instances.

Yet, with all this, numbers among ourselves, and much greater numbers in the freer states, it is said, are not satisfied; but are striving, by calumnies, and by intrigues, for new revolutions still further to weaken government. That some men might wish to have their own hands and tongues at greater liberty, provided their neighbours and enemies could be kept fast bound, may easily be conceived: but how any man, on the least sober reflection, should be willing that all others should be under less restraint than they now are, appears almost inconceivable. One would have thought, that the tragedy so long exhibited on the great European theatre of confusion, and especially the last scene; must have opened the eyes of the most blind; and obliged them to see, that overturning and overturning, with a view to break all bonds of society asunder, is not the way to public happiness, or personal safety. Nevertheless, this seems not to have been the case. A majority of the people, however, it may be presumed, are convinced, that our greatest immediate danger, is of having too little government, not too little liberty.

Nor are our duties, if we have this conviction, hard to be understood. Were we in earnest disposed, to stand in the ways, and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way? And would we walk therein, rest might be found; and the threatened evils now spoken of, be prevented.

If we would not have the child behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable, greater attention should be paid to the schooling and government of the rising generation. Some attempt towards a reform in this matter has already been made, under the auspices of the general assembly: and, as far as I have had opportunity to observe, it has been attended with encouraging effects. It is necessary that those just weaned from the breast, should have line upon line, and precept upon precept; and it is of importance what those lines and precepts are. Little ones should be learnt their letters, at least; if not a few lines of the New-Testament, before they are learnt to be Grecian and Roman orators and patriots. They should be learnt a little modesty, and a little manners, before they are learnt to govern the nation. They should be made good children, before we attempt to make them great men.

If our legislators would prevent our being oppressed every one by another, the old and good way is, to have a code of laws, as short and plain as possible, and suitably enforced. Obsolete laws; and laws the only tendency of which is to evade, or needlessly delay, the operation of justice; I should think, ought to be repealed. And certainly great care should be taken, by the appointment of capable and faithful judiciary and informing officers, that the laws unrepealed be duly executed.

If our judges of courts, would keep us from oppressing, or being oppressed, they should cause “judgment to run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream.” They should see that the old complaint in Isaiah;²⁵ “Judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off; truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter,” be not applicable to ourselves. They should see, if possible, that their judgment seats be not environed with so high piles of voluminous fortifications, and such numerous garrisons, armed at all points, and able to defend anything, that right can hardly be obtained, in the plainest cause, without a siege, as long, and as costly, as the siege of Troy.

If the freemen—the fountain of power, would strengthen government, or guard against its being farther weakened; they should be very punctual in attending their legal meetings, and very careful for whom they give in their suffrages, as members of Assembly, or of Congress. They should see that they do not vote for weak men, however honest; nor for vicious men, however capable; nor for intriguing men, who are crowding themselves forward, by every popular artifice: who understand perfectly all the duties and faults of their superiors, but see no beam in their own eye, and never mind their own business. Men of real abilities, are generally unassuming and self-dissident. Men sensible of the difficulties and responsibility of important posts of trust, are generally backward to undertake them. Men restless where they are, and troublesome to those above them, are generally haughty and overbearing, if advanced to higher stations. Nor should the freemen be too much given to change; unless they mean to weaken government. Bad men, if in office, cannot be too soon turned out; but those who have ruled well, ought not to be dropped, merely that every man may have his turn; nor merely to show the great power of the people, and to keep their servants, who govern them, more in fear of them.

The ministers of the gospel, are thought to have no concern with the temporal happiness of mankind: doubtless, the good way for them, whether the old way or not, is to confine themselves very much to their spiritual vocation. Doubtless their principal business is, to save the souls of those who hear them. But in order to this, they must warn all, of that “wrath of God which is reveled from heaven, against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men.” They must “convert sinners from the error of their ways,” or they cannot “save their souls from death.” They must teach their converts to “observe all things whatsoever Christ hath commanded,” by himself or his Apostles; or they cannot make them “meet to be partakers of the inheritance of the saints in light.” And among these instructions, teaching them to “obey those who have the rule over them, and to be cautious how they speak evil of dignities, must not be omitted. Ministers must not “shun to declare all the counsel of God,” both to rulers and subjects, if they would be “pure from the blood of all men.” In a word, they must do what in them lies to make all their hearers good Christians; for without this they can never get them to heaven; and they need do no more, to make them peaceable and orderly members of society on earth. Thus far, and in this manner, Aaron may still support the hand of Moses, in ministering to the temporal good of men, even in a consistency with the modern line of separation drawn between them.

Lastly; all of every order, if they would do their part to prevent all the evils threatened in our text and context, from coming upon us, as the righteous judgments of Heaven, must see that their tongues and their doings are not against the Lord. Never can we rationally hope that God will be at peace with us, unless we treat his laws and ordinances with greater attention and respect. Unless we cease to do evil, and learn to do well; unless some check be put to those loose principles, and licentious practices, which have over-flowed all our cities, and towns, and villages.

The old paths, then, and the good way, to which we must return, and in which we must walk, would we find rest, are plain before us.

But, it is to be feared, the voice of a majority may now be, as it was in the days of Jeremiah: We will not walk therein. Both from the signs of the times, and from several predictions of scripture, I think the probability is, that things are not about to alter for the better, but for the worse. Mankind seem yet combining, and “taking counsel together, against the Lord, and against his anointed, saying, Let us break their bands asunder, and cast away their cords from us;” and God seems remarkably leaving them to strong delusions, to believe strange lies. He seems determined to let them go on, and try the boasted experiment of liberty and revolutions, to the uttermost: designing, it may be supposed, to have a more convictive discovery exhibited, than has ever yet been given, of the madness in the heart of the sons of men, before the general regeneration of the world. The unclean spirits, predicted to come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, as represented in the vision of John; appear evidently to have gone forth over all the earth, and to have been exceedingly busy and successful, in raising and training up their forces for the battle of that great day of God Almighty; ²⁶ which, according to the common calculation of expositors, is now only commencing. Whether we turn our eyes to the word of prophecy, or to the aspects of providence, we have reason to be very apprehensive, that “this darkness” is yet for a while, to “cover the earth, and gross darkness the people,” ²⁷ in a greater and greater degree, before the expected reign of light and truth, righteousness and peace.

