Era or Event: 1770s-1780s: War for Independence

 

A

Sermon

Preached before the Honorable House of

Representatives

On the Day intended for the Choice of

Counselors,

Agreeable to the Advice of the

Continental Congress

By William Gordon,
Pastor of the Third Church of Roxbury

 

An
ELECTION-SERMON.I have no other apology to offer, for my venturing to appear here upon the present occasion, nor do I desire a better, than what arises from the concern which the late honorable Provincial Congress had in promoting it. I am conscious they could not choose me to this service, in preference to my reverend fathers and brethren in the ministry, from an apprehension of superior abilities; but that it was owing to a special connection with them, and their persuasion that I had a zeal, for the cause of liberty, the Continent in general, and the welfare of this Colony in particular, answerable to their own most ardent wishes. I shall endeavor to support the justness of that persuasion, by exercising a faithfulness that would have suited the earliest days of the Country’s settlement; and shall flatter myself with the most candid allowances from so respectable an audience, as oft as my knowledge is surpassed by zeal, considering that the last should predominate, now that the times call for vigorous non-abating exertions.

The text upon which I shall ground what I have further to say, you have in these words of the Prophet Jeremiah, recorded 30th chap. 20, 21, 22 ver. Their children also shall be as aforetime, and their congregation shall be established, before me, and I will punish all that oppress them; and their nobles shall be of themselves—the sentence is not perfected without the addition of –and their governor shall proceed from the midst of them—but the wisdom of the Continental Congress, in which we cheerfully confide hath restrained me from making it a part of the text. In an abler hand and some fitter time, it may of itself single and alone, suffice for a complete text, Amen. So let it be.

---

 

Sin having entered the world depraved mankind, and given a pernicious bias to every human heart, and best constitutions, whether civil or sacred, do after a while degenerate the spirit of them departs, they retain only their outward forms, and by degrees lose even these. That millennia stare, in which many believe, could not continue vigorous and flourishing, through the period of a thousand years, without the constant miraculous interposition of divine power in restraining and keeping down the corrupt disposition of mortal men.

The Jewish establishment, both in church and state, was the ordinance of heaven given in an uncommon manner, and, at the time, the best in the whole world; but it was soon corrupted, and at length so enormously, that the patience of God would not spare the people. The Jews were exercised with heavy divine judgments for their various transgressions in civil and sacred matters, and at last carried away captive to a distant country. However it was not their destruction, but reformation that the Lord Jehovah intended; and therefore, to encourage their repentance, by letting them see that their case was not desperate, and keep them from fainting under their sore trials, the prophet Jeremiah is commissioned to deliver to them the following gracious, soul-reviving message, viz. “Thus saith the Lord, behold, I will bring again the captivity of Jacob’s roots, and have mercy on his dwelling places: and the city shall be built upon her own heap—her former foundation—and the palace shall remain after the manner thereof. And out of them shall proceed thanksgiving, and the voice of them that make merry: and I will also glorify them, and they shall not be small. Their children also shall be as aforetime, and their congregation or assembly (for they are synonymous terms) shall be established before me, and I will punish all that oppress them: and their nobles—leading men of rank the intermediate persons between the assembly and first magistrate in the land—shall be of themselves; and their governor shall proceed from the midst of them, and I will cause him to draw near, and he shall approach unto me: for who is this that engaged his heart to approach unto me, faith the Lord? And ye shall be my people, and I will be your God.” [Jeremiah 30:20-22] Here it’s promised the Jews, by Him, whose veracity might be relied on and whose power could accomplish the event, that their affairs should be brought back to their original state, that they should possess their old form of government, and that they should have the satisfaction of seeing those punished, who had in instrumentally occasioned their calamities, for that the Lord himself would punish them.

A people, when under national judgments or the iron rod of oppression cannot help looking back to those times, when the constitution was in a prosperous and healthy condition—nor having an attachment to those modes of government, to which they had been long habituated, and which they had experienced to be peculiarly favorable to the common rights of human nature, and to have secured them a greater share of the same, than is enjoyed by mankind in general. And when they are encouraged by a divine promise, to look back to them as what they shall be re-possessed of, they must feel the most pleasing emotions, next to those arising from actual enjoyment.

The Jews are told in our text, that their children should be as aforetime. The word children doth not necessarily refer to minors, being frequently used in a much larger sense: Thus the children of Benjamin means the tribe of Benjamin the people of Israel and the people of Judah, the people of Israel and the people of Judah. Their children may therefore intend the body of the Jewish nation; and their being as aforetime, their enjoying that former freedom and prosperity with which they were acquainted in the best days of their political existence.

The best times that the Jewish people ever knew were, I apprehend, those of the judges; before their taste for grandeur, and foolish fondness for being like neighbors, states, made them weary of their plain, simple modes and manners, and put them upon choosing a royal government. During the period of the judges, they were once and again, for their iniquities, given into the hand of oppressors: but when their vices did not bring them under the divine judgments, they were in the full enjoyment of liberty. Every man’s house was his castle—every man’s property was his own—he exercised a supreme authority under, and over his own vine, and his own fig tree; and, wherein he trespassed not upon the rights of his fellow creatures, nor interfered with the Mosaic establishment, did that which was right in his own eyes, without being subject to the counsel even of a crowned head, much less of crown officers; for in those days there was no king of Israel. He could plant or pluck up; could build or destroy; could go here and there; could exercise dominion over the fishes of the sea, no less than over the beasts of the field; and could trade where and in what he would.

The period of the Judges was not only a time of freedom, but a time of prosperity, viewed both in a civil and sacred light. Where fancy, the lusts of the flesh and of the eye, together with the pride of life, captivate the judgment, the Jews may have thought to have been in the greatest prosperity under the reign of Solomon; when the king made silver to be in Jerusalem as stones, and cedars as sycamore trees that are in the vale of abundance; when the Jewish court shone with a superior and dazzling luster; and when their public and private buildings were executed in the highest taste, and with the most costly magnificence, so as to be the wonder of mankind,. But had it been really the case, would the people of Israel have united as one, in the commencement to the next reign, and have complained, to his son and successor Rehoboam, of his grievous service and heavy yoke? Would they have been so enraged with Rehoboam’s answering them roughly, as to forget their fondness for his grandfather, and to revolt from him, crying out, “What portion have we in David? Neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse: to your tents, O Israel; no see to thine house, David”? [I Kings 12:16] Would all the tribes have revolted except Judah and Benjamin, where the seat of government was established, court influence was the greatest, and the inhabitants monopolized the advantage of those taxes and imports that were collected through the kingdom? There is a national prosperity consisting in superfluities, that catches the imagination of the vulgar, whether in high or low life, but that weakens the internal strength of a people, and breeds many public disorders. And there is a national prosperity, formed out of the temperance, valor, firmness, and virtue of a people, in easy though not affluent circumstances, having enough to make themselves safe and happy, though not to entice others into the attempt of making them a prey. Of this last kind was the civil prosperity of the Jews in the days of the judges. The nearer a state approaches to, and the more its confirmed in, this kind of civil prosperity, the safer and longer, in all probability, will be the enjoyment of its liberties. But besides a civil, the Jews were acquainted with a sacred prosperity in the days of the judges. Allowing for numbers, ‘tis probable that religion in the powers of it, never flourished more among them, than in the beginning of that period. It is certain that Moses himself was not only a lawgiver to but a judge of Israel. Joshua succeeded him in the exercise of all his power, subject to the observance of that law which Moses had given, by which even Moses himself was bound having received it from God. The people said to Joshua, all that thou commandest us we will do, and whithersoever thou sendest us we will go. According as we hearkened unto Moses in all things, so will we hearken unto thee. [Joshua 1:16-17] And we further read, that they served the Lord all the days of Joshua, who had seen all the great works of the Lord that he did for Israel. [Judges 2:7] But we are told, that after all that generation was gathered unto their fathers, there arose another generation after them, which knew not the Lord, nor yet the works which he had done for the sight of the Lord, and served Baalim, and forsook the Lord God of their fathers, which brought them out of the Land of Egypt, and followed other gods. [Judges 2:10] The earliest days of a state are generally the most pure and religious. The prevailing principles of individuals at such a seasons, providential interpositions that they are eye-witnessed to, and are strongly affected with from the peculiarity of their situation, and the modes they are under a necessity of necessity of adopting , lead to it.

Having considered the first sentence in our text, let us attend to the next, in which the Lord says, and their congregation (or assembly) shall be established before me. The Jews having a fixed code of laws, and a provision for confusing and knowing the mind of the Lord upon special occasions, they needed not as other Free governments, an house of representatives or assembly. But they had three grand festivals annually, when all the males, whose age and health admitted, repaired to Jerusalem. The enjoyment of these stated seasons, calculated, to keep up the remembrance of what great things God had done for them, at the commencement of their national existence, to promote mutual affection by bringing individuals from the most distant part of the land into an acquaintance with each other, and to afford them an opportunity for promoting any schemes for public utility, was considered as a blessing and not as a burden by the wife and prudent. The restoration and confirmation of these seasons, after they had been interrupted by the captivity, is therefore enumerated in the catalogue of mercies with which the Jews were to be favored. The congregation or assembly of the people, before the Lord in the capital of the country, should be fixed and confirmed; be made certain and perpetual. The Jewish festivals should be again observed with the voice of joy and the voice of gladness, without the hazard of a suspension; and should be even heightened by the exemplary punishment, that the Lord would inflict upon those that oppressed the Jews.

Thus saith the Lord, I will punish all that oppress them. Was it absolutely unlawful for a people to wish for the punishment of those, who have been the instrumental occasion of their calamities, or to have a pleasing satisfaction in finding that they are punished, we cannot imagine that the same would be promised, in order to sooth the sufferings of the oppressed. Some may indulge a private revengeful malicious spirit against their oppressors, which neither scripture nor reason will justify: but an attachment to one’s country, the cause of truth and equity, and the rights of man-kind—the love of justice—a desire of benefiting the earth by public examples—and the expectation that the providential government of God will be thereby glorified, may lead us to hope that punishment will be inflicted, though not upon all, yet upon the chief promoters of our oppression, and that they will not be suffered to escape God’s righteous judgments in this world; while in the spirit of true Christianity we pray, that they may be brought to that unfeigned repentance and genuine faith, which by interesting them in the righteousness of the blessed Jesus, shall procure them an escape from the punishments of hell, and raise them to the joys of heaven. While the Lord promises the Jews to punish all that oppressed them, He gives them no intimation of the manner in which he would do it. They might be apt to wish that he would punish them in some certain particular way preferable to all others: but in this they might be disappointed. Infinite wisdom often varies the mode of punishment. Providence shall see that the law of retaliation is executed upon on oppressor, as in the case of Adoni-bezek—shall appoint a second to die by the established laws of the country, wherein the oppression hath been committed—shall cut off a third in attempting to establish and perpetuate those cruel plans he hath projected and promoted—shall catch a fourth by that pit and in that snare which he hath contrived and prepared for the innocent—and shall torture a fifth for the remainder of his days , though life is spared, by oversetting all his designs; by causing his contrivances to produce those very effects he meant to prevent; by taking away the mask and cloak under which he concealed himself, and so rendering him odious to former friends and acquaintance; by leading mankind to slight and shun him as the pest of society; by making a by-word and a proverb; and, in direct opposition to the strongest desires of his soul, filling him with a just apprehension that his name will be infamous to the latest posterity.

The last article in our text, which remains to be considered, is, and their nobles shall be of themselves. The persons, occupying the first posts of honor, trust, profit & importance, should be of themselves, either as they should be natives, instead of foreigners and strangers, appointed and set over them, by those that oppressed and kept them in subjection: Or, as they should be of their own choosing and approving, and not forced upon them. In some few rare instances strangers may be equally useful, friendly and acceptable with natives; but in general, the latter are more likely to possess the confidence, to understand the prevailing temper and to accommodate themselves to it, to find the interests, and to promote the happiness, of the people among whom they reside. ‘Tis also desirable that the choice, appointment and continuance of their own nobles should rest in and remain with a people, that there may be the firmer reliance upon them, and the fatal influences that they might be otherwise under may be the more effectually guarded against. Evils may ensure at times, from a nation’s having and exercising this right; but these evils, in the present state of human nature, will not, in all probability, be so many great and permanent, as where ‘tis not enjoyed. Applicable to the present case is that trite observation, that absolute monarchy would be the best government in the world, were monarchs and their successors perfect and infallible, they are not to be trusted with an unlimited power; and the best form of government is that, which provides best against the abuse of power in rulers, while it entrusts them with a sufficiency thereof for the good of the public.

We have gone over the promise made in our text to the Jews; we cannot view it as a divine promise made to ourselves, but it may lead us, to conjecture how it was with this people in the earliest days of their existence—to search into their degeneracy, for which we may conclude that they are now under the correction of heaven— and to remark, that a reformation in principles and practices will be likely to procure the approbation of the supreme ruler, so far as to warrant our expecting, that, through the orderings of his providence, the children of this colony shall be as aforetime, and their congregation or assembly shall be established before him; that he will punish all that oppress them; and that their nobles shall be of themselves.

Suffer me, ye worthy Representatives of the People, and this respectable audience, to spend a few minutes in conjecturing how it was with the colony in the earliest days of its existence. The love of liberty, but chiefly of religion, induced to take up their abode in this then inhospitable wilderness. They were under the strong influence of the most noble principles; though not perfect, and tinctured with the prevailing notion of the age, that religious errors were to be opposed by the sword of the magistrate as well as of the Spirit, which produced those baneful effects, that have stained their annals, and that their posterity pretend not to justify: But may I not say, that those who with rancor condemns them in the lump, without allowing for their misconduct, from the temper and ignorance of the times as to the rights of conscience, know not of what spirit they themselves are, and would be in danger, under the like temptations, of falling into the same mistakes. The most valuable diamond is not without its flaw. And a change of circumstances may prevail upon different religious sects, to give up what they once viewed as leading and essential tenets in their profession; so that even those who are the most peaceable disposed, may at length think with Solomon, that there is a time of war, as well as a time of peace; and that everything is beautiful in its time.

The first settlers being under the strong influence of the most noble principles, we may suppose that, in their private capacity, they exercised a benevolent disposition, and assisted, instead of preying upon, and taking an advantage of each other under their respective difficulties, being mindful of the apostolic direction, bear ye one another’s burdens, and so fulfill the law of Christ. Gal. 6. 2. —that they treated religion as a matter of importance, and were not indifferent to it—that they had their families under a proper regulation, and discouraged all intemperance, impiety and uncleanness—and that they were strict in their morals. We may suppose, that in transacting public affairs, they were disinterested, were not actuated in the choice of Representatives or Counselors by low selfish motives, a view to their own particular advantage, or the aggrandizing their own relations; that, when they sought to the Lord by prayer for his guidance in their elections, they were not absolutely and unalterably detrimental, right or wrong, for whom they would vote, though they might have thought the matter over before, and talked upon it among themselves, in order to their being the better prepared for proceeding in the business with proper expedition and regularity; that they considered the qualities requisite for the persons designed to fill the several departments in the state, and whether such individuals were so qualified; that they had a regard not only to abilities, but integrity and morals, having an eye to Jethro’s advice, whereby Moses was counseled to provide out of all the people, such as feared God, men of truth, (true men) hating covetousness, whom to place over them for rulers and judges. We may suppose, that they did not needlessly entertain jealousies of each other, and suspect those of being traitors, who did not think exactly with themselves, as to the methods to be adopted for the service of the public; that they were not bent upon having their own way, but in their debates and consultations were in search of light to direct them in the best; that there was the least degree possible of all kinds of bribery and corruption; that the strictest care was taken, that the commonwealth should not suffer damage; that they willingly submitted to all necessary expenses to provide for its safety; that they did not, through either a timid or penurious narrow contracted disposition, hazard either its existence or liberties: in a word, that next to the glory of God and the interest of religion, they labored to serve the public, and not themselves of it.

