Era or Event: 1770s-1780s: War for Independence

 

Jonas Clark (1730-1805) Biographer:

Jonas Clark was born on Christmas Day in Lexington, Massachusetts. He graduated from Cambridge University at the age of 22 and was ordained as a minister three years later. While serving as a minister, he also worked a farm of 60 acres in order to supply his family with food. He continued as the pastor of the church at Lexington for half-a-century.

Clark was an avid American patriot before and during and the American War for Independence. He actively wrote papers related to pressing issues such as the Stamp Act and many of the leading patriots stayed at his home and sought his counsel. In fact, both John Hancock and Samuel Adams were at his home on April 18, 1775, when Paul Revere made his famous midnight ride to alert them that they must flee or face being caught by the coming British. Upon hearing the news, they turned to Pastor Clark and asked if the people of Lexington would fight, to which he replied, “I have trained them for this very hour!”

The following morning, some seventy men from his church faced over 700 British soldiers, and when the “Shot heard round the world” was over, eighteen Americans were laying on the ground—both black and white patriots—all members of his church. Clark’s influence continued throughout the War and afterwards, and he helped pen the Massachusetts Constitution.

This election sermon was preached by Clark in Massachusetts on May 30, 1781.

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A

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

JOHN HANCOCK, Esq;

GOVERNOR;

HIS HONOR

THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL,

AND THE HONORABLE THE

SENATE

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH

OF

MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 30, 1781.

BEING THE FIRST DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION,

After the COMMENCEMENT of the

Present CONSTITUTION,

AND

INAUGURATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT.

BY JONAS CLARK, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in Lexington.

N. B. Several passages omitted in the delivery of this Discourse are now inserted.

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

In SENATE, May 30, 1781.

ORDERED, That Walter Spooner, Samuel Adams, and Charles Turner, Esquires, be and hereby are appointed a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Jonas Clark, and return him the Thanks of the Senate for his Sermon delivered this Day before his Excellency the Governor, the Council and the General Court, and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.

Attest,
JOHN AVERY, Sec’ry.

 

AN

Election Sermon.

PSALM XLVII. 8, 9.

–GOD sitteth upon the throne of His holiness: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.

At what time, or upon what occasion, the Psalm before us was composed, is neither certain, nor easy, at this distance of time, to determine.—“Many have supposed it to have been penned, on occasion of bringing up the Ark to Mount Zion.”—Others, “that it looks further, and is prophetic of the ascension of the glorious Mediator, after he had finished his work on earth, and the setting up his kingdom in the world.”

From the sentiments it contains, it might also be considered as a Psalm composed, and well adapted, for the congregation of Israel, when all the tribes came to Hebron to receive David, and by their elders to make a league with him, as their chief magistrate; and to establish him in the government. ¹

But, which, or whether either of these suppositions hath any solid foundation, must be left to the learned and judicious to determine.—Be the primary occasion, of this devout composition, what it may; it is beyond dispute, that the subjects of it are interesting and important:–Subjects well suited to inspire the church and people of God, at all times, with a sense of his government and their dependence, and of their indispensible obligations to celebrate the glories of his perfections, herein displayed, as the ground of their confidence and theme of their praise.

In a word, it is an exhortation to the people of GOD, to praise the Lord, as “The Great King over all the earth,” who should subdue the people, their enemies and oppressors under them, and the nations under their feet: And as that God, who should choose their inheritance for them, and establish them in the quiet possession and enjoyment of it.

Agreeably, in confirmation of this their confidence, it is said, in the text—That GOD sitteth upon the throne of his holiness: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.

In these words, we have a striking representation,–a lively portrait of the happy state of a people, or nation, in covenant with God, and favoured with his protection and smiles; of a people established in the enjoyment of the blessings of a civil government, whose constitution is founded in principles of liberty and equity, whose laws are administered with justice and righteousness, and whose end is the glory of God, in the good of mankind. The Great GOD, as the sovereign, the supreme ruler, sitting on the throne of his holiness, with all the powers of government, originally and ultimately, vested in himself, and exercised by him, agreeable to the eternal laws of righteousness and equity.—The Princes of the people, their leaders, or delegates, are gathered together, from all parts of the land, in the name of their constituents, and under the direction and influence of their supreme ruler and sovereign, to consult the public weal, to enact laws and to transact the great affairs of the nation and of government. The people, the body of the nation, are there introduced, as The people of the GOD of Abraham, in covenant with him, and devoutly acknowledging their fealty to him, as their sovereign, and their dependence upon him and his blessing, both for counsel and defense. And in fine, that nothing might be wanting to complete the view, we have The Shields of the earth, representing both the powers of government and the persons vested with them, exhibited, as belonging to GOD, religiously devoted to his service and glory, or under his direction and control, to carry to effect the purposes of his benevolence and wisdom for the good of his people, or the designs of his justice and righteousness in the government of the world.—The whole is intended to show—‘That magistracy, or civil government, is of divine institution—‘That the end of it is the good of the governed—and “That, as all power and all authority are derived from him, the glory of all should redound to his name; to the end, that GOD, who sitteth on the throne might be greatly exalted.

That God, who created and preserves, of right, doth govern the world, is a truth, which the light of nature teaches, which revelation confirms, and a truth, which the common sense of mankind in all ages, concurs to establish.

That the power, authority and sovereignty of God are absolute and uncontrollable is a truth justly deducible from the preceding, and equally indisputable.

The sacred scriptures are far from being silent, or doubtful, upon a subject so fundamental, so important. We frequently find all the powers of moral government, in the highest sense, solemnly assumed by God, or devoutly ascribed unto him, in the divine oracles. Hence God is introduced by the holy prophet, as saying, “I am the Lord, and there is none else; there is no God besides me. I form the light and create darkness: I make peace and create evil: I the Lord do all these things.” ² “I will work, and who shall let it?” ³—And to show the vanity of oppugnation [opposition] to his government or authority, it is added,–“Let the potsherd strive with the potsherds of the earth: But woe to him that striveth with his maker.” ⁴

And what God hath thus justly assumed, is devoutly ascribed to him by his saints and people; and frequently mentioned as the ground of their confidence, as well as the reason of their submission.—At all times, yea, even in times of perplexity and darkness, it was the language of God’s people—“The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice” ⁵—“The Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the Lord is our king; He will save us.” ⁶ Holy David observes that “the kingdom is the Lord’s, and he is governor among the nations.” ⁷ and to add no more, it is said—That “The Lord sitteth King forever:” ⁸ And, that “His Kingdom ruleth over all.” ⁹

In this light considered, the Deity is to be acknowledged, as that God, whose power and authority are supreme, universal and uncontrollable.

It is not, however, authority or power alone, that forms the character, or gives an idea of the great moral governor of the universe; but this power, and this authority, as tempered with wisdom, goodness, justice, truth, faithfulness, and other moral perfections necessary to a government founded in equity, exercised in righteousness, glorious to himself and a blessing to his creatures.

It would have been easy to an infinite being, to have carried to effect the purposes of his government, by the influences of his spirit, or the word of his power; but, for wise reasons, the supreme Ruler hath been pleased to employ angels and men, as ministers in his kingdom; and to render even second causes subservient to the great designs of his wisdom, justice and goodness, in the government of the world.

For the glory of God, and the preservation of order and communication of happiness, it is both natural and rational to suppose, that government subsists among intelligent beings, of whatever rank, or degree in creation.

This conjecture is the more probable, with regard to the heavenly hosts, and those bright intelligences, who inhabit the celestial abodes, and are favoured with the nearest approaches unto God, from the account the sacred oracles have given; of the various names, orders and degrees subsisting among them; as Angels, Arch-angels, Thrones, Dominions, Principalities and Powers. ¹⁰

Something of this kind, also, would, undoubtedly, have been advantageous, if not necessary, to have perfected the felicity of mankind, had they continued in a state of innocence and rectitude: And for the order, harmony and happiness of society and the world, it is reasonable to suppose, that rule and government would have taken place among men, however virtuous, benevolent, or just.

The still greater importance of such an institution to the peace, liberty, safety and happiness of individuals, of society and the world of mankind, since sin, lust, passion, imperfection and every evil work have been introduced, needs neither time to consider, nor arguments to prove.

Were there no civil government, laws, magistracy, nor Shields of the earth, for the preservation of peace, the guard of liberty, the protection of property and the defense of life, it is easy to see, and, without a spirit of prophesy, to foretell, what the event must be:–that anarchy, confusion, blood and slaughter, waste and destruction, would soon take place in the earth.—The weak would be devoured by the strong, the innocent, like righteous Abel, would become an easy prey to the vicious, abandoned and ambitious:–and the longest sword must quickly determine the fate of mankind.

Hence it appears, I had almost said, to a demonstration, that, under God, the supreme ruler, this wise institution of civil government, this richest of temporal blessings to mankind, takes its rise from Necessity.

It is true, reason teaches the propriety, convenience points out the advantages, and all the social affections concur to urge the importance of civil government. But however engaging or interesting these arguments might appear, to the wise, the benevolent, or judicious, they would be, at best, but a feeble support to the peace and order of society,–would never have availed to establish government, over the lawless lusts of vicious, aspiring, or blood-thirsty men.—It is Necessity, Necessity alone, which combines men in society, and gives rise to civil government. And had not mankind been effectually convinced of this necessity, and taught to realize that there was no living without it, it is very much a doubt, whether ever such an institution would have taken place in the world.

This Necessity, in a great measure at least, is founded in and takes rise from the lusts, the corruptions and vices of mankind.

Tis not indeed pretended, that any one man, or any number of men, have any natural right of superiority, or inherent claim of dominion, or governmental authority over any other man, or body of men.—All men, by nature, are free, equal and independent, in this matter. It is in compact—in compact alone, that all just government is founded.

The first steps, in entering into society and toward the establishment of civil government among a people, is the forming, agreeing to, and ratifying an original compact, for the regulation of the State, describing and determining the mode, departments and powers of government, and the rights, privileges and duties of the subjects.

This should be done by the whole body of the people; or by princes, leaders, or delegates, by their choice, appointment, or consent.

This right in the people, whether emerging from a state of nature, or the yoke of oppression, is an unalienable right—a right which cannot be given up by a people, even though ever so much inclined to sell or sacrifice it.—Yea, should a people be so lost to themselves, as, upon any consideration, to give it up, it may justly be reclaimed, at least by the next generation, who cannot be supposed to be deprived of their birth-right, because their progenitors, like Esau, despised and parted with theirs.

While the social compact subsists, the whole state, and all its members, are bound by it:–a sacred regard ought to be paid to it. No man, order, or body of men, in the state, have any right, power, or authority, to alter, change, or violate the social compact. Nor can any change, alteration, or amendment, be lawfully introduced, but by common consent. Any and every attempt of this kind, endangers the whole.

It remains, however, with the community, state, or nation, as a public, political body, at any time, at pleasure, to change, alter, or even totally dissolve the constitution, and return to a state of nature, or to form anew, as to them shall seem meet.

These principles admitted, it is evident that no man, or body or men, however wise, great or good;–no state, nation, or power on earth, hath any right to make or impose a constitution of government upon another state or nation: Such a constitution, however free, is a mark of dependence, a badge of slavery, the most distant thought of which, the high spirit of a free people would justly despise.

EQUALITY and INDEPENDENCE are the just claim, the indefeasible birth-right of men:–In a state of nature, as individuals; in society, as states or nations.—Nothing short of these ever did, or ever will satisfy a man or a people, truly free, truly brave.

True it is, a conquered nation is obliged to submit to the terms, the laws, the conqueror is pleased to impose: But this being matter of compulsion and not of choice, alters not the right. The claim to liberty and independence remains the same. When opportunity offers, and power is attained, it is, beyond dispute, the duty, as well as right, of such a people, of such a nation, to assert their native liberty, to shake off the tyrant’s yoke, to maintain their equality and independence among the nations; and either resume their former, or establish a new constitution of government, as they shall judge best.

Upon the whole, this is a right, the violation or infringement of which, upon any consideration whatever, no man can justify upon the principles of reason, the laws of nature, or rules of equity.—Even God himself, the supreme ruler of the world, whose government is absolute and uncontrollable, hath ever paid a sacred attention to this important right, hath ever patronized this interesting claim in the sons of men.

The only constitution of civil government that can plead its origin, as immediately from heaven, is The Theocracy of the Hebrews. But even this form of government, though dictated by infinite wisdom, and wrote with the finger of GOD, was laid before his people for their consideration, and ratified, introduced and established by their common consent.

What form of government will answer the best purposes to society, and most effectually display the glory of the supreme Ruler, in the good of mankind, is a question truly delicate and important; and a question, which, in the hand of a masterly politician, might admit of a discussion both interesting and entertaining. But as neither time, nor capacity, will permit me to enter largely into so high and critical a subject; it shall suffice to observe,–

That a little acquaintance with the world and the history of mankind, in the several ages past, will clearly decide, that no one constitution, or form of civil government, can be supposed to be equally adapted to answer the best purposes of such an institution, in every society, nation or state.

That in the rise and progress of society, different modes of government have been adopted and introduced, at different stages and successive periods, cannot be doubted.—And whether there hath not been, in many instances, at least, a gradation in the modes of government, keeping pace with the progress of society, in the several ages of the world, similar to that gradation, which is easily observed in the several stages and periods of human life; is a question, with all deference, submitted to the candor and judgment of this respectable assembly.

At first sight, indeed, this circumstance may not have been observed; nor can it be said to have been the case, without many exceptions. But, in an attentive review of the history of mankind, have we not seen, in various instances, a people emerging from a state of nature, and perhaps obscurity, with all the life, vigor, heat and zeal, as well as undisguised simplicity of youth, entering into society; and their pulse beating high for liberty, forming the social compact upon principles of freedom, and establishing a constitution purely popular—A form of civil government, in which every man considers himself a part of the authority, having a right to give his voice upon every law, measure, or public act of the state?

In a succeeding stage, have we not seen a people, perhaps the same, by gradual alterations and improvements, or by some thorough reform or revolution, like man arrived at mature age, for wisdom, firmness and strength, establishing true liberty and a settled civil government, upon the more permanent basis of a FREE COMMONWEALTH? And under this happy form, flourishing for ages, and in the unmolested enjoyment of the sweets of freedom and the blessings of government, rising to the height of strength and dignity, prosperity and glory?

Moreover, have we not seen, at some distant period, this same society, state or nation, like man passed the meridian of life, and beginning to feel the infirmities of age approaching, by insinuating corruptions, by the influence of parties, the malevolence of factions, and frequent disorders, warned of its danger, and reduced to the necessity of strengthening the bands of society, and the powers of government, by a monarchial constitution; and putting the reins into the hands of a sovereign, with certain limitations, to guard, as much as may be, the liberty of the subject and freedom of the state?

In fine;–Have we not seen, in the closing period, the same society, state, or nation, like man, in the decline of life, bowed with the infirmities of age and time, the constitution broken; the spirit of virtue, wisdom, liberty and firmness gone; the political body, filled with vicious humours, attacked by painful diseases, rack’d with malignant disorders, which surpass the political physician’s skill to heal or remedy? In a word, convulsed to the very foundations, by internal oppressions and violences, by public tumults and commotions, and divided and rent by the furious factions of wicked, designing, artful and ambitious men, tending to and ending in blood-shed, slaughter and civil wars, which nothing but the hand and sword of absolute power could restrain, quiet or control—and thus prepared to be an easy prey to the daring tyrant, whose hand could seize, whose sword could secure it!

It is not, indeed, pretended, that this hath been statedly or literally the case, with nations that have entered into society, and established civil government in the world.—But whether, in the rise and progress of society, and the modes of government which have been adopted by mankind, something of this kind hath not appeared, in various instances? And whether this, or some similar gradation in the constitutions of government, at the several periods and stages of society, are not natural and necessary, rational and just; and, upon the whole, for the best,–is humbly submitted to the learned, the wise and judicious to consider.

Certain it is, that as different societies and states may require different modes of government; so the same societies or nations may require different constitutions, at distinct and distant periods and stages of their existence.

When Brutus the Elder greatly dared to attempt a radical revolution, from an arbitrary to a free government, by the expulsion of the Tarquins, and the establishment of a commonwealth at Rome; the virtue of his fellow-citizens, seconded and supported him: And the glorious plan was carried to effect to the inexpressible joy of every friend to liberty, to his country and the rights of mankind.—But when, from the same patriotic principles, Brutus the Younger, by the death of Julius Caesar, several ages afterwards, nobly attempted the deliverance of his country from the shackles of tyranny, and the oppressor’s yoke; and to re-establish a free government; the virtue of his fellow-citizens failed him; and Rome was enslaved, never—never to enjoy the blessings of liberty or a free government more!—And this was her choice!—otherwise she would have roused, seconded and supported the arms and attempts of so faithful a friend and so valiant an hero, in the glorious cause of freedom and his country.

Upon the whole, the propriety or impropriety of this or that constitution or mode of government, for this people or another, depends upon a variety of circumstances; such as character, situation, manners, customs, trade, connections, &c.—of which the people, are, or, most certainly, ought to be the best, if not the only competent judges.—And happy is that people, who, having the opportunity, have wisdom to discern and virtue to pursue their true interest, in a matter of so interesting a nature, and such lasting importance.

Mysteries in government, secrets of state,–those Arcona Imperii, by which the artful and ambitious have enslaved the greater part of mankind, are totally abhorrent to all principles of liberty, and naturally tend to sap the foundations of civil government, in a free commonwealth.

A people have an unalienable right to know the constitution they enjoy, the government they are under, the laws they are subject to, and what is justly expected and required of them as subjects.

Next to a good constitution, therefore, the laws of the land are the inheritance of the people.—All laws should bear a resemblance and carry the features, of the constitution; being deduced from its principles and founded in its maxims. And, if I may be allowed the expression, the laws should flow from the constitution, as the streams from the fountain, and even grow out of it, as the tree from the root, or the branches from the stock.

It is also necessary to the well-being of society, that laws be adapted to the state and necessities of a people, and to the circumstances and exigencies of the community.

It is of no small importance to the liberty of the subject, as well as the support of governmental authority, in a free commonwealth, that laws be as few in number, and as plain, concise and expressive, in their form, as possible.

It hath been often said, ‘The more laws, the less government.’—The institutions of Lycurgus, the great founder of civil government in Sparta, and the laws of Solon, the wise lawgiver of the Athenians, under the happy influence of which those states, from small beginnings, rose to the heighth of strength and glory, were few, plain, concise and expressive.

When laws become numerous, or voluminous, it indicates the decline of virtue, the weakness of government and increase of vice.—For laws, taking rise from necessity, hold up to view the vices, or crimes, they are intended to suppress, as the reason of their existence.—Several ages passed, in the republic of Rome, before any law existed for the punishment of a Parricide; evidently taking for granted, either, that this crime had never been thought of, or that it was of so atrocious a nature, that no Roman could be so debased as ever to commit it.

I only add, that to render laws effectual, to the purposes of their existence it hath ever been the care of the wisest legislators, especially in free states, to have such penalties annexed as are, not only apportioned to the malignity, but, as near as possible, expressive of the nature, of the crimes they are intended to punish, or suppress. ¹¹

But laws, however good in themselves, or wisely adapted to the state and necessities of a people, can be of but little advantage, unless duly observed and carried to effect. Hence the necessity of appointing certain persons to be rulers, of investing them with power and clothing them with authority, to administer government, and carry the laws into execution.

Civil government, duly established and organized, is fitly compared to a Shield, as it is instituted for the defense and protection of the subjects and the state. And hence rulers and magistrates, being vested and entrusted with the powers of government, are, with great propriety termed Shields of the earth, in the words of our text.—And as the powers of government give existence to the ruler, to the magistrate: So it is with rulers and magistrates to give life to the constitution and energy to the laws, by a faithful administration.

Good and faithful rulers are raised above their brethren, to places of honour, trust and authority, not for themselves, but for the people, and the good of society. They are entrusted with several powers of government, that individuals may be protected and defended in their life, liberty, property and rights—that the internal peace and order of society might be preserved; and that the external defense, of the whole, against the encroachments, violence, assaults, or invasions of enemies, or oppressors, might effectually be provided for.

In this way, wise and faithful rulers are Shields to the state, and Shields of the earth; as by this happy institution, under their administration, the wisdom and strength of the whole state, may, at any time, be collected in defense of the public, or of any part of the community, as occasion may require. And thus very member is engaged for the peace, safety and defense of the state; and the whole for the peace, safety and protection of every member: For these obligations are mutual, and equally sacred and binding.

In this light considered, rulers, by accepting a seat or an office in government, are fitly said to pledge themselves, their faith and sacred honour, and that in the most solemn manner, to the people for their fidelity: and to them are they accountable.

But there is another argument, of yet higher importance, suggested in our text, which demands the attention of rulers of whatever station; and may not be passed over in silence.

It is said, in the words before us,–The Shields of the earth belong unto GOD.

Civil government, as hath been said, is of divine institution. God, as Supreme, sitteth on the throne of his holiness. All power, rule, or authority is derived from God. In the government of society, states and nations, men are employed to carry his purposes of wisdom and goodness to effect. And hence civil rulers are fitly stiled—“the ministers of God.”– ¹² And in the language of the text, it may be said, they belong unto GOD, in a particular manner, and in various respects.

’Tis God, by his spirit and providence, who qualifies, raiseth up and calls them forth to public view, in places of honour, trust and importance, in the various departments of government.—Men indeed, may act freely in all their elections and appointments.—But after all, a divine agency attends them:–An all-superintending providence is religiously to be acknowledged.—“the lot” faith the wise man—“the lot is cast into the lap: But the whole disposing thereof, is of the Lord.” ¹³ And in terms yet more nervous and expressive, the Psalmist tells us, that “promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the judge. He putteth down one, and setteth up another.” ¹⁴

Civil rulers belong unto GOD, as it is his power with which they are vested, in his name that they act, and by his authority that they administer government and discharge the duties of their several offices and departments, whether as supreme or subordinate.

Civil rulers belong unto GOD, as he hath explicitly directed them upon what principles, in what manner, and with what views they are to act in office and administer government.—That they are to fear GOD—hate covetousness—shake their hands from bribes—to judge righteously—to be no respectors of persons in judgment—not to be afraid of the face of man; but always to realize, that the judgment is GOD’s. ¹⁵

Civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto the LORD, as the end of their administration is the glory of God, and that he might be greatly exalted, in the good of mankind.—Hence the apostle—He is the minister of GOD to thee for good. ¹⁶

In fine; civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto GOD, as they are under his immediate inspection, as they are accountable to him for the whole of their conduct, in this character, and as their reward is with him, “God standeth,” saith the psalmist “in the congregation of the mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.” ¹⁷

Deeply penetrated with a sense of the importance of these considerations, a good ruler hath the most engaging, as well as awakening, motives, to a faithful discharge of duty, and the most substantial arguments to support him, under the weight and care of government.

It is, indeed, readily admitted, that rulers, in devoting their time, talents and capacities to the service of the public, have a just claim to respect and support; and, in an upright discharge of their trust, they have a right, not only to a pecuniary reward, in proportion to the dignity of their stations, and importance of their services; but also to the grateful acceptance and cheerful approbation of an obliged people. And it is very happy indeed, for both rulers and people, when it may be truly said of persons in authority, as of Mordecai, of old—that “they are great among their fellow citizens, and accepted of the multitude of their brethren, seeking the wealth of their people, and speaking peace to all their seed.” ¹⁸

But should faithful rulers fail of so just, as well as pleasing, a return, as hath sometimes been the case, they are not without support, encouragement, or reward.

The fear of God, the sentiments of religion, the approbation of their own minds, the acceptance of their judge and the rewards of his kingdom, are sufficient to support them under every weight, and to excite them to fidelity and perseverance, under every discouragement.—Neither the frowns of the great, nor the flatteries of the multitude; nor yet, the more pleasing charms of future promotion, will ever be permitted to influence the measures, or direct the conduct of the faithful ruler, acting under the influence of those exalted sentiments, which religion inspires. But, realizing what he owes to God, and what his country may justly require, he is faithful to the one, and true to the other, even though the Ostracism ¹⁹ of the Athenians should be his lot, and the fate of the noble Pericles his reward. ²⁰

Conscious integrity is a solid support.—A support, which the world can neither give nor take away.—Like Cato, the virtuous roman Senator, “to have done his duty,”—to have approved himself to that God, who sitteth on the throne of his holiness, is more to the good ruler, the true Patriot, than the approbation or applause of united worlds. With a serenity of mind, which no words can express, such a ruler most cheerfully leaves it with heaven to estimate his fidelity and apportion the reward. His only request is that of pious Nehemiah, the faithful governour of Judea,–“Think upon me, O my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people.” ²¹

Another thing necessary to the ends of civil government, and to render it a blessing to subjects and a Shield to the state, is the concurrence of the people, with their rulers, in their faithful endeavours and unremitting exertions, for internal peace and external defence.

A sacred regard to the constitution, a cheerful obedience to the laws, and a reverend submission to the authority of those who are vested with the powers of government, are as much the duty of subject, even in free states, as it is of rulers to be faithful to the trust reposed in them by the people. The obligations are mutually binding, equally indispensible, and equally necessary to the liberty, safety, prosperity and happiness of society.

The best constitution, the wisest laws, and the most faithful rulers are all in vain to a perverse, restless, factious, remiss or disobedient people.

If a people violate the constitution, trample under foot the laws, cast contempt on authority and despise government; or fail, when lawfully required, to make those exertions for defense, which the exigencies of the state may demand; they must thank themselves, and not their rulers, for that ruin which threatens and will most certainly overtake them. In the language of the prophet, it may justly be said to such a people,–“thine own wickedness shall correct thee, and thy backslidings shall reprove thee.” ²²

The apostle Paul observes, “that the powers that be, are ordained of God”: And justly considers civil government as an ordinance of GOD. And that rulers are “the ministers of God”, to a people, “for good.” ²³ From hence he concludes, that a people should acknowledge their authority and yield an obedient subjection:–And expressly says, that they must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. ²⁴

The subjection here enjoined is not absolute, or that passive obedience and non resistance, so absurdly preached up, in the darker ages of the world: But that obedience and subjection to good and faithful rulers, which the social compact and the laws of the land require. And without this, government is at an end.

If rulers are not seconded and supported by the people, in the exercise of their authority, in the execution of the laws and the administration of government, their best attempts, their most upright endeavours will never avail to the purposes intended by such an institution.

It is with the people to add life to the constitution, energy to the laws, and dignity as well as strength to government: And that, both for internal peace, order and freedom, and external defense, against all who openly oppose, assault or invade the state.

In a word, as by the social compact, the whole is engaged for the protection and defense of the life, liberty and property of each individual; so each individual owes all that he hath, even life itself, to the support, protection and defense of the whole, when the exigencies of the state require it. And no man, whether in authority or subordination, can justly excuse himself from any duty, service or exertions, in peace or war, that may be necessary for the public peace, liberty, safety or defense, when lawfully and constitutionally called thereto.

As in the body natural, all the parts and members are necessary; and in their places severally concur to the health, strength and beauty of the whole: So in the body politick, a well regulated state, a similar adjustment takes place.—And as all parts and members are necessary: So in their place and use, they all concur to the health, safety and happiness of society; and to the beauty, strength, glory and defense of the state.

When the parts are disadjusted, the body is out of health, and the constitution in danger.—So in the body politic, if the parts are disadjusted, its health will be marred, its strength impaired and its constitution endangered. Thus when the legislative assumes and exercises the powers, by constitution, vested in the executive department; the executive, those of the judicial; or the judicial, those of the legislative; or either of them: then there is an evident disadjustment of the parts, in the body politick, which tends to confusion in society, jumble in government, danger to the constitution and destruction to the commonwealth. ²⁵

It is of the highest importance to the well being of society, that every man, that all the members should know their place, and the duties of their station, in the Commonwealth, whether in authority, or subordination: And everything that tends to an alteration, or abridgment, of the powers of government, on the one hand, or of the rights of the people, on the other, should awaken the attention of both rulers and people, and put all upon their guard.