Nevertheless, let not good men despond: nor let them relax their exertions to repel, as long and as extensively as they can, the prevalence of error, irreligion and wretchedness. Mightier is He that is with them, than all that are against them. When it is asked in the eleventh Psalm: “If the foundations be destroyed, what can the righteous do?” the answer is short, but very emphatical and abundantly sufficient: “The Lord is in his holy temple; the Lord’s throne is in heaven. Elsewhere, the Psalmist, adoring the power and wisdom of the Most High, says, “Surely the wrath of man shall praise thee; the remainder of the wrath shalt thou restrain.” ²⁸ It is often said, “Christ is able to support his own church and ministers, without the aid of human laws.” This is doubtless true, it is also true, that Christ is able to take care of his church, and to bring the many sons given him to glory, without any ministers at all. And equally true is it, that God is able to govern the nations, without the help of earthly rulers. But, from these premises, the consequence will not follow, without hard drawing, that men may innocently and safely neglect exerting the power they have, for the support, either of good government, or of uncorrupted Christianity. “Those that walk in pride, God is able to abase;” but is there therefore nothing hazardous, nor wrong, in thus walking? A curse was once denounced, on them who “came not to the help of the Lord, against the mighty; though the Lord helped himself, without their assistance. But the foregoing truths, however they may have been perverted to the countenancing of human negligence in the cause of God or Christ, are matter of just consolation to the pious and good, when they walk in darkness and have no light: when they see little probability that their utmost efforts for the support of order, or of undefiled religion, will have any effect.

There will always be some, and some that ought to be leaders and teachers, whose policy it is, to turn with the times; to swim with the tide, and swing with the vibrating pendulum of popular opinion. Who will trim their way to seek love; and “become all things to all men, if by all means they may save” themselves. But a steadfast adherence to truth and duty, however great the apparent danger, is the only way of real safety. He who thus “loses his life, shall save it;” and he shall lose his life who would save it,” by deserting his post, or hiding himself under refuges of falsehood, when evil is forseen. “The fearful and unbelieving, shall have their part” at last, in the same lake with bolder transgressors. “The fear of man bringeth a snare; but whoso putteth his trust in the Lord shall be safe.”²⁹ For the encouragement of good men, in perilous times, and particularly of good rulers, it is written: “He that walketh righteously, and speaketh uprightly; he that despiseth the gain of oppressions, that shaketh his hands from holding of bribes, that stoppeth his ears from hearing of blood, and shutteth his eyes from seeing evil; he shall dwell on high; his place of defence shall be the munitions of rocks: bread shall be given him, his waters shall be sure.” ³⁰ On these grounds is the exhortation in Isaiah, a few chapters after our text, ³¹ with which I shall conclude. “Say ye not, A confederacy, to all them to whom this people shall say, A confederacy: neither fear ye their fear, nor be afraid. Sanctify the Lord of hosts himself; and let him be your fear, and let Him be your dread.”

Endnotes

¹. Psalm cvii. 38, 39.

². Chap. xi. 1-4.

³. Rom xii. 8.

⁴. I Kings xi. 28.

⁵. 2 Sam. xxiii. 3.

⁶. Psalm xii. 8.

⁷. Prov. xxxi. 4.

⁸. Exod. xxiii. 2.

⁹. Eccl. x. 1.

¹⁰. 2 Sam. iii. 39.

¹¹. Dan. iv. 32.

¹². Psal. lxxv. 6, 7.

¹³. Eccl. x. 16.

¹⁴. Psal. xi. 3.

¹⁵. Eccl. vii. 7.

¹⁶. Rom. iii. 13-17.

¹⁷. Eccl. x. 5, 6, 7.

¹⁸. Tit. iii. 1.

¹⁹. 1 Pet. ii. 13.

²⁰. Rom. xiii. 2.

²¹. This inference was passed over in the delivery.

²². Micah iii. 11. Jer. ii. 25.

²³. Amos iii. 2. Jer. v. 9.

²⁴. Psal. lxxxii. 6, 7. Eccl. viii. 8.

²⁵. Chap. lix. 14.

²⁶. Rev. xvi. 13, 14.

²⁷. Isa. ix. 2.

²⁸. Psal. lxxvi. 10.

²⁹. Prov. xxix. 25.

³⁰. Isa. xxxiii. 15, 16.

³¹. Chap. viii. 12, 13.

Cyprian Strong (1743-1811) graduated from Yale in 1763. He served as a town clerk in Farmington, Connecticut (1766) before becoming pastor of a church at Chatham, CT (1767-1811). Strong preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 9, 1799.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT

HARTFORD,

ON THE DAY OF THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

May 9, 1799.

By CYPRIAN STRONG, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN CHATHAM.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday, of May, A.D. 1799.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Thomas Seymour, and Mr. Hezekiah Goodrich present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Cyprian Strong, for his Sermon delivered before them, at the General Election, on the 9th of Inst. May, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

I CHRONICLES xxix. 11.

–Thine is the Kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as Head above all.

In the passage which has now been read, we have the devout acknowledgment of king David, who was the first magistrate, in the most respectable kingdom, which, at that time, existed. He was as remarkable for piety and religion, as for eminence and distinction, in the Jewish nation.

It was not an inconsiderable evidence, of the fervor of his piety, that he maintained the most exalted and reverential conceptions of God, in the height of earthly magnificence, amid the splendor and pomp of a Court, which so commonly dazzle the eyes of mankind, and plunge them into scenes of voluptuousness.

Nebuchadnezzar, who was at the head of the Chaldean Empire, was so intoxicated, with the splendors of royalty, that “his heart was lifted up and his mind hardened in pride,” so that he did not know and consider, “That the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men.” And, fact and experience afford the most convincing evidence, that worldly distinctions and honors, through the native corruption of the human heart, have a most powerful tendency to render men unmindful of Him, by whom “kings reign and princes decree justice.” But, this was very far from being exemplified in David. Although, from a shepherd, he was raised to a throne, and exalted as the head of a respectable and truly great nation, which always reverenced his authority; yet, he did not, through pride of heart, so rate his dignity and worldly consequence, as to think it beneath him, devoutly to acknowledge God, as the Supreme Ruler of the universe. He was sensible, that his elevated station and worldly magnificence, were the fruit and effect, of God’s sovereign disposal. In the text, he most devoutly ascribes everything to Him. “Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all.” And, in the succeeding words, “Both riches and honors come of thee—in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all.”