I shall not go on with my suppositions, lest I should trespass upon your patience; but shall proceed to enquire into those degeneracies, that have got footing in the community, since the earliest days of its existence. However some, mistaking the sense of Solomon, may object; Say not thou, what is the cause that the former days were better than these? for thou doest not inquire wisely concerning this: [Ecclesiastes 7:10] Yet I have the best authority, that of the late Provincial Congress, for asserting that as a people we are chargeable with sinful declarations, and a great abuse of those inestimable blessings which God hath bestowed upon us. What those sinful declensions are, the Congress did not mention; but, I humbly conceive, the general voice will justify me in remarking, that a strange degree of selfishness has crept in among us, leading us aside from that golden rule, whereby we are directed to do unto others, as we would that others should do unto us—that the importance of religion has been most sadly overlooked—that the very form of it has been neglected by multitudes, while the generality have given themselves no concern about the powers of it—that ordinances have been slighted, Sabbaths profaned, and the name of the Lord blasphemed—that families have not been properly taken care of; the heads of them have not called them together to worship from day to day; due restraints have not been laid upon children and others, who have been left much to their own guidance, instead of receiving line upon line, precept upon precept, here a little, and there a little, through the help of which they might learn to flee youthful lusts, to mortify the deeds of the body, and to approve themselves unto their heavenly Father. Were cursing, swearing, drunkenness and debauchery of various sorts proportionally prevalent in former times? Were there the like immoralities among the first settlers? They that are acquainted with the history of this country will not venture to asses it. I may also remark that it has been complained of, that there has been great faultiness in the management of public affairs—that improper men, from sinister designs, because of family connections, and to serve a turn, have been chosen, put into, or continued in places of trust or power—that proper ones have been opposed and kept out, through an unwarrantable prejudice, and because they would not be so the slaves of a party, as to be led, or commanded, or act without being convinced or seeing, their own selves, good reason for what they did—that modes of corrupting have been adopted with success—that representatives, instead of being in their place, attending the service of the public, agreeable to the expectations of their electors, have been spending the time in transacting their own business—that it has been evident, that many, in their votes and elections, have not been directed by judgments and conscience, but by other motives, and that by praying to God for his guidance, they have been only increasing their criminality, by the addition of the most daring hypocrisy. These things have been complained of, and reported from one and another. It is well known, that I have not been long enough in the country, and cannot be sufficiently acquainted with the characters of individuals, and the secrets of government, as to venture upon asserting that these complaints are in general, or in diverse instances just. They may have sprang chiefly from disappointment, vexation, malice and envy; though I cannot but fear, that the complainants have had, in past years, some foundation to go on.

Our degeneracies, we must conclude from the light of nature and revelation, have contributed to bring us under the present calamities. God, the infinitely wise Governor of the universe, may (and I trust, almost to a degree of assurance, doth) design, by the contest now existing between Britain and the Continent, to establish us in the enjoyment of our liberties, besides favoring the several Colonies with an enlargement of them. But the divine wisdom could have contrived to have secured us these blessings, without making us acquainted with the horrors of war; and it becomes us to impute it to our transgressions, that we must pass through a scene of difficulties, ere we can be brought to the enjoyment of them. That same all-perfect Being, who, as Creator, hath so wonderfully made mankind, that vicious courses should produce, and be punished by bodily disorders; hath, as moral Governor of the world, so constituted nations, that the like courses should occasion public diseases and convulsions, far their correction, and, if not reformed, their destruction. Do we desire, that our contest would finish in the manner just now hinted at, and that we may soon come to the end of our troubles, and not be destroyed, we should certainly repent and reform.

You have had it already remarked to you, that a reformation in principles and practices will be likely to procure the approbation of the supreme ruler, so far as to warrant our expecting, that, through the orderings of his providence, the children of this Colony shall be as aforetime, and their congregation, or assembly, shall be established before him; that He will punish all that oppress them; and that their nobles shall be of themselves, this remark remains to be insisted upon. I have not mentioned in it the word repentance, but a reformation in principles and practices necessarily includes the thing itself. There can be no such reformation without a change of mind; and our entertaining different thoughts of past conduct, which will of course lead us to repent of it; and no repentance is genuine and godly, that does not produce a reformation in principles and practices. We are now in an unusual way called upon to wash ourselves, to make ourselves clean, to put away the evil of our doings from before our eyes, to cease to do evil, to learn to do well, and to seek every kind of judgment. But considering that the fast recommended, much to the satisfaction of the religious of all denominations, by the Continental Congress, is at hand, when these matters will of course be fully discoursed of, I only touch upon them; at the same time observing, that an alteration of practice must flow from a change in principles, or our relief will most likely prove no better than a temporary expedient. The Sovereign of the universe may so far honor, in the fight of the world, an outward reformation of manners, as to grant deliverance upon the account of it; but where there is nothing beyond such outward reformation the deliverance will probably be neither complete nor permanent. Indeed should we make thorough work of it, and return in principles as well as practices, we have sufficient warrant to expect, that God will gratify all our wishes, wherein they are just and proper, he having once and again declared in holy oracles what is tantamount hereto, though I shall quote the following passage only, out of the 18th of Jer. 7, 8 ver. At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up and to push down and to destroy it; if that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them. On the morrow there is, in some respects, to be a new thing under the sun, that hath not been already of old time, the several united British American colonies are to humble themselves under the mighty hand of God. May the spirit of the Lord prepare and carry us all through the right discharge of so reasonable a service, there may we hope, on the most rational grounds, that the children of this colony will be as aforetime that their assembly will be established before the Lord; that he will punish all that oppress them; and that their nobles shall be of themselves.

A man of a timid make, of little faith, no ways conversant with or forgetful of historical facts, may be apprehensive, that, though our assembly is gathered, and we are about to have our nobles of ourselves this mode of government will not be established, and that the present appearances are only like those sudden revivals that frequently proceed the total extinction of life. He may tremble at the thoughts of that power with whom we are to contend. He may be terrified with the notion, that sooner or later we must fall before it: and he may therefore be willing to compound for life and the precarious tenure of a little property, with the tame surrender of his liberties. Was the cause of the Ministry the cause of Great Britain, supported by the united endeavors of the nation, instead of being execrated by persons of the first character, for wisdom, courage, experience, nobility and piety, and opposed by multitudes waiting for advantages against administration. Was there not an immense debt of more than 130,000 millions sterling, hanging like a millstone round the neck of the public—an exhausted treasury—a decaying trade—and the most alarming prospects to the merchant, trader and manufacturer. Were not the internal distresses of the state, through a multiplicity of poor, the dearness of provisions and a load of taxes, exceeding great. Did the interest and policy of France and Spain require their remaining in peace with Britain, during a civil war between her and the colonies, instead of the contrary. Had not the wide Atlantic set us at so great a distance from Europe, and the American winds and seasons promised us their assistance in their respective months. Had the colonies been less united or zealous. Had not officers of courage and conduct, conversant with the arts of war, and warm for the liberties of mankind, offered their assistance, and readily undertook our defense. And had not the individuals of the Continental Congress, regardless of threats and wrath like the roaring of lions, boldly ventured to engage in maintaining our common rights, upon forming and supporting a Continental army, and in appointing able Generals to command it, in whom we can confide and do rejoice, but whom we cannot compliment to any advantage, by reason of their being so superior to everything we can offer of that kind. Had they not adopted those measures, which will expose them to suffer as rebels unless success prevents—Then we might have had a fearful looking for of fiery trials for a long continuance; and might have felt great discouragements: But, when besides the favorable circumstances already hinted at, we reflect, upon he military spirit that the Lord of hosts hath providentially diffused through the Continent, so as in some to overcome the most powerful prejudices of education and denomination: that the British ministry have not succeeded in any one part of their plan, but have been involved in greater difficulties every step that they have taken: God has wonderfully appeared for us, crowning our military operations with unusual success, and disconcerting those of the enemy: that the British troops, instead of ranging at large without opposition, or driving the country before them and being at liberty to riot upon the fat of the land, and to gratify their brutal lusts upon our wives, daughters, or more distant relations, are confined within narrow limits, and cut off from the enjoyment of diverse comforts, by those they have been taught to consider as infamous cowards: that our people, who have suffered the most, lost very considerably, and been reduced to many difficulties and hardships before unknown, have been strangely preserved from dejection and fainting, as though by the special interposition of heaven, and, so far from murmuring and complaining wherever they have gone, have been in common cheerful and pleasant—though strangers before to the desolations and cruelties of war, they have born them as if they had been familiarized to them. When we further reflect, upon the importance and goodness of our cause; how the number of our enemies has been wonderfully kept down from time to time, notwithstanding the reinforcements they have been frequently receiving; how they on the one hand appear to be greatly dispirited, while on the other our forces are animated; that on the side of administration have been all manners of lies, deceit, wicked cunning, corruption, profaneness and blasphemy; but that multitudes are continually supplicating the divine favor and blessing for us. I say, when all these particulars are considered, we are justified in hoping, that the proceedings of this day, instead of being the last of the kind will prove the renewal of our constitutional privileges, and that this mode of government will be established before the Lord. We should certainly rebel against the Sovereign of the universe in his providential dispensations, and reject the divine council communicated to us by that medium, did we not resolve to persist in our present opposition to the wicked designs of an arbitrary ministry. And let but the several members of this honorable house of Representatives exert themselves in their public legislative and private capacities, to bring back the manners of the people to what they were originally, so that our children may be as aforetime, virtuous, disinterested, patriotic and pious; and to extirpate those vices that have crept in unawares among us. Let them approve themselves the genuine descendants and successors of those that composed the most early assemblies, keeping out from among them all those evils, that have been complained of in past years: and we may be almost certain, not only that our assemblies will be established, and our nobles continue to be from among ourselves; but that the Lord will punish those that oppress us, in some way or other, as to him shall seem best, and lead the world to cry out, Verily there is a reward for the righteous: verily He is a God that judgeth in the earth: [Psalm 58:11] Yea, we may probably live to see our governor proceed from the midst of us.

I shall detain this venerable audience no longer than just to mention the few following observations.

No member can consistently take his place, or be admitted to fit in the house of Assembly, who hesitates about setting up government, seeing, that the Continental Congress advised to the latter, no less than the choice of Representatives in order to it; and that there is the like original authority for the one as the other.

He that does not mean to bear a part in the public burdens of the day, but to escape wholly unhurt in person and property is o patriot; while he that, instead of serving, designs only to serve himself of the public, to acquire riches and raise a fortune out of the general calamity, must be really one of the worst men, cannot deserve the protection of the state, and when discovered must be detested by every true son and daughter of liberty, as being a most odious character.

There is not an individual but may be aiding and assisting to the common cause one way or other. The wicked and unrighteous may help it materially, the one by forsaking his wickedness, and the other his unrighteousness. The godly by their inwrought fervent prayers, which avail much with their heavenly father; thus may pious women contribute to the success of those arms, which the feebleness of their sex will not admit of their bearing. Infants may be helpful by moving their parents to exert every nerve, and strain every sinew, rather than train them up to be bond-men and oppressors. The aged and expiring, by encouraging all about them not to surrender the best part of that fair patrimony which they are now leaving behind them. The martial and courageous by their personal bravery. The timid by concealing their fears, withdrawing themselves whenever their fears would be apt to appear and produce a baneful influence, and when they discourse upon a public affairs, by insisting upon the divine interpositions with which we have been favored, and the goodness of the cause wherein we are engaged. The poor may assist by determining, that though poor they will be free; and that if they cannot have riches, they will not wear chains: and the rich by the loan of their, money, that so the necessary expenses may be supplied, and the defense of the country may not fall through, for want of the requisites for carrying on. Nothing can be more faulty than for the rich to decline hazarding their cash, while exempted from hazarding their persons; nor more simple, than for them, through fear of losing some of their riches, to endanger the losing them all, together with their liberties. Could the state be secured, a person would be provoked by such preposterous conduct to say to each of them, confining the words to the body only, Thy money perish with thee. May heaven influence every one of us to contribute our best abilities, according to our several stations and relations, to the defense and support of the commonwealth! Amen.

---

Israel Evans (1747-1807) graduated from the College of New Jersey in 1772. He was a chaplain during the Revolutionary war, serving with units from New York (1775-1777) and New Hampshire (1777-1783). Evans was the pastor of the First Congregational Church in Concord, NH (1789-1797) and a trustee of Dartmouth College (1793-1807). This sermon was preached by Evans in New Hampshire in June, 1791.

---

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED AT CONCORD,

BEFORE

The Hon. General Court

OF THE STATE OF

NEW HAMPSHIRE,

AT THE

ANNUAL ELECTION,

HOLDEN ON THE FIRST WEDNESDAY IN JUNE,

M.DCC.XCI.

By the Rev. ISRAEL EVANS, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN CONCORD.

 

State of New Hampshire.
In the House of Representatives, June 3,
1791.Voted,

That Mr. Foster, Mr. Parker, and Mr. Macgregore, with such of the honourable Senate as they may appoint, be a Committee to present the Reverend Mr. Evans with the thanks of the General Court, for his excellent Discourse delivered yesterday before the court, and request a copy of the same for the Pres.

Sent up for concurrence,
NATH. PEABODY, Speaker.

In Senate, the same day.
Read and concurred: Mr. Dow, joined.
J. PEARSON, Sec’ry.

 

GALATIANS V. I.

Stand fast, therefore, in the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of Bondage.

 

Friends and Fellow-Citizens,

We have numbered more than twenty-seven years since your opposition to a foreign system of heavy oppression began. The year 1764 has been rendered memorable, on the one side by the folly and injustice of a hated stamp-act, and, on the other, by the resisting energy of the patriot sons of Freedom. From that period, the genius of American liberty, by combating distress, misery, and hosts of enemies, waxed strong in her own defence, and hath crowned more than THREE MILLIONS of mankind with national independence.—Instructed in the school of Freedom, the inhabitants of these confederate States combined their strength in the protection of the rights of men. THEY KNEW AND THEY FELT THAT FREEMEN WILL BE FREE. By their exertions, under the favour of a righteous providence, they have established a wise constitution of federal government: they have reached the consummation of every patriot’s wish, the glory and felicity of their country; and now enjoy a free system of political happiness, such as gives pleasure, and even transport, to the enlightened patriots of many nations; and has made, perhaps, no small advancement of joy among the benevolent hosts of Heaven: for, to every benevolent and virtuous being, the freedom and happiness of the human race is a most pleasing consideration.—But there are some men, with the means of public prosperity in their possession, who do not realize the value of Freedom: they partake of the common blessings of a free people, and yet are not conscious of national felicity.—This, however, does not lessen the real worth of Liberty; for in every situation of life, it is the richest inheritance. In true Liberty is included, Freedom, both moral and civil; it has nothing in contemplation but the happiness of mankind, and therefore it is the principal glory of man; and, in this world, there can be nothing more dignified, or more exalted. Without civil and religious Liberty, man is indeed a poor, enslaved, wretched, miserable creature; neither his life, nor his property, nor the use of his conscience, is secured to him; but he is subjected to some inhuman tyrant, whose will is his law, and who presumes to govern men without their consent.—But let not this gale of honest zeal carry us beyond the recollection of our text.

In the discussion of the text, it may be observed, that the word Liberty, in this place, does principally imply a freedom from the injunctions of the ceremonial law. This freedom our Saviour purchased for all Christians; and in this freedom the apostle Paul exhorted the Galatians, and all the followers of Christ, to stand fast. When we consider the age, and state of the world, in which the Jews lived, and their fondness of show, idolatry, and superstition, we shall find that their religion was well suited to their genius and temper. The religion of the Jews had a very pointed allusion to the character and office of the Messiah, and was therefore wisely enjoined. But those typical and ritual services, after the coming of Christ, having fulfilled their design, became unnecessary. “These, said the apostle Paul, were a shadow of things to come; but the body is of Christ, who hath abolished the law of commandments contained in ordinances.” Without the external pomp and show of the Jewish religion, the gospel recommends the worship of God in spirit and truth. The doctrines of the gospel are calculated to promote good will and liberty among men; and where their genuine influence has been extended, mankind have been rendered more happy: they have been instructed, civilized, humanized, and made free. “The wisdom that is from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy.”—The true spirit of the Gospel contains the true spirit of Liberty. We may be assured, that under this benevolent institution, useful liberty of every kind is recommended by the spirit of our text.