For instance: The compromise of individuals, the plans of a junto, the schemes of a faction, or the intrigues of a court for the disposal of offices or the obtaining elections, have a threatening aspect on the liberties of the people, the powers of government and the constitution itself. Julius Caesar would never, perhaps, have had it in his power, to have totally subverted the republic of Rome, usurp’d the government and seated himself on the imperial throne, had not his way thereto been paved and prepared, by the private compact and artful compromise between Pompey the Great, Crassus and himself, which formed the first triumvirate, that appeared in that great Commonwealth. ²⁶

In all such cases, therefore, “Obsta Principiis”, is a good maxim, and worthy of the attention of all. And the first appearances of such baneful machinations should be beheld with abhorrence and check’d with severity, by all orders of men in a free Commonwealth, as they are friends to their country and wish to preserve the liberties of the people, the powers of government, or the rights of the constitution, inviolate to the State.

This precaution is always necessary.—It is more especially of importance when first entering into society; or when a radical revolution takes place, and a new form or constitution of government is introduced.—Bad precedents are growing evils; and fatal consequences commonly attend them, if not seasonably checked and effectually crushed.

The last thing which we shall mention, as necessary to the well being of society and the happiness of a free state, is the cordial concurrence of all orders of men, in authority and subordination, in a sacred regard to religion; in a devout acknowledgment of their dependence upon God, his providence and blessing, for all the benefits they expect to derive from a settled civil government.

This sentiment is evidently suggested in the words of our text.—The people, whose princes are here introduced as gathered together to consult for the common good, and transact the public affairs for the government and defense of the nation;–The people, whose rulers are here termed shields of the earth, and justly said to belong unto GOD; In a word, the people, in whose settled government and flourishing state, God, the supreme ruler, is said to be greatly exalted, are fitly styled the people of the GOD of Abraham,–a people in covenant with God.—A people of his fear—of his praise.—A people deeply impressed with a sense of the Deity, his government and providence; and a people who cordially acknowledge their dependence upon him and their indispensible obligations to fear and obey him, and to preserve and exercise a sacred regard to his worship, and to the doctrines and duties of that holy religion, which he had taught by his word.

The importance of religion and morality, and a devout acknowledgment of the government of heaven, to the support of order and government among men, and to the liberty, safety and happiness of society, is what reason teaches, and what the common sense, as well as universal practice of mankind, in all ages and nations, concurs to confirm.

In civilized nations, and where civil government hath been established, many cities and places of importance may be found without walls, without guards, and even without weapons or any preparations for common defense: But it is not easy to find any without, a temple, an altar, a grove or some other place appointed and appropriated to the purposes of religion, the acknowledgment of heaven, and the worship of the Deity, in some shape or other.

In all the free states of Greece and the great Republic of Rome, the regard that was paid to the worship of the gods and the rites of religion, was constant, punctual and expensive; and in many instances, especially on great occasions, rose to the height of superstition. And no affair of importance to the liberty of the people, or the safety of the state, in peace or war, was undertaken, without a religious acknowledgment of their dependence upon heaven and the influence of the gods.

“The great CAMILLUS who was twice saluted ‘The Deliverer of his country,’ to awaken in his fellow-citizens a sense of the importance of religion, appealed to the Romans whether they ever had better success than when they carefully served God, or worse than when they neglected him.”

“Xenophon very justly observes, ‘That Cyrus, one of the best and greatest kings of Persia, laid the foundation of that powerful empire, not so much by his valour, as by his religious acknowledgment of heaven, and his liberality in the worship and service of God.”

But to instance from a yet higher authority: Doth not the holy prophet of the Lord both reprove and exhort the king of Judah, in terms which clearly express the high importance of a sacred regard to the precepts of religion and morality, to the safety, happiness and flourishing state of a people, in that plain and faithful expostulation—Did not thy father eat and drink, and do justice and judgment, and then it was well with him? He judged the cause of the poor and needy, then it was well with him: Was not this to know me? Saith the LORD. ²⁷

When the Supreme Ruler of the world gave notice to Moses, the great law-giver of the Hebrew nation, that the period of his administration was hastening, and the time near at hand, when he must quit the high station he held at the head of the commonwealth of Israel,, for a more exalted seat of immortal glory in his kingdom above,–It is said, He called a solemn assembly of the people; and having recapitulated the heads of the constitution God had given them, and rehearsed a summary of the statutes and precepts of the religion he had made known unto them, he closed his address, and took his leave of them, with this expressive and pathetic exhortation, saying, “Set your hearts unto all the words which I testify among you this day: For it is not vain thing for you; because it is your life: And through this thing ye shall prolong your days in the land whether ye go over Jordan to possess it.” ²⁸

The truth is, religion, more especially as taught by the word of God, and enforced by the powerful arguments and engaging motives of he gospel of Jesus Christ, is the source of liberty, the soul of government and the life of a people.—Its doctrines are sublime, its precepts excellent, its motives persuasive and endearing, and its rewards rich, glorious and all divine.

Religion inspires the soul with the noblest sentiments, enflames the heart with the purest affections, and forms the man for every virtue,–for every service, which God or his country may either expect or require.

Its benevolent precepts are all contained in love to GOD and love to man. And where this divine affection takes place, inspires the soul, warms the heart, influences the temper and governs the conduct; piety to God, and justice and charity to men, will mark distinguish and dignify the character. And the same divine principle, penetrating the hearts of the various orders of men in society, and pervading the state, cannot fail producing the happiest effects.—Vice and immorality, wickedness and unrighteousness, in every form, in every character, will soon disappear; and justice, temperance, truth and love,–every virtue, every grace which adorns human nature, or tends to the peace and happiness of society, will quickly take their place.

Under the sacred energy of so god-like a principle, rulers will become true patriots, real benefactors; the people willing and obedient subjects: And all orders of men will most cheerfully concur in every measure which wisdom can dictate for the common good.

In a word, religion among a people, in its power, purity and governing influence, is the guardian of liberty, the strength of government, the energy of laws, the band of society, and both the glory and defense of the state.

In times of prosperity, a people, that have made God their fear, and religion their care, may rest assured of the establishment and continuance of their flourishing state.

In times of perplexity, when dangers surround, oppressors threaten, or enemies invade, such a people have God for their refuge: And committing their cause unto him, in the way of well-doing, may humbly expect that light will arise in darkness, that the power of the oppressor shall be broken, that their enemies shall not prevail against them, and that God will maintain their right and their cause.

At all times, under all circumstances, at home, abroad, in peace and war, such a people may safely & cheerfully leave all their concerns in the hands of God; and in filial confidence of his presence, protection and blessing, may say with the Psalmist—“The Lord is on my side, I will not fear: What can man do unto me?” ²⁹—Happy is that people that is in such a case: Yea, happy is the people, whose GOD is the LORD. ³⁰

In the above representation, we have seen the fair side of the question: Government a blessing, and the shields of the earth, as they ought to be, employed for the good of mankind. But it may, notwithstanding, be justly said, that this is not always the case. And the question may still be asked—How, then, can it be asserted, “That the shields of the earth belong unto God?”

Upon this question it may be observed,–That it is admitted, that THE SHIELDS OF THE EARTH may be reversed.—The powers of government may be abused. Rulers, however promising at first, may become oppressors. Yea, this hath been too often the fact. But should this be the unhappy case; and, contrary to the just expectations of God and men, should the shields of the earth be reversed, and turned against those whom they were intended to defend, it alters not the truth or propriety of the assertion. “The shields of the earth still belong unto God:” and “the Lord still sitteth on the throne of his holiness.”

Such is the nature of the divine government, and such the wisdom of the Supreme Ruler, that good is brought out of evil. Even the oppressors of mankind are the servants of God; and their oppressions are so over-ruled as to be subservient to the designs of infinite wisdom and goodness, in the moral government of the world.

The shields of the earth reversed, the powers of government abused, may be and are over-ruled in providence, so as to be productive of great good to society and mankind.

Such, indeed, is the inertia of mankind in general, that they are more prone to undue submission, than the contrary. Even a bad government is better than none, in the estimation of the greater part of the world. And so great is the risqué, the uncertainty and danger attending the attempt of a revolution, that it is not an easy matter to persuade a people, even under an undue exercise of power, to rise and resist. They will bear much, and long, before they can be brought to unite in such an attempt: but there are degrees of oppression beyond bearing; and which mankind, unless totally lost to all sentiments of liberty, and entirely broke to the yoke of slavery, will not submit to. And it is wise in God, and happy for a people, when the strides of oppression are permitted to be so great, and the violences of oppressors so hastily increased, as to rouse them effectually before it is too late.

Oppressors are fitly called, “The rod of God’s anger, and the staff in their hand is his indignation,” ³¹ they are wisely employed by the Supreme Ruler, to correct the errors, reprove the vices, and reform the disorders of societies, nations and states. They are more especially improved to rouse and restore the true spirit of liberty, when declining; and to bring on a total revolution, if necessary, to the preservation or restoration of so inestimable a blessing.

Instances of this are too numerous and too well known, to admit of dispute.

As it was the afflicted state of God’s people Israel, that moved him, in mercy, to send Moses to deliver them: so it was the oppressions of Pharaoh and the cruelty of the task-masters, that gave weight to his messages, and effectually roused them, in the face of every danger, to assert their freedom, and attempt their deliverance from the Egyptian yoke.

CHRISTENDOM would never have been roused, with firmness, to have attempted to free themselves from the hierarchy of Rome, had not the oppressions of that power put them upon the expedient.

It was a long series of injuries, and intolerable oppressions and cruelties, which taught the United States of Holland to assert their native freedom, independence and sovereignty, against the power of Spain, then at the meridian of its strength and glory.

BRITONS would never have so frequently resisted their kings, and flown to arms in defense of their invaluable rights, had not the iron rod of oppression convinced them of the necessity of such strenuous exertions, to preserve and protract the remains of liberty among them.

It was the oppressor’s hand, in church and state, which drove our worthy ancestors from their native land, in the face of every danger, every distress, to seek a secure retreat for the unmolested enjoyment of Liberty, civil and religious, in the inhospitable wilds of America.

And the same oppressive hand, which pursued and persecuted this injured people over the wide Atlantic, from time to time, in lawless claims upon their rights and liberties, under God and providence, hath been the means of preserving and transmitting that glorious spirit of liberty, for which the Colonies of America have been so illustrious, in the several periods of their existence.

And, to add no more; a series of oppressive measures, and lawless claims of arbitrary power adopted and pursued by the Court of Great-Britain, in open violation of the most sacred chartered rights;–arms to enforce obedience;–and the power of the British legislature to “make LAWS binding upon the Colonies, IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER,” being openly assumed and declared, roused and raised the spirit of LIBERTY, in the FREE-BORN SONS of AMERICA, to the highest pitch. And, no other alternative being left them, but the SWORD or SLAVERY; these Colonies hesitated not a moment, but unitedly declared their choice of the former: And GREATLY DARED TO BE FREE!!!

The important Die was cast; and the glorious AERA of Liberty commenced!—The sword (wording missing) the oppressor was drawn; and the innocent blood of our brethren, slain at the opening of the interesting contest, was the cement of the union, and seat of the freedom of these injured American States! ³²

ALL AMERICA heard the alarm, deeply felt the wound, and bravely rose to revenge their brethren’s blood, and join the common cause!

To Heaven the appeal was made!—By Heaven, the claim was supported!—That God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, the Governor among the nations, the Patron of the injured and oppressed, hath plead our cause, and maintained our right to freedom, equality and independence: And given us a name among the nations of the earth.

The wisdom of the counsels, the firmness of the resolutions, and the equity of the measures of the United States, in Congress assembled; and in the states respectively:–The exertions that have been made, in the cause of liberty and of mankind; and the success which hath attended:–The Articles of Confederation which have been formed and completely ratified, by all the States, as the basis of freedom and mutual support:–And the glorious revolution, that hath taken place in America; as they do honour to human nature, and engage the attention of an admiring world; being transmitted by the pen of the faithful historian, will be a subject of most pleasing contemplation, to all true lovers of liberty and the rights of mankind, in succeeding generations, to the end of time.

In the rise and progress of this interesting contest, the smiles of heaven have appeared, in the supplies afforded, in various instances, when needed most; by captures from the enemy, ³³ the generosity of friends, and the kindness of strangers: And also in the generous support, and effectual assistance, of those powerful states, who, with a benevolence of spirit, and magnanimity of conduct, which does honour to themselves and mankind, have essentially favoured and patronized our cause.

That God, who girded Cyrus, of old, and called him his shepherd, to raise up his afflicted people, oppressed under the Babylonish yoke, and to restore them to their country, their religion, their liberties, ³⁴ and their possessions, inspired the King of France, and the powerful nation under his government, from principles worthy the character of a great—a benevolent Prince, and a wise and politick nation, early to favour the cause of these injured infant states: And finally to take a decided part, and make our cause there own, by a public treaty, both generous and just, and nobly founded in principles of quality and independence.

The advantages resulting to the United States of America, from their happy alliance with so puissant a Prince and so powerful a nation, in the course of the war, are too many to be enumerated, too important to have escaped notice, and too well known to need a mention.

The accession of the power of Spain to the common cause, brightens the prospect. And the late addition of the United States of Holland, and, probably, of Russia, and all the powers of the armed neutrality, in consequence of the unjust measures and unheard of outrages of Britain, must, under God, give the clearest assurances of an happy issue; and of the complete establishment of the freedom, independence and sovereignty, of the United States of America; if we are not criminally wanting to ourselves.

Amidst the convulsions, the ravage, bloodshed and distress that have attended the war;–amidst the great and complicated exertions, we have been called to make, in this all-interesting contest, we have seen, to the glory of God and honor of America, a degree of internal peace, order and unanimity, far beyond what could have been expected, in a struggle of this nature, and in effecting a revolution so extensive and important.

In a word, to the honor of God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, as Governor among the nations, to the joy of America, to the disgrace of our enemies, and the astonishment of the world, we have seen these instant states, in the midst of the alarms and shocks of a distressing war, and in the face of every danger, rising from a state of dependence and obscurity, to a state of liberty, independence and sovereignty. And with a spirit of wisdom, firmness and resolution, which, perhaps, hath never been equaled, forming constitutions and establishing government, upon the basis of freedom and the solid foundations of justice and equity.

Under the smiles of heaven upon this Commonwealth, in particular, have we not seen the social compact formed, and a constitution of government ratified, introduced and established, with a degree of unanimity, which could scarcely have been looked for, in a matter of so delicate a nature and such lasting importance?—A Constitution, which, for the solidity of its principles, the liberality of its sentiments, the importance of its rights, the wisdom of its arrangements, the propriety of its boundaries, the adaptedness of its institutions, and that spirit of liberty which inspires the whole, may justly vie with any other upon the continent, if not in the world.

Under this happy Constitution we have seen, to universal satisfaction, that blessed prophecy, concerning God’s people, after their return from captivity, literally fulfilled unto us.—“Their congregation shall be established before me:–their nobles shall be of themselves, and their Governor shall proceed from the midst of them.” ³⁵

The energy and happy effects of a Constitution, thus formed, ratified, introduced and administered, have been too clearly seen and too sensibly felt, by this greatful people, to admit of dispute, or even a doubt.

May we not,–yea, rather, ought we not, upon this joyful occasion, in a deep sense of our obligations to heaven, to ascribe the glory of all to God, and devoutly acknowledge that this is the LORD’s doing; it is marvelous in our eyes!-—

This day, which defuses the smile of freedom,–the joy of liberty, in the countenance of the true Patriot, of every friend to his country and mankind, is a fresh evidence of the care and benevolence of heaven to an injured people,–a new testimony that God hath not forsaken an oppressed land.

This day is great, as it is the first, on which we commemorate the goodness of God, the supreme ruler, in the blessings of a settled government, under a Constitution established on the purest principles of liberty and equity.

This day is great, as it is the first, appointed by the constitution, for the stated meeting of the Princes of this people,–the fathers of the Commonwealth, in General Court: And it is also great, as it commences an AERA of Anniversaries, for the same joyful purposes,–to commemorate and partake of the blessings of LIBERTY and a FREE GOVERNMENT, which (we trust in God) will end, but with time itself!!—

On this joyful day we are invited to see God, the supreme ruler, on the throne of his holiness, the savior and defense of an afflicted land: “The princes of the people of the God of Abraham gathered together”: And “The Shields of the earth,” The rulers of every department, devoting themselves to the service of God and their country, in devout acknowledgment of his government, to the end, that God might be greatly exalted, in the good of his people, b their administration.

To add lustre to the joy of this day, we behold, a second time raised to the chief seat of government, in this Commonwealth, by the free suffrages of the people, a Gentleman, whose patriotic principles early engaged the attention of his fellow-citizens;–whose uniformity of conduct, in the several offices he sustained, effectually gained their esteem;–whose firm attachment to the liberties of his country, and determined resolution, at every risqué and in the most trying times, to do all in his power to support them, established their confidence:–In a word, a Gentleman, whose disposition, ability and integrity, in the service of this and the United States, have been tried and approved; and whose name is illustrious, both as proscribed by Britain, and as authenticating that glorious act, by which the United States of America are forever separated from her, and declared to be a free and independent NATION.

As this is the highest mark of esteem and confidence, in the power of an obliged people to give; it cannot fail of being a support to His EXCELLENCY, under the weight and perplexing cares of government, and a pleasing inducement to those returns of attention and fidelity, in the duties of his high station, which they may justly expect.

We are also happy, this day, in beholding the next seat of government being filled with a Gentleman, whose amiable disposition, excellent qualifications, patriotic spirit, long experience and faithful services, in various departments, have endeared him to the people, and established a confidence in him, as worthy that exalted station, to which he is called by the general voice of the citizens of this free Commonwealth.

And to complete the gladness of our hearts upon this joyful occasion, we see the princes of the people, the honorable, the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, delegated by the suffrages of their brethren, from all parts of the state, gathered together and in General Court assembled, to consult the common good and transact the important affairs of government.—And, as the first step of importance, we behold these princes of the people, these Shields of the earth, in solemn assembly, in God’s holy sanctuary, met, religiously to acknowledge their dependence upon God, the supreme ruler, and devoutly to implore his presence, direction and blessing.—O may that GOD, who sitteth on the throne of his holiness, who is the fountain of wisdom and Father of lights;–even that God, whose ear is ever open to the sincere prayers of his people, send them his blessing and an answer of peace!

May the most high God take these SHIELDS of the earth, this day, under his immediate care and patronage, guidance and direction. May the spirit of God and of glory descend and rest upon his EXCELLENCY, his HONOUR, the honourable, the Council, to be chose, the Senate and the House of Representatives: And may the divine presence and blessing attend them this day, and in all their councils, debates and governmental acts, through the whole course of the year. Thus may it appear to all this people, that the Lord hath directed their choice; and that these Shields of the earth, these rulers of the people, do, indeed, belong unto GOD, are devoted to his service and instruments of his glory.

That plainness of speech which hath been adopted in the whole of this discourse, may well supersede the necessity of any particular application, by way of address.—The whole is intended as an humble address to the fathers of this Commonwealth, and to this respectable assembly.—If anything hath been suggested worthy attention, or adapted to the occasion, we trust in the candor of the assembly for a cordial reception. Whatever is of a different complexion, is not likely to be made better, by anything further added, to render it more acceptable.

Our political fathers, however, will permit me, with all deference, to observe,–

‘That the elections of this day; and which, agreeable to the social compact, are to take place, as the first business of the General Court (however limited) are justly considered, as interesting and important.

When we consider the importance of the executive department, to a due administration of government;–The high rank of Counselors;–How much the power of the Chief Magistrate is limited by their advice, in the disposal of places, the appointment of officers, and other things interesting to the community—or the important influence they have in the administration of government, and the management of the great affairs of the Commonwealth;–it should influence to the wisest use of that power of election, with which the honorable Senators and Representatives, by Constitution are vested.

Is the election limited?—Still there is a choice,–A choice, which made with wisdom and fidelity, may be of great utility to this Commonwealth.

It is no impeachment of the abilities, honor or integrity of any man, to suppose, that in a body of wise, great and good men, there may be different talents and improvements, and distinct characters, that may have an opening for exercise, and shine with a peculiar lustre, in different departments of civil government.

What these talents and characters are, how to be distinguished, in whom to be found and where to be placed, for the purposes of government, and best good of the Commonwealth, is not for me to determine. But certain it is, these are questions of no small importance to the public good: And questions, to which our honored civil fathers will give that attention, which their interesting nature demands.

Not only to preserve, as distinct as possible, the several departments of government, that so they might be a mutual check upon each other; but also to give dignity to government and energy to the laws, as well as ease to administration, were evidently in view, by adopting this branch in the constitution: And it cannot be doubted, that, not only those who assisted in adjusting the constitution, but also the people at large promised themselves much from this high department.

The election of counselors, therefore, however limited, will always be justly considered as a sacred deposit in the hands of the General Assembly, of the highest importance to the liberty and safety, the peace and prosperity of this Commonwealth. And, with all deference, it may be said by the people, upon such an occasion, “We claim it as our right, That, among those who are returned for Counselors and Senators, the persons best qualified to serve God and their country in that exalted department, be elected to the council board.” And may God send a perfect lot!—

The foundations which have been so happily laid in our new constitution, are to be established: and, we trust, in the hands of wise and faithful rulers, and by a good administration they will be established for “The FOUNDATIONS OF MANY GENERATIONS.”

Much depends upon the steps that have been and are still to be taken, under this constitution: and to derive the benefits and blessings we promise ourselves and posterity from it, the greatest care should be taken, not only to preserve the constitution itself, in all its parts, sacred and inviolate; but also, as much as possible to have the genuine spirit and principles of it inspiring the laws, and directing the exercise of the powers of government.

We have seen, in the preceding discourse, a specimen of the importance of attention and fidelity in rulers, and something of the nature of the engaging and powerful motives hereunto; As also the glorious rewards which those are entitled to who are faithful and persevering in the discharge of the duties of their several offices and stations. And surely there never was a time when the calls of God, of providence and our country, to the practice of these virtues, were greater than the present.

Many things, interesting in their nature, and important in their consequences, demand the attention of our civil fathers, in the several departments of government; but especially in the General Court.—Inattention and remissness are at all times inexcusable, in those who have accepted seats in government or places of trust and authority: And I need not observe, that at such a day as this, they must be criminal indeed! The laws, distributive justice, the order and peace of society, the internal policy and government of the Commonwealth, and the trade and commerce of the land, are subjects which statedly call for the care and attention of rulers and government.—The still wretched state of our medium, by which trade is obstructed, the poor oppressed, the course of justice, in matters of property, retarded; the community defrauded, the public faith and public credit perplexed, is truly affecting, and demands immediate consideration; and if anything within the limits of human wisdom and penetration can yet further be thought of, to remedy so great an evil, it is fervently hoped, it will not escape the notice of the General Court.

The declining state of religion, morality and virtue; and the great prevalence of vice and immorality, irreligion and profaneness, in almost every form, and in the various orders and ages of men; it is humbly conceived, are subjects, not only important in themselves, but of the highest consequence to the well-being of society, and call aloud for the interposition of rulers, who are ordained of God to be a terror to evil doers and to evil works. In vain do the teachers of religion and even the ambassadors of Christ preach and teach the importance of religion, the excellence of virtue, and the necessity of morality, justice, temperance, truth or righteousness; while vice, in its various forms, is winked at by authority, and iniquity established by law.

I would not be understood, as supposing this to be our case; but rather to express an earnest desire to prevent it, by those timely exertions which wisdom and policy, as well as piety and godliness, teach us to make, for the glory of God and good of society.—And certain it is, that much depends upon those in authority, and much is expected, and much may be done by our civil fathers, by well-judged and well-executed laws, for the suppressing and punishing of vice and immorality, and the encouragement and support of religion and virtue.

But after all, it is by example, a living example, of justice and righteousness, temperance and chastity, faithfulness and integrity; and that glorious assemblage of Christian graces and moral virtues, by which human nature is adorned, and society rendered happy, that rulers give energy to laws, effectually suppress vice in its various forms, encourage virtue, and introduce and promote a thorough reformation among a people.—Virtue in high stations shines with an increased lustre, hath an extensive influence, and sweetly attracts the attention and engages the imitation of all around.—But without this, reproofs are in vain, punishments ineffectual, and laws to little or no purpose.

In a word, a want of attention to religion and virtue, in rulers or people, may blast our wisest counsels, sap the foundations of our most raised expectations and bring confusion on all our measures.

With grateful souls and thankfulness to heaven, we revere and admire the wisdom, the piety and policy of our fore-fathers, in the early and effectual care they took, even while weak-handed and yet in an instant state, for the good education of children and youth.—Laws, for the support of grammar schools, in the several towns, were made, established and sacredly regarded. Colleges were founded and endowed, and cheerfully and generously supported.—These institutions have been, for several generations, the sources of light, of knowledge, of literature, of liberty and religion; and under God, the happy means of forming many worthy characters, for eminent usefulness, both in church and state. And to these institutions, we are not a little indebted for that knowledge to discern, that wisdom to state, and that spirit to defend our rights and liberties, civil and religious, for which the inhabitants of these States have been so justly celebrated, in the present contest; and which have introduced and established that glorious revolution which hath taken place in America. May the present generation be impressed and inspired with the same excellent spirit; and may it be encouraged and prevail, in those that succeed, to the end of time!

The University at Cambridge, the American academy of arts and sciences, and all other institutions for the promoting of literature, are most fervently commended to the care and patronage of the civil fathers of this Commonwealth.

But it is not so much in the high attainments in science, to which the learned few may arrive, as in the diffusing common and useful knowledge in all orders of men, that the liberty and safety of a free Commonwealth consists. The former may flourish, and in fact have been encouraged, and carried to an eminent heighth of glory, in despotic states, while the latter hath been depressed; and even at the same time, that it hath been the ungenerous policy of persons in power, to frown upon, and artfully to discourage the means of common education, and to keep the multitude in the lowest state of ignorance, that thus they might be fit tools to carry to effect the purposes of oppression and arbitrary power; and be continued in a state of slavery, without ever knowing, either the loss of their liberty, or their rights as men.

It hath been said, ‘The law is the inheritance of the people.’—I wish to God, that multitudes of the people of this Commonwealth, had no reason to complain, that they have been abridged of a precious part of this inheritance, in that too general neglect and contempt, with which the law, for keeping grammar SCHOOLS in the several towns, hath been treated for a number of years past.—In the name of God, our country and posterity, it may be pertinently asked—What becomes of the children of the poor,–the widow, and them that have no helper, when so useful so necessary a law is trampled under foot!—How can rulers be said to be shields of the earth, and to belong unto God, while authority is despised, and the laws evaded, dispensed with, or set aside with impunity?—In fine, may it not be asked, whether more is not to be feared, with regard to the liberties of a people, and the well-being, safety and prosperity of a free state, from the shameful neglect of the instruction of children and education of youth, in society, than from the sword of an enemy, or the power of an oppressor? ³⁶

Rulers are stiled shields of the earth, as it more especially belongs to them, to look to the protection of society and provide the defence of the state.

STANDING armies are abhorrent to the first principles of freedom, and dangerous to the liberties of a free Commonwealth. The sword is in the hands of all the inhabitants of this Commonwealth?—Whether all the people have arms?—Or, whether, having arms, they are taught the art-military, and the use of their arms, so as to be effectually prepared to oppose an invading enemy, upon the shortest notice? ³⁷

That God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, in the rise, progress, and even unto the present state of the great contest, in which we are engaged, hath gloriously appeared for our help and support, in numberless instances. And it is not easy to suppose, nor is it agreeable to the general course of divine providence, that such beginnings—such goodly foundations, as, at this day, are seen, in the rising States of America, should be crushed or overthrown.—But their deliverance, their freedom and independence may be greatly checked, and their rise, growth and glory, shamefully retarded, by the inattention or remissness of rulers, or the negligence and languor of the people.