It may be further observed, that king David was not only ready, most solemnly to acknowledge, the existence of God; but he viewed and reverenced him “as head above all.” Not as the prophet Elijah sarcastically described Baal, as an idle talker, or as pursuing a journey, or as sleeping; or, in a word, as being an idle and unconcerned spectator of the world; but as being particularly concerned in the government and control of the universe.—“Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all.”

The text will naturally direct our attention, to the two following things.

I. The nature of that kingdom, which is said, in the text, to be the Lord’s.

II. In what sense the kingdom may be said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all.

It is hoped, that in the prosecution of what has now been proposed, such observations and remarks will be made, as will render the discourse both seasonable, and pertinent to this public anniversary.

I. It is proposed, to attend to the nature of that kingdom, which, in the text, is said to be the Lord’s.

The inhabitants of this world, are divided into many kingdoms and governments, which, in the sacred scriptures, are called “the kingdom of men.” But that kingdom which is said, in the text, to be the Lord’s, has not a respect to any one of those kingdoms, in exclusion of the rest.

The time has been, indeed, when God took upon himself the government of the Hebrews; and, in his dispensations, a very special respect was paid them. His administrations were particularly directed, to the establishment of that favorite people; yet God was, at the same time, as truly at the head of other nations, and did dispose of and superintend all their affairs, in the same manner that he did the affairs and concerns of the Jews. God had purposes to answer, relative to the Jewish nation, which he had not respecting other nations; for they were a chosen people. Although the allotments of God, to other nations, were subordinated to the advancement of the Hebrews, yet, events were allotted out to the former, in as immediate and efficient a manner as they were to the latter. The purposes of God, respecting different nations, have been different; yet God has not at the present time, nor ever had in time past, a more immediate disposal of the affairs of one nation than of another. The kingdom, which in the text is called the Lord’s, is not limited by or confined to any earthly kingdom.

But, the kingdom which is the Lord’s does, in a sense, embrace the universe; consisting of all ranks and grades of creatures, throughout all worlds. The government of God extends to all things, both animate and inanimate. All the worlds and creatures which God hath made, constitute one system. The various orders of existences, from the archangel to the most inconsiderable insect, constitute the links of a perfect chain, and are like wheels which are necessary to complete a perfect machine. They are all necessary to form a perfect system. And, as the Lord is “exalted as head above all,” so all things which exist, are comprehended in his kingdom. God manages every part of the universe, in such a manner, as shall best answer the purposes which he had in view, when he brought them into being.

The sacred scriptures teach us, thus to consider the extent of the kingdom which is the Lord’s. In them, God is said to rule among the nations—to build them up or pluck them down at what instant he pleases. Famine, pestilence and the sword are said to be under his control. It is God who balances the clouds, and gives the former and the latter rain in their season. And it is further asserted, that the superintending care and disposing hand of God are concerned, even in the falling of the sparrow to the ground. The kingdom which is the Lord’s, therefore, comprehends the universe. Hence, in the text, God is said to be “exalted as Head above all,”—above everything which exists.

Again; to our having proper apprehensions of the kingdom which is the Lord’s, it is necessary to bring into view not only its extent, but the object or end of it.

God does not exercise a control over the universe, and concern himself with the affairs of all ranks of creatures, as a mere amusement; he has an important object in view, in all his administrations; and, that is to raise up and establish a kingdom of holiness and righteousness.

The government of God does consist, summarily, in so conducting and arranging events, as shall, eventually, advance the spiritual and moral good of the universe, or establish a holy and spiritual kingdom. All the plans, institutions and operations of God are directed to that end. The end of the natural is the moral world. As all the ranks and orders of existencies are to be considered, as so many links of a perfect chain, so all the events which take place, and all God’s appointments and institutions are to be viewed, as so many means to advance the moral and spiritual good, or the holiness and happiness of intelligent beings; and so to establish and perfect a kingdom of holiness and righteousness. And, all being united, do form a perfect system of means and events, for the security of so important an object.—As the advancement and establishment of a kingdom of righteousness require, God builds up or pulls down earthly kingdoms. The great Monarchies of the world, which have been raised up and again tumbled into ruin, have been subordinated to this interesting design. The constitution and laws of the natural world, when they cease to contribute to the establishment of such a kingdom, will be abolished; yea, the whole natural world, when it shall have accomplished everything of that nature which it can answer, will be consigned over to destruction. Events will roll on until a holy and spiritual kingdom shall be established and become triumphant. Then, the rotation of events, like the present, shall cease. Earthly kingdoms and empires shall sink into ruin—the sun shall shine no more, the various parts of the natural world shall be unhinged—a universal conflagration will take place, and former things shall be remembered no more.

That this representation, of the object of God’s government, is real and not imaginary, appears from many considerations, which can be but very briefly mentioned, at this time.

It appears, very particularly, from the design of the incarnation and sacrifice of Jesus Christ; or the introduction of the mediatorial plan.

This great event is considered, in the sacred writings, as above all others calculated, to answer the purposes, which God had in view, in the whole work of creation and the government of the world. And, the end which God had in view in that astonishing event was, indubitably, the establishment of a kingdom of holiness. Hence it is said, that he “gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works.” ¹ And the church is said to be redeemed by his blood, “to the intent, that now unto the principalities and powers, in heavenly places might be known, by the Church, the manifold wisdom of God; according to the eternal purpose which he purposed in Christ Jesus our Lord.” ² And, Jesus Christ is now exalted at the head of all principalities and powers, and will reign until all enemies are brought at his footstool. And the issue of this great affair is summed up in this, that God shall “reconcile all things to himself, by him, whether they be things in earth or things in heaven.” From these passages of scripture, as well as from the declarations and prophecies concerning the increase, progress and issue of the kingdom of Christ, which is founded in his blood, it is extremely evident, that the end God had in view, in the incarnation, death and sufferings of Jesus Christ, and in the whole work of redemption, was the advancement and establishment of a kingdom of holiness and righteousness. And, from thence we may certainly infer, that this is the great object, which God has in view in his whole government.