Altho my text, in the original meaning, did not respect civil so much as religious liberty, yet I hope I shall not seem to misuse it by making it the foundation of a discourse on Liberty in general.

A few observations on the nature of religious Liberty, shall constitute the first part of this discourse.

I. Religious Liberty is a divine right, immediately derived from the Supreme Being, without the invention of any created authority. It is the natural privilege of worshipping God in that manner which, according to the judgment of men, is most agreeable and pleasing to the divine character. As the conscience of man is the image and representative of God in the human soul; so to him alone it is responsible. In justice, therefore, the feelings and sentiments of conscience, and the moral practice of religion, must be independent of all finite beings. Nor hath the all-wise Creator invested any order of men with the right of judging for their fellow-creatures in the great concerns of religion. Truth and religion are subjects of determination entrusted to all men; and it is a privilege of all men to judge and determine for themselves.

Religious Liberty secures every man, both in his person and property, from suffering on account of his peculiar sentiments in religion; and no practice which flows purely from this fountain of natural right can justly be punished. But when a man adopts such notions as, in their practice, counteract the peace and good order of society, he then perverts and abuses the original Liberty of man; and were he to suffer for thus disturbing the peace of the community, and injuring his fellow-citizens, his punishment would be inflicted not for the exercise of a virtuous principle of conscience, but for violating that universal law of rectitude and benevolence which was intended to prevent one man from injuring another. To punish men for entertaining various religious sentiments, is to assume a power to punish them for doing what God gave them an unalienable right to do. For neither the principles of reason, nor the doctrines of the gospel, which are he perfection of reason, have empowered any man to judge for himself and for another man also: this is religious tyranny; this is to control another man’s conscience: and to control any man’s conscience is to contradict that true principle of eternal justice which Jesus Christ published to the world: Therefore, all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.

Suffer me a little to illustrate this maxim of primitive justice. We will suppose, that some man should endeavour to prove, that he had a right to determine what our religious principles and sentiments ought to be; but how would he be pleased when his own arguments should be turned against himself? Should this man, who was unwilling to allow us the free exercise of rational, accountable creatures, be forced, in the change of human affairs, to reside among a people very different from him in matters of religion; he however behaving himself as an honest and peaceable man, and, as a good subject of civil society, serving the interest of the country; would he not think it very unjust and tyrannical to be persecuted for his religious opinions—imprisoned, deprived of his property, and finally condemned to die, only because he could not with a clear conscience worship as they did? Only the Supreme Governour of mankind has a perfect right to receive the homage of the human mind; it is his peculiar prerogative to control the consciences of men by his infinitely wise and equitable laws. True religion must therefore be founded in the inward persuasion and conviction of the mind; for without this it cannot be that reasonable service which is pleasing to God. The human understanding cannot be convinced by external violence of any kind; nor can immaterial spirit be influenced by the laws of men, unless they correspond with the goodness, justice, and mercy, of our blessed Creator, our most bountiful Benefactor, and our all wise and righteous Judge.—Here joy and gratitude prompt me to say, Oh happy people, who live in this land and in this age of religious Liberty! Here every man has equally the freedom of choosing his religion; and may sit every man under his vine, and under his figtree; and, on the account of religion, none shall make them afraid. Let us, my friends and fellow-citizens, Stand fast, therefore, in the religious Liberty wherewith God and Christ hath made us free.

II. With submission to the professional knowledge of my political Fathers, I will now venture to make some observations on the nature and principles of civil Liberty. These observations shall be included within the following particulars.

1. In this happy land of light and liberty, it is a truth fully established, that all men are by nature equally free. From this principle of natural Liberty we derive an indefeasible right of being governed by our own civil constitutions. WE THE PEOPLE are the source of all legislative authority. Upon this just, benevolent, pleasing, and even delightful principle, the constitution, the laws, and the governments, of these federal States, will stand fast. All men who understand the nature, and feel the spirit, of such principles, are self-instructed to be their own Legislators, either in one collected body, or by representation. When all the people can assemble, and personally contribute their aid in framing constitutions and laws for the government of themselves, then their liberty is most natural and most perfect. But since great loss of time, much expense, and many inconveniences, would attend this mode of legislation, the people have agreed, in free States, to select from the whole body, some of their brethren, whom they invest with legislative power. What shall be transacted by these delegates or representatives, consistently with the constitution of the people, must be acknowledged as the act of the people. In conformity to this plan, the people keep as near the possession of natural Liberty, as is convenient and really useful; and while they are truly virtuous, they will enjoy as much perfect Liberty as is necessary to preserve peace, establish justice, and secure political happiness.—I shall only add further, under this particular, that when a free people have, according to their constitution, determined to legislate by representatives, they should take great care that the representation may be fully adequate to the importance and welfare of the people; the elections should also be perfectly free, and sufficiently frequent.

2. The elections should be conducted agreeably to the principles of justice and honour. The privilege of electing freely, or being freely elected, is one of the fairest features in the pure image of natural Liberty. A free and unbiased election of the best and the wisest men, is a certain evidence of the flourishing state of Liberty.—On the other hand, when elections are under dishonest influence, and men can be sold and bought, it is a most lamentable sign that Liberty is either in a deep sleep, or in a dangerous decay. When this birth-right of the people is bartered for something as mean as a mess of pottage—when they neglect and despise this natural and constitutional right—they then lose their share and influence in that government of which they were the original foundation. Having neglected that security which at first existed in themselves, and having counteracted the very design of that social compact which was intended to secure them from every species of political injury, they turn traitors to their God who made them free; and for want of exercising that natural power which their Creator gave them, their glory will depart: and, having the hearts of slaves, they will wear the livery and endure the misery of slaves.—But I am not willing to spend time in representing this horrible image of slavish misery. This assembly is the image and representation of a free state. I have the honour, I have the felicity, of speaking before men who are too well acquainted with the blessings of Liberty to neglect or despise any of the natural or constitutional rights of freemen.

3. The public happiness of a people is promoted, not only by the freedom of elections, but also by the wisdom and goodness of the laws. A wise and good representation will produce good laws. Good and wise men, who are clothed with the natural power of their constituents, will study to unite closely the interest of the country and the power of the laws; and where the representation is good, the laws will appear to carry with them the voice and common consent of the people. The laws made after this manner, are the laws of the people, and prove that they are free, and that they virtually legislate for themselves.—I leave this particular, after observing, that the public happiness should be the first duty and the prime object of all legislators; and that, in every free and virtuous state, this is the pole-star of legislation.

4. It is the duty of the people, in conformity to the principles of Liberty, to choose men to superintend the executive department of the nation: for no man, in a free state, can justly claim the authority of an executive magistrate, without the voice and consent of the people. In the exercise of their own natural power, by their constitution, they must appoint their chief magistrate to this place of honour and trust. In this respect, it may be said, that the people do not only make their laws, but they also execute them, and govern themselves. These considerations should have a tendency to discourage all officers of government from feeling themselves independent of their brethren, THE PEOPLE. With these proper views, they will be more likely to pay that attention to the wants and feelings of the people, which is necessary to increase the public happiness. When, therefore, the most exalted characters in authority feel themselves connected to the whole community by a brotherly, benevolent attachment; then the lives and the states of the nation are most secure. In addition to this, it may also be said, that the administration of men in power will then be the most useful and honourable, when the affairs of government are conducted with moderation and justice: for the people have not appointed men to insult and injure them, but to promote their best interest. Violence & compulsion will never advance the happiness of freemen. They will know when they are governed agreeably to their constitutions and laws: they will know when they enjoy a portion of that civil prosperity which they are entitled to by their rights and privileges: and they will easily know when they are treated with civility and kindness. The people should have reason to believe, that men in office have nothing more at heart than the felicity of the nation.

5. The best measures should be adopted to establish esteem and confidence between the people and their rulers; for without this favourable impression, there will be but little peace and satisfaction in the public mind. Great care should be taken not to disturb and irritate the temper of the people; their patience should never be tortured; but they should have as many reasons to be pleased with the transactions of government, as possible, consistent with the public welfare: for good humour and satisfaction greatly contribute to the peace and happiness of government and mankind. When the people have reasonable satisfaction and rest of mind, they will be more industrious, and consequently more virtuous: the produce of the land will be more plentiful; and the strength and resources of the nation will be in proportion to the pleasure and encouragement of the m mind. A free, willing, industrious, and virtuous people, well united and well pleased, are the strength of a nation; while the great wealth of a few luxurious, idle drones, are the great bane of Liberty.—A people with that happy temper of mind which I have described, will be cheerfully obedient to their laws; they will respect and esteem all their good civil officers; and peace and harmony will be pleasant and lasting.—The man, whom every benevolent, free and virtuous citizen respects and loves, suffer me to adorn my humble page with the name of WASHINGTON, hath declared that THE BEST WAY TO PRESERVE THE CONFIDENCE OF THE PEOPLE DURABLY IS TO PROMOTE THEIR TRUEST INTEREST.

6. The principles of a free people are directly opposed to taxation without their own consent by representation. Money should never be extorted by violence, but received as the gifts and free will offerings, or contributions of the people, to pay for the security of their persons and property. Let them be convinced, that the public demands are reasonable and necessary, not merely for the benefit of civil officers, but for the general advantage of the nation; and then as a free, enlightened, generous, virtuous people, they will take pleasure cheerfully to defray the necessary expenses of government. They will be pleased when they recollect, that for a very small portion of their property they can be secured in the real possession of all the blessings of true Liberty.—But how will their pleasure rise still higher, when they consider, that by doing justice to their brethren, to whom they have committed the toils and dangers of public business; when they consider, I say, that by their contributions they advance not only the great prosperity of the nation, but include also their posterity in the general happiness. But here let it be observed, that no requisitions should be made but such as are really and absolutely necessary for the support and contingencies of government; and of the expenditure of money the people should have an account. Much the greater part of mankind toil severely for what property they acquire; it would therefore be very unjust and cruel to use it for the gratification of pampered pride and luxury. In a word, that government which improves the interest and happiness of the people, and manages their public affairs consistently with the principles of a generous economy, as well as a just and magnanimous policy, free from a prodigal and dishonest waste of the public wealth, such a government will furnish the most reasonable satisfaction, and will be the most valued and the most bravely defended.

III. Under this head of discourse, I will endeavour to shew when it may be said that a people stand fast in the Liberty wherewith they are free. With the prosecution of this design, I will attempt to intermix the spirit and freedom of an APPLICATION.

1. The people are in the habit and exercise of Liberty, when they resort to the first principles of government, and trace their rights up to God the Creator: when they exercise their natural power of framing any social compact conducive to the common interest: feel independent of all human power but that which flows from themselves: disdain the subjection of their consciences to any authority but the will of God: refuse to be controuled by the will of any man who claims an independent power of disposing of their lives and estates: recollect that they entered into society to have their natural rights, which are the basis of civil rights, secured. To maintain such principles of original justice, is to stand fast in the righteous Liberty of man. True Liberty suffers no man to be injured in his person, estate, or character: it encourages and enables him to improve his happiness; and, within the limits of the public good, insures to him every blessing to which imperfect human nature can attain. All the toils, sufferings, treasure and blood of men, are not lost, when they are the price and purchase of Liberty. Without religious and civil Liberty, we can have no security of life, or of any of the good things of God: we cannot practice the sentiments of our consciences:–but where the rights of man are equally secured in the greatest degree, there is the greatest happiness—AND THAT IS OUR COUNTRY.

2. When you carefully regard the election of your representatives and officers of government, you will stand fast in your Liberty. It is a darling privilege of all freemen to elect the best qualified men to represent them in a State or National Assembly. But do a people stand fast in the discharge of their duty—are they in the exercise of their civil rights, when they neglect to choose men of established principles of Virtue and Liberty? Do they wish to have good laws, and yet neglect to choose men who have proved themselves friends to the rights of their brethren? Can they reasonably expect that good laws will proceed from men who fear not God nor regard man? Will men, who feel no obligations of love and duty to their Creator, be good examples to their constituents? Will they add any weight to the laws they assisted to make, when they are so prompt to violate them? Do they not, as far as their influence will reach, defeat the very laws they voted for? Will a public and patriotic spirit originate from vicious principles? Is it natural for noble and generous sentiments to flow from vice? Do not bad principles make men selfish, narrow the mind, and banish all benevolent propensities of doing good to men? Will not the very knowledge which unprincipled men may have, degenerate into selfish low cunning, and serve only to embarrass and perplex the honesty and good common sense of men who are able and willing to promote the interest of society?—I need not tell you, that men under the influence of selfish passions, will sacrifice the best interest of their country, whenever they can greatly advnce their own importance; and, like a Dean and an Arnold, by the most infamous and horrible treason, betray that Liberty which they once pretended to defend.—Do any of the people ask me, as one of their brethren, Who are the men we must choose, in order to stand fast in our Liberty? First, separate, in your minds, the most wicked and unprincipled men, from being objects of your choice; and then, out of the rest, select men of understanding, for of such there will enough remain, who are actuated by principles of love and obedience to God, and animated by a generous benevolence to mankind; who really love to see their brethren free and happy: for in this every benevolent man must take pleasure. Benevolent principles will produce the noblest acts of public and patriotic good; they will enable men to discern easily the advantage of the people. “For when private interest and private views are removed, it will be easy to know what is the public good.”—Let me beseech all the people to remember, that their safety and happiness in society depends upon the election of good and wise representatives. Under the smiles of providence, the prosperity of a free people is in their own hands; for they have knowledge enough, if well improved, to advance and secure their welfare. In a few words, choose the men to manage your public affairs, to whom you would not fear to entrust the most important concerns of a private nature.—This is the way to stand fast in your Liberty.

3. The example of civil officers has great influence on the minds of mankind. They ought to be punctual in their observation of the laws of the country. As public men, or private citizens, they should be uniform in the practice of virtue, and the defense of Liberty. The people call them Fathers: we are willing to be their political children, as long as they are good parents. But, Should not fathers be examples of goodness to their children? Will children do well, if the parents are wicked and do wrong? Will the children be obedient to the public laws, if the parents violate them? Will the children love Freedom, if the parents disregard it? Will the children cultivate a public spirit, if the parents are selfish? Do fathers love their children, and not strive in all respects to promote their felicity? It is most reasonable, therefore, to conclude, that it is the great and indispensible duty of rulers to encourage the practice of religion by their own influence and example: and I venture to declare, that no civil officer does the half of his duty, unless he endeavours to suppress vice and disorder, and so prevent the necessity of punishment. Mankind very quickly and justly exclaim against the absurdity of allowing those men to be teachers of religion, who live in the habitual practice of vice and wickedness: Shall we not, with equal justice, condemn the practice of those men who break through those restraints which were intended to suppress vice, and consequently encourage virtue? Should they not be ministers of God for good to the people, in every possible way? Every man of common sense acknowledges, that religion is very useful to mankind; and especially the precepts and truths of the gospel. It is also allowed, that public worship is of particular and national advantage. To favour and practice virtue is therefore to increase the public happiness, and to answer the intention of government: and by these means their own importance and authority will be increased.

4. When the people are submissive to their laws and rulers, upon the principles already mentioned, their Liberties will be permanent. Where the true spirit of religion is united to the free and generous spirit of Liberty, obedience will be a pleasing duty. The author of our benevolent religion hath commanded us to render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar’s; and unto God, the things that are God’s. The apostles also say, Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake. Render to all, their dues: tribute, to whom tribute is due; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; honour, to whom honour. Men who are under the influence of reason and religion, will not blame the necessary measures of government. They will not be factious and turbulent, but of a reasonable and complying disposition. They will be influenced by such generous sentiments as the following: Look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of others. We must endeavour to render ourselves extensively useful, and promote the good of our country; in which, not only our own happiness, but the happiness of millions, is included.