Had the glorious success of our arms at the Westward, and the surrender of General Burgoyne and his whole army, in the year 1777, been followed with spirited measures, and backed with those exertions, which wisdom and sound policy dictated, and which the United States were able to have made; we may rationally suppose, it might have gone far towards the reduction of the enemy and hastening a peace, upon terms of justice and equality.—How this success was improved, is not pleasing to remember!—May past omissions prove lessons of wisdom, for time to come.

The present year is important, and seems to open upon us, big with the fate of America,–of Europe, and, perhaps of the world of mankind.—This is the interesting crisis, for which the enemy have waited, and to which they have looked, with anxious expectation, as the period for the success of their arms and the subjugation of America. And it is both natural and just to suppose, that this year all their strength, and all their rage, will be put forth, with the utmost energy of exertion.—May GOD ALMIGHTY defeat and disappoint them!!—But can we expect, if we are wanting to ourselves, or reluctant and negligent in making those strenuous exertions, to which we are so loudly called, by God and our country, that the desired success will attend?

To rouse all our attention, and give the spring to the noblest exertions, may we realize more deeply than ever, the greatness of the cause, and how much is depending upon its success. May we seriously contemplate the distresses of our bleeding country; and with all the feelings of humanity, call into view, the sufferings of our brethren in the hands of the enemy, and the ravage, the waste and destruction, which mark the steps of British cruelty, throughout the land, and now take place in the Southern States!—Above all, may we attend to the voice of our brethren’s BLOOD, which cries for vengeance from the ground!—To the MANES of our slaughtered friends, who first felt a sacrifice to the oppressor’s rage, and suffered as MARTYRS in their country’s cause!—To the MANES of all these brave commanders and ILLUSTRIOUS HEROES, who have nobly fought and nobly bled in its defence!–!

O my fathers and brethren ALL! All is yet at stake!—All may yet be lost, if we rise not, as one man, to the noble cause!—How inglorious must it be, for want of attention, for want of exertion, to ship-wreck in the harbor—to fail at last?—Where, then, the pleasing scenes of LIBERTY, INDEPENDENCE and SOVEREIGNTY, which we have promised ourselves?—Where the glorious foundations of FREEDOM and safety, which our CIVIL CONSTITUTIONS have laid?—And where the beautiful superstructure of government and laws, which has been erected upon them?—Alas!—They are dashed, they vanish, they are gone—lost! Forever lost!!!

But can this be the event? Shall this be the fatal end, the shameful issue of all the glorious exertions that have been made,–of all the bitter sufferings that have been endured—of all the precious blood that hath been shed? Is this possible? Can it ever once be? Forbid it RIGHTEOUS HEAVEN I forbid it, O MY COUNTRY!—America rises, indignant, at the stavish thought.—Her FREE-BORN SONS are not so lost to the sentiments of liberty, the love of their country, or the feelings of humanity, as to beat the most distant idea of such a disgraceful end, to this glorious contest. Nor can they ever be so debased, as to retain a wish to survive the loss of liberty, or their country’s ruin.—Much less to stand the tame spectators of the sacrifices, that (in such a case) must and will be made, of noble patriots, wise counselors, faithful rulers, brave commanders, and illustrious heroes, and, in fine, of the best friends and best blood of AMERICA, by the AX or HALTER, to satiate the rage and glut the malice of a British conqueror! Or, perhaps, that which is still more affecting and degrading—to be doomed to waste away the remains of a wretched life in poverty, chains, slavery, or a cruel imprisonment!

That this hath been the end of civil wars, when the struggles for liberty have failed of success: And that such hath been the fate of those, whom conquering oppressors have been pleased to stigmatize, with the names of REBELS and TRAITORS, numberless instances in most celebrated histories, abundantly prove.

‘Tis after the war is closed, whether by conquest or submission, that the bitterest revenge takes place; and under the pretence of law, justice or necessity, it is then, that the worthiest characters are sacrificed, the noblest patriots fall, and the richest blood of a nation flows.

This was the case at Rome, and these the consequences that attended their civil wars, from time to time. This was especially so, in those between Marius and Sylla, by which that great republic was, for many years, convulsed to its foundations. In their turns, during the contest, both Marius and Sylla stained the streets of Rome with the blood of her most venerable senators and worthiest citizens. But the cruelty of Sylla, after he had conquered the party of Marius, and gained the summit of absolute power, over the whole commonwealth, was beyond the power of description, and I had almost said, of belief itself. ³⁸

When, mad with loyalty, the British nation restores their flattering tyrant, Charles IId. a scene of blood was opened, more affecting, perhaps, to the more judicious part of the people, than all that had appeared in the civil war. Notwithstanding a the exile-king promised everything to regain the throne; and upon his return and restoration, made public proclamation of an act of amnesty or general pardon; not only the king’s judges, so called, but many of the worthiest characters were soon attainted and proscribed: And it was quickly found, that nothing short of the best blood of the nation, would be a sacrifice sufficient to appease his own resentment, or his father’s ghost.

The same, or perhaps, more affecting scenes will probably be opened in America, should we fail of success in the present contest; or should these United States be ever subdued by arms, or cajoled by arts, to a return and submission to Britain.—But this is an event, which (we firmly trust) will never take place.

Upon the whole: in our united counsels and exertions, we may yet hope, and even assure ourselves, that God who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, will behold our state, hear our prayers, and still maintain our right and plead our cause.—That he will hasten the period of our present distresses, and give us to see, in his own way and time, the liberty, independence, sovereignty and glory of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, established on a foundation that shall never be moved.

And what a bright, what a glorious scene of liberty and felicity doth such an happy issue of this great and interesting contest, present to our view? –America, redeemed out of the hands of her enemies—the United States, delivered from the oppressors yoke; the secure retreat of injured innocence and the happy asylum of the oppressed and distressed.—The seat of justice and equity, of freedom and empire—extensive in trade and flourishing in commerce—abounding in riches and wealth—and illustrious in literature—in arts and sciences;–and, above all, glorious in the knowledge and practice of the pure and peaceful religion of our LORD and SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST:–And the unborn millions of succeeding ages, uniting in their grateful acknowledgments of praise and thanksgiving to GOD the supreme ruler, for that spirit of wisdom, liberty, patriotism and bravery, with which he was pleased to inspire the patriots and heroes; and even the whole body of the people of the present generation:–and, in fine—THIS PEOPLE, THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, a name, a praise and a glory among the nations, throughout all generations, to the end of time.

That such may be the end, such the reward, and such the important and lasting effects, of this great and glorious contest, may GOD, of his infinite mercy, grant, through Jesus Christ, our LORD.

AMEN.

 

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Endnotes

1. Vid. 2 Sam. 5. 1, 2, 3.

2. Isai. 45. 5, 7.

3. Ibid. 43. 13.

4. Ibid. 45. 9.

5. Psal. 97. 1.

6. Isai.

7. Psal. 33. 23.

8. Psal. 29. 10.

9. 103, 19.

10. Col. 1. 16.

11. Whether the multiplying sanguinary laws and capital punishments, in a state, can be justified upon the principles of equity, or even sound policy, is a question not unworthy the attention of wise legislators.—And whether punishing certain offenders, with loss of liberty, and hard labour, at the oar, or elsewhere, in some places of public resort, where they might be held up to view, as spectacles of justice in terrarem for a certain term of years, or for life, according to the nature of their crimes, would not answer the ends of government & the purposes of civil society, better than even an ignominious death; is also, humbly submitted.

12. Rom. 13, 4.

13. Prov. 16, 33.

14. Psal. 75. 6.

15. Deut. 1. 17. &c.

16. Rom. 13. 4.

17. Psal. 32. 1.

18. Eph. 10. 3.

19. “The Ostracism makes a great figure in all the Greek history, and occurs frequently in that of the Athenians,” among whom it is generally supposed to have had its rise.—This peculiar law was originally designed, as a guard to liberty; though sometimes abused, to the purposes of licentiousness and faction. “By this law men, eminent to such a degree, as to threaten the State with danger, were banished for ten years.—The method in which they proceeded to inflict the Ostracism was this: Every citizen took a piece of broken pot or shell, on which having wrote the name of the person he would have banished, he carried it to a certain place of the forum, which was enclosed with rails; then the magistrates began to count the number of the shells for if they were less than six thousand, the vote did not take place; but if they surpassed that number, they laid every name apart, and the man who’s name was found on the greatest number of shells was of course exiled for ten years.”
This law speaks a people jealous of their liberty to an extreme.—For, however well intended; yet, through the craft of rivals in power, or the insidiousness of ambitious and popular men, this punishment sometimes fell upon the worthiest characters in the state. Ariscides, by the wisdom of his councils, the firmness of his courage and the inflexibility of his integrity, at home, abroad, in peace and war, and had proved himself an illustrious patriot, acquired the surname of the just, and obtained the character of the most worthy and virtuous of the Athenians.—But these very virtues and this high reputation, were artfully improved, by his rival Themistocies, as arguments against him, and to prove him a man dangerous to the state. “It may seem strange (say the writers of the universal history) that Themistocies could raise the popular resentment against a man amiable from peaceable virtues; yes he effected it by causing it to be whispered about, that Ariscides having assumed the name of just, and acting frequently as an umpire between contending parties, had insensibly erected a monarchy, though without pomp or guards.—On a sudden, and when it was least expected, citizens and countrymen flocked to the forum and demanded the ostracism.—When the magistrates signified to him, that the ostracism fell upon him, he retired modestly out of the forum, and as he went out, he lifted up his eyes to heaven, and said, I beseech the Gods, that the Atheniaus may never see that day, which shall force them to remember Aristides!”—[vid. Universal Hist. vol. 6. P. 377, 378, &c.] What an exalted spirit! What heroic sentiments! What a divine example!—This is the good ruler—the true Patriot—neither the ingratitude of his fellow citizen, nor the unjust severity of his own cruel fate, could remove his love from his country, or prevent his prayers for the blessing of heaven upon an ungrateful people, who, for his faithful services, had just excluded him the rights of society, and drove him into banishment.

20. Pericles, after many and eminent services rendered to the state, in the course of a long and faithful administration, was unjustly, as well as injudiciously, dismissed, disgraced and fined by the Athenians; and this at a time when his presence, council, and directly on were more needed than ever. Ibid. p. 445.

21. Neh. 5. 19.

22. Jer. 2. 19.

23. Vid. Rom. 13. Begin.

24. Ibid. ver. 5.

25. As far as human wisdom and foresight could avail, to prevent anything of this kind, the people of this State have assumed and declared it, as one of their important rights; that “in the government of this Commonwealth, the legislative department shall never exercise the executive and judicial powers, or either of them: The executive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial powers, or either of them: The judicial shall never exercise the legislative and executive powers, or either of them: To the end, it may be a government of LAWS and not of MEN.” Great attention was paid to this inestimable right, in settling the departments and adjusting the powers of government by those who assisted in framing our New constitution. How far they succeeded in so difficult a work and so critical an attempt, the public will judge, and time and experience more fully discover.—At present, however, it must be allowed, that the prospect before us is not unpromising.

26. Pompey and Caesar were not yet at open enmity, nor professed rivals; but the former having taken various steps, which clearly indicated his ambitious views; the latter could not content himself with anything short of the same supreme power to which his rival aspired. To accomplish the purpose of this ambition, Caesar considered the consulship as an essential step. In order to his advancement to the consulship, as well as to effect his ultimate designs, Caesar found it necessary to avail himself of the influence not only of Crassus his rich and powerful friend, but also of Pompey his rival; and to serve himself of both: And this gave rise to the artful compromise we have mentioned. In this remarkable compact, Pompey and Crassus, as well as Caesar, had undoubtedly their views: But to adopt the words of celebrated historians, “Caesar’s management, upon this occasion, was a masterpiece of policy, and the foundation of his future grandeur. The two citizens, who at this time made the greatest figure in the republic, without dispute, were Pompey and Crassus: but these two powerful citizens were declared enemies, and, all things considered, much upon a level. As they both had great interest, Caesar plainly saw, that he could never obtain the consulship without gaining one or other of them to his cause; but the difficulty was, which to choose. If he closed with Pompey, he would meet with a strong opposition from Crassus’s friends; and if he joined Crassus, he was sure to have all Pompey’s party against him. He therefore undertook to reconcile the two rivals, and by proposing to them a triumvirate, in which should be lodged all the authority of the senate and people, he prevailed upon them to make up their differences, and enter into a strict friendship with each other. In order to make their confederacy the more indissoluble, they solemnly bound themselves, by mutual oaths and promises, to assist each other, and to suffer nothing to be undertaken or executed without the unanimous consent of all three.
“Thus was the first triumvirate formed, by which Rome became a prey to three men, who, by the interest of their united parties, arbitrarily disposed of all the dignities and employments in the commonwealth. The public were long strangers to the mysteries of this new cabal. Nothing more appeared to the senate than the reconciliation of Pompey and Crassus; and Caesar was congratulated by all ranks of men for having brought it about. Cato alone foresaw the evil consequences of this new alliance, and exclaimed atainst it, saying, that Rome had lost her liberty: but nobody hearkened to him ‘till it was too late to follow his prudent counsel. This association subsisted to the death of Crassus, and was followed by the entire subversion of the republican state.” Vid. Univers. Hist. Vol. 13. P. 150, 151.

27. Jer. 22. 15, 16.

28. Deut. 33. 46 & 47.

29. Psalm 118. 6.

30. 144. 15.

31. Isai. 10. 5.

32. Lexington was the place in which a just God was pleased to permit hostilities between Great-Britain and America, to commence. The persons who first fell victims to the sword of the oppressor, and who were PROTOMARTYRS in the glorious cause of LIBERTY and their country, were inhabitants of the town; and it was my lot to be an eye witness of that horrid scene of bloodshed and slaughter which opened the war!—To be an eye witness of the unprovoked, ungenerous and unjust assault, of about eight hundred British regular troops, upon fifty or sixty undisciplined Americans, who neither molested, nor had it in contemplation to oppose them, unless drove to it by the Britons, in defense of themselves, their rights and their country.—To see the sword of violence drawn, the INNOCENT BLOOD of our brethren murderously shed, and the flames of war bursting upon us, without notice, without provocation; when war was neither proclaimed, nor so much as professedly threatened: and this by a prince and nation which, for ages past, had sustained the character and gloried in the appellation of The Parent State:–By a nation, from whom we had a just right to look for protection and defense, against every lawless invader:–To see war commenced upon us by such a nation, so related for no other reason but because we were unwilling to give up our most sacred rights, as free men and a free people; and this too, with various circumstances of indignity and insult was, and must have been affecting and distressing indeed!—And the more so to us, a people, who, till these unhappy and impolitic measures—‘till this unjust and barbarous war took place breathed loyalty to our sovereign and the sincerest affection and respect for the Mother country. Language would fail to represent, and words to express, the feelings of a free, a brae, a generous, a loyal people, upon such an alarming occasion!—Nor can it be justly supposed, that any but those who have seen and felt the shock, can form an adequate idea of its real and interesting effects.
But however distressing, savage, or severe these barbarous measures of a blood thirsty oppressor, might, at that time, appear to the inhabitants of Lexington, who were called by Providence to receive the shock—however unrighteous and cruel it might seem to the injured, the freeborn sons of America;–The hand of God and of Providence was in all these things. The wisdom and goodness of the Supreme Ruler should be devoutly acknowledged, as gloriously displayed, in ever-ruling these acts of outrage, barbarity and murder, as the means of the greatest good to this injured and oppressed land.
This ungenerous, unjust and barbarous manner of opening the war, hath effected more, perhaps, in the cause of freedom and America than the wisdom and counsel of all the American States, or even united worlds, could have done. This ill timed severity and murderous cruelty of the British troops and the British court, have answered the most valuable purposes to the American cause.—It confirmed the resolute, strengthened the weak, established the doubtful, encouraged the timid, gave a spring to the faint-hearted, roused the stupid, and silenced the perverse; and happily produced that union of sentiment and those exertions of power, in the noble contest which no other measures in human probability would have ever effected. And to apply the expressive words of Joseph to his brethren, it may fitly be said—to the haughty Britons—“As you for ye thought evil against us; but God meant it unto good to bring to pass as it is this day, to save much people alive.” Gen. 50. 20.

33. Witness the large ship taken from the enemy, by the brave Capt. Mugford in 1776, and sent into the port of Boston, laden chiefly with Powder, to the amount (if I mistake not) of about 1500 barrels; and this at a time when we were in the most critical situation, for want of such a supply of that essential article.
Witness also several other large and valuable vessels, taken by our privateers, and sent into Salem, or elsewhere; laden with fire-arms, mortars, ordnance stores of various kinds, clothing, provisions &c. &c—Articles necessary, useful, seasonable and important, to our military operations—In these, and many other instances, the providence of God hath been apparent and wonderful, in the course of the war; and ought to be gratefully remembered and devoutly acknowledged, by this people.

34. Should it be said here, “That the Jews were not restored to their liberties, by the decree of Cyrus, upon their return from Babylon; but were still a dependent people; and even Tributaries to the Persian princes.”—It might be answered,–‘That it is readily granted, the children of Israel were not restored to a state of perfect freedom and independence, by the decree of Cyrus, upon their return from Babylon to Judea.’—It is acknowledged they were still dependent on the Persian kings.—Nor could they, in the situation and circumstances, in which they were at that time, have desired to be less dependent, upon that powerful court, than that generous decree o Cyrus made them—Just emerging from a long and distressing captivity, it is easy to believe they were not in a capacity to support and defend themselves in their former independence; even tho’ it had been granted them in the fullest sense.—It was their safety and happiness that God appointed Cyrus his and their shepherd that under the wing of his patronage and protection, they might securely return to their country, take possession of their lands, rebuild their cities and the temple, restore the worship of God according to the Levitical institution; and re-establish their laws, polity and government, agreeable to that divine constitution, which God had given to their fathers, by the hand of Moses—In short, the revolution, in the affairs of the Hebrew nation, which took place under this benevolent prince, and in consequence of the above-mentioned decree, was a glorious revolution—A revolution, in and by which the people of God were redeemed from captivity, & restored to their country, their possessions, and their laws, liberties and religion, in all their peculiarities; and to a greater degree of national freedom and independence, than ever they could have expected or promised themselves, in their late depressed, scattered, enslaved and captivated state. Agreeably we find not only the decree of Cyrus; but the several prophecies which have reference to it, or to him as the deliverer of God’s people; and even other eminent prophecies, concerning the return of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, expressly representing their restoration, in general as full and complete; and without any let or drawback. For further light and satisfaction upon this subject and question, vid. And comp. these following places and passages in scripture. Ezra, chap. 1, throughout, chap. 6 first part. Isai 44. 28. Ibid 45. 1-5, and 13. Jerem. 29. 10. And especially that illustrious prophecy, Jerem. 30, ch. 18, 19, 20 and 21 ver.
I only add, that, in my reference to Cyrus, and the prophecy concerning him, the judicious reader will easily see, that the main point in view, was not to illustrate the completeness or degree, of that freedom and liberty, to which God’s people were raised, by the kind, the generous and effectual interposition of Cyrus, for their redemption and restoration; but the hand of GOD, and the wisdom and goodness of his all superintending providence, in directing the measures, influencing the policy and over-ruling the conduct of men, princes and kings, of states and nations, and powers on earth, for the effecting the purposes of his benevolence, in the support and relief of an afflicted people, and the redemption and salvation of the injured and oppressed.

35. Jeremiah 30, 21, 22.

36. A number of other questions might have been pertinently asked here:–As—What becomes of the oaths of grand jurors, upon the question, ‘Whether their towns are provided with grammar school masters, according to law?—What sort of schools have been kept?—‘What kind of masters have been, at least, too often, employed,–‘What the orders, the prayers, the means of instruction and education, in those schools are?—‘Whether any schools, at all, have been kept, and how long, or what proportion of the year, in towns where the aforementioned law hath been evaded, dispensed with, or set aside’ &c &c—The answer to these, or other questions upon this subject. I heave to those who know what belongs to school education, and to all candid, impartial, wise and judicious observers, to make.
Two things were, undoubtedly, in view, by our worthy ancestors, in the standing law for grammar-schools: Both tending to promote learning and knowledge in the community.—One was, ‘that towns being obliged, under certain penalties, to provide themselves with well qualified grammar school-masters, the people in general, the poor, as well as rich might without immediate personal expence, be provided with good means of instruction and education for their children.
The other was that parents or friends, whose circumstances were not affluent, might be induced to encourage a genius and inclination for learning, in promising children or youths, by giving them a liberal education; upon this presumption, that as soon as they had perfected their studies at College, and received the honors of an academical education, they might immediately support themselves, by engaging in schools:–Ah employment suitable to their character, honorable to themselves, and useful to society.—And I believe it may, with the greatest truth be added, that this consideration hath often determined parents and others, to give their sons or other promising youths, a public education; which otherwise they would not. And thus many a good scholar and worthy character, hath been introduced to public usefulness, in church or state, which, but for this law, must have been lost to the public, and remained in obscurity.

37. Had I seen or known of the late excellent and well-adjusted militia act, before the writing and delivering this discourse, I should not, perhaps, have troubled the audience with these plain and interesting questions: everything necessary to a well-regulated militia, being fully comprehended and provided for in the act.—I most honestly wish it may be strictly observed.

38. To confirm the above representation, to show that it is not too high coloured, and to give a specimen of what a people may justly expect from a conquering TYRANT at the close of a civil war; I beg leave to insert a passage or two from an authentic history of ROME.
“The taking of Praneste and Norba put an end to the civil war in Italy. Sylla therefore, having placed in all the Italian provinces such governors as were entirely at his devotion, and pitched several little camps in different districts, to keep the country in awe, returned to Rome, which he entered at the head of his troops. The same day he assembled the people in the Comitium, and told them with an haughty air, that he had conquered; but that those who had made him take up arms against his country should expiate the blood they had made him shed with their own. I will not spare one, said he, who has borne arms against me. They shall all perish to a man. These words, from a man who was absolute master of their lives & fortunes, made the most resolute tremble. They filled the whole city with dread and horror; and the consternation was doubled the next day, when they saw fixed up in all public places, a list of proscribed persons, containing the names of forty senators and sixteen hundred knights. If any man gave shelter to a person proscribed, though his son, his brother, or his father, death was the certain reward of his humanity; whereas the assassin was recompensed with two talents, though a slave had murdered his master, or a son his father.—The tyrant chose such agents to execute his decrees, as had even less pity than himself. The chief of those was the infamous Cataline—At the head of a band of assassins, he scoured the streets, and killed many knights and senators before they knew they were proscribed. The persons named in the list were sought for in their own houses, in the porticoes, and even in the temples; whence they were dragged to Sylla, and cruelly butchered in his presence.
The massacre was not confined to those named in the list. Sylla extended his revenge to all who had borne arms against him, of what rank soever, or condition. Nay, his cruel agents took this opportunity to gratify their private revenge and avarice, confounding the most innocent and peaceable with the most guilty, out of some private grudge, or purely for the sake of their wealth and rich furniture. In short, the slaughter was so dreadful, that Sylla was reproached with it even by his best friends. Among others, a young senator, named Caius Metellus, ventured one day to ask him in full senate, when he designed to put a stop to the calamities of his fellow-citizens. We do not intercede, said he, for such as you have resolved to destroy; but only desire you to free those from uneasiness, whom you have determined to save. Sylla, without seeming to take this bold speech amiss, answered cooly, that he knew not yet whom he should save. Name to us then, replied Metellus, those you are determined to destroy. That I will do, answered Sylla, very smartly, and immediately caused a new list to be fixed up of eighty citizens, whom he proscribed, most of them senators, and persons of great distinction. The next day he proscribed two hundred and twenty more, and an equal number the third. Among these was Marcus Marius, who was nearly related to the great Marius, and highly favoured by the people.—He was seized by Cataline, and put to death, after having suffered the most exquisite torments tyranny could invent. He was whipped thro’ all the streets of Rome, and, after this ignominious punishment, carried beyond the Tyber where by Sylla’s barbarous agents, his eyes were put out, his hands and ears cut off his tongue torn out, all his joints dislocated, and his bones broken. One Marcus Platorius, being moved at such an affecting sight, could not help pitying the unfortunate young man; which so offended Sylla, that he ordered him to be killed on the spot. And now after nine thousand senators, knights, and citizens, had been inhumanly murdered by Sylla’s agents, he assembled the people, and told them that he had proscribed as many as he could think of at present: and as for those he had forgot, they should be proscribed too, as soon as he could call them to his memory!”
This was the scene in the city of Rome—What awful havock, then, must the same measures of cruelty have made in the other cities and states of that great Commonwealth!—But no comment is necessary. Vid. Universe. Hist. vol. xiii. Page 83, 84, &c.

Simeon Howard (1733-1804) Biography:

Howard was born in Bridgewater, Maine. (Maine was considered a part of Massachusetts until becoming a separate state in 1820.) After graduating from Harvard at the age of twenty-five, he earned his living as a teacher until entering the study of theology. He took his first pastorate in Canada (Cumberland, Nova Scotia), leaving in 1765 to pursue a graduate degree at Harvard. In 1767 when he took the pastorate of West Church in Boston, the town was the epicenter of events leading up to the American War for Independence. When the British turned private homes in Boston into barracks, Howard and many of his parishioners fled to Nova Scotia for safety. Upon their return eighteen months later, they found the remainder of the congregation had largely fled, leaving only three families. He rebuilt the church over succeeding years, and was greatly respected in the community. In addition to his ministry work, Howard was a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Society for Propagating the Gospel, and he also served as Vice-President of the Humane Society.

Many of his sermons were published, including this one, preached before the Legislature of Massachusetts. Significantly, the constitution of Massachusetts had been written shortly before this sermon, and it was ratified and went into effect the month after. (The 1780 Massachusetts Constitution is still in effect today, being the only constitution older than the US Constitution.) The first governor under the constitution was John Hancock, and the first lieutenant governor was Samuel Adams.

---

A

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE THE

HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND THE HONORABLE

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS-BAY,

IN

NEW-ENGLAND,

MAY 31, 1780.

BEING THE ANNIVERSARY FOR THE ELECTION

OF THE HONORABLE COUNCIL.

By SIMEON HOWARD, A. M.
Pastor of the West Church in Boston.

N. B. Several passages omitted in preaching are now
Inserted in the publication of this discourse.

 

STATE of MASSACHUSETTS-BAY.
In COUNCIL, June 1, 1780.

ORDERED, That Moses Gill, Henry Gardner and Timothy Danielson, Esquires, be and hereby are appointed a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Simeon Howard, and return him the Thanks of this Board, for his Sermon delivered Yesterday before both Houses of the General Assembly; and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.

True Copy,
Attest.
SAMUEL ADAMS, Secretary.

 

AN
ELECTION SERMON.

EXODUS 18. 21.

–Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them to be rulers.