The same conclusion becomes further evident, from the end, which God has in view, in the religious institutions he hath made. The end proposed in institutions of a religious nature, is, unquestionably, to render mankind holy and spiritual.

Again; that the end of God has in view, and that the object of his government is, the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness is evident, from the great and fundamental laws of his kingdom; or, from what he chiefly requires, of his intelligent creatures. God’s requirements are all summed up in holiness and righteousness—in universal love and good will. This clearly indicates what that is, at which God is aiming in his government; and, particularly, that it is the advancement of a kingdom of righteousness.

That the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness, is the great object of the government of God, appears, not only, from the end proposed in the work of redemption, in all religious institutions, and from the requirement of the laws he has established; but, it is also evident, from the design of civil government.

Civil government was not instituted, merely to amuse men; nor, to lift up some over the heads of others, without proposing an important object. And, although it is an institution, which is peculiar to this world, and may seem more immediately designed to protect men from injury and violence; yet, is it not certain, that like the other institutions of God, it is ultimately designed for and to be administered, with a view to the advancement and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom?

I am not insensible, that some are fond of making, a total separation between civil government and the protection or establishment of religion, or advancement of a spiritual kingdom; and do even consider the former as having nothing to do with the latter. But, I beg leave to inquire, whether the prosperity and advancement of a kingdom of holiness and righteousness among men, be not the great object of civil government? And, whether every civil constitution, which is not ultimately calculated to nourish and cherish true religion, and so to advance a spiritual and holy kingdom, be not, in the view of God, whatever it be in the view of man, not merely censurable, but absolutely abominable? Take a retrospect of the ancient dispensations of God, and you will see, how God views civil governments and administrations in this respect. Is it not evident, from the past dispensations of God, that he approved or censured civil governments, according to the respect or disrespect paid by them, to his church and the advancement of a kingdom of holiness? This was certainly the case, respecting the administrations of the kings of Israel. This was also the case, respecting the Chaldean monarchy. It is the very reason offered, why God brought ruin on that mighty empire. It was because it rejoiced in the ruin, and was instrumental in destroying the heritage of God. The vengeance of God was, also, denounced upon the Ammonites, upon Moab and Seir, upon Tyre and Egypt for their opposition to and derision of church of God. We are, also, assured, that it will always be thus, that God will pull down kingdoms and utterly destroy them, when they stand in the way to the prosperity and advancement of his church, or a kingdom of righteousness.

It may here be said, that there are none, who suppose, that civil government and administrations are to oppose, the advancement of a spiritual kingdom, or the progress of religion; all which is contended for is, that civil government should be neutral. But, in answer, it may be asked, whether it be possible that civil government should take such a position? Our Saviour asserts, “He that is not with me is against me: and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad.” ³ There is according to these words of Christ, no such thing s neutrality. And this is as true, respecting civil government, as respecting an individual. A mere neglect to countenance and support religion, or a kingdom of righteousness, in a civil administration, will operate against it. It was always supposed of old, that the conduct of rulers, or their administrations, had a very great influence on the religious state and character of the Jews. It is impossible, therefore, that civil government should take a neutral position, respecting religion or a kingdom of holiness. It must aid and countenance it, or it will discourage and bring it into contempt.

Without attempting, particularly, to point out what aid or support civil government may and ought to give, to religion or the Church of Christ, I would only further observe, that the sacred scriptures do teach, in a very direct manner, that civil government is designed by God, ultimately, as a mean and expedient to advance religion, or a kingdom of righteousness among men. It is not directly and positively asserted, by the prophet Isaiah, that in a future period, when civil government shall be rightly applied and faithfully administered, “Kings shall be nursing fathers and their Queens nursing mothers,” to the Church of God? And, does not the apostle Paul most expressly teach us, what the end of civil government and magistracy is?⁴ “Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same, for he is the minister of God to thee for good. He beareth not the sword in vain; for he is the minister of God—a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil.” Does not this account of the design of civil government and magistracy, clearly teach, that they were designed to encourage and support a kingdom of righteousness among men? And, the same apostle direct, “that prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made—for kings and for all that are in authority, that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty.”⁵ It must be clear, from what is said concerning the design of civil government, in the sacred scriptures, that it was instituted as a mean, to advance and support a kingdom of holiness and righteousness: And, therefore, it is one thing which serves to point us, to the great object which God has in view in his government; or the nature and design of his kingdom.

Again; the use and improvement, which God requires us to make of the various allotments of his providence, farther point out the end of his government, or the nature of his kingdom; and that it is a kingdom of righteousness.

The improvement God requires us to make of providence is this, that we grow in righteousness and holiness. The goodness of God is to lead us to repentance. Under adversities, we are to “learn righteousness.” Or, to adopt the language of an apostle, when speaking of trials and adversities, he says they are sent “that we may be partakers of his holiness.” Now if our holiness, be the end of divine allotments, it becomes evident, that the advancement of a kingdom of holiness, is the end of God’s administrations.

The same truth will appear with additional clearness, if we turn our attention, to the particular designs of God, and his providential dispensations, as they are stated in the sacred scriptures.

If we take a view of events under the former dispensation, we must see, that the establishment of a holy and spiritual kingdom was, uniformly, the object which God had in view in all his allotments. It is evident, that his Church was kept constantly in view, as the chief object of attention. God set up the Church as his great object. This appears, incontrovertibly true, not only relative to those administrations, which respected the Jews in particular; but the affairs of all other nations, were subordinated to the prosperity and advancement of the Church. Whole nations were exterminated and utterly destroyed, as the prosperity of the Church demanded. God conducted and disposed, not only, of the affairs of the Jews, but of all the nations around them, with a direct and immediate reference, to the enlargement and prosperity of his Church. Of this, no one can doubt, who has attended to the history of God’s proceedings, as they are stated in his word. Which point us directly to a kingdom of righteousness, as the object of God’s government.

Furthermore, the declarations and prophecies contained in the sacred scriptures, relative to the future dispensations of God, point us to the same object.—They are all aimed at the advancement of a kingdom of righteousness, as the great object which God has in view.