5. The Liberties of a people cannot be lasting without knowledge. The human mind is capable of great cultivation. Knowledge is not only useful, but it adds dignity to man. When the minds of men are improved, they can better understand their rights—they can know what part they are to act, in contributing to the welfare of the nation. Freemen should always acquire knowledge; this is a privilege and pleasure unknown to slaves; this elevates the mind of man; this creates a conscious dignity of his importance as a rational creature, and a free agent. The happiness of mankind has been much advanced by the arts and sciences; and they have flourished the most among freemen. Slavery blots the image of the Creator, which was at first impressed upon man: it banishes knowledge, and courts misery. But men, enlightened, pursue with ardour the knowledge and recovery of their rights. Liberty is enlightened by knowledge; and knowledge is nurtured by Liberty. Where there is wisdom, virtue, and Liberty, there mankind are MEN.—In all the dark ages of the world, tyranny has been established upon the slavish ignorance of mankind. Tyrants, in time past, secured their domination by darkening the minds of their subjects. In the present day, they tremble at the approaching light of knowledge and Liberty. They turn indignant from the glorious illuminations of America and France. They hear with horror the sound of Freedom and the rights of men. They would still imbrute the human race, and make mankind forget that they are men.—Be assured, my dear countrymen, knowledge is absolutely necessary to secure the blessings of Freedom. If you wish to see your country not only free in your day, but also to feast your imaginations with the pleasing prospect of a free posterity for many ages to come; let me entreat you, to encourage and promote that knowledge which will enable the people successfully to watch all the enemies of Liberty, and guard against the designs of intriguing men. Unless the people have knowledge, they may be imposed upon by men who are always lying in wait to disturb the peace of society, create disorder and confusion, and, in the tumult, overturn the Liberties of the country. Be always awake to your own interest, and you will have nothing to fear: but if you sleep, the enemies of Liberty will awake:–sleep, and by your death-like slumbers you will give them life: for Liberty has never yet appeared upon the face of the earth without meeting enemies to contend with.—There have been men in America, who have reprobated what they were pleased to call the inquisitive sauciness of the people, when they wished to know how the public affairs of the country were conducted, and how Justice and Liberty might be secured. Nay, some men, still more unjust and tyrannical, have ventured to say—blush! Ye degenerate sons of free parents!—that the people, when in the possession of Liberty, are unable to use it for their own advantage, and therefore they ought to be governed against their wills, and without their choice, by men, to be sure, much wiser than themselves, and more disposed to do them good. This is as much as to say, that the people ought to be robbed of their natural rights for their own advantage and happiness. But whoever is acquainted with the history of despotic power, need not be informed, that a free people will always use their Freedom more consistently with the principles of justice and reason, than any men with uncontrouled power. It is a truth, and it is now too late to deny it, that no man, or body of men, are fit to be entrusted with unlimited power. This power they would most certainly abuse, whenever their unjust wills were in the least opposed. Let the youth be well educated in wisdom and virtue; let them be instructed in the true principles of Freedom, and they will improve their Liberty most agreeably to the rational happiness of mankind. In this free country, knowledge is peculiarly necessary, where no other qualifications are requisite, for the most important offices of government, but virtue and ability. I again say, let the children and youth be well educated. In the earliest stages of life, let a free and public spirit be infused into the youthful mind. This is the way to exclude from their young breasts all oppressing and cruel passions.—Unless the doors of education are open to all the youth of the country equally, advantages may be taken by some men of sunning, to tyrannize over the rest, and become masters of their property. Every parent, and every friend to the Freedom of his country, ought to be solicitous for the improvement of our youth in the principles of Freedom and good government, and then the people will stand fast in their Liberty for a long time; yes, as long as such principles are in their true exercise; and, with submission to the divine will, as long as they please.—But what! Shall I doubt the attention and exertions of my fellow-citizens to this all-important cause of public prosperity? Shall the children and youth of a free people be suffered to grow up ignorant of the value of those Liberties you intend to commit to their trust? Shall they be unfit to take care of those political blessings which have been secured for them at the great expense of much toil, treasure, and precious blood? Oh! Liberty, thou friend to mankind, forbid it; justice, thou guardian of the rights of men, forbid it; ye patriots and fathers of your country, forbid it: but rather let me say, Oh! thou blessed God, who takest no pleasure in the misery of thy children, forbid it, for the sake of him who hath made us free.

6. The principles and practice of our peaceable and benevolent religion, are the foundation on which all the blessings of life and Liberty must stand fast. Righteousness exalteth a nation. True religion will incline a people to love and honour the Most High who ruleth among the children of men. The Lord hath said, Them that honour me, I will honour. Religion is intended to unite men together in the bonds of brotherly love and good will; to prevent bad habits; to suppress disorder; to calm factious spirits; and to put an end to the shedding of brothers’ blood. The influence and importance of religion should be felt by men both in their family and national connections. Without it, they can neither be happy in this world nor in a future state.—May the benevolent efforts of all public teachers of true religion, be united with the affectionate influence of parents, to promote the personal and national welfare of our country. By instilling good sentiments into the tender minds of children and youth, you will teach them to stand fast in their Liberty. Good impressions, made in early life, are very frequently of lasting benefit both to individuals and the public. Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it. But, in addition to all your pious exertions, let me entreat you, never to forget to beseech the Father of mercies and the God of all grace, to implant in the hearts of our youth, by the divine Spirit, the true principles of holiness.

I hope it has been evident, that, in the whole body of this discourse, I have endeavoured to interweave sentiments of religion and virtue. I cannot, therefore, suppose it necessary at present, to prosecute this particular article any farther. Permit me, however, to assure you, that I have not ventured nor wished to recommend Liberty without Virtue; for this would have been a recommendation of licentiousness. True Liberty may be summed up in this declaration: that we have a right to do all the good we can; but have no right to injure our fellow-men: we have a right to be as happy as we can; but no right to lessen the happiness of mankind.

Thus far I have attempted to comply with the appointment of the civil Fathers of this State. In this compliance, my dissidence and fear have given me no small anxiety, lest I should not answer the design of their appointment. I have not, therefore, been influenced by a presuming expectation of communicating to this honourable political body, any new information. I feel, nevertheless, in my mind, a pleasing persuasion, that my Fathers in government will not be displeased with any sincere and humble attempt to inspire their younger sons with a just sense of the blessings and privileges they enjoy under the present legislative and executive authority. In a few years, some of the youth of the present day must be called to fill the places of the Fathers now in office.—The thought is serious! Who knows the consequence? Is it not then of the utmost importance, that the minds of young men should be impressed with the best sentiments of equal Liberty? Shall we not exhort them to stand fast in their Liberty, that their country may be free? Shall we not animate the rising generation, to transmit to their posterity that invaluable inheritance of Freedom, which they must soon receive from the present race of patriots when they shall rest from their labours?—This is a day of joy: it reminds you of one of the great privileges of freemen:–it should be a day of gratitude also. Oh! that you did but feel and realize your happy situation, that you might send up to Heaven the warmest gratitude of hearts glowing with love and praise to that blessed Saviour who hath made us FREE!

Fathers, brethren, and fellow-citizens, with the happy feelings of a brother freeman, I congratulate you on the enjoyment of that Liberty which I have been describing: it involes in it everything most conducive to your peace and prosperity on earth:–clasp it to your bosoms, and religiously swear, that you will live freemen, or die bravely. I rejoice, that it is in your power, under God to stand fast in your Liberty.—Shall I contrast your present situation with the deplorable state of man in ages past? Would not this draw a cloud of grief over the bright sunshine of your happy feelings? We rejoice, that the earth hath been delivered from the hands of those inhuman butchers, whose unrelenting murders have filled so many bloody pages of history; who slaughtered millions of the human race, for no other purpose but to extend their cruel and ambitious power, and oppress and lay waste the world. Tyrants, who, instead of being transmitted down to us with illustrious names, for being the most successful destroyers of their fellow creatures, should be named after the most furious beasts of prey; and, on account of the mischief they have done to mankind, be classed with tempests, earthquakes, and plagues. We rejoice, with thankful hearts, that we are not under the power of such plagues of the human race, who wage war with the peace and happiness of mankind; who think it an act of heroism to depopulate whole countries to gratify private revenge. We now see that the patriotic resolutions of our countrymen have not been in vain: we now see that the treasures expended in the defence of Liberty, have realized a national interest of more value than ten thousand percent: we now see that the inexpressible trials and sufferings of a patriot army, have been productive of the richest fruits; and that the blood of our heroes has been the seed of Liberty.—But, we commiserate the deplorable condition of many of our fellow-men, who now groan under the heavy chains of despotism: we wish the rights of men may be soon restored to them.—

But I return from this digression. I find political happiness not abroad, but at home. Happy age and country in which we live! We remember no era since the creation of the world, so favourable to the rights of mankind as the present. The histories of mankind, with only a few exceptions, are the records of human guilt, oppression, and misery. Although some shadow of rude Liberty was contended for by a few small uncivilized tribes of men, yet they were subjected by those nations who were more powerful. At the beginning of the Christian era, almost two thirds of mankind were in the most abject and cruel slavery. The Grecian and Roman nations, notwithstanding their boasted love of Liberty, were not acquainted with the true principles of original, equal, and sentimental Liberty. Though an imperfect civilization had made some progress among them, yet they neither understood the nature, nor practiced the duties, of humanity. They who are acquainted with the true history of Greece and Rome, need not be informed, that the cruelty they exercised upon their slaves, and those taken in war, is almost beyond the power of credibility. The proud and selfish passions have always endeavoured to suppress the spirit of Freedom. Even Rome herself, while she pretended to glory in being free, endeavoured to subject and enslave the rest of mankind.—But no longer shall we look to ancient histories for principles and systems of pure Freedom. The close of the eighteenth century, in which we live, shall teach mankind to be truly free. The Freedom of America and France, shall make this age memorable. From this time forth, men shall be taught, that true greatness consists not in destroying, but in saving, the lives of men; not in conquering, but making them free; not in making war, but making peace; not in making men ignorant, but making them wise; not in firing them with brutal rage, but in making them humane; not in being ambitious, but in being good, just, and virtuous. Of France, it may be said, in the language of Scripture, Who hath heard such a thing? Who hath seen such things? Shall the earth e made to bring forth in one day? Or, shall nation be born at once? Behold a nation of freemen, rising out of a nation of slaves! This gratifies the feelings of humanity and benevolence. We wish to see all men independent of all things but the laws of God, and the just laws of their country. And will any man blame me for saying, that, in America, every friend to justice and the rights of men wishes prosperity to that generous nation, who are allied to these United States, and who so powerfully aided them in securing their independence and peace. In the name of the Lord of hosts, let us pray, that no weapon that is formed against their Freedom, shall prosper.

I once more invite you to join me in gratitude to that best of Beings, by whose providential goodness and power the lines are fallen unto us in pleasant places; yea, we have a goodly heritage. Here harvests grow for the free and cheerful husbandman: here, neither awed by lordly and rapacious injustice, nor dejected by beholding idleness high fed and fattened on the labours of other men, they reap and enjoy the pleasing fruits of their honest industry. Ye shall eat your bread to the full, and dwell in your land of safety. Here the people dwell together as brethren; peace, harmony, industry, and health, unite their various gifts to make this life a blessing: here poor human nature, in other parts of the world long depressed by ignorance and enslaving power, seems to reclaim the primitive blessings of creation, and to rejoice that it was made in the image of God: here conscience assumes her first authority; religion is no longer enslaved to the wills and laws of men; public and private happiness are guarded by the laws and government of the people.—Stand fast, therefore, in the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage. Let us determine to be free from the unjust power of men, and free from the slavery and tyranny of sin, and we hall then be truly free. If the Son, therefore, shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed.

With the words of a celebrated French writer, this discourse will be concluded.

“Ye people of North America, let the example of all nations who have gone before you, and above all that of Great Britain, serve you for instruction. Fear the affluence of gold, which brings with luxury the corruption of manners, the contempt of laws. Fear a too unequal distribution of riches, which exhibits a small number of citizens in opulence, and a great multitude of citizens in extreme poverty; whence springs the insolence of the former, and the debasement of the latter. Secure yourselves against the spirit of conquest. The tranquility of an empire diminishes in proportion to its extension. Have arms for your defense; have none for offence. Seek competency and health in labour; prosperity in the culture of lands, and the workshops of industry; power in manners and virtue. Cause arts and sciences, which distinguish the civilized from a savage man, to flourish and abound. Above all, watch carefully over the education of your children. It is from public schools, be assured, that come the wise magistrates, the capable and courageous soldiers, the good fathers, the good husbands, the good brothers, the good friends, the good men. Wherever the youth are seen depraved, the nation is on the decline. Let Liberty have an immoveable foundation in the wisdom of your laws, and let it be the indestructible cement to bind your States together. Establish no legal preference amongst the different forms of worship. Superstition is innocent, wherever it is neither persecuted nor protected; and may your duration, if it be possible, equal the duration of the world!”

AMEN.

---

Ammi Robbins (1740-1813), brother of Chandler Robbins, graduated from Yale in 1760. He was pastor to a Congregational church in Norfolk, CT (1761-1813) and served as chaplain to General Philip Schuyler’s brigade at Albany (1776). Robbins preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 14, 1789.

---

The Empires and Dominions of this World, made
Subservient to the Kingdom of CHRIST; who
ruleth over all.

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED IN PRESENCE OF

HIS EXCELLENCY

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. L.L.D.,

GOVERNOR,

And the Honorable the General Assembly of the

State of Connecticut,

Convned at Hartford, on the Day of the

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION.

May 14th, 1789.

By AMMI R. ROBBINS, A. M.

Pastor of the Church in Norfolk.

“And the kingdom and dominion, and the greatness of the
kingdom, under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people
of the saints of the Most High, whose kingdom is an everlasting
kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and obey him.”
Dan. vii. 27

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the Second Thursday of May, A. D. 1789.

ORDERED, That Dudley Humphry and Giles Pettibone, Esquires, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Ammi R. Robbins, for his Sermon delivered at the General Election, on the 14th Day of May, A. D. 1789, and request a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
George Wyllys, Sec.

 

An ELECTION SERMON. 

D A N I E L, ii. 44.

In the days of these Kings, shall the God of Heaven set up a kingdom which shall never be destroyed; and the kingdom shall not be left to other people; but it shall break in pieces, and consume all these kingdoms, and it shall stand forever.

WHEN our Lord Jesus was about to ascend from earth to heaven, having finished the glorious work for which he came, he gave in charge to his immediate followers, to go forth and disciple all nations. This commission he was pleased to preface with these words: “All power in heaven and in earth, is given unto me.”

This same divine person many ages before, appeared to Moses, the Hebrew law-giver, and spake from the burning bush, when he gave him commission to go for the redemption of his people from their severe bondage, by the name of “I AM THAT I AM:” And told him to say “I AM” hath sent me. It was HE also who, many years after, appeared to Joshua, the commander in chief of the Hebrew bands, by the name of the “Captain of the Lord’s host.”

In the Proverbs of king Solomon, divinely dictated, under the name of Wisdom, this same divine Being makes no hesitation to declare, “By ME kings reign and princes decree justice; by ME princes rule, and nobles, even all the judges of the earth.”

His holy apostle declares that “God hath exalted him far above all principality and power, and might and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come:” that “all things are put under his feet,” and that “he is given to be head over all things to the church.”

From all which we safely conclude, that absolute DOMINION belongs to the Lord Jesus Christ. And that all the limited authority, dominion and power, to be found among men, is, either mediately or immediately derived from him.

“The power of those who are exalted to seats of government,” said a venerable father on a like occasion, almost a century past ¹ is from HIM. Whatever the particular instruments or means of conveying this power, and vesting it in these and those particular persons, may be: yet the power itself is from God, a ray of His. In elective states where persons are advanced by the suffrages of others, to places of rule, and vested with civil power; the persons chusing, give not the power, but God. They are but the instruments of conveyance, and do but design, i.e. nominate, the persons that shall receive it from Him.”

Hence it is HE, who in his holy providence, putteth down one, and setteth up another. He exalted even heathen princes—raised up a Pharaoh, called Nebuchadnezzar his servant, and Cyrus his shepherd and his anointed.

This divine Immanuel was pleased, in the visions of the night, to give to an heathen despot, some intimations of the glory and success of HIS KINGDOM on earth.