Almighty God who governs the world generally carries on the designs of his government by the instrumentality of subordinate agents; hereby giving scope and opportunity to his creatures to become his ministers for good to one another, in the exercise of the various powers and capacities with which he has endowed them. Tho’ for the vindication of his honor, to dispel the darkness and give a check to the idolatry and vice which overspread the world, and in order to prepare mankind for the reception of a Saviour to be manifested in due time, God was pleased to take the Jewish nation under his particular care and protection, and to become their political law-giver and head; yet he made use of the agency of some of that people in the administration of his government. The legislative power he seems to have reserved wholly to himself; there being no evidence that any of the rulers or assemblies of the people had authority to make laws. But the judicial and executive powers were entrusted with men. At the first institution of the government, Moses seems to have exercised the judicial authority wholly by himself. In this business he was employed from morning till evening, when Jethro, his father in law, the priest and prince of Midian came to visit him. This wise man, for such he surely was, observed to Moses, that this business was too heavy for him, and what he was not able to perform alone; and therefore advised him to appoint proper persons to bear the burthen with him, provided it was agreeable to the divine will. Moses it is said, in the context, hearkened to the voice of his father in law, and did all that he had said. There can be no doubt but that God approved this measure, tho’ it was first suggested y a pagan, otherwise it would not have been adopted. It seems indeed to have been highly expedient, and even necessary. From whence it appears, that even in this government which was so immediately the work of God, room was left for men to make such appointments and institutions, as by experience should be found necessary for the due administration of it. The general plan was laid by God, and he was the sole legislator. This was necessary in that age of darkness, idolatry and vice. Mankind seem to have been too ignorant and corrupt to form a constitution, and a code of laws, in any good measure adapted to promote their piety, virtue and happiness. But God left many smaller matters to be regulated by the wisdom and discretion of the people. This is agreeable to a general rule of the divine conduct; which is not to accomplish that, in a supernatural or miraculous way, which may be done by the exertion of human powers.

It is said, in the context, that in compliance with the advice of Jethro, Moses chose able men—and made them rulers. But it is generally supposed that they were chosen by the people. This is asserted by Josephus, and plainly intimated by Moses in his recapitulary discourse recorded in I Chap. of Deut. where he says to the people, “I spake unto you, saying I am not able to bear you myself alone—take ye wise men, and understanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you”. So that these officers were without doubt elected by the people, tho’ introduced byc Moses into their office. And indeed the Jews always exercised this right of choosing their own rulers; even Saul and David and all their successors in the throne, were made kings by the voice of the people. (see I Sam. 11, 15. 2 Sam. 2, 4, 5, 3.). This natural and important right, God never deprived them of, tho’ they had shewn so much folly and perverseness, in rejecting him, and desiring to have a king like the nations around them.

The business for which Jethro advised, that these rulers should be chosen was to decide the smaller and less difficult matters of controversy that arose among the people; while causes of greater consequence were to be brought before Moses: So that they were a fort of inferior judicial officers, or judges of inferior courts. Tho’ they were not officers of the highest dignity and authority in the state, yet the midianitish sage advised, that they should be “able men, such as fear God, men of truth hating covetousness; judging that such men only were fit for the office. He has here in a few words pointed out to us what sort of men are proper to be put in authority, whether in an higher or lower station; for if such qualifications are necessary for this inferior office, they must surely be more so, for the higher and supreme offices in government. And the consideration of these qualifications, is what I principally intend in the following discourse: But before I enter upon this, I would give a little attention to two or three other points. Accordingly I shall consider,

I. The necessity of civil government to the happiness of mankind.

II. The right of the people to choose their own rulers.

III. The business of rulers in general.

These particulars being finished in a few words, I shall then,

IV. Particularly consider the qualifications pointed out in the text, as necessary for civil rulers.

After which, the subject will be applied to the present occasion.

I. Let us consider the necessity of civil government for the happiness of mankind. Men have in all ages and nations been induced by a sense of their wants and weaknesses, as well as by their love of society, to keep up some intercourse with one another. A man totally separated from his species, would be less able to provide for himself than almost any other creature. Some sort of society, some intercourse with other men is necessary to his happiness, if not to his very existence.

Suppose then a number of men living near together, and maintaining that intercourse which is necessary for the supply of their wants, but without any laws or government established among them by mutual consent; or in what is called a state of nature. In this state everyone has an equal right to liberty, and to do what he thinks proper. The love of liberty is natural to all: It appears the first, operates the most forceably and is extinguished the last of any of our passions. And this principle would lead every man to pursue and enjoy everything, to which he had an inclination. Several persons would no doubt desire and pursue the same thing, which only one could enjoy. Hence contests would arise; and, no one else having a right to interfere, they must be settled by the parties: But prejudice and self-love would render them partial judges, and probably prevent an amicable settlement; so that the dispute must at last be ended by the strongest arm; and thus the liberty of the weak would be destroyed by the power of the strong. Every unsuccessful competitor would think himself injured by another’s seizing that to which, in his own opinion, he had an equal right, and would endeavour to obtain compensation: This would provoke retaliation, and naturally lead on to an endless reciprocation of injuries. The injured who found himself unable to contend with his adversary, would call in the assistance of some more powerful combatant, to avenge his cause: The aggressor too would endeavour to strengthen himself for defence by associates; and thus parties would be formed for rapine, devestation, and murder; and the peaceful state of nature soon be exchanged for a number of little contending tyrannies, or for one successful one, that should swallow up all the rest. This would generally be the case where men should attempt to live without laws or government; nor can they any way secure themselves against all manner of violence and injuries from bad men, but by uniting together in society, agreeing upon some universal rules to be observed by all;–that controversies shall be determined, not by the parties concerned, but by disinterested judges, and according to established rules; that their determinations shall be enforced by the joint power of the whole community either in punishing the injurious or protecting the innocent. Man is not to be trusted with his unbounded love of liberty, unless it is under some other restraint, than what arises from his own reason or the law of God. These, in many instances, would make but a feeble resistance to his lust or avarice; and he would pursue his liberty to the destruction of his fellow creatures, if he was not restrained by human laws and punishment.

Let us next consider,

II. The right of the people to choose their own rulers.

No man is born a magistrate, or with a right to rule over his brethren. If this were the case, there must be some natural mark by which it might be known to whom this right belongs, or it could answer no end: But no man was ever known to come into the world with any such mark of superiority and domination. If a man by the improvement of his reason and moral powers becomes more wise and virtuous than his brethren, this renders him better qualified for authority than others: But still he is no magistrate or lawgiver, till he is appointed such by the people.

Nor has one state or kingdom a right to appoint rulers for another. This would infer such a natural inequality in mankind as is inconsistent with the equal freedom of all. One state may indeed by virtue of its superior power assume this right; and the weaker state may be obliged to submit to it, for want of power to resist. But it is an unjust encroachment upon their liberty, which they ought to get rid of as soon as they can: It is a mark of tyranny on one side, and of inglorious slavery on the other.

The magistrate is properly the trustee of the people: He can have no just power but what he receives from them. To them he ought to be accountable for the use he makes of this power. But if a man may be invested with the power of government, which is the united power of the community, without their consent, how can they call him to account; what check can they have upon him; or what security for the enjoyment of anything which he may see fit to deprive them of? They must in this case be slaves: But as every people have a right to be free, they must have a right of choosing their own rulers and appointing such as they think most proper; because this right is so essential to liberty, that the moment a people are deprived of it, they cease to be free. This, as has been already observed, is a right which the Jews always enjoyed; they elected their kings, generals, judges and other officers; tho’ in some few instances God did expressly point out to them the person whom they ought to choose; which however, he has never done to any other people.

Let us now consider,

III. The business of rulers in general.

And this is, to promote and secure the happiness of the whole community. For this end only they are invested with power, and only for this end it ought to be employed. The apostle tells us, that the magistrate is God’s minister for good to the people. This is the sole end for which God has ordained, that magistrates should be appointed, that they may carry on his benevolent purposes, in promoting the good and happiness of human society; and hence their power is said to be from God; that is, it is so, while they employ it according to his will. But when they act against the good of society, they cannot be said to act by authority from God, any more, than a servant can be said to act by his master’s authority, while he acts directly contrary to his will. And no people, we may presume, ever elected a magistrate for any other end, than their own good; consequently when a magistrate acts against this end, he cannot act by authority from the people; so that he acts, in this case, without any authority either from God or man. He cannot by any lawful authority act against, but only for the good of society. This in general is the business of civil rulers: But there are a variety of ways and means by which they are to carry on this business and accomplish the important end of their institution, which it is quite beyond my present design particularly to point out, tho’ there may be occasion to suggest some of them in the progress of my discourse.

Let us now consider,

IV. The qualifications pointed out in the text, as necessary for rulers.

I. They must be able men. God has made a great difference in men in respect of their natural powers both of body and mind: To some he has given more, to others fewer talents. Nor is there perhaps a less difference in this respect, arising from education. And tho’ there are none but what may be good members of civil society as well as faithful servants of God; yet everyone has not abilities sufficient to make him a good civil ruler. Woe unto thee, O land, when thy king is a child, says Solomon; hereby intimating that the happiness of a people depends greatly upon the character of its rulers, and that if they resemble children in weakness, ignorance, credulity, fickleness, &c. the people will of course be very miserable. By able men may be intended men of good understanding and knowledge; men of clear heads, who have improved their minds by exercise, acquired an habit of reasoning, and furnished themselves with a good degree of knowledge: Men who have a just conception of the nature and end of government in general, of the natural rights of mankind, of the nature and importance of civil and religious liberty; a knowledge of human nature; of the springs of action and the readiest way to engage and influence the heart; an acquaintance with the people to be governed, their genius, their prejudices, their interest with respect to other states, what difficulties they are under, what dangers they are liable to, and what they are able to bear and do. These things are ever to be taken into consideration by legislators, when they make laws for the internal police of a people, and in their transactions with, or respecting other states. It would be going too far to say, that an honest man cannot be a good ruler, unless he be of the first character for good sense, learning and knowledge; but it will not be denied, that the more he excels in these things, the more likely he will be to rule well: He will be better able to see what measures are suited to the temper and genius of the people, and most conducive to the end of his institution; how to raise necessary supplies for the expenses of government in ways most easy and agreeable to the people; how to extricate them out of difficulties in which they may be involved; how to negotiate the calamities of war, by compromising differences or putting the people into a condition to defend themselves and repel injuries: In a word, how to render them happy and respectable in peace, or formidable in war. These things require a very considerable degree of penetration and knowledge.

As it is of great importance to the community, that learning and knowledge be diffused among the people in general, it is proper that the government should take all proper measures for this purpose; making provision for the establishment and support of literary schools and colleges: But ignorant and illiterate men will not be likely to be the patrons of learning; unacquainted with its excellency and importance, and seeing no comeliness or beauty in it; they will reject and despise it, as the Jews did the great teacher of wisdom who came from God. It would not be strange if such men entrusted with the government of a people should wholly neglect to make any provision for the encouragement of literature. It is therefore proper that rulers should be men of understanding and learning, in order to their being disposed to give due encouragement and support to the teachers and professors of the liberal arts and sciences.

It may be further observed, that weak and illiterate men at the head of a government, will be likely to place, in inferior and subordinate offices, men of their own character, merely because they know no better.

But by able men, may be intended men of courage, of firmness and resolution of mind: Men that will not sink into despondency at the sight of difficulties, or desert their duty at the approach of danger; men that will hazard their lives in defence of the public, either against internal sedition or external enemies, that will not fear the resentment of turbulent, factious men; that will be a terror to evil doers, however powerful, and a protection to the innocent, however weak:–Men that will decide seasonably upon matters of importance and firmly abide by their decision, not wavering with every wind that blows. There are some men that will halt between two opinions and hesitate so long, when any question of consequence is before them, and are so easily shaken from their purpose, when they have formed one, that they are on this account very unfit to be entrusted with public authority. Such double-minded men will be unstable in all their ways; their indecision in council will produce none but feeble and ineffectual exertions. And this doubting and wavering in the supreme authority must be prejudicial to the state, and, at some critical times, may be attended with fatal consequences. Wise men will not indeed determine rashly but when the case requires it, they will resolve speedily, and act with vigor and steadiness.

By able men may be further intended men capable of enduring the burden and fatigue of government; men that have not broken or debilitated their bodies or minds, by the effeminating pleasures of luxury, intemperance or dissipation. The supreme government of a people is always a burden of great weight, tho’ more difficult at some times, than others. It cannot be managed well without great diligence and application. Weak and effeminate persons are therefore by no means fit to manage it. But rulers should not only be able men, but

2. Such as fear God. The fear of God, in the language of scripture, does not intend a slavish, superstitious dread, as of an almighty, arbitrary and cruel Being; but that just reverence and awe of him, which naturally arises from a belief and habitual consideration of his glorious perfections and providence; of his being the moral governor of the world, a lover of holiness and a hater of vice, who sees every thought and design, as well as every action of all his creatures, and will punish the impenitently vicious and reward the virtuous: It is therefore a feat of offending him productive of obedience to his laws, and ever accompanied with hope in his mercy and that filial love which is due to so amiable a character.

It is of great importance that civil rulers be possessed of this principle. It must be obvious to all, that a practical regard to the rules of social virtue is necessary to the character of a good magistrate. Without this, a man is unworthy of any trust or confidence. But no principle so effectually promotes and establishes this regard to virtue, as the fear of God. A man may indeed from a regard to the intrinsic amiableness and excellency of virtue, from a mere sense of honor, from a love of same, from a natural benevolence of temper, or from a prudent regard to his own temporal happiness, follow virtue, when he is under no strong temptation to the contrary. But suppose him in a situation, where he apprehends that temporal infamy and misery will be the certain consequence of his practicing virtue, and temporal honor and happiness the consequence of his forsaking it, without any regard to God, as his ruler and judge, and can we expect that he will adhere to his duty? Will he sacrifice everything dear in this life, in the cause of virtue, when he has no expectation of any reward for it, beyond the grave? Will he deny himself a present gratification, without any prospect of being repaid either here or hereafter? Will he expose himself to reproach, poverty and death for the sake of doing good to mankind, without any regard to God, as the rewarder of virtue or punisher of vice? This is not to be expected. We all love, and we ought to love ourselves, and all wish to be happy. Why then should a man give up present ease and happiness for suffering and death, in the cause of virtue, if he has no expectation that God will reward virtue? This would be acting against the principle of self-love, which is generally too powerful to be counteracted.

But suppose a man to be habitually under the influence of this principle, that is, to believe and duly consider God, as his ruler and judge, who will hereafter reward virtue and punish vice with happiness and misery respectively, unspeakably greater than any to be enjoyed or suffered in this world, and he may then upon rational principles and in consistency with his self-love, forego the greatest temporal good, and expose himself to the greatest temporal evil, in the cause of virtue, and we may reasonably expect that he will. Virtue will be his chief good: He will be attached to it, as to his very being, with all the strength and ardor of his love and desire of happiness. The fear of God therefore is the most effectual, and the only sure support of virtue in the world.

Men invested with civil power are not to be sure less, but generally much more exposed to temptations to violate their duty than other men: They have more frequent opportunities of committing injuries; and may do it with less fear of present punishment; and therefore stand in need of every possible restraint to keep them from abusing their power, by deviating into the paths of vice.

It is further to be considered, that the practice of piety, which is comprised in the fear of God, has a powerful tendency to enoble and dignify the mind and beget in it an abhorrence of everything mean and base; to inspire a magnanimity and fortitude of spirit that will support and carry it thro’ the greatest dangers and difficulties; to refine and purify the heart, to disengage it from the vanities of the world, and beget that good will and benevolence which are the brightest part of a virtuous character. Contemplating daily the perfections of the Deity, as displayed in the creation, government and redemption of the world, must naturally tend to exalt the affections and fix them upon divine things, to make us love and desire to imitate the moral character of God; and consequently to weaken the force of those lusts which are so apt to draw men aside and entice them into sin;–to enliven every principle of virtue, and make us perfect, even as our father in heaven is perfect.

It is also to be observed, that the human mind is liable to mistake and err, that circumstances often occur, especially to those who are concerned in government, in which more wisdom is necessary than they are possessed of, even though they may be able men. In such cases we are directed to look up to God, the original and inexhaustible source of wisdom. Nor have we any reason to suspect that such applications will be in vain. God perfectly knows the human mind, and all the ways in which its views and determinations can be influenced: And he may without infringing upon its moral liberty, by a powerful, though imperceptible operation, put it into such a train of thinking, as may give it a juster view, and lead it to a wiser determination, than it would otherwise have formed. Here is, I apprehend, nothing in this supposition, inconsistent with the principles of rational theology and natural religion. Nor without supposing that God does thus interpose, is it easy to conceive how that part of the divine government which is in the hands of civil rulers, should in all cases be adapted to the various circumstances of particular persons. But there is little reason to think that this light and direction will be granted to men who have no fear of God before their eyes; because though they lack wisdom, they will not ask it of God, who giveth to all men liberally and upbraideth not. And rulers being without this divine counsel, it will not be strange, if, merely for this reason, their conduct is wrong, and ill-judged, calculated in many instances, not for the good, but the hurt of the people; and it may be, at a critical time, for their utter destruction.

There can be no doubt, but God often brings distress and ruin upon a sinful people, through the ill-management of their rulers, given up to error and blindness. In the 19th chapter of Isaiah we have a prophesy of the overthrow of the kingdom of Egypt. And the infatuation of their rulers is mentioned as one of the immediate causes of this calamity. “The spirit of Egypt,” says God, “shall fail; and I will destroy the counsel thereof.” It is afterwards added, “Surely the princes of Zoan are fools, the counsel of the wise counselors of Pharoah is become brutish.” And in the 29th chapter of the same book, God threatens his own people, that for their hypocrisy and other wickedness, “the wisdom of their wise men shall perish, and the understanding of their prudent men shall be hid.” In the same way, is reasonable to suppose, God often brings his judgments upon other nations. And therefore if a people desire to have rulers of wise and understanding hearts, counseled and directed by heaven, they should take care, that they be men who fear God.

Let me observe once more, that it is of great importance to their happiness, that religion and virtue generally prevail among a people; and in order to this, government should use its influence to promote them. Rulers should encourage them not only by their example, but by their authority; and the people should invest them with power to do this, so far as is consistent with the sacred and unalienable rights of conscience; which no man is supposed to give up, or may lawfully give up, when he enters into society. But reserving these, the people may, and ought to give up every right and power, which will enable him more effectually to promote the common good, without putting it in his power essentially to injure it. He ought therefore to have power to punish all open acts of profanes and impiety, as tending by way of example to destroy that reverence of God which is the only effectual support of moral virtue; and all open acts of vice, as prejudicial to society: He should have power to provide for the institution and support of the public worship of God, and public teachers of religion and virtue, in order to maintain in the minds of the people that reverence of God, and that sense of moral obligation, without which there can be no confidence, no peace or happiness in society.

Without such care in government, there is danger that the people will forget the God that is above, and abandon themselves to vice; or, to say the least, impiety and vice are much less likely to become general, where such care is taken, than where it is not. And God having in the constitution of nature made religion and virtue conducive, and even necessary to the happiness of human society, he has thereby plainly taught us, that it is the duty and business of society as such, or of the civil magistrate to do everything to promote them, that may be done without injuring the rights of conscience. And no man who has full liberty of inquiring and examining for himself, of openly publishing and professing his religious sentiments, and of worshipping God in the time and manner which he chooses, without being obliged to make any religious professions, or attend any religious worship contrary to his sentiments, can justly complain that his rights of conscience are infringed. And such liberty and freedom every man may enjoy, who’ the government should require him to pay his proportion towards supporting public teachers of religion and morality.

Taking this care of religion appears to be so plain and important a duty, that the government which should wholly neglect it, would not only act a very unwise and imprudent part with respect to themselves; but be guilty of base ingratitude and a daring affront to heaven. By such conduct they would, as a community, in effect adopt the language of the profane fatalists mentioned by Job, who “say unto God, depart from us; for we desire not the knowledge of thy ways. What is the Almighty that we should serve him? And what profit shall we have it we pray unto him?” Now altho’ it is possible, that rulers who have no religion themselves, may enact proper laws to support it among the people, yet it is to be remembered, that their example will have great influence, and, if that be irreligious and vicious, will, in some measure, defeat the good effects of their authority, and do more to spread corruption, than that will to prevent it. It is therefore highly proper in order to promote piety and good morals among the people, that rulers be men who fear God; who have a just sense of religion on their own minds, and conform to it in their lives.

It may be proper to add, that though the fear of God may exist, where there is no knowledge or belief of Christianity; yet that the scheme of doctrines contained in the gospel, is much better calculated than any other known to the world, to produce and strengthen that divine principle. The plan of redemption which it unfolds for the fallen race of men, exhibits the Deity in the most amiable light, as the perfection of love and benevolence: “The solemn scenes which it opens beyond the grave; the resurrection of the dead; the general judgment; the equal distribution of rewards and punishments to the good and bad; and the full completion of divine wisdom and goodness, in the final establishment of order, perfection and happiness,” afford such motives to the love and reverence of God, and to the practice of all holiness and virtue, as can be drawn from no other scheme of religion: And therefore a belief of the gospel of Christ may justly be considered, as an important qualification for a civil ruler.

I might observe further under this particular, that impious, immoral men at the head of government, and having authority to appoint subordinate officers, will probably make choice of men of their own character, and in this way be a means of spreading corruption, and of much injury to society: But I must pass on to consider another qualification of rulers. For

III. They must be men of truth.

This means men free from deceit and hypocrisy, guile and falsehood: Men who will not by flattery and cajoling, by falsehood, and slandering a competitor endeavor to get into authority: And who when they are in, will conscientiously speak the truth in all their declarations and promises, and punctually fulfill all their engagements.

In treating with other states, they will act with the same integrity which honest men do in their private affairs, and promise nothing but what they intend, and think they shall be able to perform. Engagements already made to other powers, they will honestly endeavor to fulfill, so far as it belongs to their department, without seeking or pretending a cause for failure, when no such cause exists.

They will shew the same integrity and fidelity in their conduct towards individuals. They will not promise to anyone, what they have reason to think they cannot, or do not intend to perform. Promises of government already made, the execution of which belongs to them, they will look upon themselves bound to fulfill, if possible, that no man may be a sufferer by confiding in the public faith.

Civil rulers generally bind themselves expressly, and always implicitly by accepting their office, faithfully to discharge the duties of it. And a man of truth will pay a sacred regard to this engagement. He will not content himself with receiving the honors and emoluments of his office, while he neglects the duties of it; considering, that he has solemnly bound himself to do this business, he will give the same care and attention to it, that a prudent man in a private station does to his own particular concerns. A man of truth will not undertake an office, for which he thinks himself incapable; because this would be promising to do, what he is conscious, he is incapable; because this would be promising to do, what he is conscious, he is of doing; nor will he be instrumental of appointing others to offices, for which he thinks them unqualified; this would be acting falsely; because by the appointment he declares, that he thinks them qualified. Having solemnly engaged to use his power for the public good, he will never employ it in encouraging and supporting the enemies of his country, or to carry on, under the mask of patriotism, measures to promote his own selfish and private views, or to screen and protect from public justice, offenders against society. He will not employ his abilities to impose upon the understandings of others, and make the worse appear the better reason, in order to disguise truth, and pervert justice. He will not suffer one man, or one part of the community to be injured and robbed by another, when his office enables him to prevent it; because this would be violating his promise. In a word, he will to his utmost endeavor to answer the end of his institution by performing the duties of his station, and manifest by all his conduct that he is an honest, upright man. He will make no false pretences, he will put on no false appearances, but ever act with Christian simplicity, and godly sincerity.

Such will be the conduct of men of truth: And such men only are proper to be entrusted with authority over a free people. Rulers of this character will be honored, beloved and confided in by their countrymen, and respected by other nations; their subjects will be easy and happy, united together in the bonds of truth and love, and by their union able to defend themselves against invaders; their government resting on the basis of truth and justice, will be firm and stable, revered and honoured both at home and abroad. Whereas that deceit and hypocrisy, that falsehood and insincerity, that dissimulation and craftiness, which have so often dictated the measures of government in most of the nations of the earth, and which are expressly recommended to rulers by Machiavelli, and inculcated among other immoralities, as necessary parts of a good education, in the celebrated and much admired letters of a late British nobleman to his son, ¹ however they may sometimes succeed and procure some temporary advantages, will almost always weaken and disgrace the government which practices them, ² by sapping the foundation of public credit, producing uneasy jealousies, disaffection, divisions and contempt of authority among the people, and leading them by example to the practice of the same insincerity, falsehood and dishonesty towards one another, which they see in their rulers; and by rendering them infamous in the eyes of other nations, and perhaps raising up enemies to punish their perfidy.

And it may without doubt e asserted with truth, upon the principles both of natural religion and revelation, that that government, which is directed by truth and integrity, will bid the fairest to secure and promote the happiness of the community, however contrary this assertion may be to the principles and practices of modern courtiers and politicians. But I must proceed to the other qualification of a good ruler, mentioned in the text which is

4. Hating covetousness. Covetousness, you all know, is an inordinate desire of riches; such a desire as will make a man pursue them by unlawful means, and prevent his using them in a right manner. Hating covetousness is a strong expression to denote a freedom from this vicious temper, and a sense of its unreasonableness and turpitude.

That it is of great importance that civil rulers have this qualification will be evident upon a little reflection.

Covetousness is a fruitful source of corruption. A man governed by this appetite will be guilty of any enormity for the sake of gratifying it. “They that will be rich, fall into temptation and a snare, and into many foolish and hurtful lusts which drown men in destruction and perdition: For the love of money is the root of all evil.” Almost all the oppression, fraud and violence that has been done under the sun, has owed its rise and progress to covetousness. The indulgence of this vice debases the mind, and renders it incapable of anything generous and noble, contracts its views, destroys the principles of benevolence, friendship and patriotism, and gives a tincture of selfishness to all its sentiments: It hardens the heart and makes it deaf to the cries of distress and the dictates of charity; it blinds and perverts the judgment and disposes it to confound truth and falsehood, right and wrong.

A civil ruler under the direction of this principle will oppress and defraud his subjects, whenever he has it in his power; he will neglect the duties of his office, whenever he can promote his private interest by the neglect; he will enact laws to serve himself, not the community, and he will enact none that he thinks would be prejudicial to his private interest, however beneficial they might be to the public, however necessary for the support of justice and equity between man and man; he will pervert justice and rob the innocent for bribes; he will discourage every measure that would occasion expense to himself, however salutary to his country; rather than part with his money, he will see the arts and sciences, which are so ornamental and friendly to a community, languish, erudition starve, and the rising genius which promised glory to his country, nipt in the bud by the cold hand of poverty; yea religion itself, the greatest honor and blessing of society, he will see languish and die, rather than impart anything to support its cause; and having long looked upon riches in the same light that good men do upon religion, as his chief good, and feeling the same attachment to them which they do to that, he may, if required, by laws already made, to pay anything for its support, absurdly plead, that it is against his conscience; supposing, with those corrupters of religion mentioned by the apostle, “that gain is Godliness.” If he has a voice in the appointment of subordinate officers, he will sell his vote to the highest bidder, and appoint such as will be most subservient to his private interest, however unqualified for the office: In a word, all his conduct, all his reasoning and votes will be tinctured by his selfish spirit; and in a critical time when great expense is necessary for the public safety, he may by his parsimony be a means of the ruin of his country.

But a ruler who hates covetousness will conduct in a very different manner.—He will never oppress or wrong the community; the public interest will be always safe in his hands; he will freely expend his time and his estate, in discharging the duties of his office for the good of his country; he will be ever ready to promote good laws, tho’ they deprive him of opportunities of making gain, and involve him in expense; he will devise liberal things, and cheerfully bear his part in the expense necessary to carry on every measure, that promises advantage to his country; he will do all in his power to promote the liberal arts and sciences, manufactures and all useful inventions, to encourage men of learning and genius, and to aid the cause of religion and virtue: In promoting men to places of trust, he will be influenced by no selfish, private views, but by a regard to the public good; no bribe will purchase his vote for an unfit man, and hating covetousness himself, no consideration will induce him to give it for a sordid, avaricious wretch; he will neglect no measures necessary for the public safety and happiness, for fear of parting with his money. In fine, all his conduct will bear the marks of his nobleness and liberality of sentiment, of his disinterestedness and public spirit.