God has actually decreed that all other kingdoms shall come to an utter end—That his spiritual kingdom “shall break in pieces and consume all other kingdoms, and it shall stand forever.” And that, as the great Monarchies which have already existed, have, one after another, been utterly destroyed, to make way for the enlargement of his Church, and the advancement of his spiritual kingdom, so it shall be hereafter. Although God may suffer the powers of this world, to trample on his Church, for a season; yet He assures us, that “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it”—That he will suffer the wrath and madness of men to proceed no further, than shall be necessary, to prepare the way for its establishment. “The wrath of man shall praise thee, the remainder of wrath wilt thou restrain.” And, we are further assured, that such will be the allotments of providence, and that the affairs of all nations shall be so over-ruled, as that, eventually, “The earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord”—That the corrupt passions of men, which are naturally so violent and overbearing, shall be softened down, so that nothing shall hurt or destroy, in all God’s holy mountain—That all shall know him “from the least to the greatest.”

Hence it appears, that the great object, which God has kept in view, in former dispensations, and which he will keep constantly in view in his future, is the advancement and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom.

But one consideration more will be suggested, to show that the end of the kingdom, which is the Lord’s, is the establishment of a kingdom, of holiness and righteousness, and that is the result and final issue of his administrations.

In what the administrations of God, or the various dispensations of providence will end, we have full information in the sacred scriptures: and information can be derived from no other source. We are clearly informed, by the word of God, that one event after another shall roll on, ‘till all God’s designs are completed—that in the end of the world, the whole number of the righteous shall be gathered together, into one society—that the wicked shall be separated from them, with everyone that “loveth and maketh a lie.” So that the righteous will form, a perfectly holy and pure society.—We are further informed, from the oracles of God, that when all the righteous shall be gathered in, from out of every nation under heaven, the ends and the purposes of God, in all preceding dispensations, will be attained—that there will be no further employment for the kingdoms and nations of this world—that the wicked, although they have been improved as instruments to accomplish the purposes of God, will be improved no longer; but will be turned down into destruction, from which they will never be recovered—and, the material world, the earth with all its apparatus, which has served as a theatre on which the affairs of God’s kingdom, while in an infantile state, have been transacted, (when the righteous are all gathered in,) will be of no further use; and, therefore, will be subjected to absolute destruction.—“The heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll,” and “shall pass away with a great noise: and the elements shall melt with fervent heat.”—National distinctions shall be known no more—the scepters of kings and the swords of magistrates shall be laid aside—the sun shall withdraw its shining, and the moon will be turned into darkness—“the earth and the works that are therein shall be burnt up;” and there will be no more remembrance of former things. The grand drama will then be closed.—From a consideration of the final result of things we learn, with the utmost certainty, that the object which God ever had in view was, the establishment of a kingdom of holiness.

Thus the design of Christ’s incarnation of religious and civil institutions—the requirements made in the law of God, of moral and intelligent beings—the improvement to be made of providential dispensations;–together with the final result or conclusion of things, when a holy and pure society shall be formed and rendered triumphant; all these various considerations unite, in pointing out to us, that the great object of God’s government is, the formation and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom.

Although so much has already been said, concerning the kingdom which is the Lord’s, one observation more must be added, which is, that the important ends and purposes of that kingdom, are to be secured, through the medium of the mediatorial plan, and under the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king.

An illustration of this truth I shall only observe, that the sacred scriptures very expressly teach us, that in consequence of Christ’s faithfulness, in executing the work of redemption, God did invest him with kingly authority, and empowered him to call in and train up for glory, all those that were given him. And the affairs of angels as well as of men were committed into his hands. Accordingly we read, that when Christ was raised from the dead, God “set him at his own right hand, in the heavenly places, far above all principality, and power, and might and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come: and hath put all things under his feet, and gave him to be head over all things to the church.” ⁶ And, in another place, concerning Christ it is said, “Who is gone into heaven, and is on the right hand of God, angels, authorities and powers being made subject to him.”⁷ We are further assured, that in the course of his government, he will “reconcile all things to himself, whether they be things in earth or things in heaven.” Which imports, that Christ will unite, in one society, the sinless angels and elect men. The apostle Paul expressly asserts, that his kingdom will not be delivered up, ‘till “he shall have put down all rule, and all authority and power: for he must reign till he hath put all enemies under his feet.—And, when all things shall be subdued unto him, then shall the son be also subject unto him, that put all things under him, that God may be all in all.”

Without any comment on these passages, thus much must be evidently taught in them, that the great purposes of God in his universal government, in erecting and establishing a kingdom of righteousness, will be accomplished, under the reign and by the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king; or through the medium of the Christian system.

From the foregoing observations it appears, that the kingdom which is the Lord’s, is one which is universal—extending to all things throughout all worlds. The end of it is, to raise up and establish a kingdom of perfect holiness and happiness—the great object is to be secured, under the reign and through the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king. I now proceed,

II. To consider, in what sense the kingdom may be said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all.

As great brevity will be observed, in attending to this inquiry, as its importance will admit.

1. It may be proper to observe, that such ascriptions and acknowledgments, as those contained in our text, very frequently occur in the sacred scriptures.

The pious psalmist says, “The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice, and the multitude of isles be glad.” Our Saviour, in that form of prayer which he gave his disciples, taught them always to pray, “Thy kingdom come:” and to conclude in this manner; “For thine is the kingdom, the power and the glory.” And he enjoined it on his disciples, to live in a firm belief of the agency of God, as being concerned in the most minute events—that a sparrow does not fall to the ground, without their heavenly Father.

2. The propriety of its being said in the text, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, appears from his being the maker, and so the original owner and proprietor of all things.

The universe, comprehending all worlds and creatures, owes its existence to God. The highest archangel is as dependent on God, for being, as the meanest insect. This being the case, the kingdom is the Lord’s. All the kingdoms of the earth are the Lord’s, as he raised them up. Kings and magistrates, and all who are in authority are the Lord’s, as he has invested them with all that power and authority which they possess.

3. It is with propriety, that the kingdom is said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, as He is, most certainly the rightful ruler and governor of the universe.

The Lord, who made and upholds all things, has, certainly, an original right to dispose of them, according to his good pleasure. He must have a right to do what he will with his own. He must have an original and exclusive right, to turn every wheel in government, and to ascertain every event, so as to accomplish his own purposes.