It is hoped it will not be thought unseasonable, if the speaker humbly invite the attention of this very respectable auditory for a few minutes, to that KING and KINGDOM which hath no end. Especially when it is remembered that it is his duty and business, to study its laws and maxims, to endeavor to proclaim its beauties, and to persuade his fellow-men, to seek first its righteousness, prosperity and glory.

The context, it is presumed, is so well remembered by all who consult the sacred pages, that it precludes the necessity of any rehearsal. The image that appeared to stand before the astonished prince, is so particularly described and so minutely interpreted, as renders a repetition needless. Great numbers in this auditory have, no doubt, received profitable instruction, as well as pleasing entertainment, in reading in ancient history, a more full account of the prophet’s prediction, of which this chapter contains only the out-lines.

We may observe therefore, from the text, that a glorious kingdom is to be set up; and that it is to be set up, in the midst of the changes and overturnings of earthly dominion and greatness. Agreeably to the prophet Ezekiel, who was contemporary with the one who gave us our text. “I will overturn, overturn, overturn it, i.e. dominion, and it shall be no more.”

Thus the Chaldean dominion was transferred into the hands of the Persians; thence into the hands of the Grecian conqueror, and from the Greeks to the Romans. This last empire arriving at the highest pinnacle of earthly glory: HE, whose right it is, even the Lord from heaven—the Lord Jesus appeared to lay the foundation of this kingdom spoken of in our text.

Be pleased further to observe, that this kingdom shall never be destroyed. While the formidable empires and mighty kingdoms of this world, in their turn, rise and fall, yea, become extinct and forgotten; this kingdom shall abide and remain—shall out live and be an attendant on the funeral of all the short-lived dominions of the earth. Moreover, that it shall brake in pieces and consume all those that are in opposition to it; or bring into it, crowns and scepters—absorb all earthly powers, and make them contribute to its progress, advancement and glory.

I have now to ask your attention, to the supreme RULER in this kingdom—The nature of its laws and maxims—and the character of its subjects.

The supreme ruler in this kingdom is none other than the Lord Jesus Christ. He who made all things, and by whom all things consist. He who thought it not robbery to be equal with God: but made himself of no reputation, and became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross. And this, that he might erect a kingdom on earth, and with such subjects as a lapsed world is composed of; even sinners and transgressors against their God.

For this, it was necessary that he should purchase and redeem them, and that with the price of his own blood—That he should assert the rectitude of the divine administration, the equity and goodness of his LAW; which could not be, but by his obedience and sacrifice. This therefore he cheerfully undertook. “Behold I come, in the volume of the book it is written of me, to do thy will, O God.” In order for the accomplishment of which, he appeared meek and lowly; submitted to the reproaches and indignities of wicked men—to be accounted mean and contemptible, and when he was reviled, reviled not again. He was full of philanthropy, went about doing good, and was emphatically the sinner’s friend.

His obedience in his threefold character, as a Man, a Jew and a Redeemer, was perfect and persevering; his sufferings and death meritorious, and his resurrection and ascension, certain and triumphant.

This divine Ruler is possessed of every perfection suited to be the great head of this kingdom. He is now continually operating in the course of his all-governing providence, with such wisdom, power and goodness, as to make all things subservient to his grand design, in bringing glory to God, and happiness to the system of intelligence. “He maketh his angels spirits, and his ministers a flame of fire.” He conducts the affairs of this world in such a manner, as is best calculated to promote, and most wisely adapted to advance, the interests of this kingdom on earth. When “the heathen rage and the people imagine a vain thing:” He sitteth in the heavens and laugheth at their folly. When the kings and potentates of the earth take counsel together, and set themselves against him; “He dasheth them in pieces like a potter’s vessel.”

From the earliest ages, He hath so ordered the events of time, that the rise and fall of nations—the revolutions and changes which have come to pass, among the generations of men; have all contributed to bring forward the mediarorial plan, and will, in issue, produce a large revenue of glory to the Lord Jesus Christ.

Nor is this kingdom propagated by fire and sword, or by the arts and stratagems of war; by which indeed most of the kingdoms of this world have been set up and established: but by the still small voice of the Divine Spirit — by heavenly influence on the minds of men; without noise, pomp and magnificence: For “this kingdom cometh not with observation.”

This supreme King of Zion, not only disappoints and confounds the devices of those who are in opposition to his kingdom; but rules in the hearts of his people by love. As his administrations are all wise, just and good; so the laws, precepts and maxims by which he governs, are excellent and divine. To these then in the next place, I am to ask your attention.

This is the only absolute monarchy we know of, that is without its faults. Monarchical government, we may, perhaps, be allowed to say, is the best in the universe, provided the monarch be wise, just and good. But such are the imperfections and corruptions attendant on lapsed degenerate men, that it is exceedingly dangerous to erect such a government in our world; lest oppression and violence should stalk uncontrouled, and misery and wretchedness be still more accumulated among the children of men.

The history of past ages exhibits a hideous portrait of the dismal effects of absolute despotic government. “What mighty blessings to mankind,” remarks a worthy divine ² on a similar occasion, “were the famous Ninus, Nebuchadnezzar, Alexander, yea even Caesar, and later heroes of the sort; who have been celebrated in the records of fame? What did they ever do, but butcher mankind? Ravage, rob and plunder millions better than themselves? And to what other end, but to serve their own lawless and unbridled lusts? What were their most celebrated virtues, but the wonderful generosity of giving those riches, honors and privileges to some of their slaves, which they had first unrighteously gotten into their power, and taken from others?”

But in the government we are contemplating, although it is absolute monarchy, it is, nevertheless, the most wise, equitable and mild. The laws in this kingdom are, indeed, calculated to bring glory and dignity to the prince—to exalt the sovereign: yet also to secure the liberty and felicity of the subject.

A FUNDAMENTAL law in this kingdom is Love. “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and thy neighbor as thyself.” On this, all the rules, statutes and maxims of this kingdom are founded.

As the glorious Ruler himself was full of love to God, and benevolence to mankind, so he requireth the exercise of this capital virtue, in all his subjects. This constitutes order and peace, and lays a foundation for a most agreeable and happy society.

JUSTICE, integrity and uprightness, are urged, as most essential requisites for the conduct of all the subjects of this kingdom. It is a most important maxim given and insisted on, by the glorious Legislator, “As ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise.” This is that which the Lord requireth, “to do justly and love mercy.”

It is an important direction in this kingdom to render to all their dues. Various are the relations and different the offices to be sustained in social connection, whether in civil or religious life. And hence different duties and obligations arise; according to the various stations among men, in which, by divine Providence, they are placed. Hence rules are prescribed. He that ruleth is required to rule “with diligence.” And to “be just, ruling in the fear of God.” To be a “terror to evil-doers, and a praise to such as do well.” He is to consider himself as “God’s minister,” attending continually on this very thing.

Or subjects it is also required, that they submit to the ordinances of men”—and “be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake.” And of him that teacheth, it is required “that he wait on teaching”—and give himself wholly to these things, that his profiting may appear.” In a word, the rule is, “let every man abide in the calling wherein he is called”—and “render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due, honor to whom honor, and fear to whom fear.

BENEFICENCE is also required of the subjects of Christ’s kingdom. Not only that benevolent affection be exercised; but that it be expressed in beneficent actions and conduct towards our fellow-men. The rule adopted is, “look not every man at his own things, but every man also, at the things of others.” In opposition to that narrow and contracted selfishness, which is so incompatible with all moral and social virtue.

TRUTH and sincerity, in opposition to hypocrisy, and artful dissimulation is strongly urged, as a necessary regulation for the conduct of the subjects of this dominion. An open and honest frankness in communication, with “yea, yea, nay, nay,” inasmuch as “whatsoever is more that this, cometh of evil.” To these may be added, sobriety, temperance and charity, as distinguishing ornaments of those who belong to a kingdom which is never to have an end.

I only add here, that cheerful, uniform and persevering obedience to these, and all the commands of Christ Jesus, is strictly enjoined: For it is “he that endureth to the end, that shall be saved.” But the bare mention of all the laws and maxims of this kingdom, would be to copy a considerable part of the New-Testament. Give me leave to suggest one thought more, under this head of discourse and it shall be dismissed: and that is, that as the laws in this kingdom are all founded in consummate wisdom; so they are not too many, nor too few—they need no amendments, nor do they ever require any repeal. Such is the imperfection that attends the human-kind, that the wisest constitution that can be formed by men, and laws and statutes thence arising, may, and often are, attended with mischievous and unhappy effects. Nor is it possible to foresee, with precision, their operation, so as to prevent them. Hence ariseth the necessity of alteration and change, in legislation, and consequently in administering upon it. But instability in government, ever disposes to discontent and faction. These things are in a greater or less degree, necessary attendants on this imperfect state—such is the situation of our world. But in the kingdom of the Redeemer, the constitution is perfect—the laws and rules consummately wise, and the administration, of consequence, perfectly equitable and just.

I have now in the last place, to request your attention to the character of the subjects of this dominion, of which we have been speaking. And if in doing this, we find the principal outlines of the truly virtuous and godly man—the chief characteristics of the real Christian; it is hoped, it will not be deemed a misspending the time. For I may presume to assert, that it is our highest honor, and will be our greatest felicity to be truly religious—to be real Christians; whatever be our stations and employments in this uncertain world. The speaker would be understood therefore, by delineating the character, humbly to recommend it.

The subjects of this kingdom partake of the same spirit and temper of their glorious Ruler and Lord—and they walk in some measure even as he walked. They are endued with a principle of real virtue, being born from above. This lays a foundation for virtuous conduct, and holy practice, both towards God, themselves, and mankind. They exercise “Repentance toward God, and Faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. Sensible they are sinners, and of consequence, under a forfeiture of the divine favour: they look to the free mercy of God, through the atonement of Christ, for pardon and acceptance unto eternal life. They are (acting in character, and in this view it is intended to consider them) strongly attached to their Prince. They are voluntary in his service—are not subjects by constraint; but find that in being obedient, and in “keeping his “commands there is a great reward”—and that “his yoke is easy and his burden light.”

Such is their love and attachment to their Sovereign and Lord, that they have a tender concern for his honor and interest, and his glory ever lies near their hearts: For when they “behold the transgressors they are grieved.” As they love God, so they love mankind—they are disposed, as they have opportunity, to do good to all. They love not only their friends, but their enemies. Their benevolent affection is not bounded by their peculiar connections, nor circumscribed with their own community or nation: but their philanthropy extends to all mankind.

Another characteristic of the subjects of this kingdom is, they are solicitous to approve themselves faithful in their stations. Agreeably to the rule given: “Let every man abide in the same calling wherein he is called.” And are diligent in improving the talents committed to them, be they more or less; feeling the weight of that charge, “Occupy until I come.”—They keep in mind, that they are amenable to their glorious Lord, for the privileges they enjoy, and betrustments [entrustments] committed to them. They fear the doom of the slothful servant, and are anxious to obtain the blessed Euge pronounced on the faithful ones.

Moreover the subjects of this kingdom are quiet and peaceable members of the community, to which the providence of God hath joined them. They are disposed not to be factious, turbulent and boisterous; but rather to feel the influence and obligation of true patriotism—to seek the real prosperity and good of their country. Hence they feel bound by the precepts and example of their Lord, to discharge the duties they owe to their country, and in whose protection they share a part. From this consideration they will not murmur, much less refuse, to contribute their proportion for its security and defense: remembering that their blessed Lord, even after he had proved an exemption, ye wrought a miracle to pay his poll-tax.

I add, the subjects of this kingdom are men of prayer; and entertain a sacred regard for the Christian institutions. Whether in more exalted, or in humbler stations, they are not ashamed of Jesus and the cross of Christ. They love his Sabbaths, they attend on his worship and ordinances, and set a greater estimate on the light of his countenance and the communication of his grace and love, than they do on gold, yea than much fine gold.

In fine, they endeavor to keep a conscience void of offence, both toward God, and toward man. They are influenced, from a sacred regard to their God and their Saviour, to live soberly, righteously and godly in the world”—And in their habitual conduct, they are disposed to act as in sight of the solemn judgment to come—and with a serious view to the glorious and awful retributions of eternity.

Thus having an unshaken trust and confidence in God, and abiding under the shadow of his wings; they can be calm and sedate, in the midst of the boisterous tumults, and shaking perplexities of a tempestuous world—soar above its frowns—despise its flatteries—look with becoming indifference on its sublunary vanities—wait for a comfortable dismission from its vexations and evils—and hope and look, through grace, for the approbation of their Lord, and an open and abundant entrance into his kingdom of glory.

With pleasing contemplation we remark; how glorious is the King of Zion. Who will not fear, who will not love, this supreme Ruler. How glorious his person, how exalted his kingdom, how excellent his laws—how wise his administrations, and how happy his subjects. Is all power in heaven and earth given unto Him? Is it by Him, kings reign and princes decree justice? By Him, do princes rule, and nobles, even all the judges of the earth—and doth his kingdom extend over and absorb all others?—Then it is easy and natural to conclude, that all authority and power, short of Him, when viewed on a large scale, is only executive. By Him, and under Him they rule and govern, are executing his purposes, and bringing about the infinitely benevolent designs of his heart.

The Christian ruler, the really virtuous, who are in authority, will rejoice to subserve the interests of his kingdom. They will contribute all in their power, to promote the greatest good—the honor of the Redeemer and the best good of mankind. They will feel that it is a privilege, as well as an honor, to be by Him furnished with superior abilities, and placed in circumstances, so imitate their divine Lord in doing good—in seeking to diffuse happiness around them. And thus the Lord Jesus makes them happy instruments to promote his glorious purposes.

And indeed, this divine Ruler, in the course of his wise providence, doth so dispose and order events, that those who are not virtuous rulers, not friendly to his kingdom; but rather seek to oppose and hinder its progress, shall yet be under his control; so that they shall subserve his pleasure. For “the wrath of man shall praise him, and the remainder of wrath will he restrain.”

Not the most bloody tyrant that ever swayed a scepter, or disgraced a diadem, can go a step beyond his divine permission: nor a wicked Hazael be king over Syria, but by his designation. How animating the thought that the Lord Jesus reigns—that he hath a kingdom which shall know no end—and that he is gathering subjects into it, all around our world!

Notwithstanding all the opposition that hath taken place, and the many efforts which have been made to overthrow this kingdom, it still abides. It hath withstood the shock of its enemies for ages, and will still withstand them.

Great indeed, hath been the opposition to this kingdom in the world. Besides the pagan darkness which hath, for ages, brooded over the greater part of the earth—besides the awful delusion of that grand Impostor, the false prophet in the East—besides the tyranny and superstitions of the Roman Pontiff and his zealous votaries: there have been swarms of errors, wild enthusiasm and superstition, with a kind of religious frenzy and madness, which have prevailed in many parts of this more enlightened country. All which seem to promote increasing infidelity, and to obstruct the cause of the Redeemer, and the apparent progress of his kingdom: yet, blessed be God, great is the truth and will prevail.” This kingdom shall rise higher and higher, shall spread more and more, dispelling the clouds of darkness, and mists of delusion, before the glorious “sun of righteousness,” until it shall prevail over all the earth. “For the Gentiles shall come to his light, and Kings to the brightness of his rising.”

We also remark, The absolute necessity, and great blessing of good civil government. Wherever true Christianity, and the cause and interest of the Redeemer extends; there also civil government extends. Where the latter is now, but anarchy prevails, “there is confusion and every evil work:” to the total exclusion of the mild and benevolent maxims of the Prince of Peace. O! what gratitude becometh those, whom God is pleased to bless with good civil government?

“Inconsiderate men,” ³ as one observes, are apt to think government rather a burden, than a blessing; rather as what some persons have invented for their own particular advantage; than what God hath instituted for the good of all. This is, under him, the great guard and security of men’s property, peace, religion, lives; of everything here, for which it is worthwhile to live.”

And when we see men impatient under proper government, disposed to discontent and faction, to disseminate a spirit of contention—to “speak evil of dignities,” and despise their rulers: if the character of the subjects of Christ’s kingdom hath been justly drawn; it is indeed difficult, if not impossible to reconciled this character, with that of a real Christian; let their professions and pretensions be what they may.