I have now considered the several qualifications of a good ruler mentioned in the text: And they all appear necessary to form that character, whether in the legislative, executive or judicial department: Nor is it easy to say in which, they are most necessary; tho’ it is not difficult to see, that the want of any one of them in either, must be prejudicial and dangerous to the community.

I must now make some reflections upon the subject, and apply it to the present occasion. And

1. What has been said of the necessity of government for the peace and happiness of mankind, may lead us to reflect with shame upon the selfishness and corruption of our species, who, with all their rational and moral powers, can no otherwise be kept from injuring and destroying one another, than by superior force, or the fear of temporal sufferings and punishment; and with whom you are no longer safe, than it is unsafe for them to hurt you. This is a very humiliating consideration: And, so far as we know, there is no other order of creatures thro’ out the boundless universe, who, if left to their natural liberty would be so mischievous to one another as men.

2. This may also lead us to reflect with pleasure and gratitude to God, upon the steps which have been taken by this people to frame a new constitution of government; and that a plan has been formed which appears in general so well calculated to guard the rights and liberties, and promote the happiness of society; and which it is to be hoped will soon be the foundation of our government, instead of that antiquated insecure basis upon which it now rests.

3. We may likewise see from what has been said, how much it is the duty and interest of a people to pay due submission to the orders of government, and to endeavour unitedly to support its authority. Both rulers and subjects are perhaps too apt to consider their respective interests as distinct and separate: Whereas they are in truth one and the same,–the prosperity and happiness of the whole community. Everything done by subjects in obedience to, and support of, the just authority of government is conducive to their own happiness; and everything done by governors, that is beneficial to the governed, is likewise so to themselves: And it is from the mutual endeavors of both to serve each other, that the prosperity of society must result. If rulers abuse their power, they may destroy the happiness of the community; but this may be done as effectually by the subjects refusing to obey and support the authority of government. Nor may any people expect to enjoy all the blessings of society, unless their government is preserved in due force and vigor.

4. We are reminded of the gratitude which we owe to God, that he has not permitted the natural and important right which every society has of electing its own rulers to be wrested out of our hands, as is the case in some other countries. Had Great Britain carried on, without opposition, the measures she was pursuing with us, we should probably in a little time have been wholly deprived of this privilege. She had already assumed an absolute right of appointing too branches of the legislature. These would have had the appointment of all judicial and military officers: And upon the same ground that she robbed us of the election of a Governor formerly, and of Counselors lately, she might have annihilated the House of Representatives; or if she had not done this in form, she might by bribery and corruption, have rendered that house a meer tool to the servants of the crown, as is the case in that country. It is therefore owing to the opposition which his people made to the measures of the British court, and to the blessing of God upon that opposition, that they have now a voice in appointing their own rulers; otherwise our government might now have been in the hands of the weakest and most profligate favourites of that corrupt and infatuated court.

5. We are reminded how much it is the duty and interest of a people, who are in the enjoyment of this right, to exercise it with prudence and integrity. The people’s appointing their own rulers will be no security for their good government and happiness, if they pay no regard to the character of the men they appoint. A dunce or a knave; a profligate or an avaricious worldling will not make a good magistrate, because he is elected by the people. To make this right of advantage to the community, due attention must be paid to the abilities and moral character of the candidate. This is a consideration that concerns this people at large, as all have a voice in the election of our rulers, either personally, or by their representatives. But upon this occasion it is proper to observe, that it especially concerns the members of the honorable Council and house of Representatives here present, by whom the counselors for the ensuing year are this day to be elected. And I shall not, I hope, be tho’t to go beyond my line of duty, if I say; that the electors ought not to give their votes at random, or from personal or private views. They act in this business in a public character, by virtue of power delegated to them by the people, to whom, as well as to God, the origin of all power, they are accountable for the use they make of it. Nor can they answer it to either, or even to their own consciences, if thro’ interested or party views, they advance to the Council Board, men unqualified for the important duties of that station. At such a critical time as the present, the want of wisdom or integrity in that house may be attended with the most fatal consequences. The advice of Jethro in the text, demands the consideration of all those who are to bear a part in the elections of this day. “Provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness.” There never was a time when such men were more necessary at that board than the present. Nor would I entertain an opinion so dishonorable to my country, as to suppose there are not such men in it; tho’ I cannot at the same time entertain an idea so flattering, as to suppose there are not many among us who fall far short of this character. It belongs to the present electors to distinguish, so far as they can, these characters, one from the other, and to give their votes only for the former. Whoever considers the part which this Board has in legislation, their authority in directing the military and naval force of the state, their being invested with the supreme executive power, and in some important cases with a supreme judicial power will be sensible, that great wisdom, integrity and fortitude are necessary for the right management of these powers. Should they be committed to men of small abilities and little knowledge; men unacquainted with the nature of government, and with the circumstances of this state; men void of integrity, of narrow, contracted views, governed by ambition, avarice or some other selfish passion; men of no fortitude and resolution, of dastardly effeminate spirits; should such men, I say, be entrusted with the great and important powers vested in the Council, what could be expected, but that their public conduct would bear the marks of their ignorance, weakness, effeminacy and selfishness, to the great injury and dishonor, if not to the ruin of the common wealth. And tho’ such men may be as fond of this station, as those who are best qualified for it, and perhaps much fonder, yet it would be so far from rendering them truly honourable, that it would only render them the more infamous, by bringing into public view their vices and defects; while the electors of such men, would fix an indelible stain upon their own characters, and inherit the curses of the present and future generations.

But men who have themselves been honored by the unbiased suffrages of their country, must surely be too wise and virtuous, thus to prostitute their votes; and it may, I hope, be taken for granted, that knowledge and integrity, the fear of God, and a public spirit, will govern in the ensuing election, and such men be raised to the Council Board as will do honor to that respectable station, to their electors and themselves.

I now beg leave, with all due deference and submission, to suggest a few things that may reasonably be expected of a General Court, composed of such men as the text describes, by the people who have invested them with this power and authority, And,

It may be expected, that they will give due attention to the public affairs committed to their care. By accepting a seat in either house, a man does, implicitly at least, solemnly engage to attend to the business, which is there to be transacted. Nor, do I see how he can with any propriety be called a man of truth, who after such engagement, neglects that business, for the sale of going to his farm, his merchandise or his pleasure. It appears to me, that such neglect argues great unfaithfulness in the delinquents, and it may be attended with very pernicious consequences. Individuals may and often do plead in excuse for this, that the business may be done without them: But they ought to remember, that everyone has an equal right to excuse himself by this plea, and if all should do so, the concerns of the public must be wholly neglected. But,

It may be justly expected that our civil rulers will take due care to provide for the public defence. Notwithstanding the great exertions we have already made, and the great things which God has done for us, we must still contend with the enemies of our rights and liberties, or become their abject slaves. And it depends, in a great measure, upon our public rulers under God, whether we shall contend with success, or not. It is by their seasonable and prudent measures that an army is to be provided and furnished with necessaries, to oppose the enemy. And it must be the wish of every true American, that nothing may be omitted which can be done to support and render successful so important a cause: a cause so just in the sight of God and man, which Heaven has so remarkably owned, and all wise and good men approved; a cause which not only directly involves in it the rights and liberties of America; but in which the happiness of mankind is so nearly concerned: For in this extensive light I have always considered the cause in which we are contending. Should our enemies finally prevail, and establish that absolute dominion over us, at which they aim, they would not only render us the most miserable of all nations, but probably be able by the riches and forces of America to triumph over the arms of France and Spain, and carry their conquests to every corner of the globe; nor can we doubt, but that they would carry them, wherever there was wealth to tempt the enterprise: The noble spirit of liberty which has arisen in Ireland would be instantly crushed, and the brave men, who have appeared foremost in its support, be rewarded with an ax or a halter: The few advocates for this suffering cause in Britain would be hunted and persecuted as enemies to government, and be obliged in despair to abandon her interest: And in every country where this event should be known, the friends of liberty would be disheartened, and seeing her in the power of her enemies, forsake her, as the disciples of Christ did their master. So that our being subdued to the will of our enemies, might in its consequences be the banishment of liberty from among mankind. The heaven-born virgin seeing her votaries slain, her altars o’er-thrown, and her temples demolished, and finding no safe habitation on earth, would be obliged like the great patron of liberty, the first-born of God, to ascend to her God and our God, her Father and our Father, from whom she was sent to bless mankind, leaving an ungrateful world, after she had like him, been “rejected and despised of men,” in slavery and misery, till with him she shall again descend to reign and triumph on earth. Such might be the consequence, should the arms of Britain triumph over us. Whereas, if America preserves her freedom, she will be an asylum for the oppressed and persecuted of every country; her example and success will encourage the friends, and rouse a spirit of liberty thro’ other nations; and will probably be the means of freedom and happiness to Ireland, and perhaps in time to Great-Britain and many other countries. So that our contest is not merely for our own families, friends, and posterity; but for the rights of humanity, for the civil and religious privileges of mankind. We have surely then a right to expect, that the government of this state will neglect no measure that is necessary on their part, to aid so interesting a cause, whatever difficulties or expense may attend it. And, I hope, it may with equal confidence be expected, that the people will cheerfully lend their arms, and bear the expense that may be required for so glorious a purpose. Great expense must without doubt be necessary to carry on our defense: But whoever is disposed on this account, to give up the dispute, proves himself totally unworthy of the liberty for which we are contending.

As the support, or rather the recovery of the public credit, is absolutely necessary to our having a respectable army in the field, as well as to our internal peace and prosperity; it may be expected that this government will not be wanting in any measure for this purpose, which wisdom and sound policy can suggest.

If by means of the depreciation of our paper currency, and any law of this state, many persons have suffered, and are still liable to suffer great injury; if this injustice falls principally upon widows and fatherless children, and such others as are least able to support themselves under the loss, this surely is an evil that ought speedily to be redressed; and, if it be possible, compensation should be made to the sufferers, by those who have grown rich by this iniquity. And as the General Court of the last year, did with great justice make an allowance, for the depreciation of the currency, in fixing their own wages, and in some other instances, it may justly be expected that the honourable Court of this year, will go on the extend this justice to every part of the community and order the same allowance to be made in discharging all debts and contracts, however their private interest may be thereby affected.

The large taxes now levying and to be levied, make it peculiarly proper that great care should be taken in fixing the proportion which the different parts of the community are respectively to pay; and we have a right to expect, that our honoured fathers who are to guard the rights of the whole, will not require any particular parts to bear a greater proportion of this burden than is just, considering its ability and circumstances.

Liberty and learning are so friendly to each other, and so naturally thrive and flourish together, that we may justly expect, that the guardians of the former will not neglect the latter. The good education of children is a matter of great importance to the common-wealth. Youth is the time to plant the mind with the principles of virtue, truth and honor, the love of liberty and of their country; and to furnish it with all useful knowledge. And tho’ in this business much depends upon parents, guardians and masters, yet it is incumbent upon the government to make provision for schools, and all suitable means of instruction. Our College justly claims the patronage and assistance of the state, in return for the able men with which she has furnished the public; not to observe, that her present suffering and low state renders her an object of pity: By the well known depreciation, she, as well as many of her sons in the ministry, have lost a great part of their income; she and they having in this respect, had the same hard lot with widows and orphans. Nor will I suppose that we shall ever have a General Court, of so little love to their country, or so little sensible of the importance of literature to its virtue, liberty and happiness, so barbarous and savage, as to suffer her, or any of her family to languish in poverty, or to want what is necessary to their making a decent and honorable appearance.

If anything can be done by government to discourage prodigality and extravagance, vain and expensive amusements, and fantastic foppery, and to encourage the opposite virtues, we may reasonably hope it will not be neglected. The fondness of our countrymen, or, shall I say, country-women, for showy and useless ornaments and other articles of luxury, has been remarked by a gentleman in Europe, of great eminence for political wisdom, as very unbecoming our present circumstances. This is a folly that bodes ill to the public; and it must be the wish of every wise and good man, that it were laid aside. Men in authority, if they can do no more, may, at least discountenance it by their example; and this will not be without its good effect.

Finally, our political fathers will not fail, to do all they can, to promote religion and virtue through the community, as the surest means of rendering their government easy and happy to themselves and the people. For this purpose they will watch over their morals, with the same affectionate and tender care, that a pious and prudent parent watches over his children, and by all the methods which love to God and man can inspire, and wisdom point out, endeavor to check and suppress all impiety and vice, and lead the people to the practice of that righteousness which exalteth a nation. If any new laws are wanting, or more care in the execution of laws already made, for discouraging profanes, intemperance, lewdness, extravagant gaming, extortion, fraud, oppression or any other vice, they will take speedy care to supply this defect, and render themselves a terror to evil doers, as well as an encouragement to such as do well. They will promote to places of trust, men of piety, truth and benevolence. Nor will they fail to exhibit in their own lives, a fair example of that piety and virtue, which they wish to see practiced by the people: They will shew that they are not ashamed of the gospel of Christ, by paying due regard to his sacred institutions, and to all the laws of his kingdom. Magistrates may probably do more in this way, than in any other, and perhaps more than any other order of men, to preserve or recover the morals of a people. The manners of a court are peculiarly catching, and, like the blood in the heart, quickly flow to the most distant members of the body. If therefore rulers desires to see religion and virtue flourish in the community over which they preside, they must countenance and encourage them by their own example. And to excite them to this,

I must not omit to observe that tho’ the fear of God, a regard to truth and a hatred of covetousness, are necessary to form the character of a good ruler, they are, if possible, still more necessary to form the character of a good man, and secure the approbation of God, the Judge of all. For to him magistrates in common with other men are accountable. Nor does he regard the persons of princes any more than of their subjects. If they are impious and vicious, if they abuse their power, they may bring great misery upon other men, but they will surely bring much greater upon themselves. The eye of heaven surveys all their counsels, designs and actions; and the day is coming, when these shall all be made manifest, and everyone receive according to his works. Happy they, who in that day shall be found faithful, for they shall lift up their heads with confidence and amidst applauding angels enter into the joy of their Lord: While those who have oppressed and injured the people by their power, and corrupted them by their example, shall be covered with shame and confusion, and sentenced to that place of blackness and darkness, where there is weeping, and wailing, and gnashing of teeth!

Let me now conclude, by reminding this assembly in general, that it concerns us all to fear God, and to be men of truth hating covetousness. The low and declining state of religion and virtue among us, is too obvious not to be seen, and of too threatening an aspect not to be lamented by all the lovers of God and their country. Tho’ our happiness as a community, depends much upon the conduct of our rulers; yet it is not in the power of the best government to make an impious, profligate people happy. How well soever our public affairs may be managed, we may undo ourselves by our vices. And it is from hence, I apprehend, that our greatest danger arises. That spirit of infidelity, selfishness, luxury and dissipation, which so deeply marks our present manner, is more formidable than all the arms of our enemies. Would we but reform our evil ways, humble ourselves under the corrections, and be thankful for the mercies of heaven; revive that piety and public spirit that temperance and frugality, which have entailed immoral honor on the memory of our renowned ancestors; we might then, putting our trust in God, humbly hope that our public calamities would be soon at an end, our independence established, our rights and liberties secured, and glory, peace and happiness dwell in our land. Such happy effects to the public, might we expect from a general reformation.

But let everyone remember, that whatever others may do, and however it may fare with our country, it shall surely be well with the righteous; and when all the mighty states and empires of this world shall be dissolved and pass away “like the baseless fabric of a vision”, they shall enter into the kingdom of their father which cannot be moved, and in the enjoyment and exercise of perfect peace, liberty and love, shine forth as the sun forever and ever.

 

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Endnotes

1. Lord Chesterfield.

2. There is no safety where there is no strength, no strength without union, no union without justice, no justice where faith and truth in accomplishing public and private engagements is wanting. Sidney’s discourses concerning government.

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This sermon was preached by Chauncey Whittelsey (1717-1787) in Connecticut on May 14, 1778.

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The importance of religion in the civil
Ruler, considered.

A SERMON,

Preached before the General Assembly

OF THE

STATE

OF

CONNECTICUT,

AT

HARTFORD,

On the Day of the Anniversary Election,

May 14th, 1778.

By Chauncey Whittelsey, A. M.
Pastor of the first Church of Christ in New-Haven.

 

At a General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the State of Connecticut, in America, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1778.

ORDERED, That Samuel Bishop and Eneas Munson, Esq’rs, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev’d Mr. Chauncey Whittelsey, for his Sermon delivered before the Assembly on the 14th Instant, and desire a Copy thereof that it may be printed
A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
George Wyllys, Sec’ry.

 

An Election SERMON.

II SAM. 23. 3, 4.

“The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God;–and he shall be, as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass, springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain.”

THESE are here recorded, as some of the last words of King David, who could say, v. 2. “The spirit of the Lord spake by me, and his word was on my tongue.” The very solemn introduction used in the text “The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me,” demands universal silence, and the serious attention of all, but especially of those, to whom the following observation has a peculiar reference, “He that ruleth over men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God.”

The fear of God in the sacred writings usually signifies a religious character in general, or that principle of action, that regard to Deity, which produces a truly religious character and conduct: and thus the expression is to be understood, in our text.

The salutary influence of civil government, under the administration of men of such a character, is here beautifully represented, “by the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds,” and by the smiling appearance of the vegetable world, upon clear shining, after a rain. What more striking or beautiful Images could have been used?

This passage therefore very aptly leads to the consideration of the importance, and very salutary influence of religion, or the true fear of God, in those, who are entrusted with the administration of civil government.

A discourse upon any topic of civil policy is rarely to be expected from the sacred desk; but with propriety, and therefore with a decent boldness, may the fear of God be recommended, and urged upon all, by a minister of the religion of Jesus Christ, tho’ he be one of the most undeserving.

The worth, and salutary influence of religion, of the true fear of God, to everyone, who is the subject of it, is much greater, than my abilities would suffice, fully and justly to describe. It sanctifies and ennobles every office and every employment, in private or in public life. It is the source of the most refined delight, and truest honour, in this world, and it leads to complete felicity and immortal honour in the life to come. No less just, than beautiful is what elegant representation in the book of Job. “Where shall wisdom be found? And where is the place of understanding? The depth saith, it is not in me, and the sea saith, it is not with me. It cannot be gotten for gold, neither shall silver be weighed for the price thereof. It cannot be valued with the gold of Ophir, with the onyx, or the sapphire. No mention shall be made of pearls; the price of wisdom is above rubies. The topaz of Ethiopia shall not equal it, neither shall it be valued for the purest gold. Whence then cometh wisdom? And where is the place of understanding?” It is added—“God understandeth the way thereof, and he knoweth the place thereof. And unto man he said, The fear of the Lord, that is wisdom, and to depart from evil is understanding.”¹ Thus, God being Judge, who cannot err, religion, or the fear of the Lord is man’s true wisdom, and of inestimable value, to everyone, that possesses it. It has the most happy tendency to render him comfortable in himself, and a blessing to others, whatever his station in life. But it is, in many respects, of peculiar importance, in those who act in any public and difficult station, and particularly, in the civil Ruler.

Very weighty, many times, are the burdens, that are laid upon the shoulders of the civil Magistrate, arduous the duties of his office, intricate and perplexed the causes of public concern, in which he is called to judge, and to act. Now there is a support under the burdens and trials of life, and an animation to the performance of numerous and difficult services, arising from the principles of religion and a genuine regard to Deity, which nothing else can yield; and which indeed is much better and more fully known by experience, than from any of the most accurate and labored description.

Take a view of the story of a number of great Characters, of godly and renowned Rulers of God’s ancient people, from Moses to Nehemiah: To them, under all their burdens, services and dangers, a firm belief of the great principles of religion, and an habitual attention to God, was indisputably of unspeakable benefit. Thro’ faith, they performed their great exploits, and were animated to the various and arduous services of their respective stations, and were supported, when their spirits were ready to sink. By faith they could adopt, under apprehension of the most threatening calamities, that triumphant language, “God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble; therefore will we not fear, though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea.” ² Such was the language of the pious Psalmist of Israel.

Hear another celebrated ancient, when breathing out the genuine spirit of religion, and manifesting its strong and salutary influence; who, tho’ not a civil Ruler, yet sustained an important public character. When he knew, that he was surrounded with perils on every side, and that sufferings and trials of various kinds awaited him, he could express himself in that truly heroic manner, “³ None of these things move me, neither count I my life dear to me, so that I may finish my course with joy, and discharge well the office, with which, it has pleased the Lord of the universe to entrust me,” Such was the mighty influence of the great principles of religion, firmly believed, upon the mind of the apostle Paul. Nor was this peculiar to him, as an Apostle; by the same influence, the civil Ruler may be rendered superior to every hardship, to every danger, and thus may be made more eminently useful.

That is to anyone the most valuable possession, which best promotes his happiness and usefulness; true religion and the fear of God is indisputably that possession. This sanctifies both natural powers, and all acquirements to the most noble purposes; this unites duty and interest, and renders happy in serving God, and doing good. And this presents the most animating prospects of future felicity, sufficient to inspire an heroic fortitude, in the face of the greatest dangers.

But the great importance of religion, or the true fear of God, in civil Rulers, and its tendency to render them blessings in their places, and the people happy under their administration, will be evident from the following particular observations.

Which leads me to notice some of the advantages of religion, of the true fear of God in the civil Ruler, to the people, the community, by which he is entrusted, and whose welfare he should seek and promote.

1. Religion is the most sure and fruitful source of a genuine public spirit; which is justly reckoned one of the very essential qualifications, with which a civil Ruler should be adorned. It is a public spirit that mainly distinguishes the good Ruler, who is a blessing to his people, from the Tyrant, who is a curse to the world.

By a public spirit, I mean, not the contracted patriotism of the ancient Romans; who, under pretence of love to their own little country, claimed a right to oppress and enslave the rest of the world, at their pleasure.

A genuine public spirit implies a disposition, a readiness to forego ones private interest and personal ease, for the benefit of others, for the public good; but authorizes no inquiry or oppression. It coincides therefore with that charity or love, so strongly enjoined by the Christian Law; and it may be cultivated to the best advantage, under the influence of the great principles of religion, especially of the Christian institution.—He that has just sentiments of God, and a supreme, governing regard to him, even to that Being, who is the great Monarch of the universe, and whose glorious character is Love, and who so loved the human race, that he gave his only begotten Son to seek and promote their everlasting good, he will have in his breast and heart, a most fruitful principle of genuine patriotism. It will be his aim and study to do good, and, if he sustains a public character, to promote the public weal.

Among all the instances of a truly great and noble spirit, a spirit of the most exalted patriotism and disinterested goodness, that ever was recorded, there is none to be found that may be compared with that of Jesus our Lord: He, when he was in the form of God, laid aside the glory he had with the Father, and took upon him the form of a servant, for the sake of doing good; and, when he had spent his life in doing good, willingly submitted to the sharpest sufferings, and most acutely painful and ignominious death, for the same great and noble end. With what propriety then, and how forcibly does the Apostle recommend to every Christian Believer, a public spirit from this great and divine example. Phil. 2. 4, 5. “Look not everyone on his own things, but everyone also on the things of others; let the same mind be in you, which also was in Christ Jesus.” What zeal then, what vigorous exertions in doing good may not a supreme regard to Deity, and a becoming attention to such a divine example, justly produce?—What a happy influence must religion have, especially under the Christian institution, upon the mind and conduct of the civil Ruler?—

2. The principles and motives of religion afford the strongest incitements to fidelity and diligence, in the discharge of any public trust, that is undertaken. The truly religious man conceives himself bound by the law of his God, to be faithful, and accountable to him for his conduct. And a sense of the obligation that hence arises, will have a more certain, powerful and permanent influence upon him, than the most solemn oath upon a man of a different character.—Besides, to fidelity and diligence in the discharge of a public trust, religion proposes the most noble and animating rewards; not the applause of mortals, or a wreath of fading laurel, but the open approbation of the supreme Parent, the plaudit of the celestial Choirs, and a crown of glory, that will never fade.

I am sensible, it is not religion alone that fits a man to be a civil ruler; other qualifications are also necessary.—But—

3. Religion, or the true fear of God obliges, and will strongly prompt the man, that is called to manage the business of the public, to seek earnestly these other qualifications, that are necessary, or useful. And in this pursuit, as well as in the discharge of his Trust, the pious Ruler has one peculiar and very great advantage, viz.—

4. He will with humble confidence seek for assistance and direction from the great, the inexhaustible fountain of grace and wisdom. This is one rational and excellent means of gaining knowledge, and of maintaining right action and a useful conduct. For however regardless the generality may be of God, we are all constantly dependent upon him; “the way of man is not in himself; it is not in man that walketh to direct his steps.” ⁴ And we are assured, that whoever “lacketh wisdom,” and wants direction, if he sincerely “asks it of God, who giveth liberally and upbraideth not, it shall be given him.” ⁵

5. I may add, that the character of a people depends not a little, upon the character, the example and influence of the civil Rulers, the leading men of the State: The virtue of a people affords the best security of their privileges and prosperity under the overruling providence of God.

And finally, the special smiles of heaven ordinarily attend that people, whose Rulers, and chief men, are such as truly fear God, men of real piety. This observation is abundantly supported by the history of the Children of Israel, from the days of Moses to the times of their dispersion. When their chief men, whether Judges or Kings, did that which was evil, iniquity abounded, and some public calamity soon took place. But if their leading men were virtuous and religious, this usually had a happy influence upon the whole body of the people; and procured the special protection and smiles of heaven: And the same God still governs the world.

It is then of the utmost importance to a State, that it have virtuous and religious, as well as, able men, men fearing God, to rule over them, and manage their public affairs. Such Rulers will surely aim at the public good—will feel the most powerful obligation and strongest incitements, to fidelity, and to the most vigorous exertions for the public good, when requisite—will be most likely to maintain a firm, undaunted mind in critical and stormy seasons, and to guide the helm, with a steady hand.—And under the administration of such Rulers, the people will have the best grounds to hope for, and expect the direction and blessing of the supreme Potentate, on whom all good depends.—With reason therefore, when righteous and godly men are in authority, the people may greatly rejoice.—

Hence we are naturally led to reflect, with gratitude, upon the distinguishing goodness of God towards this Colony or State, from its beginning down to this day; his distinguishing goodness in providing for this people, and raising up and setting over them, such a succession of pious and godly Rulers; who under the influence of the great principles of religion, and the fear of God, have fought diligently the public weal, and been eminently useful in their day. What Province, State or Kingdom, from the beginning of the world, to this time, has been, in this respect, more highly favoured, than Connecticut? I know not any. And hence this has been one of the most happy provinces, upon the face of the earth. On such a day as this, how fitting to pay a tribute of praise to the God of Heaven, not only for our civil Liberties, but also for our upright, godly and faithful Rulers.—Further—

We hence learn, that in the choice or appointment of civil Rulers, special regard should be had to their religious characters. Superior talents, and an acquaintance with ciil policy, may enable a man to do much good in a public station, and are therefore to be desired, and are highly requisite in a civil Ruler. But they equally enable him to do much hut, if integrity, if religion and the fear of God is wanting. The great difference between the holy Angels, and apostate Spirits is of the moral and religious kind, arising from the different regard they pay to the supreme Parent.