4. I shall only observe further, That the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, not only as he is the maker and proprietor of all, and so has an original and independent right to reign; but as he does, in fact, exercise a government over the whole universe, comprehending all creatures and all events.

Indeed, if God did not constantly exercise his Almighty power and superintending care over the universe, it would immediately cease to exist. That same power which created can, alone, uphold the things which are made. The absolute and constant dependence of all things on God, renders it certain, that he must be “exalted as head above all”—that he must rule over the whole universe.

Some have, indeed, represented it as too trifling a business, for the Supreme Being, to concern himself with the affairs of creatures; and, had rather consider God, only as an unconcerned and uninterested spectator of the affairs of the world.

But such may be asked, Why God did not consider the creation of the universe as too trifling a business for him to undertake! If it be now beneath his notice and care, it was beneath him to exercise his wisdom in contriving, and his power in giving it existence.

We can hardly conceive it to be possible, that God should bring such a universe into being—that he should construct such a complicated machine as the natural world; and introduce into existence, intelligent and moral beings, with capacities for immortal happiness, without proposing some important end in it. If God had an important end originally in view, we may be assured, that he will concern himself, so far, in the affairs of the universe, as to order and arrange events, in such a manner, as to secure it. Either God had or he had not an important end, in creating the universe. If he had not some important object in view, Why did he make the worlds which now exist? Was it for mere diversion and amusement! But, if he had a sufficient end for creating there certainly must be a sufficient reason, for his exercising a constant government over the created universe.

That there is so much apparent evil—so much seeming confusion—so many jarring and mysterious events extant in the world, has sometimes been considered, as a forcible objection to the supposition, that God is at the head of all things, and exercises a universal government.—But it ought to be considered, that short-sighted men, who are full of sinful biases and prepossessions, are very miserable judges, as to the events which are necessary to take place; so as to secure the welfare of a kingdom, which is as extensive as the universe, and as durable as eternity itself. The little concerns and exigencies of an earthly kingdom, or a petty state, yea of a family or an individual, often confound the wisdom of men. The most dark and mysterious events are often found to be pregnant with the highest good. The little occurrence of Joseph’s brethren selling him into Egypt, was a dark and gloomy event, and foreboded great evil, in the view of Jacob; yet, eventually, it proved to be of the utmost importance.

But, whatever the ignorance, pride or vanity of man may suggest, the sacred scriptures do assure us, that God does reign, and is particularly concerned in the production of all events—that cold and heat—summer and winter, rain and drought, seed-time and harvest—health and sickness—war and peace—good and evil; yea, all the affairs of the natural and moral world, are under the government and control of God—that he raises up empires and pulls them down—creates king and magistrates and deposes them, according to his sovereign pleasure.

We are taught very particularly, in the sacred scriptures, as appears from what has been said, that God disposes of nations and arranges all events, with a view to one object; and that is, The establishment of a kingdom of righteousness; and that he will continue to do so, till that kingdom shall be established and rendered triumphant. Then his purposes will be answered—the drama will be finished, and God will be all in all.

It now only remains, to point out the use and improvement that may be made of the subject, which we have considered, in a few particular inferences and remarks.

1. As the kingdom is the Lord’s, and He is exalted as head above all, obligations to obedience and subjection to God, must be universal.

It must be the incumbent duty, not only of those, who are ranked in the lowest class of men, and are busied in the most humble employments, to yield a universal obedience to the will of God; but obligations of the same nature, are incumbent on those, who are exalted to places of the highest dignity and honor among men. They are equally under the government of God, and their obligations to reverence and obey him, are, in kind, the same. Yea, the obligations on those, who are in the higher walks of life are, in some respects, peculiarly enhanced. Their example will have a peculiar influence, on the conduct and morals of those, who are in more humble stations. Hence that demand of the prophet, “O heads ,i>of Jacob, and ye princes of the house of Israel; Is it not for you to know Judgment.” Hence, also, that direction of the psalmist, “Be wise now, therefore, O ye kings, be instructed, O ye judges of the earth; serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the son lest he be angry and ye perish from the way.”

2. Is this kingdom the Lord’s, and is He “exalted as Head above all, We see, that we have a stable and unfailing source of comfort, in the most dark and gloomy times, and amidst the changes and revolutions which take place, in the rotation of events, respecting the present world.

If clouds and darkness surround our nation—if foreign powers threaten us from without—if convulsions and civil dissentions do exist within—if vice, immorality and the most outrageous wickedness do prevail, far and wide in the earth; yet the consideration, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, affords the most ample support, and lays a foundation for the most substantial peace. God is both able and fully determined, to establish his kingdom.

We live in a day of mighty revolutions. Great events are rolling on in quick succession, and presage some great and interesting changes in the state of this world. The prophet Jeremiah demands, in the language of surprise, “Hath a nation changed their Gods, which are yet no Gods!” as if it were an unheard of affair, that a nation had laid aside its false Gods. But we live in a day, when a powerful nation, which had ranked itself among those, who acknowledge the true and living God, has absolutely rejected and disowned Him, and even proceeded to abolish the ordinances of heaven! “The mystery of iniquity,” as the apostle expresses it, “doth already work.” A deep concerted plan to spread infidelity far and wide—to subvert religion and undermine government—to give to the lusts and passions of men full scope, has been propagated among the nations of Europe, with surprising success. Its bitter consequences and baneful influence have already produced, “distress of nations, with perplexity,” and even in America, the leaven has begun to ferment, and is, most probably, the source of the opposition which has been, to the administration of our national government—but we have a substantial and unfailing source of consolation, under all those gloomy appearances—the kingdom is the Lord’s.

Indeed, were we to have our views directed by the prophetic declarations, contained in the sacred scriptures, we should be led to expect, instead of being surprised to see such events. Amidst the confusion, and infidelity of the present day, we see, that the man of sin is in a measure destroyed; and that the papal hierarchy is crumbling into pieces. Nor are we to expect that the scenes of distress, which are now experienced in Europe, will terminate, till something still more important is produced. The clouds appear to be gathering and preparations are making, for scenes far more extensively distressing, than those which have been, as yet, realized.—But God reigns—the kingdom is his. He will take are of it. Neither earth nor hell can prevail against Him—the wrath of man shall praise him, the remainder of wrath will he restrain.