“Tyranny and anarchy,” said another of our fathers, many years past, ⁴ “like fire and frost, though contrary in their natures, are, in many instances, much alike in their effects. A factious and ungovernable disposition in the people, does as effectually destroy the public happiness, as tyranny in the rulers. And a man has no more security of his life, or any of the enjoyments of it, when the execution of the laws is prevented by a mutinous temper of the people; than he would have if the laws were suspended by the arbitrary will of tyrannical governors.”

The maxims of the religion of Jesus, abundantly teach and inculcate, nay strictly enjoin, cheerful and ready subjection to civil government; and under its happy influence and protection they may hope and expect “to lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.”

In a view of the glory of the kingdom of the Redeemer, and the certainty of its spread and progress in the world; permit me once more to remark—The importance of this new and extended dominion to which we belong—and which covers no inconsiderable part of this western continent.

May we not anticipate the joy that shall arise in every truly virtuous and pious mind, from a consideration that this shall be the Theatre on which, angels and men, shall behold the displays of the Redeemer’s grace, and the glorious enlargement of his kingdom?

It is a just remark of a truly great man, that the visible kingdom of Christ, from its first rise, is making its progress towards the West. A vast, an immense, yea in great part, an unknown territory lies before us in that direction. And, so far as it hath been explored, for fruitfulness of soil, mildness of climate, and superior advantages of inland navigation, equals, if not surpasses any other part of the globe. Hitherto it hath been occupied, by little more than savage beasts and savage men. Shall this be all; until it shall be consumed with the rest of the burning world? Surely not.

The special agency of Heaven was so visibly manifest, in the late American Revolution, as forced the acknowledgment of it, even from the inattentive as well as the attentive mind—from the profane and impious, as well as the virtuous and sober.

The Supreme Ruler, whose province it is, to tread out empires, and give them birth; hath, in his holy providence, laid the foundation of this new and extended empire. Nor is his hand less conspicuous, in the opening such a fruitful world before us; sufficient for the support of many millions of inhabitants; than also in inspiring such a remarkable spirit of emigration to the west. And this, not only from amongst us on the eastern shore of this continent: But also from various parts of the other. Hardy adventurous souls, quitting the narrow and barren limits that gave them birth, to go and dwell in a more goodly land. And thus lay the foundations for immense population and increase; and open the way for the progress of this kingdom, and spread the praises of the great Redeemer, in that land of darkness and “shadow of death.”

He must be very contracted in his views, who imagines that all these preparations, in Providence, are only for men to act over the busy scenes of a short life, in pleasure, voluptuousness and sensuality: or that earthly parade and show, is all that is intended. No, surely. ‘Tis no enthusiasm, ‘tis no utopian chimera, to hope and believe, that this kingdom shall there spread and prevail, and the Lord Jesus get to himself a name and a praise in those ends of the earth.

But I may not dwell, any longer on the pleasing contemplation. The important business of the day forbids; and requires that the discourse be shut up with the usual addresses.

I congratulate my friends, and brethren of this Commonwealth, on the joyful return of this pleasing anniversary. Great and distinguishing have been the mercies of the God of heaven to our nation and infant empire. And when we were in imminent danger of such internal convulsions and divisions, as, had they not been checked, portended our overthrow and speedy ruin; and this notwithstanding the infinite expence of toil, treasure and blood: Behold it hath pleased Him, by whose special providence, our empire was founded, to unite a great people, in strengthening the bands of union, in forming and adopting a Constitution, in a manner unequalled by, nay without a precedent among the nations of the earth.

With ineffable pleasure, the citizens of the United States, may once more behold HIM who is justly esteemed the Father of his country, and, under God, the Saviour of a great people; from the toils of war, tasting the sweets of his beloved retirement and domestic tranquility for a short season—at the united solicitations of a grateful and feeling people; again step forth, and though reluctant, take the Presidents’ Chair: to head, not the gallant heroes and veteran soldiers in the field; but the sage councilors in the cabinet—the august legislature of America.

With equal satisfaction, we also view that distinguished Patriot, whose invincible attachment to his country from early life, hath called forth his great exertions, not only by his instructive pen; but also in person, from Court to Court, as our Ambassador abroad: now, as a tribute of gratitude from his country, at their call, is pleased to take the Chair of Vice-President.

With no less joy we view the venerable Senators and Representatives of our nation, in general Congress assembled; with deliberation and firmness, unitedly exerting their wisdom, integrity and zeal, to heal the wounds, and cure the disorders of their distressed country, and render their fellow citizens both happy at home, and respectable abroad. Was the resolution and the establishment of our Independence, the “Lord’s doings?”—Surely this not less.

Great and distinguishing have been the mercies of God to this State in particular: and this day is a witness, of the patience and goodness of the God of our Fathers, towards us their children; in continuing to us, our civil and religious privileges of such inestimable worth.—We behold our fathers and brethren, who are constituted by the suffrages of a free people, the pillars and supporters of this state—the guardians of our precious immunities. And when in General Assembly met, as soon as formed, we view them resorting together, to the house of God, unitedly to look up to the great Fountain of Wisdom, “the Father of Lights,” and to implore his presence and direction with them. The weighty concerns before them call for it, virtuous citizens, will attend them.

Nor is it a small part of the joy that appears in the countenances of this numerous throng,–May it please your Excellency; for to you, Sir, I beg leave, with filial confidence, yet humble deference, more particularly to direct my discourse.—It is not one of the least felicities of this people, to behold you, Sir, at the head of your numerous brethren and citizens of this commonwealth. Especially when we consider you as one born and educated among us—as one who hath given early and continued assurances of your steady attachment to the best interests of your citizens, by a long series of public and unremitting labors both at home and abroad.

Shall we repeat our expressions of gratitude, for the eminent services you have rendered to this State, and to the United States? Although this may be acceptable, yet a consciousness of your own integrity and fidelity in your various important offices, I know, must afford you much greater satisfaction. You will permit me, Sir, as one of the ministers of the Lord Jesus, to request you often to reflect, that the eyes of God, and this people, are upon you—that as your office is high and honorable, so the duties of it are arduous and difficult. That you are accountable to Him, by whose providence, you are raised to your exalted station: and that “where much is given much is also required.”

You will often contemplate, with divine pleasure, the glory and importance of that King and Kingdom, which hath been the theme of the foregoing discourse. Nor will you be ashamed to be, and continue to be, a faithful subject of the Prince of Peace. To Him you will still repair, and on his grace you will rely, in all your trials, whether official or personal—even to Him who hath said, “My grace is sufficient for you.”

A becoming sense of your own insufficiency without divine aid—the sweets of an approving conscience, and the approbation of your Judge at last; will often bring you, with a spirit of humble dependence, to the throne of grace, with that petition which proceeded from one⁵ who presided over a greater people than your Excellency now doth.—“Give, therefore, thy servant an understanding heart, to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad: for who is able to judge this thy so great people.”

Your Excellency, will suffer me to remind you, that as the Lord Jesus, who is the head of all power, hath, in his holy providence, furnished you with ability, and placed you in circumstances, to be eminently useful; so He will, one day, call you to render an account to Him your glorious Master.—Before whose tribunal, shall you and we stand, divested of every official distinction and titles of honor, which are peculiar to this world.

And now, That your Excellency may still possess the fullest confidence, and the warmest affection of a grateful people—a long and successful administration—the testimony of an approving conscience—the supports of religion through life—the consolations of divine grace at death—and the final approbation of your Supreme Judge; is our devout wish and ardent prayer.

Such, my indulgent auditors, is the imperfection that attends the wisest and best men, that they may sometimes, even in the great affairs of legislation, and in the appointment of executive authority, do that, which on further inspection, they are convinced is not wisest and best. For it is a received maxim, “Humanum est errare.” Therefore we find by experience that two different boards in the great representation of the people, is exceedingly useful and necessary: For “he that is first in his own cause seemeth just; but his neighbor cometh and searcheth him”—And “two are better than one.”

In such a government as ours, that there should be a check upon the great body in General Assembly, is found to be peculiarly salutary and beneficial.

The upper board of this great representation, in conjunction with his Excellency, and his Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, we consider as the representation of the people at large: and being promoted to that dignified station by the suffrages of the people through all parts of the State; they will, of course, be free from partial and local feelings, and consider themselves equally concerned for the whole body of their constituents.

You will suffer me then, May it please your Honor, and you Honorable Counsellors, just to remind you that, great is the confidence this people repose in you, when you are selected out from the many thousands in this commonwealth, to compose the circle around the council-board. Peculiar deference, esteem and honor is due from us to you, in your high stations: as also fatherly care, love and faithful exertion from you, honored Gentlemen, to us. The many proofs you have given of your ready discernment of, and regard for the real interests of the people, are not altogether unknown or wholly unnoticed. We request your Honors, still to exert your patriotic zeal and abilities for our good, and wish you at all times that “wisdom which is profitable to direct.”

You will indulge the freedom of a Christian minister, when he exhorts you among all the weighty concerns to which you are called; also to attend to that King and Kingdom of which we have been speaking. By His providence, you are raised to places of distinguished honor and trust. By Him you “Nobles and Judges rule,” as well as “all the Judges of the earth.”

You will remember, venerable Fathers, that you have not only to be, and do, that which is right in the sight of men; but especially to see that you approve yourselves to your own consciences and to the Lord Jesus, to whom you are accountable. And that it is your highest honor, and will be your greatest felicity, to be found at last, the faithful subjects of that kingdom which shall outlive all others. Cultivating the spirit and temper with which that Supreme Ruler was possessed; will expand your hearts with philanthropy, and dispose you to exert yourselves in the improvement of the talents which by your accomplishments and situations, God hath committed to you. Nor will the dazzle of earthly honors make you forget, that though you are stiled God’s on earth, you must die like men; and be called to render an account of your stewardship.

And the weight of this serious truth, you will the more sensibly feel, when you reflect that one of your number hath been called away from your Board and from our world, the year past. Although for a series of years, he adorned his seat at the Council-Board—he was not suffered to continue by reason of death.

His ability, integrity and zeal, for his country’s welfare—his fidelity and perseverance, in the duties of his civil, social and religious life, could not prevent the Honorable JOSEPH SPENER, Esquire, from a dismission from his useful offices and employments here: but having served his generation, “he is gathered to his fathers.”

But that I be not tedious, we wish you, honored Senators, and those Gentlemen, who may, this day, be invited, by the providence of God and the voice of the freemen, to join your circle, and supply the place of him who has slept in death; and any or all, the seats of those worthy members of your body who are called away to attend on the interesting concerns of the federal government in our national Congress: We wish you, revered Fathers, heavenly wisdom and understanding in all your consultations and decrees. And that you may be so happy as that having served your generation faithfully by the will of God, you may be gathered to your fathers in peace, meet the approbation of your own consciences and of your final Judge; and by Him, through grace, be admitted to the rewards of the faithful.

How great is the privilege, my candid hearers, that when our numbers and local circumstances will not admit of the great body of the people to meet together, to consult the general good, and give themselves law, or enact statutes by which to be governed: that we may detach a number of our brethren from every part of the community, to represent us in General Assembly. That they should here convene, and mutually communicate and receive, the feelings, the wants, the maladies and complaints of the great whole. But alas, how difficult, how arduous, how embarrassed oft times and perplexed, is their situation? Though their stations are respectable, and demand our esteem and reverence; yet their situation requires our prayers, our best wishes and every friendly aid.

It is not one of the least of our precious privileges, Gentlemen Fathers and Representatives of this whole Corporation, that you, and such as from time to time sustain your offices, may meet twice a year, and oftner if the public exigencies require; to look over every part of the community and carefully to see; not only “ne quid Refpublica detrimenti caperet” as the Roman phrase was; not only, left the commonwealth receive any detriment; but also studiously to exert yourselves, as fathers of the people you represent, to build them up—promote their tranquility—cement their union, and do all in your power, to advance the public weal.

It belongs not to me, Gentlemen, to dictate to you how to rule—what must be done, or what not be done, in your legislative or executive departments. Ye yourselves know what are the exigencies of, and what the necessary provisions for the commonwealth, and to you, a particular attention to this duty belongs. You will therefore make the general welfare your grand object, in all your consultations and resolves.

Indulge me, honored Gentlemen, the freedom to entreat you all to become the willing subjects of that kingdom, which shall flourish when all earthly power and authority, shall no more be needed. And to make the laws and maxims of that Supreme Ruler, whose character we have described, the measure of your conduct, in your political as well as private capacities. I may not doubt, honored Sirs, you will bear in mind, that you are accountable to him, and that his eye is ever upon you.

You are, when in Assembly met, acting in a legislative capacity, and many, if not most of you, when dispersed, are called to act in judicial and executive departments. In each and in every character you sustain; if you “fear God” like Joseph of old, you will indeed be pillars and supporters of our republic. Should you keep in mind that you are, not only amenable to the public; but that you must give an account to that Supreme Judge, whose eye beholds the secret springs and motives of every heart; and let this be uppermost in your minds; you will then hardly do amiss: But, destitute of benevolence and virtuous principle, as the great Pole-star to influence and guide you; although your knowledge and abilities may be great; you will be in danger of ship-wreck—of bringing ruin on yourselves and those who are embarked with you.

Worthy Gentlemen, we ardently desire and devoutly wish you the divine guidance, the gracious presence, and blessing of the Supreme Ruler—the Lord Jesus Christ—and that by wise and judicious precept, and faithful correspondent example, you may be great blessings in life, and, through grace, accepted at death, and made happy when your places shall no more be found in this uncertain world.

Although the business of the day doth not call for the special attention of the Ministers of the Gospel, any farther than that they shew themselves friendly and solicitous to promote in their line, the general good; and meet in convention to cultivate harmony, and strengthen and assist one another, in the important business in which they are called to act: yet the subject of the foregoing discourse, exhibiting the nature and importance of that divine and glorious kingdom, in which they are called more immediately to labour; will allow a word from one who esteems it a privilege to be accounted one of their brethren.

The consideration, My Reverend Fathers and dear Brethren, that the kingdom of the divine Redeemer shall survive all others, and that by His providence, others shall be made subservient to its interests—The consideration also, of the utility and importance of civil government to promote the interests of this kingdom; should fill our hearts with joy and gladness, and animate us to a diligent and laborious attention to the work, whereunto we are called.

To us, blessed be God, even to us, is this grace given, to preach among our fellow-men, our fellow-sinners, “the unsearchable riches of Christ.”—To exhibit the character of the Redeemer—to unfold, explain, and enforce the laws and maxims of his kingdom, and to beseech lapsed men “in Christ’s stead, to be reconciled to God.”

If this employment as the ancient divines used to say, is “formidable to the shoulders of angels;” what must it be in our view, when we consider ourselves, equally involved in the apostacy, guilt and ruin of our fellow-men?

Should we not ever entertain an abiding sense of our own insufficiency, and continually look to Jesus our divine Master, for needful grace and aid, to enable us to the faithful discharge of our important trusts. And while we are favored with the protection and countenance of our civil father, we are under better advantages to do good among our people for both worlds. They will readily tell us, that by faithfully attending to the duties of our office—by public and private precept and exhortation, enforced by proper and becoming example; we may do much towards the peace and order of society, and good of the commonwealth. This, then should be a powerful stimulus to faithful and laborious exertion in our profession. But when we reflect on the exalted glory of the Redeemer—the infinite importance of the spread of his kingdom—the glorious things spoken for the city of our God—the perishing condition mankind are in by sin—the door of mercy opened in the gospel, and the solemn account we shall soon be required to render of our ministry. When we reflect on these things, surely we shall be humble, prayerful, watchful, zealous and engaged in every branch of our arduous work. We shall strive together in love for the faith of the gospel, and the promotion of hat dear cause which we have espoused. We shall abound in love to our common Lord, in love to one another, and tender benevolence to mankind. And when one and another of our fathers and brethren are summoned off, from the wall of our Jerusalem, calling on us as they go; to make haste—to finish our ministry and follow them; shall we not hear—shall we not feel!—shall we not be all attention, and look and wait for the coming of our Lord?—“Blessed is that servant whom, his Lord when he cometh, shall find so doing.”