We hence infer also, that it is of no small impotence, that the fear of God, and a religious disposition be early instilled into the minds of those, who are designed and are training up, for public service, in the State, as well as in the church of God. Without this, the most learned education will be essentially deficient.—I am not insensible that religion in general, and the Christian religion in particular has been treated even with banter and ridicule by some British Authors of note. But it is to be observed, that their political Creed is as erroneous and absurd, as are their religious Sentiments. As they appear not to revere the God of Heaven nor to believe in Jesus Christ, so they seem to disregard the great end of forming civil Societies, (viz.) the good of the individuals of the community, collectively considered; and they only study the means by which the Chiefs of a Society may aggrandize themselves, at the expence of their neighbours, without respect to the will of God, or the principles of equity and humanity. Such sentiments, whether concerning religion, or civil policy are destructive to the State as well as the Church of God; and they therefore disqualify for public service. Again,

From hence we may collect, that in the present very critical situation of affairs, and considering the many great and very interesting public events, that have taken place of late, it is, at this day, especially requisite that or leading men, our civil Rulers, be virtuous and godly, as well as men of ability, steadiness, and fortitude. In such a day as this “our help is in the name of the Lord who made heaven and earth,” and who an easily frustrate the counsels of the wisest Ahithophel, and bring to nought the devices of the crafty, and who already hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.—

In the rise, and in the whole progress of the unnatural controversy between Great-Britain, and the now United Independent American States, the hand of God has been, I must think, very conspicuous.-When we consider the remarkable union of thirteen disconnected, and many of them distance provinces, and the spirit, which burst forth like a flame, nearly at the same time, in all parts of the land; when we consider the weak, defenceless and unprepared state of the country, when hostilities were first commenced, and in what an unexpected manner, and how quick, a supply of military stores was obtained; when we consider the mighty force, that has come against us, both by sea and land, and the success that has attended our young troops, and even our militia (reckoned by the enemy but a feeble folk) in many warm encounters, with European regular forces; when we consider the little, the very little progress, that our enemy has made, toward accomplishing their injurious design, in three successive campaigns, and the total reduction of their northern army toward the close of the last campaign, who can refrain his astonishment, and adoration of the supreme invisible hand, that rules the world.

Strange was the want of wisdom, of human policy in the famous Politicians of the British court, that they should adopt those measures, that gave rise to the controversy. Upon them, the ingenious Dr. Price, in a pamphlet published in London more than two years ago, has this reflection, “I fancy, I see in those measures something, that cannot be accounted for, merely by human ignorance, I am inclined to think, that the hand of Providence is, in them, working, to bring about some great ends.” What would that ingenious author think, what would he say at this day?—What ends the Dr. had reference to is evident from what follows, a little after, “In America, says he, we see a number of rising States, in the vigour of youth, inspired with the noblest of all passions, the passion for being free—and animated by piety.”—Would to God, that the animation of piety was as strong and universal, as the passion for liberty.—

At this day the prospect evidently is, that a new Empire, under the providence of God, is now rising up, in this western world; a prospect, which from the beginning of he controversy, has from time to time, grown brighter and brighter. Of what importance is it, that this new Empire be founded with wisdom, and that they, who are entrusted with the management of public affairs, have a governing regard to God, and to the principles and interests of virtue and piety?—This might be attended with the most happy consequences, and have a very salutary influence thro’ all the United American States, and to the whole Empire, for generations to come.

By all the remarkable events above mentioned, by the rise, the progress and the present state of this great and interesting controversy, we are admonished, in very emphatic language, “that the most High ruleth in the Kingdom of men and giveth it to whomsoever he will.” ⁶ And are not all the Gentlemen, who are concerned in the management of our public affairs, and who have had a full acquaintance with the astonishing circumstances of those great events, laid under peculiar and very strong obligations to revere, honour and serve that God, who has done such great things for us, and on whom we are still dependent?

We are contending with a great and powerful nation; the unhappy controversy still subsists; tho’ we are hoping, and with longing expectations, waiting, for a speedy and happy issue. But what is in the womb of Providence we know not; our most raised expectations will end in disappointment, unless Heaven continue to smile upon us, and favour our cause. We still need direction from on high, and the blessing of Almighty God; of what importance then that our ways should please the Lord; that our leading Men should be men of seriousness and piety, men fearing God; that so from their example and influence, religion and virtue may be propagated, thro’ all ranks of people; then shall our peace be as a river, and our righteousness as the waves of the sea.

The chief Magistrates of this State, and the Heads of our tribes, that are here assembled, will therefore permit me (tho’ unworthy the task) a particular application, and an humble address to them, on this great occasion.

And in the first place, may I with proper deference, address his Excellency, the Governor of this State.

May it please your Excellency—

For the many good deeds, done to this State, thro’ your providence, and especially for your vigorous exertions and unwearied attention to the public weal, in this time of peculiar difficulty and danger, I without hesitation, express the sincere thanks of this whole Community, at the head of which the Lord our God has set you.

Among all your accomplishments for public service, your religious character is by no means, the least distinguishing or important.—You have experienced, I doubt not, in the great and arduous business of your station, and amidst the storms of the present day, the happy influence of an habitual regard to Deity, of daily intercourse with heaven, and of a firm confidence, thro’ a divine Mediator, in the providence and grace of God: the happy influence whereof, may you experience still more and more.

Thence, under all the various and difficult services to which you are called, you will not, Sir, you cannot, be disheartened; but will persevere, with steadiness and joyful hope, unto the end. Doing good and being useful is angelic, yea it is a divine employment. Gabriel is a ministering spirit; yea Jesus, to do good, spent, and willingly laid down, his life.—

By means of the many changes and commotions, that take place in the world, and by means of the operations of individuals in their places, a grand plan, formed by the supreme Parent, with consummate wisdom, is carrying on, to final accomplishment. From the dictates of inspired prophecy, we understand, that events of peculiar importance, in the execution of that grand plan, are nigh at hand, and perhaps, at this very day, beginning to take place. A thought this, that will fire your soul, Sir, with sacred ambition, and cause your breast to glow with gratitude to him, who has called you up, to act so significant a part, at such a day.

Altho’ this life is tempestuous, the voyage is short; and by how much the more difficult and dangerous, the greater the gains, to those, who steer by the religion of Christ, and arrive at the haven of safety.

How ample the rewards, how splendid the crown, that the religion of Jesus proposes and ensures to the faithful servant! Rewards already received, by what numbers of pious Rulers of this State, whose names are justly recorded in the annals of fame! With whom to associate in the high and noble employments of heaven, (what an animating thought!) will be your Excellency’s incessant aim: nor will you fail of the glorious reward, thro’ the grace of the gospel, on which, you ground your hopes. For he hath said, whose word is sure, “Be thou faithful unto death, and thou shalt receive a crown of life.”—Amen—

His Honour the Deputy Governor and the Honorable Counsellors of this State will suffer, with proper respect, a brief address.

May it please your Honours—

By the providence of God, and by the voice of a free People, you have been called to act in stations of chief dignity and importance, in one of the happiest provinces upon the face of the earth; whose prosperity and happiness (under the smiles of heaven) has mainly proceeded from the virtue and piety of its leading men, its civil Magistrates. And does not this thought, and the remembrance of many of your Predecessors in office, whom you have known, strongly urge you to pay a steady, serious and sacred regard to the God, and the religion, of your Fathers; that so you may, like them, maintain the distinguished reputation and lustre of the State, and be followers of those Worthies, who, thro’ faith and patience, are gone to inherit the promises.

To be the servants of the Great King of heaven and earth, and to do good to your fellow-men, in the stations in which you are placed in the providence of God, is the truest and highest honour, you can enjoy, on this side heaven, and is a course, that leads direct to those honours, that will be immortal. Actuated therefore by these truly worthy and noble aims, you will never disdain, or be ashamed to be thought men of serious piety, who revere and worship the living and true God, and are the Friends and Advocates of the religion of Jesus. Thus will you honour yourselves, and the high offices you sustain, and most surely promote the public weal. Thence, when dead, your names will be mentioned with respect, and your happy influence may continue, while you are reaping the rewards of immortal honour—Amen.—

The Honorable House of Representatives, who are men of influence in our several Towns, and, as it were, Heads of our tribes, will candidly receive a short address, from an honest, tho’ an unworthy advocate for religion and the public weal.

Gentlemen—

Important is the trust reposed in you, by your brethren. May I not say, they have put their liberties, their property, the comfort and the lies of their dearest connections, and of themselves, into your hands? The weight of such a trust, you, I doubt not, very sensibly feel: in the discharge whereof, especially in the present situation of our public affairs, there is great need, not only of integrity, but also of wisdom, application and firmness of mind. Of these very necessary qualifications, religion and an habitual regard to God, will be, (as you have heard) the surest and most fruitful source. Religion will excite you to seek in all proper ways, that knowledge and understanding, which is needful, and in particular, to ask daily and with fervent desires, direction from the fountain of wisdom: This will prompt you to consider whatever difficult matter of public concern, may lie before you, with engaged attention, and to confer and debate with one another thereon, with coolness and candour. This will influence you, to give your voice with uprightness, and to acquiesce and unite in the conclusion, and with a spirit of resignation to leave the issue, with the divine disposal. And how can public affairs be conducted in any better manner, by dependent, imperfect beings?

When dispersed, and returned to your several places of abode, thro’ the State, your influence, Gentlemen, to suppress iniquity, and to encourage that religion, to promote that righteousness, which God has said, exalteth a nation, or a people, may be great, and of the most salutary consequence. And thus, by acting your parts, under the influence of religion, both in public and in private life, you may be the happy instruments of saving your country, and at the same time securing to your posterity the richest of earthly blessings, and to yourselves an ample reward (not indeed in this momentary life, but) in that life and state, that will never, never end. Gentlemen, may God Almighty thus honour and reward you all—Amen.—

As a considerable number of the Ministers of Christ, and Pastors of Churches are here present, if not the occasion, yet the subject, that has been handled, and the very critical state of our country, will warrant a short address to them from one, who tho’ he might say, methinks, with much greater propriety, than Paul, “less than the least of all Saints,” yet earnestly wishes the spread of religion’s salutary influence, and the welfare of his country.

My Dear Brethren—

The interest of religion, the interest of that cause, for which our divine Redeemer died upon the cross, and the care of the Churches of Christ has been in an especial, and very solemn manner, committed unto us. Our sacred, as well as civil privileges, the cause of the Churches of Christ, and the interest of religion, is, if I mistake not, nearly affected with the contest of the present day. Should we not therefore, out of love to Christ, and concern for the interest of his religion, and the welfare of our people, exert ourselves, with vigour, in our places, especially to inculcate the fear of God, and promote that spirit of serious religion, which will secure the protection of the God of Heaven, and be the surest means of preserving our civil and religious rights? And will we not encourage the hearts and strengthen the hands of our civil Rulers, in this so critical and threatening a day, and be mush and earnest in prayer to God for them, and for the revival of religion, and the restoration of peace to our land? May we each one so discharge the great and good work, to which we are called, that when the chief Shepherd shall appear, we may receive a crown of glory, that shall never fade.—Amen.—

Finally, since religion is the truest wisdom, the richest treasure, the brightest ornament, and the best defense, may the spirit of the Lord be poured out upon all the people, that so pure religion may again flourish in the midst of us, and glory and happiness fill the land. AMEN and AMEN.

 

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Endnotes

¹. Job 28. 12, &c.

². Psalm 46. 1, 2.

³. Acts 20. 24.

⁴. Jer. 30. 23.

⁵. James 1. 5.

⁶. Dan. 4. 17.

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Samuel West (1730-1807) graduated from Harvard in 1754. He was pastor of a church in New Bedford, MA in 1761. He served as a chaplain during the Revolutionary War, joining just after the Battle of Bunker Hill. West was a member of the Massachusetts state constitutional convention, and a member of the Massachusetts convention that adopted the U.S. Constitution. The following election sermon was preached by West in Massachusetts on May 29, 1776.

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A

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE THE

HONORABLE COUNCIL,

AND THE HONORABLE

House of Representatives,

OF THE

Colony of the Massachusetts-Bay,

IN

New-England

MAY 29th, 1776.

Being the Anniversary for the Election of
the honorable COUNCIL for the Colony.

By SAMUEL WEST, A. M.
Pastor of a Church in Dartmouth.

And I will restore thy judges as the first, and thy counselors as at the beginning: afterward thou shalt be called the city of righteousness, the faithful city, Isa. 4. 26. Their children also shall be as aforetime, and their congregations shall be established before me, and I will punish all that oppress them: and their nobles shall be of themselves, and their governor shall proceed from the midst of them. Jere. 30. 20. 21. As free and not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, but as the servants of GOD, I Peter 2. 16. The beast that thou sawest, shall ascend out of the bottomless pit, and go into perdition: and they that dwell on the earth shall wonder, whose names were not written in the book of life from the foundation of the world, when they behold the beast, Rev. 17. Ver. 8.

 

IN COUNCIL, May 30, 1776.

On Motion, Ordered, That Thomas Cushing, Benjamin Lincoln, and Moses Gill, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. WEST, and return him the Thanks of the Board, for his SERMON delivered Yesterday, before both Houses of Assembly; and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.

Perez Morton, D. Secr’y.

 

ADVERTISEMENT.

I would inform the reader that several passages which were omitted, when the Sermon was delivered, for fear of being tedious to the assembly, are now inserted at the desire of several of the hearers.

 

AN
Election-Sermon.TITUS, Chapter 3d. Verse 1st.

Put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work.

THE great Creator having design’d the human race for society, has made us dependent on one another for happiness; he has so constituted us, that it becomes both our duty and interest, to seek the public good. And that we may be the more firmly engaged to promote each others welfare, the Deity has endowed us with tender and social affections, with generous and benevolent principles: Hence the pain, that we feel in seeing an object of distress: Hence the satisfaction, that arises in relieving the afflicted, and the superior pleasure, which we experience in communicating happiness to the miserable. The Deity ha also invested us with moral powers and faculties, by which we are enabled to discern the difference between right and wrong, truth and falsehood, good and evil: Hence the approbation of mind, that arises upon doing a good action, and the remorse of conscience, which we experience, when we counteract the moral sense, and do that which is evil. This proves, that in what is commonly called a state of nature, we are the subjects of the divine law and government, that the Deity is our supreme magistrate, who has written his law in our hearts, and will reward, or punish us, according as we obey or disobey his commands. Had the human race uniformly persevered in a state of moral rectitude, there would have been little, or no need of any other law, besides that which is written in the heart; for everyone in such a state would be a law unto himself. There would be no occasion for enacting or enforcing of penal laws, for such are not made for the righteous man, but for the lawless and disobedient, for the ungodly, and for sinners, for the unholy and profane, for murderers of fathers, and murderers of mothers, for manslayers, for whoremongers, for them that defile themselves with mankind, for men-stealers, for liars, for perjured persons, and if there be any other thing, that is contrary to moral rectitude, and the happiness of mankind. The necessity of forming ourselves into politic bodies, and granting to our rulers, a power to enact laws for the public safety, and to enforce them by proper penalties arises from our being in a fallen, and degenerate estate: The slightest view of the present state and condition of the human race, is abundantly sufficient to convince any person of common sense, and common honesty, that civil government is absolutely necessary for the peace and safety of mankind, and consequently that all good magistrates, while they faithfully discharge the trust reposed in them, ought to be religiously and conscientiously obeyed. An enemy to good government is an enemy not only to his country, but to all mankind; for he plainly shews himself to be divested of those tender and social sentiments, which are characteristic of an human temper, even of that generous and benevolent disposition, which is the peculiar glory of a rational creature. An enemy to good government has degraded himself below the rank and dignity of a man, and deserves to be classed with the lower creation. Hence we find, that wise and good men of all nations, and religions, have ever inculcated subjection to good government, and have born their testimony against the licentious disturbers of the public peace.

Nor has Christianity been deficient in this capital point. We find our blessed Saviour directing the Jews to render to Caesar the things that were Caesar’s: And the apostles and first preachers of the gospel not only exhibited a good example of subjection to the magistrate, in all things that were just and lawful, but they have also in several places of the new-testament, strongly enjoined upon Christians the duty of submission to that government under which providence had placed them. Hence we find, that those, who despise government, and are not afraid to speak evil of dignities, are by the apostles Peter and Jude, clas’d among those presumptuous self-willed sinners, that are reserv’d to the judgment of the great day. And the apostle Paul judg’d submission to civil government, to be a matter of such great importance, that he tho’t it worth his while to charge Titus, to put his hearers in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work. As much as to say, none can be ready to every good work, or be properly dispose’d to perform those actions, that tend to promote the public good, who do not obey magistrates, and who do not become good subjects of civil government. If then obedience to the civil magistrates is so essential to the character of a Christian, that without it he cannot be disposed to perform those good works, that are necessary for the welfare of mankind; if the despisers of government are those presumptuous, self-willed sinners, who are reserv’d to the judgment of the great day; it is certainly a matter of the utmost importance to us all, to be thoroughly acquainted with the nature and extent of our duty, that we may yield the obedience requir’d; for it is impossible that we should properly discharge a duty when we are strangers to the nature and extent of it.

In order therefore, that we may form a right judgment of the duty enjoin’d in our text, I shall consider the nature and design of civil government, and shall shew, that the same principles which oblige us to submit to government, do equally oblige us to submit to government, do equally oblige us to resist tyranny; or that tyranny and magistracy are so opposite to each other, that where the one begins, the other ends. I shall then apply the present discourse to the grand controversy, that at this day subsists between Great-Britain and the American colonies.

That we may understand the nature and design of civil government, and discover the foundation of the magistrates authority to command, and the duty of subjects to obey, it is necessary to derive civil government from its original; in order to which we must consider what “state all men are naturally in, and that is as (Mr. Lock observes) a state of perfect freedom to order all their actions, and dispose of their possessions, and persons as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any man”. It is a state wherein all are equal, no one having a right to control another, or oppose him in what he does, unless it be in his own defence, or in the defence of those that being injured stand in need of his assistance.

Had men persevered in a state of moral rectitude, everyone would have been disposed to follow the law of nature, and pursue the general good; in such a state, the wisest and most experienced would undoubtedly be chosen to guide and direct those of less wisdom and experience than themselves; there being nothing else that could afford the least shew or appearance of anyone’s having the superiority or precedency over another; for the dictates of conscience, and the precepts of natural law being uniformly and regularly obey’d, men would only need to be informed what things were most fit and prudent to be done in those cases, where their inexperience, or want of acquaintance, left their minds in doubt what was the wisest and most regular method for them to pursue. In such cases it would be necessary for them to advise with those, who were wiser and more experienced than themselves. But these advisers could claim no authority to compel, or to use any forcible measures to oblige anyone to comply with their direction, or advice; there could be no occasion for the exertion of such a power; for every man being under the government of right reason, would immediately feel himself constrain’d to comply with everything that appeared reasonable or fit to be done, or that would any way tend to promote the general good. This would have been the happy state of mankind, had they closely adhered to the law of nature, and persevered in their primitive state.

Thus we see, that a state of nature, tho’ it be a state of perfect freedom, yet it is very far from a state of licentiousness; the law of nature gives men no right to do anything that is immoral, or contrary to the will of God, and injurious to their fellow creatures; for a state of nature is properly a state of law and government, founded upon the unchangeable nature of the Deity, and a law resulting from the eternal fitness of things; sooner shall heaven and earth pass away, and the whole frame of nature be dissolved, than any part, even the smallest iota of this law shall ever be abrogated; it is unchangeable as the Deity himself, being a transcript of his moral perfections. A revelation pretending to be from God, that contradicts any part of natural law, ought immediately to be rejected as an imposture; for the Deity cannot make a law contrary to the law of nature, without acting contrary to himself. A thing in the strictest sense impossible, for that which implies a contradiction is not an object of the divine power. Had this stood, the world had remained free from a multitude of absur’d and pernicious principles, which have been industriously propagated by artful and designing men, both in politicks and divinity. The doctrine of non-resistance, and unlimited passive obedience to the worst of tyrants, could never have found credit among mankind, had the voice of reason been hearkened to for a guide, because such a doctrine would immediately have been discerned to be contrary to natural law.

In a state of nature we have a right to make the persons that hae injured us, repair the damages that they have done us; and it is just in us to inflict such punishment upon them, as are necessary to restrain them from doing the like for the future: The whole end and design of punishing being either to reclaim the individual punished, or to deter others from being guilty of similar crimes: Whenever punishment exceeds these bounds, it becomes cruelty and revenge, and directly contrary to the law of nature. Our wants and necessities being such, as to render it impossible in most cases to enjoy life in any tolerable degree, without entering into society, and there being innumerable cases, wherein we need the assistance of others, which if not afforded, we should very soon perish; hence the law of nature requires, that we should endeavour to help one another, to the utmost of our power in all cases, where our assistance is necessary. It is our duty to endeavour always to promote the general good; to do to all, as we would be willing to be done by, were we in their circumstances, to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly before God. These are some of the laws of nature, which every man in the world is bound to observe, and which whoever violates, exposes himself to the resentment of mankind, the lashes of his own conscience, and the judgment of heaven. This plainly shews, that the highest state of liberty subjects us to the law of nature, and the government of God. The most perfect freedom consists in obeying the dictates of right reason, and submitting to natural law. When a man goes beyond, or contrary to the law of nature and reason, he becomes the slave of base passions, and vile lusts, he introduces confusion and disorder into society, and brings misery and destruction upon himself. This therefore cannot be called a state of freedom, but a state of the vilest slavery, and the most dreadful bondage: The servants of sin and corruption are subjected to the worst kind of tyranny in the universe. Hence we conclude, that where licentiousness begins, liberty ends.

The law of nature is a perfect standard and measure of action for beings that persevere in a state of moral rectitude. But the case is far different with us, who are in a fallen and degenerate estate. We have a law in our members, which is continually warring against the law of the mind; by which we often become enslaved to the basest lusts, and are brought into bondage to the vilest passions. The strong propensities of our animal nature often overcome the sober dictates of reason and conscience, and betray us into actions injurious to the public, and destructive of the safety and happiness of society. Men of unbridled lusts, were they not restrain’d by the power of the civil magistrate, would spread horror and desolation all around them. This makes it absolutely necessary, that societies should form themselves into politick bodies, that they may enact laws for the public safety, and appoint particular penalties for the violation of their laws, and invest a suitable number of persons with authority to put in execution and enforce the laws of the state; in order that wicked men may be restrained from doing mischief to their fellow creatures, that the injured may have their rights restored to them, that the virtuous may be encouraged in doing good; and that every member of society may be protected and secured in the peaceable, quiet possession and enjoyment of all those liberties and privileges, which the Deity has bestowed upon him, i.e. that he may safely enjoy, and pursue whatever he chooses, that is consistent with the publick good. This shews that the end and design of civil government, cannot be to deprive men of their liberty, or take away their freedom; but on the contrary the rue design of civil government is to protect men in the enjoyment of liberty.

From hence it follows, that tyranny and arbitrary power are utterly inconsistent with, and subversive of the very end and design of civil government, and directly contrary to natural law, which is the true foundation of civil government and all politick law: Consequently the authority of a tyrant is of itself null and void; for as no man can have a right to act contrary to the law of nature, it is impossible that any individual, or even the greatest number of men, can confer a right upon another, of which they themselves are not possessed, i.e. no body of men can justly and lawfully authorize any person to tyrannize over, and enslave his fellow creatures, or to do anything contrary to equity and goodness. As magistrates have no authority, but what they derive from the people, whenever they act contrary to the public good, and pursue measures destructive of the peace and safety of the community, they forfeit their right to govern the people. Civil rulers and magistrates are properly of human creation; they are set up by the people to be the guardians of their rights, and to secure their persons from being injured, or oppressed; the safety of the publick being the supreme law of the state, by which the magistrates are to be governed, and which they are to consult upon all occasions. The modes of administration may be very different, and the forms of government may vary from each other in different ages and nations; but under every form, the end of civil government is the same and cannot vary: It is like the laws of the Medes and Persians, it altereth not.

Though magistrates are to consider themselves as the servants of the people, seeing from them it is, that they derive their power and authority; yet they may also be considered as the ministers of God ordain’d by him for the good of mankind: For under him as the supreme magistrate of the universe they are to act; and it is God who has not only declared in his word, what are the necessary qualifications of a ruler, but who also raises up and qualifies men for such an important station. The magistrate may also in a more strict and proper sense, be said to be ordained of God, because reason, which is the voice of God plainly requires such an order of men to be appointed for the public good; now whatever right reason requires as necessary to be done, is as much the will and law of God, as tho’ it were enjoin’d us by an immediate revelation from heaven, or commanded in the sacred scriptures.

From this account of the origin, nature and design of civil government, we may be very easily led into a thorough knowledge of our duty; we may see the reason, why we are bound to obey magistrates, viz. because they are the ministers of God for good unto the people. While therefore they rule in the fear of God, and while they promote the welfare of the state, i.e. while they act in the character of magistrates, it is the indispensible duty of all to submit to them, and to oppose a turbulent, factious and libertine spirit, whenever and wherever it discovers itself. When a people have by their free consent confer’d upon a number of men, a power to rule and govern them, they are bound to obey them: Hence disobedience becomes a breach of faith, it is violating a constitution of their own appointing, and breaking a compact for which they ought to have the most sacred regard: Such a conduct discovers so base and disingenuous a temper of mind, that it must expose them to contempt in the judgment of all the sober thinking part of mankind. Subjects are bound to obey lawful magistrates by every tender tie of human nature, which disposes us to consult the public good, and to seek the good of our brethren, our wives, our children, our friends and acquaintance; for he that opposes lawful authority, does really oppose the safety and happiness of his fellow creatures. A factious, seditious person, that opposes good government, is a monster in nature, for he is an enemy to his own species, and destitute of the sentiments of humanity.

Subjects are also bound to obey magistrates for conscience sake, out of regard to the divine authority, and out of obedience to the will of God: For if magistrates are the ministers of God, we cannot disobey them without being disobedient to the law of God; and this extends to all men in authority, from the highest ruler to the lowest officer in the state. To oppose them when in the exercise of lawful authority, is an act of disobedience to the Deity, and as such will be punished by him. It will doubtless be readily granted by every honest man, that we ought cheerfully to obey the magistrate and submit to all such regulations of government, as tend to promote the publick good; but as this general definition may be liable to be misconstrued, and every man may think himself at liberty to disregard any laws that do not suit his interest, humor, or fancy; I would observe, that in a multitude of cases, many of us, for want of being properly acquainted with affairs of state, may be very improper judges of particular laws, whether they are just or not: In such cases it becomes us, as good members of society, peaceably and conscientiously to submit, tho’ we cannot see the reasonableness of every law to which we submit; and that for this plain reason, that if any number of men should take it upon them to oppose authority for acts, which may be really necessary for the public safety, only because they do not see the reasonableness of them, the direct consequence will be introducing confusion and anarchy into the state.

It is also necessary, that the minor part should submit to the major; e.g. when legislators have enacted a set of laws, which are highly approved by a large majority of the community, as tending to promote the publick good, in this case, if a small number of persons are so unhappy as to view the matter in a very different point of light from the public, tho’ they have an undoubted right to shew the reasons of their dissent from the judgment of the publick, and may lawfully use all proper arguments to convince the publick of what they judge to be an error, yet if they fail in their attempt, and the majority still continue to approve of the laws that are enacted, it is the duty of those few that dissent, peaceably and for conscience sake to submit to the publick judgment; unless something is required of them which they judge would be sinful for them to comply with; for in that case they ought to obey the dictates of their own consciences, rather than any human authority whatever. Perhaps also some cases of intolerable oppression, where compliance would bring on inevitable ruin and destruction, may justly warrant the few to refuse submission to what they judge inconsistent with their peace and safety; for the law of self-preservation will always justify opposing a cruel and tyrannical imposition, except where opposition is attended with greater evils than submission, which is frequently the case where a few are oppressed by a large and powerful majority.¹ Except the above-named cases, the minor ought always to submit to the major; otherwise there can be no peace nor harmony in society. And besides, it is the major part of a community that have the sole right of establishing a constitution, and authorizing magistrates; and consequently it is only the major part of the community that can claim the right of altering the constitution, and displacing the magistrates; for certainly common sense will tell us, that it requires as great an authority to set aside a constitution, as there was at first to establish it. The collective body, not a few individuals, ought to constitute the supreme authority of the state.