3. From the observations which have been made, we are led to see the important nature of the institution of civil government.

The kingdom is the Lord’s; and all the institutions which God has made, as well as all the events which take place, have a reference to the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness—are designed, by God, as means of accomplishing and perfecting so important a purpose. I do not say, that this is the object which mankind have had in view, in forming civil constitutions and qualifying governments. Nothing, perhaps, has been further out of view. They have, probably, for the most part been dictated by worldly views and motives. But God has instituted it, as one mean and expedient, to advance the progress of a spiritual kingdom. This gives the institution of civil government, an aspect of great consequence. It teaches us, that it was not contrived, merely to exalt some men over the heads of others; or to secure to the members of society an equal enjoyment of privileges of a worldly nature; or, merely, to protect life and property; but it has a further reach and more important design. It is nothing less, than one of the expedients which the Supreme Governor of the world has adopted, to forward the great and important purposes of establishing a spiritual kingdom. Viewed in any other point of light, it dwindles into nothing, in point of consequence and importance.

I am not insensible, that writers on civil government, have generally considered it, as a mean to secure the peace and welfare of society in this world; and as having no concern with or reference to a spiritual kingdom. But can it be so, that in the institution of civil government, which has such prodigious influence on the state of this world, the Supreme Being has forgotten the great object he has in view in his government! Must civil government be considered, as a solitary exception, as to its design, from all the works and other institutions of God! Can we suppose, that God would build up and pull down kingdoms, on account of their influence and tendency, to build up or obstruct the progress of religion, and the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness, if civil government were not designed as a mean to advance and promote them?

Were it not for the treaty of peace which God is now carrying on, through Jesus Christ, civil government and earthly kingdoms would be utterly abolished: and the whole material world would be destroyed. The advancement and progress of that treaty, is the end of all God’s administrations. Hence we find, that when civil government is rightly applied and administered, kings will be nursing fathers and their queens will be nursing mothers to the Church of God. In this view of the design of civil government, it appears to be an institution of great consequence.

4. We are naturally to conclude, from what has been said, that such men as have fixed moral and religious principles, are the only characters which can, with any propriety, be elected into offices of trust, to direct the affairs and concerns of civil government.

This inference is fairly deducible, from the design of civil government. If civil government be designed, as an hand-maid to religion—as a mean to advance and forward a kingdom of righteousness, it must be important, that those, who are elected into civil office, and especially into the principal offices of government, should be friends to the cause; and so, men of fixed and established moral and religious principles. Yea, may we not proceed so far as to say, that they should be firm believers in Christianity? For the kingdom which God is raising up among men, is founded on the Christian system; and is to be advanced, under the reign of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king. That such characters alone are to be fought and elected into places of trust, in a civil government, is not only dictated by the design of the institution; but is enjoined by God. “Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness,” &c. men of no other description are friendly, to the real end of civil government.

The liberalizing spirit of the present day (which looks with indifferency and patience, on everything, excepting strict religion and fervent piety,) I am aware, inculcates a different doctrine. Such as are under its influence will tell us, that moral and religious principles are of no importance; yea, it is a discovery made by the modern Illuminati, that both religion and government are enemies to the happiness of mankind. Hence it is, that extensive combinations have been formed, and unwearied efforts made, to overturn religious and moral systems, as well as to unhinge and subvert civil constitutions and governments. But, it happens fortunately, that what may be expected, from a government administered by men, who are void of moral principles, and are plunged deep into infidelity, has been so openly exemplified. When moral feelings and religious restraints are eradicated, and God is not acknowledged and reverenced, the barriers against the most atrocious wickedness are removed, and the lusts of the human heart will be unrestrained. With men of such a character at the head of government, we could hardly expect anything else, than that the rights of men should be trampled on—the laws of humanity be sported with, and an ambition prevail, which knows no bounds.—All this we see exemplified in Europe, at the present time. No more striking picture can be given, of the baleful influence and effects of infidelity, when dictating the measures of government, than are exhibited in the rise and progress of the revolution in France. When we review the various measures which have been adopted—what rivers of blood have been spilt—with what coolness and deliberation the lives of the old, the young and the innocent babe have been despoiled—the property of subjects seized—the boundless ambition and insatiable thirst for domination which has prevailed—the piracies which have been committed on the seas—and the insidious and wicked policy which has been practiced, respecting other nations; or to sum up the whole in a word, when we behold a nation, once famous for its civility and polished manners, changed into a nation of barbarians; I say, when we see these things actually existing, and can be accounted for in no way, unless from the influence of infidelity, Can we need anything further, to teach us the importance of placing men of fixed moral and religious sentiments, at the head of government? The Supreme Governor of the world, has designedly given the nations of the earth, a striking picture and example of the baneful influence and ruining tendency of infidelity. And, no nation which, after this solemn warning and admonition, shall act the same part, by committing the management of the concerns of society, into the hands of infidels, or of men whose feelings are loose and unhinged, respecting religion and morality, can expect less, than to share, in a higher or lower degree, in the same plagues.

There can hardly be a greater inconsistency, than for a Christian people, to appoint such men, as the guardians of their rights, and as nurses to the Church of God, who have not fixed moral and religious principles; and, who are nearly afloat respecting Christianity in every view of it.

5. The subject, which we have been considering and illustrating, is of use, and may be particularly improved, by civil rulers and legislators.

Although they are placed at the head of government, and have authority to enact laws, to regulate the community over which they are placed; yet, they are to consider, that there is a higher power, which presides over and controls the affairs of men. The kingdom is the Lord’s and He is exalted as Head above all. Civil rulers and legislators are but servants or ministers of God. Their work is assigned them by Him. They are servants, raised up by God, to forward the great object of his government, in forming and establishing a kingdom of righteousness. At the same time therefore, they are framing laws, for the security of the lives and properties of their constituents, and for the equal administration of justice, they are not only to be cautious, that they do no harm to religion and the Church of God, but to be careful to do everything, in their power, to countenance and support them.