I will detain this numerous auditory no longer, than only to beseech your attention, My Brethren and Fellow-Citizens, to that glorious Ruler and that blessed Kingdom, which hath been briefly described. Suffer me to ask you, my friends, what think you of Christ—what think you of his kingdom—what think you of the final happy condition of his subjects? Permit me to exhort and charge you all, to become the faithful and loyal subjects of this Prince of Peace.—In his own words, to “seek first the kingdom of God.” Your peace and quiet in this world; but especially your comfort in death, and your happiness in the world to come, depends on your speedy compliance with this, his exhortation.

The day and age in which we lie is evil. The preachers have been wont on these most public occasions, to shew to our Israel “their transgressions.” And may not he who now speaketh be allowed to bear a testimony against the prevailing evils which threaten our ruin—which presage the lawful displays of divine indignation, and call for the uplifting hand of a sin-revenging God. When he dares to make mention of them, he feels the more undaunted, from a conscious persuasion that he hath the favor and countenance, not only of his Excellency who hath commanded him to speak this day, and the honorable legislative body—together with the concurrence of his brethren of the sacred character and all serious men: but also the approbation of his God. He dares then to say, O Connecticut, how art thou fallen! Once famous for benevolence, righteousness and the fear of God—for the belief and practice of religion—even the religion of Jesus, which alone brings sinners to heaven. Now abounding with impenitence, infidelity and all manner of impieties.—The precious word of God disregarded.—The holy Sabbath treated with growing neglect.—The sacred institutions of the Lord Jesus, by many despised.—Family-prayer awfully out of fashion. And of consequence, all manner of violations of the duties we owe to one another. Injustice, fraud, violence, profanes, debauchery, intemperance, deceit, falsehood, and covetousness—these and many more evils which are the genuine offspring of these; too much mark our towns and communities. Meanwhile the God of our Fathers in anger withdrawn, and the necessary influences of the blessed spirit withheld!—Is it not time to stop in our career, and enquire—where are we—and what must we expect? Hath not the Most High given us a gentle rebuke in cutting short, both the harvests in the year past, and thereby caused the cries of the poor to be more than usually heard for bread.

We have heretofore, felt the rod of the Almighty, in the desolations of war, and in the destructions of the pestilence that walketh in darkness: but have, as yet, God be thanked, been strangers to the horrors of famine. Have we not reason to tremble, and be “afraid of his righteous judgments?” General and open impieties, are followed with public and sore judgments. Let us open our eyes and see—receive conviction, repent and reform.

Brethren, the time is short. Religion is a reality. Gospel truths all-important. The concerns of eternity weighty and momentous. The retributions of the last great day, glorious and awful. To leave the paths of sin—to forsake the ways of the destroyer—to become friends to the Lord Jesus, and lovers of mankind: this will secure the favor of God—will make us a happy people. This will make us good citizens and good subjects. This will make it easy to rule, and to be ruled; each one attending to the duties of his own proper station. Then shall we strive together to promote the general good. So shall we behold our Jerusalem built up—this, a land of light, liberty and religion—our country grow and increase—our empire enlarge and extend—and that divine kingdom, which shall absorb all others, spread and prevail, “till the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the glory of the Lord.” Then “violence shall no more he heard in thy land, wasting and destruction within thy borders: But thou shalt call thy walls salvation, and thy gates praise.”

 

---

Endnotes

¹. Rev. Mr. Bulkley’s Election Sermon.

². Rev. Dr. Williams, of Lebanon.

³. Rev. Dr. Mayhew.

⁴. Rev. Mr. Hobart, in his Election Sermon.

⁵. King Solomon.

David Parsons was an influential pastor from New Hampshire. He was born in Amherst in 1749. Parsons attended Harvard and graduated in 1771; he later received a Doctorate of Divinity from Brown University in 1800. Rev. Parsons pastored the Amherst Congregational church from 1782 until 1819, and was a proficient scholar. He was offered the divinity chair at Yale in 1795 but declined the honor. He did however, become a principle backer for Amherst College, donating the land for the college and serving as board president (Noah Webster also played a significant role in the founding and establishment of Amherst College). David Parsons died in May of 1823 at the age of 74. In this election sermon, Rev. Parsons continues the century-old tradition of American ministers giving a sermon before newly-elected government leaders. Parsons’ sermon, given before John Hancock and both chambers of the Massachusetts Legislature, describes the importance of virtuous civil rulers and characterizes good government from a Biblical standpoint.

---

A
Sermon
Preached Before His Excellency
John Hancock, Esq.
Governor;
The Honorable the Council,
and the Honorable the Senate,
and House of Representatives, ¹
of the Commonwealth of
Massachusetts,
May 28, 1788.
Being the Day of
General Election

By David Parsons, A.M. Pastor of A Church in Amherst.

Proverbs 29:2
When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.

The preacher considers it to be the special design of our present meeting in this place (according to common usage, and the laudable example of our pious Ancestors) to seek the divine influence and direction in the important concerns of the day to express our grateful and devout praises for the inestimable blessings of government – to implore the divine blessing upon our civil magistrates in the discharge of the duties of their several departments – and to meditate on such suggestions from the oracles of truth, as may be pertinent to such an occasion.

Therefore he shall hope to have acquitted himself to the satisfaction of this numerous and respectable assembly in the part assigned him, if pursuant to the line of his own ministerial character, he shall offer such religious considerations, as may be thought proper for the business of the day; though he should avoid political disquisitions – though he should not decide in matters of controversy; or dictate in matters of state, or attempt to give instructions to politicians who are furnished with much better means or knowledge, and must be presumed to be already well informed, respecting the proper duties of their station.

Waving therefore whatever might favor of impertinency upon such subjects, I would observe, that the sentiment contained in the words under consideration, is clearly this, that the subjects or every government, however depraved, or insensible they may be to some purposes, have usually an ability to discern the virtues or defects of their rulers – that they quickly feel the advantages or embarrassments of a virtuous or vicious administration, and usually discover their internal sentiments, by exhibiting external demonstrations of sorrow or joy.

The words seem also to carry with them this further implication, that righteousness (which in the scriptures is used to signify sincere piety, or the fear of God) makes an important part of the character of a ruler. Yet there are many professors of Christianity, who, (not much to the honor of their profession) will strenuously maintain, that between religion and politics, there ought to be little or no connection – that an Infidel or an Atheist out to stand as fair a candidate for the suffrages of a people, as the pious man, or the exemplary Christian. Indeed it must not be disputed that persons of ability and accomplishments, who act from no higher motives than those of honor, popularity or ambition, are often improved by Divine Providence, to render very essential services to a community. But after all, must it not be allowed, that sincere piety, the true fear of God, refines and exalts the character of the ruler? Doth not this firm and unshaken principle which ever directs his actions, and give him a better foundation for the people’s confidence? He acts from the purest motives – he meditates the noblest actions -prompted by so divine a principle, his salutary influence, like the beams of the morning sun, disperseth the gloomy horrors of vice, tyranny and oppression; and diffuseth over the whole community, the blessings of light, joy, liberty and peace. Thus are the words of inspiration, “the spirit of the Lord spake by me, and his word was in my tongue; the God of Israel said; the rock of Israel spake to me, he that ruleth over men; must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be like the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.”

Our subject naturally resolves itself into the two following propositions by way of inquiry, viz.

I. What evidence may be reasonably expected from rulers, that they possess those virtues which are the source of joy to the people?

II. When a people may reasonably express their grief on account of the corruption or ill administration of rulers?

Joy and grief are human passions, which are readily excited, and often very strongly expressed: and they are to be commended or blamed, according to the various causes whereby they are produced, and the measure to which they extend. The body of a people, may not always judge right respecting the qualifications of their rulers; yet with proper means of information, they generally form a just opinion; and the opinion which they form, is not to be holden in contempt: For no wise and good magistrate will wish to hide his character from the view of the people, or reduce to give them the best possible evidence of his integrity and virtue.

Ruler’s therefore in the legislative department, ought to enact laws which are well calculated to suppress vice; and punish the transgressor. The laws of men have often a more immediate influence upon mankind, than the laws of God; because human penalties, though not more certain, yet are expected to be more immediately inflicted. This makes it necessary that rulers should pay the utmost attention to the enacting good laws; for without these the community can never be safe; vice must reign and triumph, virtue be unprotected and depressed.

Rulers in the executive department, ought to see that good laws be well executed; for to what purpose doth it prove to enact the most excellent laws, with the proper penalties, when these penalties are never to be inflicted, nor the laws carried into execution? When the boldest transgressors may bid defiance to the laws of justice, and flatter themselves with impunity? To indulge the violators of law, with frequent instance’s of impunity – to make it easy for them to evade public justice, has always a tendency to destroy the influence of the magistrate, and bring government itself, into a state of contempt. When the guilty escape, the number of offenders is quickly found to increase: But when the laws are held sacred, and their penalties inflicted, the authority of the magistrate is established, his person respected, and the government revered.

Rulers are obliged to do justice, not only in respect to the laws, but in respect to the subjects; and they are to enforce the execution of them, (unless where some particular reasons of state may require a suspension, or omission) in order to make the best compensation that may be, for the injury of the offense. The neglect of punishment justly merited, is often the cause of God’s heavy judgments upon a people. The Benjamites refused to do justice upon the man who had occasioned the death of the Levite’s Concubine; multitudes of them were slain in battle, their cities were laid in ashes, and their whole tribe almost extinguished. To punish great and notorious acts of injustice, is called in scripture, “to put away evil from the land;” because to this purpose the sword is put into the hands of rulers; and they bear the sword in vain who refuse to protect their people. I am speaking in general of the neglect to put good and wholesome laws into execution, without having reference to particular instances; for surely not to punish an offense, is to encourage it, unless, as was said before, the indemnity is justified by particular reasons of state; by the neglect of the government to punish or suppress it. And it is certain that the impunity of the offender, is a spring of universal mischief – it is not owing to the public magistrate, if the best man in the community is not as vicious as the worst. A law had better be annihilated, than to exist with universal contempt. And no good magistrate will be an unconcerned spectator, and see the righteous laws of the State openly violated; but recollecting the duty of his office, will endeavor to bring offenders to their merited punishment.

Rulers ought to furnish the people with this further evidence of their virtue, that they are friendly to religion among their people, and use their influence and authority to uphold and promote it. Religious worship and order maintained among a people, hath a most salutary effect upon their morals; it promotes vital piety, and due obedience to the laws of God and man. Rulers therefore should, by their example and authority, encourage the worship of God, and see that it is maintained with dignity and reputation. For in this the glory of the great Supreme, and the best interest of men are jointly concerned, which are the great designs of the providential government of God in the world. It is by no means beneath the dignity of the greatest magistrate or monarch on earth, to yield the most profound subjection to God, and pay homage to the Redeemer of men; nor to consecrate themselves, to their power and authority, to his service. God requires that they cooperate with him in his designs to effect the best interest of his people – that they should be hearty friends to religion – devout worshipers of God – afford protection and encouragement to his servants – that they should be patrons, and nursing Fathers to the church of Christ; and use their utmost endeavors to advance his kingdom. All which they may do without binding the rights of conscience, or exerting their authority to impose articles of faith, or modes of worship; or enforcing these by penalties. Indeed such an exercise of power in a ruler would be to extend his commission beyond its limits and to defeat its design, which was to protect and preserve the rights of conscience. The authority of rulers may be exercised in matters of religion, so far as to tolerate, encourage and support the worship of God in some form or other. The pleas of conscience are frequently made to cover a design, and with intent only to form an excuse from contributing to the support of religion, or upholding any form of social worship. In this case the constitutional power of government ought to be employed to disappoint the dissemblers, and enforce the rights of religion.

Righteous rulers will also attend to the morals of their people. Morality is an essential part of religion, and intimately affects the very being of society: and the magistrate bears the sword in vain, who pays no attention to a matter which so much concerns the peace of society. He forgets the designs of his commission, which is “to be a terror to evil doers, a praise to such as do well.” A proper use of the authority vested in civil rulers is commonly effectual to check the rapid growth of impiety, to curb and refrain the vicious inclination of men. The profanation of God’s sacred name and worship, as well as other enormous crimes against the laws of God and the community, will be duly noticed and punished by the vigilant magistrate. The happy effects produced by the vigilant care of rulers in promoting religion and virtue – and by their attention to the morals of the people – by their exertions for the establishment of schools and seminaries of instruction, to form the morals of youth to virtue and religion, are hardly to be described. The community have had large experience of these salutary influences of the magistrate; and it is ardently to be wished that the sense of their importance, might produce a still greater degree of attention.

A people may reasonably expect to find in their rulers a love and esteem for virtuous men; and a disposition to advance those of that character to places of honor and truth. Thus the royal Psalmist, “Mine eyes shall be upon the faithful of the Land, that they may dwell with me;” “he that walketh in a perfect way, shall serve me.”

Surely a man ought not to be advanced to a station of honor merely because he has a high sense of his own merit – nor because he requires very great respect to be paid him – or because he is able to flatter, and willing to do any thing for preferment – nor perhaps because he may be used as an instrument to effect a particular purpose – nor because he is indigent, yet scorns to submit to the duties of his proper calling – or because he hath important friends to solicit for him. Therefore good rulers will regard the safety and true interest of the public, and will let those share their favors who best deserve them; having regard both to their accomplishments and virtues. They will commit no trust to a man devoid of principle, sensible that he would be likely to oppose every good purpose, as he who hates to be reformed, will hinder reformation. The unprincipled person is never to be trusted; for the most trifling consideration he will betray his trust, and make use of his power and influence to subvert the government that gave them. The frequent instances of this nature which have happened, furnish matter of caution to every government, respecting the servants they employ, and what characters they trust, with such powers as they have a constitutional right to confer. Those who are strangers to a principle of virtue and conscience, and who contemn the laws of God, will not hesitate to trample upon the laws of men, whenever it answers any sinister purpose of their own. But the man of virtue will be ready to sacrifice every private consideration, that he may promote the interest of his country, and discharge the duties of his trust with fidelity and success. He will hazard both reputation and life, as the case may be, in support of the dignity of government, and the honor of the laws. Such an one will be proof against the evil insinuations of the designing and crafty; and both in public and private will bear testimony against faction, sedition, and every evil work. Such characters therefore, will be in great estimation with righteous rulers.

It is not degrading the character of righteous rulers to pay a decent and candid attention to the complaints of their subjects, expressed in a decent manner; but it is such an evidence of their virtue as may excite a people’s joy. Rulers derive their authority from the people, and they cannot suppose themselves elevated beyond the reach of their addresses or applications. They hold their offices for a short term, after which, they must stand upon a level with their subjects. Those who are worthy of the honor, and who accept their election with proper views, will be desirous to know the particular state and circumstances of their subjects, that they may be under the greater advantage to sub-serve their interest. They will therefore pay a particular regard to their complaints, and as far as they can (consistently with the interest, reputation and safety of the Commonwealth) afford them relief; or assign a satisfactory reason why supposed grievances are not redressed; and convince the people that their want of success in their applications to government, is not owing to want of sympathy and affection; but because their petitions are incompatible with the interest of the state. Such attention paid to the supposed grievances of subjects, naturally procures affection and confidence, and seldom fails of establishing such rulers’ interest in the hearts of a grateful people. It disposeth their subjects to pay to them all due subjection and honor, according to the inspired Apostle, “not for wrath, but for conscience sake;” and to do it from interest, inclination and choice. Thus will they become the joy of their subjects, and the terror of their foes. As the wise man asserts, “when the righteous are in authority the people rejoice.” They will enjoy peculiar satisfaction to see persons of known virtue and integrity promoted in the government, and the administration put to the hands of such, as both understand in what manner to use their power; and are disposed to use it with equity and moderation. This will have a tendency to conciliate the esteem, and procure the veneration of the people; one and all will be ready to unite their influence to render their administration easy and happy.

Let us now attend to the second question, viz. When a people may reasonably express their grief on account of the corruption or ill administration of rulers?