The only difficulty remaining is to determine, when a people may claim a right of forming themselves into a body politick, and may assume the powers of legislation. In order to determine this point, we are to remember, that all men being by nature equal, all the members of a community have a natural right to assemble themselves together, and to act and vote for such regulations, as they judge are necessary for the good of the whole. But when a community is become very numerous, it is very difficult, and in many cases impossible for all to meet together to regulate the affairs of the state: Hence comes the necessity of appointing delegates to represent the people in a general assembly. And this ought to be look’d upon as a sacred and unalienable right, of which a people cannot justly divest themselves, and which no human authority can in equity ever take from them, viz. that no one be obliged to submit to any law, except such as are made either by himself, or by his representative.

If representation and legislation are inseparably connected, it follows, that when great numbers have emigrated into a foreign land, and are so far removed from the parent state, that they neither are or can be properly represented by the government from which they have emigrated, that then nature itself points out the necessity of their assuming to themselves the powers of legislation, and they have a right to consider themselves as a separate state from the other, and as such to form themselves into a body politick.

In the next place,

When a people find themselves cruelly oppressed by the parent state, they have an undoubted right to throw off the yoke, and to assert their liberty, if they find good reason to judge that they have sufficient power and strength to maintain their ground in defending their just rights against their oppressors: For in this case by the law of self preservation, which is the first law of nature, they have not only an undoubted right, but it is their indispensible duty, if they cannot be redressed any other way, to renounce all submission to the government that has oppressed them, and set up an independent state of their own; even tho’ they may be vastly inferior in number to the state that has oppres’d them. When either of the aforesaid cases takes place, and more especially when both concur, no rational man (I imagine,) can have any doubt in his own mind, whether such a people have a right to form themselves into a body politick, and assume to themselves all the powers of a free state. For can it be rational to suppose, that a people should be subjected to the tyranny of a set of men, who are perfect strangers to them, and cannot be supposed to have that fellow feeling for them, that we generally have for those with whom we are connected and acquainted; and besides, thro’ their unacquaintedness with the circumstances of the people over whom they claim the right of jurisdiction, are utterly unable to judge in a multitude of cases, what is best for them.

It becomes me not to say, what particular form of government is best for a community, whether a pure democracy, aristocracy, monarchy, or a mixture of all the three simple forms. They all have their advantages & disadvantages; and when they are properly administered, may any of them answer the design of civil government tolerably well. Permit me however to say, that an unlimited absolute monarchy, and an aristocracy not subject to the control of the people, are two of the most exceptionable forms of government.

1st. Because in neither of them is there a proper representation of the people, and,

2dly. Because each of them being entirely independent of the people, they are very apt to degenerate into tyranny. However, in this imperfect state, we cannot expect to have government formed upon such a basis, but that it may be perverted by bad men to evil purposes. A wise and good man would be very loth to undermine a constitution, that was once fixed and established, altho’ he might discover many imperfections in it; and nothing short of the most urgent necessity would ever induce him to consent to it; because the unhinging a people from a form of government to which they had been long accustomed, might throw them into such a state of anarchy and confusion as might terminate in their destruction, or perhaps in the end subject them to the worst kind of tyranny.

Having thus shewn the nature, end and design of civil government, and pointed out the reasons, why subjects are bound to obey magistrates, viz. because in so doing, they both consult their own happiness as individuals, and also promote the public good, and the safety of the state: I proceed,

In the next place to shew, That the same principles that oblige us to submit to civil government, do also equally oblige us, where we have power and ability, to resist and oppose tyranny, and that where tyranny begins, government ends. For if magistrates have no authority but what they derive from the people, if they are properly of human creation; if the whole end and design of their institution is to promote the general good, and to secure to men their just rights, it will follow, that when they act contrary to the end and design of their creation, they cease being magistrates, and the people, which gave them their authority, have a right to take it from them again. This is a very plain dictate of common sense, which universally obtains in all similar cases: for who is there, that having employ’d a number of men to do a particular piece of work for him, but what would judge that he had a right to dismiss them from his service, when he found, that they went directly contrary to his orders; and that instead of accomplishing the business he had set them about, they would infallibly ruin and destroy it. If then men in the common affairs of life always judge, that they have a right to dismiss from their service such persons as counteract their plans and designs, tho the damage will affect only a few individuals, much more must the body politick have a right to depose any persons tho’ appointed to the highest place of power and authority, when they find, that they re unfaithful to the trust reposed in them, and that instead of consulting the general good, they are disturbing the peace of society by making laws cruel and oppressive, and by depriving the subjects of their just rights and privileges. Whoever pretends to deny this proposition, must give up all pretence of being master of that common sense and reason by which the Deity has distinguished us from the brutal herd.

As our duty of obedience to the magistrate is founded upon our obligation to promote the general good, our readiness to obey lawful authority will always arise in proportion to the love and regard that we have for the welfare of the publick; and the same love and regard for the publick will inspire us with as strong a zeal to oppose tyranny, as we have to obey magistracy. Our obligation to promote the public good extends as much to the opposing every exertion of arbitrary power, that is injurious to the State, as it does to the submitting to good and wholesome laws. No man therefore can be a good member of the community, that is not as zealous to oppose tyranny, as he is ready to obey magistracy. A slavish submission to tyranny is a proof of a very sordid and base mind: Such a person cannot be under the influence of any generous human sentiments, nor have a tender regard for mankind.

Further, if magistrates are no farther ministers of God, than they promote the general good of the community, then obedience to them neither is, nor can be unlimited; for it would imply a gross absurdity to assert, that, when magistrates are ordained by the people solely for the purpose of being beneficial to the state, they must be obeyed, when they are seeking to ruin and destroy it. This would imply, that men were bound to act against the great law of self-preservation, and to contribute their assistance to their own ruin and destruction, in order that they may please and gratify the greatest monsters in nature, who are violating the laws of God, and destroying the rights of mankind. Unlimited submission and obedience is due to none but God alone: He has an absolute right to command: He alone has an uncontroulable sovereignty over us, because he alone is unchangeably good: He never will, nor can require of us consistent with his nature and attributes, anything that is not fit and reasonable; his commands are all just and good: And to suppose that he has given to any particular set of men a power to require obedience to that, which is unreasonable, cruel and unjust, is robbing the Deity of his justice and goodness, in which consists the peculiar glory of the divine character; and it is representing him, under the horrid character of a tyrant.

If magistrates are ministers of God only because the law of God and reason points out the necessity of such an institution for the good of mankind; it follows that whenever they pursue measures directly destructive of the publick good, they cease being God’s ministers; they forfeit their right to obedience from the subject, they become the pests of society; and the community is under the strongest obligation of duty both to God and to its own members to resist and oppose them, which will be so far from resisting the ordinance of God, that it will be strictly obeying his commands. To suppose otherwise, will imply, that the Deity requires of us an obedience, that is self-contradictory and absurd, and that one part of his law is directly contrary to the other, i.e. while he commands us to pursue virtue, and the general good, he does at the same time require us to persecute virtue, and betray the general good by enjoyning us obedience to the wicked commands of tyrannical oppressors. Can anyone not loft to the principles of humanity undertake to defend such absurd sentiments as these? As the public safety is the first and grand law of society, so no community can have a right to invest the magistrate with any power, or authority that will enable him to act against the welfare of the state, and the good of the whole. If men have at any time wickedly, and foolishly given up their just rights into the hands of the magistrate, such acts are null and void of course; to suppose otherwise will imply, that we have a right to invest the magistrate with a power to act contrary to the law of God, which is as much as to say, that we are not the subjects of divine law and government. What has been said, is (I apprehend) abundantly sufficient to shew that tyrants are no magistrates, or that whenever magistrates abuse their power and authority, to the subverting the publick happiness, their authority immediately ceases, and that it not only becomes lawful, but an indispensable duty to oppose them: That the principle of self-preservation, the affection, and duty, that we owe to our country, and the obedience we owe the Deity, do all require us to oppose tyranny.

If it be asked, who are the proper judges to determine, when rulers are guilty of tyranny and oppression? I answer, the publick; not a few disaffected individuals, but the collective body of the state must decide this question; for as it is the collective body that invests rulers with their power and authority, so it is the collective body that has the sole right of judging, whether rulers act up to the end of their institution or not. Great regard ought always to be paid to the judgment of the publick. It is true the publick may be imposed upon by a misrepresentation of facts; but this may be said of the publick, which can’t always be said of individuals, viz. that the publick is always willing to be rightly informed, and when it has proper matter of conviction laid before it, it’s judgment is always right.

This account of the nature and design of civil government, which is so clearly suggested to us by the plain principles of common sense and reason, is abundantly confirmed by the sacred scriptures, even by those very texts, which have been brought by men of slavish principles to establish the absurd doctrine, of unlimited passive obedience, and non-resistance: As will abundantly appear, by examining the two most noted texts, that are commonly bro’t to support the strange doctrine of passive obedience. The first that I shall cite, is in I Pet. 2d. c. ver. 13, 14. Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man, or rather as the words ought to be rendered from the Greek, submit yourselves to every human creation, or human constitution for the Lord’s sake, whether it be to the king as supreme, or unto governors, as unto them, that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them, that do well. Here we4 see, that the apostle asserts, that magistracy is of human creation or appointment, that is, that magistrates have no power or authority, but what they derive from the people; that this power they are to exert for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well, i.e. the end and design of the appointment of magistrates, is to restrain wicked men by proper penalties from injuring society, and to encourage and honor the virtuous and obedient. Upon this account, Christians are to submit to them for the Lord’s sake, which is, as if he had said; tho’ magistrates are of mere human appointment, and can claim no power, or authority, but what they derive from the people, yet as they are ordained by men to promote the general good by punishing evil doers, and by rewarding and encouraging the virtuous and obedient, you ought to submit to them out of a sacred regard to the divine authority; for as they in the faithful discharge of their office do fulfill the will of God, so ye by submitting to them do fulfill the divine command. If the only reason assign’d by the apostle, why magistrates should be obey’d out of a regard to the divine authority, is because they punish the wicked and encourage the good: It follows, that when they punish the virtuous, and encourage the vicious, we have a right to refuse yielding any submission or obedience to them; i.e. whenever they act contrary to the end and design of their institution, they forfeit their authority to govern the people; and the reason for submitting to them out of regard to the divine authority immediately ceases; and they being only of human appointment, the authority which the people gave them, the publick have a right to take from them, and to confer it upon those who are more worthy. So far is this text from favouring arbitrary principles, that there is nothing in it, but what is consistent with, and favourable to the highest liberty, that any man can wish to enjoy; for this text requires us to submit to the magistrate no farther than he is the encourager and protector of virtue, and the punisher of vice; and this is consistent with all that liberty which the Deity has bestowed upon us.

The other text which I shall mention, and which has been made use of, by the favourers of arbitrary government, a their great sheet anchor and main support, is in Rom. 13th the first six verses. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of GOD: The powers that be are ordain’d of GOD. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of GOD; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation: For rulers are not a terror to good works but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same. For he is the minister of GOD to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain, for he is the minister of GOD, a revenger to execute wrath upon him, that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. For, for this cause pay you tribute also; for they are God’s ministers attending continually upon this very thing. A very little attention (I apprehend) will be sufficient to shew, that this text is so far from favouring arbitrary government, that on the contrary, it strongly holds forth the principles of true liberty. Subjection to the higher powers is enjoined by the apostle, because there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God, consequently, to resist the power is to resist the ordinance of God: And he repeatedly declares that the ruler is the minister of God. Now before we can say, whether this text makes for, or against the doctrine of unlimited passive obedience, we must find out in what sense the apostle affirms, that magistracy is the ordinance of God, and what he intends when he calls the ruler the minister of God.

I can think but of three possible senses, in which magistracy can with any propriety be called God’s ordinance, or in which rulers can be said to be ordained of God as his ministers. The first is a plain declaration from the word of God, that such an one, and his descendants are, and shall be the only true and lawful magistrates; thus we find in scripture, the kingdom of Judah to be settled by divine appointment in the family of David. Or,

2dly, By an immediate commission from God, ordering and appointing such an one by name to be the ruler over the people; thus Saul and David were immediately appointed by God to be kings over Israel. Or,

3dly, Magistracy may be called the ordinance of God; and rulers may be called the ministers of God, because the nature and reason of things, which is the law of God requires such an institution for the preservation and safety of civil society. In the two first senses, the apostle cannot be supposed to affirm, that magistracy is God’s ordinance, for neither he, nor any of the sacred writers have entailed the magistracy to any one particular family under the gospel dispensation. Neither does he, nor any of the inspired writers give us the least hint, that any person should ever be immediately commissioned from God to bear rule over the people: The third sense then is the only sense, in which the apostle can be supposed to affirm, that the magistrate is the minister of God, and that magistracy is the ordinance of God, viz that the nature and reason of things, require such an institution for the preservation and safety of mankind. Now if this be the only sense in which the apostle affirms, that magistrates are ordained of God as his ministers, resistance must be criminal only so far forth, as they are ministers of God, i.e. while they act up to the end of their institution, and ceases being criminal, when they cease being the ministers of God, i.e. when they act contrary to the general good, and seek to destroy the liberties of the people.

That we have gotten the apostle’s sense of magistracy, being the ordinance of God, will plainly appear from the text itself: For after having asserted, that to resist the power is to resist the ordinance of God, and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation; he immediately adds, as the reason of this assertion, For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same: For he is the minister of GOD to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain: For he is the minister of GOD, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil. Here is a plain declaration of the sense, in which he asserts, that the authority of the magistrate is ordained of God, viz. because rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil, therefore we ought to dread offending them, for we cannot offend them but by doing evil, and if we do evil, we have just reason to fear their power; for they bear not the sword in vain, but in this case, the magistrate is a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil: But if we are found doers of that which is good, we have no reason to fear the authority of the magistrate, for in this case, instead of being punished we shall be protected and encouraged: The reason why the magistrate is called the minister of God, is, because he is to protect, encourage and honor them that do well, and to punish them that do evil; therefore it is our duty to submit to them, not merely for fear of being punished by them, but out of regard to the divine authority, under which they are deputed to execute judgment, and to do justice. For this reason (according to the apostle) tribute is to be paid them, because as the ministers of God their whole business is to protect every man in the enjoyment of his just rights and privileges, and to punish every evil doer.

If the apostle then asserts, that rulers are ordain’d of God, only because they are a terror to evil works, and a praise to them that do well, if they are ministers of God only because they encourage virtue and punish vice; if for this reason only they are to be obey’d for conscience sake; if the sole reason, why they have a right to tribute is because they devote themselves wholly to the business of securing to men their just rights, and to the punishing of evil doers; it follows by undeniable consequence, that when they become the pests of human society; when they promote and encourage evil doers, and become a terror to good works, they then cease being the ordinance of God; they are so far from being the powers that are ordain’d of God, that they become the ministers of the powers of darkness: And it is so far from being a crime to resist them, that in many cases it may be highly criminal in the fight of heaven to refuse resisting and opposing them to the utmost of our power; or in other words, that the same reasons, that require us to obey the ordinance of God, do equally oblige us, when we have power and opportunity, to oppose and resist the ordinance of satan.

Hence, we see, that the apostle Paul instead of being a friend to tyranny and arbitrary government, turns out to be a strong advocate for the just rights of mankind; and is for our enjoying all that liberty, with which God has invested us: For no power (according to the apostle) is ordained of God, but what is an encourager of every good and virtuous action, do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same: No man need to be afraid of this power, which is ordain’d of God, who does nothing but what is agreeable to the law of God; for this power will not restrain us from exercising any liberty, which the Deity has granted us; for the minister of God is to restrain us from nothing, but the doing of that which is evil, and to this we have no right: To practice evil is not liberty, but licentiousness. Can we conceive of a more perfect, equitable and generous plan of government, than this which the apostle has laid down, viz. to have rulers appointed over us, to encourage us every to good and virtuous action, to defend and protect us in our just rights and privileges; and to grant us everything that can tend to promote out true interest and happiness; to restrain every licentious action, and to punish everyone that would injure or harm us; to become a terror to evil doers, to make and execute such just and righteous laws, as shall effectually deter and hinder men from the commission of evil; and to attend continually upon this very thing; to make it their constant care and study day and night to promote the good and welfare of the community, and to oppose all evil practices. Deservedly may such rulers be called the ministers of God for good. They carry on the same benevolent design towards the community which they great governor of the universe does towards his whole creation. Tis the indispensible duty of a people to pay tribute, and to afford an easy and comfortable subsistence to such rulers, because they are the ministers of God, who are continually laboring and employing their time for the good of the community. He that resists such magistrates, does in a very emphatical sense resist the ordinance of God; he is an enemy to mankind, odious to God, and justly incurs the sentence of condemnation from the great judge of quick and dead. Obedience to such magistrates is yielding obedience to the will of God; and therefore ought to be performed from a sacred regard to the divine authority.

For any one from hence to infer, that the apostle enjoins in this text unlimited obedience to the worst of tyrants, and that he pronounces damnation upon those that resist the arbitrary measures of such pests of society, is just as good sense, as if one should affirm, that because the scripture enjoins us obedience to all the laws of God, therefore we may not oppose the power of darkness, or because we are commanded to submit to the ordinance of God, therefore we may not resist the ministers of satan. Such wild work must be made with the apostle before he can be brought to speak the language of oppression. It is as plain (I think) as words can make it, that according to this text, no tyrant can be a ruler; for the apostle’s definition of a ruler is, that he is not a terror to good works, but to the evil; and that he is one who is to praise and encourage those that do well; whenever then the ruler encourages them that do evil, and is a terror to those that do well, i.e. as soon as he becomes a tyrant, he forfeits his authority to govern, and becomes the minister of satan, and as such ought to be opposed.

I know, it is said, that the magistrates were at the time when the apostle wrote, heathens; and that Nero, that monster of tyranny was then emperor of Rome; that therefore the apostle by enjoining submission to the powers that then were, does require unlimited obedience to be yielded to the worst of tyrants. Now not to insist upon what has been often observed, viz. that this epistle was written most probably about the beginning of Nero’s reign, at which time he was a very humane and merciful prince, did everything that was generous and benevolent to the publick, and shewed every act of mercy, and tenderness to particulars; and therefore might at that time justly deserve the character of the minister of God for good to the people; I say, waving this; we will suppose that this epistle was written after that Nero was become a monster of tyranny and wickedness, it will by no means follow from thence, that the apostle meant to enjoin unlimited subjection to such an authority, or that he intended to affirm, that such a cruel despotick authority was the ordinance of God. The plain obvious sense of his words (as we have already seen) forbids such a construction to be put upon them; for they plainly imply a strong abhorrence and disapprobation of such a character, and clearly prove that Nero, so far for thus he was a tyrant, could not be the minister of God, nor have a right to claim submission from the people; so that this ought perhaps rather to be view’d as a severe satyr upon Nero, than as enjoyning any submission to him.

It is also worthy to be observed, that the apostle prudently wav’d mentioning any particular persons that were then in power; as it might have been construed in an invidious light, and exposed the primitive Christians to the severe resentments of the men that were then in power. He only in general requires submission to the higher powers, because the powers that be are ordain’d of God; now tho’ the emperor might at that time be such a tyrant, that he could with no propriety be said to be ordain’d of God, yet it would be somewhat strange if there were no men in power among the Romans, that acted up to the character of good magistrates, and that deserved to be esteemed as the ministers of God for good unto the people: If there were any such, notwithstanding the tyranny of Nero, the apostle might with great propriety enjoin submission to those powers that were ordain’d of God, and by so particularly pointing out the end and design of magistrates, and giving his definition of a ruler, he might design to shew, that neither Nero, nor any other tyrant, ought to be esteemed as the minister of God.

Or, rather, which appears to me to be the true sense, the apostle meant to speak of magistracy in general, without any particular reference to the emperor, or any other person in power, that was then at Rome; and the meaning of this passage is, as if he had said, it is the duty of every Christian to be a good subject of civil government, for the power and authority of the civil magistrate are from God, for the powers that be are ordain’d of God i.e. the authority of the magistrates that are now either at Rome, or elsewhere, is ordained of the Deity; wherever you find any lawful magistrates, remember, they are of divine ordination; but that you may understand what I mean, when I say, that magistrates are of divine ordination; I will shew you how you may discern, who are lawful magistrates and ordain’d of God, who pursue the publick good by honouring and encouraging those that do well, and punishing all that do evil; such and such only, wherever they are to be found, are the ministers of God for good; to resist such, is resisting the ordinance of God, and exposing yourselves to the divine wrath and condemnation.

In either of these senses, the text cannot make anything in favour of arbitrary government. Nor could he with any propriety tell them, that they need not be afraid of the power, so long as they did that which was good, if he meant to recommend an unlimited submission to a tyrannical Nero; for the best characters were the likeliest to fall a sacrifice to his malice. And besides, such an injunction would be directly contrary to his own practice, and the practice of the primitive Christians, who refused to comply with the sinful commands of men in power; their answer in such cases being this, we ought to obey God rather than men: Hence the apostle Paul himself suffered many cruel persecutions, because he would not renounce Christianity, but persisted in opposing the idolatrous worship of the pagan world.

This text being rescued from the absurd interpretations, which the favourers of arbitrary government have put upon it, turns out to be a noble confirmation of that free and generous plan of government, which the law of nature and reason points out to us. Nor can we desire a more equitable plan of government, than what the apostle has here laid down: For if we consult our happiness and real good, we can never wish for an unreasonable liberty, viz. a freedom to do evil, which according to the apostle, is the only thing that the magistrate is to refrain us from. To have a liberty to do whatever is fit, reasonable or good, is the highest degree of freedom, that rational beings can possess. And how honourable a station are those men placed in by the providence of God, whose business it is, to secure to men this rational liberty, and to promote the happiness and welfare of society, by suppressing vice and immorality, and by honouring and encouraging everything that is amiable, virtuous and praiseworthy? Such magistrates ought to be honoured and obeyed as the ministers of God, and the servants of the king of heaven. Can we conceive of a larger and more generous plan of government than this of the apostle? Or can we find words more plainly expressive of a disapprobation of an arbitrary and tyrannical government? I never read this text without admiring the beauty and nervousness of it: and I can hardly conceive how he could express more ideas in so few words, than he has done. We see here, in one view, the honor that belongs to the magistrate, because he is ordain’d of God for the publick good. We have his duty pointed out, viz. to honour and encourage the virtuous, to promote the real good of the community, and to punish all wicked and injurious persons. We are taught the duty of the subject, viz. to obey the magistrate for conscience sake, because he is ordain’d of God; and that rulers being continually employed under God for our good, are to be generously maintained, by the paying them tribute; and that disobedience to rulers is highly criminal, and will expose us to the divine wrath. The liberty of the subject is also clearly asserted, viz. that subjects are to be allowed to do everything that is in itself just and right, and are only to be restrained from being guilty of wrong actions. It is also strongly implied, that when rulers become oppressive to the subject, and injurious to the state, their authority, their respect, their maintenance, and the duty of submitting to them must immediately cease; they are then to be considered as the ministers of satan; and as such it becomes our indispensable duty to resist and oppose them.

Thus we see, that both reason and revelation perfectly agree in pointing out the nature, and design of government, viz. that it is to promote the welfare and happiness of the community; and that subjects have a right to do everything that is good, praise-worthy, and consistent with the good of the community, and are only to be restrain’d when they do evil, and are injurious either to individuals or the whole community; and that they ought to submit to every law, that is beneficial to the community for conscience sake, altho’ it may in some measure interfere with their private interest; for every good man will be ready to forego his private interest for the sake of being beneficial to the publick. Reason and revelation (we see) do both teach us, that our obedience to rulers is not unlimited; but that resistance is not only allowable, but an indispensable duty in the case of intolerable tyranny and oppression. From both reason and revelation, we learn, that as the publick safety is the supreme law of the state, being the true standard and measure by which we are to judge whether any law or body of laws are just or not, so legislators have a right to make, and require subjection to, any set of laws, that have a tendency to promote the good of the community.

Our governours have a right to take every proper method to form the minds of their subjects so, that they may become good members of society. The great difference that we may observe among the several classes of mankind, arise chiefly from their education, and their laws; hence men become virtuous or vicious; good common wealths-men, or the contrary, generous, noble and courageous, or base, mean spirited and cowardly; according to the impression that they have received from the government that they are under, together with their education, and the methods that have been practiced by their leaders to form their minds in early life: Hence the necessity of good laws to encourage every noble and virtuous sentiment, to suppress vice and immorality; to promote industry, and to punish idleness that parent of innumerable evils; to promote arts and sciences, and to banish ignorance from amongst mankind.

And as nothing tends like religion and the fear of God to make men good members of the common wealth; it is the duty of magistrates to become the patrons and promoters of religion and piety, and to make suitable laws for the maintaining publick worship, and decently supporting the teachers of religion: Such laws (I apprehend) are absolutely necessary for the well being of civil society. Such laws may be made consistent with all that liberty of conscience, which every good member of society ought to be possessed of; for as there are few, if any religious societies among us, but what profess to believe and practice all the great duties of religion and morality, that are necessary for the well being of society, and the safety of the state; let everyone be allow’d to attend worship in his own society, or in that way, that he judges most agreeable to the will of God, and let him be obliged to contribute his assistance to the supporting and defraying the necessary charges of his own meeting. In this case no one can have any right to complain, that he is depriv’d of liberty of conscience, seeing that he has a right to choose and freely attend that worship, that appears to him to be most agreeable to the will of God; and it must be very unreasonable for him to object against being obliged to contribute his part towards the support of that worship, which he has chosen. Whether some such method as this might not tend in a very eminent manner to promote the peace and welfare of society, I must leave to the wisdom of our legislators to determine; before it would take off some of the most popular objections against being obliged by law to support publick worship, while the law restricts that support only to one denomination.

But for the civil authority to pretend to establish particular modes of faith, and forms of worship, and to punish all that deviate from the standard which our superiors have set up, is attended with the most pernicious consequences to society: It cramps all free and rational enquiry; fills the world with hypocrites and superstitious bigots; nay with infidels and scepticks: It exposes men of religion and conscience to the rage and malice of fiery blind zealots; and dissolves every tender tye of human nature: In short, it introduces confusion and every evil work. And I cannot but look upon it as a peculiar blessing of heaven, that we live in a land where everyone can freely deliver his sentiments upon religious subjects, and have the privilege of worshipping God, according to the dictates of his own conscience, without any molestation or disturbance: A privilege which I hope, we shall ever keep up, and strenuously maintain. No principles ought ever to be discountenanced by civil authority, but such as tend to the subversion of the state. So long as a man is a good member of society, he is accountable to God alone for his religious sentiments: But when men are found disturbers of the publick peace, stirring up sedition, or practicing against the state, no pretence of religion or conscience, ought to screen them from being brought to condign punishment is either to make restitution to the injured, or to restrain men from committing the like crimes for the future, so when these important ends are answered, the punishment ought to cease; for whatever is inflicted upon a man under the notion of punishment, after these important ends are answered, is not a just and lawful punishment, but is properly cruelty, and base revenge.

From this account of civil government we learn, that the business of magistrates is weighty and important: It requires both wisdom and integrity: When either are wanting, government will be poorly administered; more especially if our governours are men of loose morals, and abandoned principles; for if a man is not faithful to God and his own soul, how can we expect, that he will be faithful to the publick. There was a great deal of propriety in the advice that Jethro gave to Moses to provide able men; men of truth, that feared God, and that hated covetousness, and to appoint them for rulers over the people. For it certainly implies a very gross absurdity to suppose, that those who are ordain’d of God for the publick good, should have no regard to the laws of God; or that the ministers of God should be despisers of the divine commands. David the man after God’s own heart, makes piety a necessary qualification in a ruler; he that ruleth over men (says he) must be just, ruling in the fear of GOD: It is necessary it should be so, for the welfare and happiness of the state; for to say nothing of the venality and corruption, of the tyranny and oppression, that will take place under unjust rulers; barely their vicious and irregular lives will have a most pernicious effect upon the lives and manners of their subjects; their authority becomes despicable in the opinion of discerning men: And besides, with what face can they make, or execute laws against vices, which they practice with greediness? A people that have a right of choosing their magistrates, are criminally guilty in the sight of heaven when they are govern’d by caprice and humor, or are influenced by bribery to choose magistrates, that are irreligious men, who are devoid of sentiment, are of bad morals and base lives. Men cannot be sufficiently sensible, what a curse they may bring upon themselves, and their posterity, by foolishly and wickedly choosing men of abandoned characters and profligate lives for their magistrates and rulers.