It is not pretended, that civil rulers and legislators have a right, absolutely and authoritatively to impose creeds and confessions of faith; yet, most certainly, it must be incumbent on them, in all the measures they adopt, to manifest a governing regard for God and the interests of his kingdom. It must be their indispensible duty, to adopt such measures, as will, most directly, encourage and promote, the progress of that treaty of peace and reconciliation, which God is carrying on with men.

It is in the power of civil rulers, in many respects, to prepare the way, for an advantageous tender of salvation to mankind. They may set up their banners against vice—encourage men of religion and virtue, and support the institutions of Christianity.—Many of the subordinate officers of government are appointed, by the legislature. If men of virtue, who are professed friends to the Christian system, as well as of good government, were distinguished as objects of particular favor; and if, on the contrary, the profane—the despisers of religion and fervent piety, and those who neglect religious institutions were rejected, it would, certainly, be a worthy testimony of regard to the kingdom of God; and an encouragement to men to do well.

Dissoluteness of manners, if not a contempt of Christianity has been, within a few years, greatly increasing. It would be very unhappy, indeed, if those, who are distinguished as rulers and legislators, should be wanting, in their exertions, to stem their progress; but above all so, if they, by their example, should countenance them.—The influence of rulers is great and extensive; although they are often the objects, at which the shafts of envy and malice are leveled. Their station respecting religion and virtue cannot be neutral. Their transactions and examples will, necessarily, have an extensive influence.

The people, in this state, have reason to be very thankful that the Supreme Ruler of the world has given them such a succession of rulers, as have, not only been firm friends to their civil rights, but have been disposed to encourage the cause of religion and virtue.—And it is no small occasion of joy to the friends of Zion, that the late legislature of this state, while the zealous advocates for religion, in England and Scotland, have provided missionaries, to found the glad tidings of salvation in Africa, in the East-Indies and in the islands of the Pacific ocean, have adopted measures, to make provision, for the preaching of the gospel among the new settlements, in this country; and, if possible, to Christianize the heathen nations.

As the kingdom is the Lord’s, we may assure ourselves, that he will take care of it; whether earthly powers nourish and cherish, or neglect and abandon it. It will certainly flourish and finally triumph. Yet, let it be remembered, that those who are raised to places of trust and influence, as well as those in private life, must, finally, give up a most solemn account to Him, who is exalted as head above all.

6. The subject which we have had under consideration, may be improved, to animate and encourage the ministers of the gospel.

The ministers of Christ are officers in the kingdom of the Lord; and their direct business is, to be “workers together with him.” They are sent out, purposely, to explain the nature of God’s kingdom—to plead its cause among men, and to persuade them to enlist as subjects in it. The kingdoms of this world are to be managed by other hands. Ministers are, by office, to exert themselves, in endeavouring to build up and establish a spiritual kingdom. And, since God is at the head of it, what encouragements have ministers to be zealous and active? Did success depend, merely on their strength and efforts; and had they not reason to expect the interposition of no higher power, they might well be discouraged. But the kingdom is the Lord’s. He will succeed and prosper its advancement. He is, at this time, most evidently disposing of the affairs of earthly kingdoms, so as to prepare the way for the establishment of his own kingdom. He has given the most absolute assurance in his word, that all the evils which are extant—the distress and revolution of nations, shall conspire to advance a kingdom of righteousness; however gloomy it may appear to short-sighted men—that one event shall roll on after another, till all God’s designs are accomplished. However weak and depressed this kingdom may now appear, the time is coming, and probably is not far distant, when “it shall break in pieces and consume all” other “kingdoms and it shall stand forever.”

There is, therefore, from the nature and importance of the kingdom; and, especially from the determinations and power of Him, whose is the kingdom, the most abundant encouragement, for the ministers of Christ to be active and zealous. Besides, their only encouragement of sharing in the triumphs and glory, which await the kingdom of God, does arise from their being “faithful unto death.” ⁸

LET us rejoice in the goodness of Him, who is exalted as Head above all, that we, according to the invariable practice of our ancestors, are permitted to celebrate the religious solemnities of this anniversary, with so few things to interrupt our religious joy. Although disease and death have, the year past, spread desolation in some of our capitals, yet the heads of our tribes have been preserved, and we are permitted to meet them, this day, in the house of God. ⁹—Although we have been threatened with war, by a nation, which is neither bound by the ties of honor or justice, yet, He, who ruleth among the nations, has, as yet, preserved us so deplorable a calamity.

Our nation, which has been considered as divided, has been led to unite in adopting spirited measures for our national defence.

We enjoy privileges and blessings, which are not realized by any other nation on earth. Let us unite, in a firm and manly support of our national government and constitution. Be careful to guard against the intrigues of designing men. Let infidelity and modern liberality find no countenance, nor have any hand in the administration of government. Avoid them, as you would avoid that plague, which has already interrupted the peace—unhinged the government—destroyed the order—and bathed the plains of almost all Europe with human blood.

Be careful, to enroll your names among the subjects and citizens of the kingdom of God. Be assured, that this kingdom will prosper, for it is the Lord’s; and He is the head of it. The time for securing a part in its triumphs is short and uncertain. But a short delay may be fatal.

May the Supreme King and Lord of the universe, engage all our hearts and feelings in his cause and kingdom; and dispose us to spend and be spent in his service. That, at the time, when earthly kingdoms and empires shall be destroyed, and the whole material world shall be dissolved, we may be safe in the kingdom of God, and unite in his praise forever and ever. Amen.

Endnotes

¹. Titus ii. 14.

². Ephes. Iii. 10, 11.

³. Matth. xii. 30.

⁴. Romans xiii. 3-5.

⁵. I Tim. ii. 1, 2.

⁶. Ephes. i. 20-22.

⁷. I Peter iii. 22.

⁸. Since the last anniversary election, there has been but two instances of mortality, among the pastors of the Churches in Connecticut; viz. The Re. Nathan Fenn of Worthington. The former was advanced in age; the latter was in the prime of life and usefulness.

⁹. Although God has been pleased to preserve the lives of those, who were acting in the first offices in this state, through the last year; yet he has removed by death, His Excellency Matthew Griswold, Esquire, formerly a Governor of the State; whose faithful services and persevering integrity, through life, entitle him to the most grateful remembrance of all its citizens.