We have already seen, that magistrates who rule in the fear of God, ought not only to be obey’d as the ministers of God; but that they ought also to be handsomely supported, that they may cheerfully and freely attend upon the duties of their station; for it is a great shame and disgrace to society, to see men that serve the public, laboring under indigent and needy circumstances; and besides, it is a maxim of eternal truth, that the labourer is worthy of his reward.

It is also a great duty incumbent on people to treat those in authority with all becoming honour and respect, to be very careful of casting any aspersion upon their characters. To despise government and to speak evil of dignities is represented in scripture as one of the worst of characters; and it was an injunction of Moses, thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people. Great mischief may ensue upon reviling the character of good rulers; for the unthinking herd of mankind are very apt to give ear to scandal: And when it falls upon men in power, it brings their authority into contempt, lessens their influence, and disheartens them from doing that service to the community of which they are capable: Whereas, when they are properly honoured, and treated with that respect which is due to their station; it inspires them with courage and a noble ardor to sere the publick; their influence among the people is strengthened, and their authority becomes firmly established. We ought to remember, that they are men like to ourselves, liable to the same imperfections and infirmities with the rest of us, and therefore so long as they aim at the publick good, their mistakes, misapprehensions and infirmities ought to be treated with the utmost humanity and tenderness.

But tho’ I would recommend to all Christians, as a part of the duty that they owe to magistrates, to treat them with proper honour and respect; none can reasonably suppose, that I mean that they ought to be flattered in their vices, or honoured and caressed while they are seeking to undermine and ruin the state: For this would be wickedly betraying our just rights, and we should be guilty of our own destruction: We ought ever to persevere with firmness and fortitude in maintaining and contending for all that liberty, that the Deity has granted us: It is our duty to be ever watchful over our just rights, and not suffer them to be wrested out of our hands by any of the artifices of tyrannical oppressors. But there is a wide difference between being jealous of our rights, when we have the strongest reason to conclude, that they are invaded by our rulers, and being unreasonably suspicious of men that are zealously endeavouring to support the constitution, only because we do not thoroughly comprehend all their designs: The first argues a noble and generous mind, the other a low and base spirit.

Thus have I considered the nature of the duty enjoin’d in the text, and have endeavoured to shew, that the same principles that require obedience to lawful magistrates, do also require us to resist tyrants; this I have confirm’d from reason, and scripture.

It was with a particular view to the present unhappy controversy that subsists between us, and Great-Britain, that I chose to discourse upon the nature and design of government, and the rights and duties both of governors, and governed, that so, justly understanding our rights and privileges, we may stand firm in our opposition to ministerial tyranny, while at the same time we pay all proper obedience and submission to our lawful magistrates; and that while we are contending for liberty, we may avoid running into licentiousness; and that we may preserve the due medium between submitting to tyranny, and running into anarchy. I acknowledge that I have undertaken a difficult task; but, as it appear’d to me, the present state of affairs loudly call’d for such a discourse; and therefore I hope the wise, the generous, and the good will candidly receive my good intentions to serve the public. I shall now apply this discourse to the grand controversy that at this day subsists between Great-Britain and the American colonies.

And here in the first place, I cannot but take notice, how wonderfully providence has smiled upon us by causing the several colonies to unite so firmly together against the tyranny of Great-Britain, tho’ differing from each other in their particular interest, forms of government, modes of worship, and particular customs and manners; besides several animosities that had subsisted among them. That under these circumstances, such an union should take place, as we now behold, was a thing that might rather have been wished than hoped for.

And in the next place, Who could have thought, that when our charter was vacated, when we became destitute of any legislative authority; and when our courts of justice in many parts of the country were stop’d, so that we could neither make, nor execute laws upon offenders, who I say would have thought, that in such a situation, the people should behave so peaceably, and maintain such good order and harmony among themselves! This is a plain proof, that they having not the civil law to regulate themselves by, became a law unto themselves; and by their conduct they have shewn, that they were regulated by the law of God written in their hearts. This is the Lord’s doing, and it ought to be marvelous in our eyes.

From what has been said in this discourse, it will appear, that we are in the way of our duty, in opposing the tyranny of Great-Britain; for if unlimited submission is not due to any human power; if we have an undoubted right to oppose and resist a set of tyrants, that are subverting our just rights and privileges, there cannot remain a doubt in any man, that will calmly attend to reason, whether we have a right to resist and oppose the arbitrary measures of the King and Parliament; for it is plain to demonstration, nay it is in a manner self-evident, that they have been, and are endeavouring to deprive us not only of the privileges of Englishmen, and our charter rights, but they have endeavour’d to deprive us of what is much more sacred, viz. the privileges of men and Christians ²i.e. they are robbing us of the unalienable rights, that the God of nature has given us in his written word as Christians, and disciples of that Jesus, who came to redeem us from the bondage of sin, and the tyranny of satan, and to grant us the most perfect freedom, even the glorious liberty of the sons and children of God; that here they have endeavour’d to deprive us of the sacred charter of the king of heaven. But we have this for our consolation, the Lord reigneth, he governs the world in righteousness, and will avenge the cause of the oppressed, when they cry unto him. We have made our appeal to heaven, and we cannot doubt, but that the judge of all the earth will do right.

Need I upon this occasion descend to particulars? Can anyone be ignorant what the things are of which we complain? Does not everyone know, that the King and Parliament have assumed the right to tax us without our consent? And can anyone be so lost to the principles of humanity and common sense, as not to view their conduct in this affair as a very grievous imposition? Reason and equity require that no one be obliged to pay a tax that he has never consented to, either by himself, or by his representative: But as divine providence has plaed us at so great a distance from Great-Britain, that we neither are, nor can be properly represented in the British parliament; it is a plain proof that the Deity design’d, that we should have the powers of legislation and taxation among ourselves: For can any suppose it to be reasonable, that a set of men that are perfect strangers to us, should have the uncontroulable right to lay the most heavy and grievous burdens upon us that they please, purely to gratify their unbounded avarice and luxury? Must we be obliged to perish with cold and hunger to maintain them in idleness, in all kinds of debauchery and dissipation? But if they have the right to take our property from us without our consent, we must be wholly at their mercy for our food and raiment, and we know by sad experience, that their tender mercies are cruel.

But because we were not willing to submit to such an unrighteous and cruel decree; tho’ we modestly complain’d and humbly petition’d for a redress of grievances, instead of hearing our complaints and granting our requests, they have gone on to add iniquity to transgression, by making several cruel and unrighteous acts. Who can forget the cruel act to block up the harbor of Boston, whereby thousands of innocent persons must have been inevitably ruin’d had they not been supported by the continent? Who can forget the act for vacating our charter, together with many other cruel acts which, it is needless to mention? But not being able to accomplish their wicked purposes by meer acts of parliament, they have proceeded to commence open hostilities against us; and have endeavour’d to destroy us by fire and sword; our towns they have burnt, our brethren they have slain, our vessels they have taken, and our goods they have spoiled. And after all this wanton exertion of arbitrary power, is there he man that has any of the feelings of humanity left, who is not fired with a noble indignation against such merciless tyrants; who have not only brought upon us all the horrors of a civil war, but have also added a piece of barbarity unknown to Turks and Mahometan infidels; yea such as would be abhor’d and detested by the savages of the wilderness: I mean their cruelly forcing our brethren, whom they have taken prisoners, without any distinction of whig or tory, to serve on board their ships of war, thereby obliging them to take up arms against their own countrymen, and to fight against their brethren, their wives, and their children, and to assist in plundering their own estates. This my brethren, is done by men who call themselves Christians against their Christian brethren against men who till now gloried in the name of Englishmen, and who were ever ready to spend their lives and fortunes in the defence of British rights: Tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the streets of Ashkelon, lest it cause our enemies to rejoice, and our adversaries to triumph. Such a conduct as this, brings a great reproach upon the profession of Christianity, nay it is a great scandal even to human nature itself.

It would be highly criminal not to feel a due resentment against such tyrannical monsters. It is an indispensable duty my brethren which we owe to God, and our country, to rouse up and bestir ourselves, and being animated with a noble zeal for the sacred cause of liberty, to defend our lives, and fortunes, even to the shedding the last drop of blood. The love of our country, the tender affection that we have for our wives and children, the regard we ought to have for unborn posterity, yea everything that is dear and sacred, do now loudly call upon us, to use our best endeavours to save our country: We must eat our plow-shares into swords, and our pruning hooks into spears, and learn the art of self-defence against our enemies. To be careless and remiss, or to neglect the cause of our country thro’ the base motives of avarice, and self interest, will expose us not only to the resentments of our fellow creatures, but to the displeasure of God Almighty: For to such base wretches in such a time as this, we may apply with the utmost propriety that passage in Jer. 48 chap. ver. 10. Cursed be he that doeth the work of the Lord deceitfully, and cursed be he, that keepeth back his sword from blood. To save our country from the hands of our oppressors, ought to be dearer to us, even than our own lives, and next the eternal salvation of our own souls, is the thing of the greatest importance: A duty so sacred, that it cannot justly be dispensed with for the sake of our secular concerns: Doubtless for this reason God has been pleased, to manifest his anger against those who have refused to assist their country against its cruel oppressors. Hence in a case similar to ours, when the Israelites were struggling to deliver themselves from the tyranny of Jabin the king of Canaan, we find a most bitter curse denounced against those, who refused to grant their assistance in the common cause; see Judges 5th, ver. 23. Curse ye Meroz (said the angel of the Lord) Curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof, because they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty.

Now if such a bitter curse is denounced against those, who refused to assist their country against its oppressors, what a dreadful doom are those exposed to, who have not only refused to assist their country in this time of distress, but hae thro’ motives of interest or ambition shewn themselves enemies to their country by opposing us in the measures that we have taken, and by openly favouring the British Parliament. He that is so lost to humanity, as to be willing to sacrifice his country for the sake of avarice or ambition, has arrived to the highest stage of wickedness, that human nature is capable of, and deserves a much worse name, than I at present care to give him; but I think I may with propriety say, that such a person has forfeited his right to human society, and that he ought to take up his abode not among the savage men, but among the savage beasts of the wilderness.

Nor can I wholly excuse from blame those timid persons, who thro’ their own cowardice, have been induced to favour our enemies, and have refused to act in defence of their country: For a due sense of the ruin and destruction that our enemies are bringing upon us, is enough to raise such a resentment in the human breast, that would (I should think) be sufficient to banish fear from the most timid make: And besides to indulge cowardice in such a cause, argues a want of faith in God; for can he that firmly believes and relies upon the providence of God, doubt, whether h e will avenge the cause of the injured when they apply to him for help: For my own part, when I consider the dispensations of providence towards this land, ever since our fathers first settled in Plymouth, I find abundant reason to conclude, that the great sovereign of the universe, has planted a vine in this American wilderness, which he has caused to take deep root, and it has filled the land, and that he will never suffer it to be plucked up, or destroyed.

Our fathers fled from the rage of prelatical tyranny and persecution, and came into this land in order to enjoy liberty of conscience; and they have increased to a great people: Many have been the interpositions of divine providence on our behalf, both in our fathers days and ours: And though we are now engaged in a war with Great-Britain, yet we hae been prospered in a most wonderful manner: And can we think, that he, who has thus far helped us, will give us up into the hands of our enemies? Certainly he, that has begun to deliver us, will continue to shew his mercy towards us, in saving us from the hands of our enemies; he will not forsake us, if we do not forsake him. Our cause is so just and good, that nothing can prevent our success, but only our sins. Could I see a spirit of repentance and reformation prevail through the land I should not have the least apprehension, or fear of being brought under the iron rod of slavery, even though all the powers of the globe were combined against us: And though I confess, that the irreligion and prophaneness, which are so common among us, gives something of a damp to my spirits, yet I cannot help hoping, and even believing, that providence has designed this continent for to be the asylum of liberty and true religion; for can we suppose, that that God who created us free agents, and designed that we should glorify and serve him in this world, that we might enjoy him forever hereafter, will suffer liberty and true religion to be banished from off the face of the earth? But do not we find that both religion and liberty seem to be expiring and gasping for life in the other continent, where then can they find an harbor, or place of refuge but in this?

There are some who pretend that it is against their consciences to take up arms in defence of their country; but can any rational being suppose, that the Deity can require us to contradict the law of nature, which he has written in our hearts, a part of which I am sure is the principle of self defence, which strongly prompts us all to oppose any power that would take away our lives, or the lives of our friends: Now for men to take pains to destroy the tender feelings of human nature, and to eradicate the principles of self preservation, and then to persuade themselves that in so doing, they submit to, and obey the will of God, is a plain proof how easily men may be led to pervert the very first and plainest principles of reason and common sense, and argues a gross corruption of the human mind. We find such persons are very inconsistent with themselves, for no men are more zealous to defend their property, and to secure their estates from the encroachments of others, while they refuse to defend their persons, their wives, their children, and their country against the assaults of the enemy. We see to what unaccountable lengths men will run, when once they leave the plain road of common sense, and violate the law, which God has written in the heart: Thus some have thought, they did God service, when they unmercifully butchered and destroyed the lives of the servants of God; while others upon the contrary extreme believe, that they please God while they sit still, and quietly behold their friends and brethren killed by their unmerciful enemies, without endeavouring to defend, or rescue them. The one is a sin of omission, and the other is a sin of commission, and it may perhaps be difficult to say under certain circumstances, which is the most criminal in the fight of heaven; of this I am sure, that they are both of them great violations of the law of God.

Having thus endeavoured to shew the lawfulness and necessity of defending ourselves against the tyranny of Great-Britain, I would observe, that providence seems plainly to point to us the expediency, and even necessity of our considering ourselves as an independent state: For not to consider the absurdity implied, in making war against a power, to which we profess to own subjection, to pass by the impracticability of our ever coming under subjection to Great-Britain upon fair and equitable terms; we may observe, that the British parliament has virtually declared us an independent state by authorizing their ships of war to seize all American property, wherever they can find it, without making any distinction between the friends of administration, and those that have appeared in opposition to the acts of parliament. This is making us a distinct nation from themselves; they can have no right any longer to stile us rebels; for rebellion implies a particular faction risen up in opposition to lawful authority, and as such the factious party ought to be punished, while those that remain loyal are to be protected: But when war is declared against a whole community without distinction, and the property of each party is declared to be seizable; this, if anything can be, is treating us as an independent state: Now if they are pleased to consider us, as in a state of independency, who can object against our considering ourselves so too.

But while we are nobly opposing with our lives and estates, the tyranny of the British parliament, let us not forget the duty which we owe to our lawful magistrates; let us never mistake licentiousness for liberty. The more we understand the principles of liberty, the more readily shall we yield obedience to lawful authority: For no man can oppose good government, but he that is a stranger to true liberty. Let us ever check and restrain the factious disturbers of the peace, whenever we meet with persons, that are loth to submit to lawful authority, let us treat them with the contempt, which they deserve, and ever esteem them as the enemies of their country, and the pests of society. It is with peculiar pleasure, that I reflect upon the peaceable behavior of my countrymen, at a time when the courts of justice were stopped, and the execution of laws suspended; it will certainly be expected of a people, that could behave so well, when they had nothing to restrain them, but the laws written in their hearts, that they will yield all ready and cheerful obedience to lawful authority: There is at present, the utmost need of guarding ourselves against a seditious and factious temper; for when we are engaged with so powerful an enemy from without, our political salvation under God does in an eminent manner depend upon our being firmly united together in the bonds of love to one another, and of due submission to lawful authority. I hope we shall never give any just occasion to our adversaries to reproach us as being men of turbulent dispositions, and licentious principles, that cannot bear to be restrained by good and wholesome laws, even though they are of our own making, nor submit to rulers of our own chusing: But I have reason to hope much better things of my countrymen, though I thus speak. However, in this time of difficulty and distress, we cannot be too much guarded against the left approaches to discord and faction. Let us while we are jealous of our rights, take heed of unreasonable suspicions, and evil surmises, which have no proper foundation. Let us take heed, lest we hurt the cause of liberty by speaking evil of the ruler of the people.

Let us treat our rulers, with all that honor and respect, which the dignity of their station requires; but let it be such an honor and respect as is worthy of the sons of freedom to give: Let us ever abhor the base arts, that are used by fawning parasites, and cringing courtiers, who by their low artifices, and base flatteries obtain offices and posts, which they are unqualified to sustain; and honors, of which they are unworthy, and oftentimes have a greater number of places assigned them, than any one person of the greatest abilities can ever properly fill; by means of which, the community becomes greatly injured, for this reason, that many an important trust remains undischarg’d, and many an honest and worthy member of society is deprived of those honors and privileges to which he has a just right; whilst the most despicable worthless courtier is loaded with honourable and profitable commissions. In order to avoid this evil, I hope, our legislators will always despise flattery as something below the dignity of a rational mind, and that they will ever scorn the man that will be corrupted, or take a bribe. And let us all resolve with ourselves, that no motives of interest, nor hopes of preferment, shall ever induce us to act the part of fawning courtiers towards men in power. Let the honor and respect, which we shew our superiors, be true and genuine, flowing from a sincere and upright heart.

The honors that have been paid to arbitrary princes, have often been very hypocritical and insincere: Tyrants have been flattered in their vices, and have often had an idolatrous reverence paid them. The worst princes have been the most flattered and adored: And many such in the pagan world assumed the title of gods; and had divine honors paid them. This idolatrous reverence has ever been the inseparable concomitant of arbitrary power, and tyrannical government: For even Christian princes, if they have not been adored under the character of gods, yet the titles given them, strongly favor of blasphemy, and the reverence paid them is really idolatrous. What right has a poor sinful worm of the dust to claim the title of his most sacred Majesty; most sacred certainly belongs only to God alone, for there is none holy as the Lord; yet how common is it to see this title given to kings? And how often have we been told, that the king can do no wrong, even though he should be so foolish and wicked as hardly to be capable of ever being in the right? Yet still it must be asserted and maintained, that it is impossible for him to do wrong?

The cruel savage disposition of tyrants, and the idolatrous reverence that is paid them, are both most beautifully exhibited to view by the apostle John in the revelation, 13th chap. from the first to the tenth ver. Where the apostle gives a description of an horrible wild beast³ which he saw rise out of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns, and upon his heads the names of blasphemy: By heads are to be understood forms of government, and by blasphemy, idolatry; so that it seems implied, that there will be a degree of idolatry in every form of tyrannical government. This beast is represented as having the body of a leopard, the feet of a bear, and the mouth of a lion, i.e. an horrible monster possessed of the rage and fury of the lion, the fierceness of the bear, and the swiftness of the leopard to seize and devour its prey; can words more strongly point out or exhibit in more lively colours, the exceeding rage, fury and impetuosity of tyrants in their destroying and making havock of mankind. To this beast we find the dragon gave his power, seat and great authority, i.e. the devil constituted him to be his vicegerent on earth; this is to denote that tyrants are the ministers of satan, ordained by him for the destruction of mankind.

Such an horrible monster we should have thought, would have been abhorred and detested of all mankind, and that all nations would have joined their powers and forces together, to oppose and utterly destroy him from off the face of the earth: But so far are they from doing this, that on the contrary, they are represented as worshipping him, ver. 8. And all that dwell on the earth shall worship him, viz. all those whose names are not written in the lamb’s book of life, i.e. the wicked world shall pay him an idolatrous reverence, and worship him with a godlike adoration. What can in a more lively manner shew the gross stupidity and wickedness of mankind, in thus tamely giving up their just rights into the hands of tyrannical monsters, and in so readily paying them such an unlimited obedience, as is due to God alone.

We may observe farther, that these men are said, ver. 4. To worship the dragon; not that it is to be supposed that they in direct terms paid divine homage to satan, but that the adoration paid to the beast, who was satan’s vicegerent, did ultimately center in him. Hence we learn that those who pay an undue and sinful veneration to tyrants, are properly the servants of the devil, they are worshippers of the prince of darkness, for in him all that undue homage and adoration centers, that is given to his ministers. Hence that terrible denunciation of divine wrath against the worshippers of the beast and his image: Rev. 14th, ver. 9th, 10th, and 11th, If any man worship the beast and his image, and receive his mark in his forehead, or in his hand, the same shall drink of the wine of the wrath of GOD which is poured out without mixture into the cup of his indignation, and he shall be tormented with fire and brimstone in the presence of the holy angels, and in the presence of the Lamb; and the smoke of their torment ascendeth up forever and ever: And they have no rest day nor night, who worship the beast and his image, and who receive the mark of his name. We have here set forth in the clearest manner by the inspired apostle, God’s abhorrence of tyranny and tyrants, together with the idolatrous reverence, that their wretched subjects are wont to pay them, and the awful denunciation of divine wrath, against those who are guilty of this undue obedience to tyrants.

Does it not then highly concern us all to stand fast in the liberty wherewith heaven has made us free, and to strive to get the victory over the beast and his image, over every species of tyranny. Let us look upon a freedom from the power of tyrants, as a blessing, that cannot be purchased too dear; and let us bless God, that he has so far delivered us from that idolatrous reverence, which men are so very apt to pay to arbitrary tyrants; and let us pray that he would be pleased graciously to perfect the mercy he has begun to shew us by confounding the devices of our enemies, and bringing their counsels to nought, and by establishing our just rights and privileges, upon such a firm and lasting basis, that the powers of earth and hell shall not prevail against it.

Under God, every person in the community ought to contribute his assistance to the bringing about so glorious and important an event; but in a more eminent manner does this important business belong to the gentlemen, that are chosen to represent the people in this general assembly, including those, that have been appointed members of the honourable council board.

Honoured fathers, we look up to you in this day of calamity and distress, as the guardians of our invaded rights, and the defenders of our liberties against British tyranny; you are called in providence to save your country from ruin. A trust is reposed in you of the highest importance to the community, that can be conceived of, its business the most noble and grand, and a task the most arduous and difficult to accomplish, that ever engag’d the human mind. (I mean as to things of the present life). But a you are engaged in the defence of a just and righteous cause, you may with firmness of mind commit your cause to God, and depend on his kind providence for direction and assistance. You will have the fervent wishes and prayers of all good men, that God would crown all your labours with success, and direct you into such measures as shall tend to promote the welfare and happiness of the community, and afford you all that wisdom and prudence, which is necessary to regulate the affairs of state, at this critical period.

Honoured fathers of the house of Representatives: We trust to your wisdom and goodness, that you will be led to appoint such men to be in Council, whom you know to be men of real principle, and who are of unblemished lives, that have shewn themselves zealous and hearty friends to have liberties of America, and men, that have the fear of God before their eyes; for such only are the men, that can be depended upon uniformly to pursue the general good.

My reverend Fathers and Brethren in the ministry will remember, that according to our text, it is part of the work and business of a gospel minister, to teach his hearers the duty they owe to magistrates. Let us then endeavour to explain the nature of their duty faithfully, and shew them the difference between liberty and licentiousness; and while we are animating them to oppose tyranny and arbitrary power, let us inculcate upon them, the duty of yielding due obedience to lawful authority. In order to the right and faithful discharge of this part of our ministry, it is necessary, that we should thoroughly study the law of nature, the rights of mankind, and the reciprocal duties of governours and governed: By this means, we shall be able to guard them against the extremes of slavish submission to tyrants on one hand, and of sedition and licentiousness on the other. We may I apprehend, attain a thorough acquaintance with the law of nature, and the rights of mankind, while we remain ignorant of many technical terms of law, and are utterly unacquainted with the obscure and barbarous latin, that was so much used in the ages of popish darkness and superstition.

To conclude, While we are fighting for liberty, and striving against tyranny, let us remember to fight to good fight of faith, and earnestly seek to be delivered from that bondage of corruption, which we are brought into by sin, and that we may be made partakers of the glorious liberty of the sons and children of God: Which may the father of mercies grant us all, thro’ Jesus Christ!

AMEN.

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Endnotes

¹. This shews the reason, why the primitive Christians did not oppose the cruel persecutions, that were inflicted upon them by the heathen magistrates: They were few compared with the heathen world; and for them to have attempted to resist their enemies by force, would have been like a small parcel of sheep endeavouring to oppose a large number of ravening wolves and savage beasts of prey: It would without a miracle have brought upon them inevitable ruin and destruction. Hence the wise and prudent advice of our Saviour to them is, when they persecute you in this city, flee ye to another.

². The meaning is not, that they have attempted to deprive us of liberty of conscience, but that they have attempted to take away those rights, which God has invested us with as his creatures, and confirmed in his gospel, by which believers have a covenant right to the good tidings of this present life and world.

³. Wild beast,–By the beast with seven heads and ten horns, I understand the tyranny of arbitrary princes, viz. the emperors and kings of the eastern and western roman empire, and not the tyranny of the pope and clergy, for the description of every part of this beast will answer better to be understood of political, than of ecclesiastical tyrants. Thus the seven heads are generally interpreted, to denote the several forms of roman government; the ten horns are understood of the ten kingdoms that were set up in the western empire; and by the body of the beast it seems most natural to understand the eastern or greek empire; for it is said to be like a leopard, this image is taken from Daniel 7. V. 6. Where the third beast is said to be like a leopard. Now by the third beast in Daniel is understood by the best interpreters the Grecian monarchy; It is well known but that John frequently borrows his images from Daniel, and I believe it will be found upon a critical examination of the matter, that whenever he does so, he means the same thing with Daniel; if this be true, (as I am fully persuaded it is) then by the body of this beast being like a leopard in the revelation of John, is to be understood the eastern or greek empire, which was that part of the old roman empire that remained whole for several ages after the western empire was broken into ten kingdoms. Further, after the beast was risen, it is said that the dragon gave him his seat; now by the dragon is meant the devil, who is represented as presiding over the roman empire in its pagan state; but the seat of the roman empire in its pagan state was Rome: Here then is a prophecy that the emperor of the east should become possess’d of Rome, which exactly agrees with what we know from history to be fact, for the emperor Justinian’s generals having expelled the Goths out of Italy, Rome was brought into subjection to the emperor of the east, and was for a long time governed by the emperor’s lieutenant, who resided at Ravenna. These considerations convince me, that the greek empire, and not the pope and his clergy, is to be understood by the body of the beast, which was like a leopard: And what further confirms me in this belief is, that it appears to me that the pope, and the papal clergy are to be understood by the second beast, which we read of in Rev. 13th ver. 11—17th, for of him it is said that he had two horns like a lamb: A lamb, we know, is the figure by which Jesus Christ is signified in the Revelation, and many other arts of the new-testament, the pope claims both a temporal and spiritual sovereignty denoted by the two horns under the character of being the vicar of Jesus Christ, and yet under this high pretence of being the vicar of Jesus Christ, he speaks like a dragon, i.e. he promotes idolatry in the Christian church, in like manner as the dragon did in the heathen world. To distinguish him from the first beast, he is called Rev. 19. The false prophet that wrought miracles, i.e. like Mahomet he pretends to be a lawgiver and claims infallibility, and his emissaries endeavour to confirm this doctrine by pretended miracles: How wonderfully do all these characters agree to the pope? Wherefore I conclude, that the second and not the first beast, denotes the tyranny of the pope and his clergy.