By contrasting the former character, we have the answer. For if a people have reason to rejoice when their rulers give the most plenary evidence of a righteous and faithful administration, by suppressing and punishing vice, encouraging virtue protecting the virtuous, and religious, promoting such to office, and cherishing a fellow feeling of the distresses of the community at large, they cannot forbear to mourn and weep when they observe in their rulers, a reverse of this excellent character. For as we have before remarked, mankind have not lost all sense of the Excellency of virtue they retain such an idea of goodness, that they are willing to see it exemplified in the character of their rulers, even when they find it not in themselves. They have an exalted opinion of it in others, however averse they may be from admitting its influence in their own practice.

Nothing occasions more grief to a people than to find their rulers like Omri, the Israelitish king, making ungodly statutes – when mischief is established by laws, and the people enjoined to enforce them under sever penalties. God has often times permitted the rulers of a people to be so devoid of all sense of justice and equity, as to frame the most pernicious statutes, which in their operation, have been productive of infinite mischiefs: and which, with tolerable discernment, might have been easily foreseen. When therefore a people have the extreme misfortune to have rulers of such a description, they can expect nothing from them; but such administration as will be the occasion of sorrow and mourning as long as it shall continue.

And hence originates that dishonor and contempt in which the rulers of a people are sometimes holden by their subjects. When a people despise their magistrates, contemn their government, profane the worship of God, and insult the ministers of religion, we are ready to consider such conduct as the effect of some weakness in government, or want of virtue in the magistrate. But when a people discover a disposition in their rulers, to subvert the principles of natural justice, and injure them of their just rights under color of law; is it matter of surprise, in the present state of human nature and passions, to see them meditating to reform government, and to procure deliverance from such intolerable oppression?

Add to this, when the great political characters who ought to be the most exemplary persons, are without a sense of religion shew no proper reverence of authority, or regard for the church of Christ; do not act under the influence of conscience, or the fear of God; this is a sufficient cause for public mourning and lamentation! As such persons are greater in power influence, so much greater is the calamity of the people; for they are not only unhappy by natural and immediate consequences, but are thereby exposed to the more severe judgments of God, which will undoubtedly succeed. When iniquity or irreligion is “framed into a law,” and God must be dishonored, or the rights of his people invaded, this surely is a source of grief to every good man.

No injury so great, no iniquity so much to he abhorred as a wicked law, therefore it concerns every state to see that their laws are righteous and just. And whenever any Legislature, find on a review, that laws have been passed, though perhaps by inadvertency, which deserve that description, justice to God and man, and demands that they be instantly repealed. That rulers should frame laws notoriously unjust, deprive innocent citizens of their liberty, subject them to grievous penalties, for no cause but to gratify their own evil passions, is such a direct violation of the laws of God, and the rights of men, as must fill every sensible heart with grief and horror. Every citizen of every description, as he contributes an equal share towards the support of government, hath a right to expect equal justice and protection; unless by some crime or errors in his conduct, he hath forfeited that right; and when the right is denied, unless on account of some defect of his own, he hath certainly a good cause to complain. And when causes of complaint, by the administration of unprincipled and tyrannical magistrates, become general, and perhaps almost universal, the effects will also be as extensive as the causes; little besides expressions of lamentation and sorrow, will be seen or heard through the whole community.

The people have equal reason to mourn when wicked men are preferred by their rulers, and distinguished by their special favors. In times of confusion and degeneracy, wicked and designing men, obtain promotion; and of times such persons are entrusted with the more important concerns of the public, who were never possessed of virtue and economy, sufficient to transact their own. Hence the public are deprived of the abilities of such in the Commonwealth, who are persons of the best understanding, and the greatest wisdom. This is a sure consequence of the promotion of wicked men, that many of the most valuable characters, retire into obscurity, and decline any part in government. As Solomon observes, “when the wicked rise, men hide themselves, but when they perish the righteous increase.” Flatterers and parasites are the men who find favor with a wicked administration, but such as govern their lives by the maxims of religion, and the laws of virtue, if not wholly neglected, will commonly be disposed to excuse themselves. If they are possessed of large property, they will soon find that their exertions in favor of virtue, will render their property insecure – have they great talents and abilities, they will soon find that to use them in favor of virtue, will be to expose them to the depredations and persecutions of a wicked, lawless power – do they exert themselves in favor of the public interest, and to deliver their country from embarrassments and distresses, they find that their virtuous efforts, do but expose them to the fury of a wicked administration.

Happy is it for a land, when good men increase, and more happy when their talents are exercised for the good of the community. “But when the wicked rise, a man is hidden.” They who are void of principle, detest every thing which is sacred, as far as they have power they thrust good men into obscurity, and they are forced to abscond for their own safety. Those who are lost to all sense of virtue, duty or moral obligation, will improve their power to the worst purposes; and by this means they debase their character in the elimination of the people, who feel themselves truly miserable under their oppressive administration. They cannot but mourn to see their rulers so devoid of the principles of virtue, while they behold the melancholy effects of their wickedness, wherever they turn their eyes – they cannot but mourn when they anticipate the event of such unrighteous measures of government, and the miserable consequences which must necessarily be produced. Sad indeed is the condition of that people, who have just occasion for such complaints! They cannot but give their attestation to the truth of the observation, in the text, “when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn.”

IMPROVEMENT.
A very natural reflection, which may be made upon the subject is this, viz. That virtue is honorable, and adds an eminent luster to the reputation of a ruler. And in this view particularly that it is praised and admired by those that love it not, that it is honored by the followers and family of vice – that it forces glory out of shame, honor from contempt – that it reconciles men to the fountain of honor, the Almighty God, “who will ever honor those that honor him.” Certain it is, that religion sub serves even our temporal purposes; no great end of state, can be well attained without it; even ambition itself often seeks to derive its support from a pretense of religion. “If a new opinion be commenced, and the author would make a party, and draw disciples after him, at least he must be thought to be religious.” This is a demonstration how great an instrument or means of reputation, piety and religion are. Now if only the pretense will do us such good offices amongst men, the reality will do us much more, besides the advantages we may hope to receive from the divine benediction. The power of godliness, will certainly do more than the form alone.

No one it is presumed, can infer from any thing which hath been suggested, that obedience is not due to rulers from their subjects, although they might have reason to be suspicious of their moral character, and although there be many things in their administration, which might be a just cause of grief and mourning. The obedience we owe to magistrates, differs essentially from that which we owe to God. We ought to obey God with our understanding, and will, that is, we ought to obey him intelligently and freely; our obedience resulting from a sense of the rectitude of his precepts. But such obedience to human laws is not always required; for we may sometimes doubt of the fitness or equity of them. For so long as magistrates are liable to error, though it be highly necessary, considering ourselves as members of society, that we conform our own actions to their laws; yet it is not always our duty to believe that their laws are most salutary or convenient, because human laws may be sometimes otherwise. But our social obligations require us to be subject to laws which we may think very inconvenient, provided they be not sinful in themselves. It would be happy if inferiors would not employ themselves too much in disputing the policy and prudence of their rulers, and the propriety of their laws. We are not to obey laws, which cannot be obeyed without conscience; but an action may be wrong in respect of the person commanding it, and yet innocent in respect of the person who executes the command.

In the case of wars between nations or States, the subjects cannot be a competent judge of the equity of the dispute, yet perhaps he must bear arms, i. e. he must pay due obedience to the powers of the State. And in the case of executing an unjust sentence on a supposed criminal; not the executioner, but the judge is commonly considered as the author of the injury. He who serves his Prince in an unjust war, is but the executioner of an unjust sentence. It is generally true, that subjects are obliged to yield obedience to the laws of the State, without questioning the policy of them, if they are not apparently repugnant to the laws of God: Whereas to oppose the ruler, on any other principle than this, tends to introduce confusion into society; weakens the bands of government; destroys the authority and influence of rulers, and is in danger to issue in the subversion of the State.

Human government is of divine ordination, and our understandings are impressed, at first view, with the necessity of it. Every one must feel and acknowledge the propriety and utility of that subordination in society, which is required by the divine constitution. And he who is ever ready to impeach the conduct of rulers, reproach their administration, and dispute the wisdom, propriety or policy of their laws, obstructs their usefulness, weakens their influence, and exposeth himself to the displeasure of him, whose servants or vicegerents they are: He doth all in his power to bring the wisdom and power of the magistrate into contempt, and plunge the State into confusion and disorder. Suffer me to add, that he who is confident of his own understanding (and who is more so than he who thinks himself wiser than the laws?) needs no other tempter, than himself, to pride and vanity, which are the natural parents of disobedience. The laws ready to impeach the conduct of rulers, reproach their administration, and dispute the wisdom, propriety or policy of their laws, obstructs their usefulness, weakens their influence, and exposeth himself to the displeasure of him, whose servants or vicegerents they are: He doth all in his power to bring the wisdom and power of the magistrate into contempt, and plunge the State into confusion and disorder. Suffer me to add, that he who is confident of his own understanding (and who is more so than he who thinks himself wiser than the laws?) needs no other tempter, than himself, to pride and vanity, which are the natural parents of disobedience. The laws which are enacted by wise and just legislators, are not dictated by an arbitrary will, but result from the principles of reason and justice. They are reasonable and good in themselves; they are calculated not to sub-serve any sinister purposes, or private views, but to advance and secure the happiness of men. Whenever it happens otherwise, the legislators are tyrannical, and the government oppressive: Statutes contradictory and inconsistent are to be expected, and even such as might invert the order of things, and substitute vice, in the room of virtue. From the rotations of subjects to rulers, obligation to rulers, and duties upon those obligations, do necessarily result. Subjection to laws being considered the first and most essential of those duties, ought to be cheerfully yielded by the good subject, though in some cases it may be apprehended that the laws are not the most salutary to the interest of the people. Every citizen cannot be supposed to be able to determine absolutely on a subject of so great importance. But it must be his duty to persevere in his subjection and allegiance, till his rulers may perhaps be convinced that their measures ought to be changed; which conviction, if there be real foundation, they may quickly receive from the complaints of the people, and from such regular remonstrances, as will proceed from the most loyal and virtuous citizens.

Let us all endeavor to cultivate within our sphere, a reverence for authority, and a due submission to laws and government. Lifting up our desires to God that he would ever favor this Commonwealth with righteous rulers, who shall not feel indifferent to the rejoicings, or complaints of their subjects. And that under their wise and prudent administration, “the people may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.”

The usual addresses on such occasions as the present, will close the subject.

And as decency and propriety dictate, I would address my subject to his Excellency the Governor and Commander in Chief of this Commonwealth.

May it please your Excellency, God in his good providence hath conferred a signal honor upon you in repeatedly placing you in the highest seat in government, and entrusting you with the principal management of the most important concerns of this Commonwealth. It cannot, Honored Sir, but excite in your breast the most pleasing sensation, to find your character thus revered, and your person holden in such high estimation by so numerous and respectable a people as compose this State; and to see the evidence which it gives that your administration is of a similar complexion with that mentioned in our text, which is ever a source of general joy.

And however gloomy and difficult the day is in which you preside, your administration being of the description above, you may look for and expect all needed aid from him “who giveth wisdom to the wise, and knowledge to them that know understanding.”

Your Excellency’s early and intimate acquaintance with the situation of the Commonwealth, and a thorough knowledge of the constitution particularly, render you a more able instrument in the hands of Providence, and give you peculiar advantages for guiding our public affairs with a skillful hand. An uncommon share of knowledge, prudence and wisdom in a Governor is specially necessary in such an important and critical day as the present; to steer the helm of government with discretion – to afford light to a people enveloped in darkness and doubtful expectation – to relieve them of unnecessary burdens – and to protect their liberties from any encroachments. Your Excellency will find occasion for the improvement and exercise of all your peculiar talents in directing and regulating the public affairs of government, so as to preserve the rights of conscience, and give satisfaction to all your citizens. The popular account is very uncertain; and though the important services rendered to your country in the most hazardous transactions, have raised your Excellency’s reputation, and enrolled your name among the patriotic heroes of the age, yet such is the uncertainty of human things, that is possible that some inconsiderable circumstance, which might counteract the wishes of a misguided people, might sully the luster of all your former glories.

If your Excellency had no higher spring of action, and were not actuated by the noblest, and most disinterested motives, in your arduous and unwearied endeavors to promote to promote the lasting reputation, interest and peace of your citizens, your situation might expose you to the severest mortification. But we flatter ourselves that you have a more stable foundation of security and honor from a conscience witnessing your integrity; and your sincere endeavors that righteousness shall mark all the steps of your administration; that the present and future joy of your citizens may not be interrupted or diminished.

As your Excellency’s character stands high in the estimation of this people, it gives you a greater advantage, and should be no less a motive with you to study, and invariably to pursue their best interest and happiness. In seeking the common good and welfare of your people, you will secure your interest in their affections, and live in their hearts; which must afford the greatest satisfaction to a good magistrate. You will doubtless think it your duty to discover a becoming zeal in promoting and maintaining that righteousness among the people “which exalteth a nation;” and for the want of which, the basis of the happiest governments, in other respects, have been wholly subverted.

Your example and influence will not be wanting to the support of religion and religious order that the worship of God be upheld – the Sabbath duly sanctified-the ministers of Christ encouraged and supported – that schools of learning be duly maintained, according to the true spirit and intent of the good laws of our Land, and the pious examples of our ancestors.

But especially will your Excellency be disposed to use the influence of your dignified and exalted station, to bring vice and irreligion into disrepute, the rapid growth of which, is truly alarming! As the minister of God you cannot be an unconcerned spectator, while his enemies are profaning his sacred name, degrading his worship, contemning his Sabbaths, and treating his faithful servants with scorn. Your pious indignation in this case, will be roused, and with zeal will you countenance and support the arm of the proper magistrate, in executing the laws of the land, against bold transgressors, that they may flee or fall before them. In this way, Honored Sir, you will mightily sub serve the cause of reformation, and lay a restraint upon vice, which will in the final issue of things, be branded with eternal infamy.

In every part of your Excellency’s administration, your reverence for God and zeal for his cause, will induce you to make his revealed will, that unerring standard of truth and righteousness, the basis of your conduct: Not unmindful that this is not only the rule by which your administration is to be regulated; but whereby Deity itself will be guided in the final decisions of the last day; in which the greatest Potentate will be equally interested with the meanest peasant. A suggestion which your Excellency will not judge unreasonable, from the recent instance of the death of your worthy, pious and truly excellent contemporary in office, ² since the last anniversary Election: Whose virtuous character, and unwearied endeavors to promote the true interest and reputation of his country, will render his memory dear, and lasting, with all the sons of freedom.

That you Excellency may long live the joy and ornament of this great people; that your health may be confirmed, and your usefulness protracted – that your administration may be productive of still greater rejoicing with the people of this Commonwealth; and when filled with days and replete with grace, you shall be discharged from further services here, that you may share the honors of the heavenly world, will be the unceasing prayers of the virtuous and good.

Our subject is next addressed with due humility to the Honorable the Senate, and House of Representatives.

Honored and respectable Gentleman, The sovereign powers of this Commonwealth vested in you, by the united voice of this large people, give high importance to your character, and entitle you to their respect and confidence. And that you may not disappoint their most sanguine expectations, you will make religion and righteousness the basis of your administration and rule of your proceedings. That all your laws shall favor of piety and a sacred regard for the honor of God, and the best good of your constituents.

This was the original design of the institution of civil government, and so far as you should deviate there from, you would defeat the end of your promotion.

There is no positive certainty, indeed, that the best rulers will wholly escape the invectives of disappointed individuals, but integrity and uprightness will be sure to establish the approbation and esteem of all that are truly virtuous. Such persons are not unapprised of the difficulties and embarrassments with which all public business is attended – and they very well know that great allowances are to be made for the seeming inconsistencies that are many times discoverable in governmental matters; and are more likely to be found in republican governments, where it is so peculiarly necessary to comply with the humors and conform to the wishes of the people. When rulers make it evident that they are governed by principles of integrity; and there is no appearance of injustice in any of their acts, the judicious part of the community will revere their authority and obey the laws, even when they may not be exactly conformed to their own political sentiments. The public are in no danger from its virtuous citizens; for they never will be found to lessen the influence of authority, or unhinge the bands of government, even though they should consider the operation of some particular laws as being unjust, oppressive, and severe, if at the same time, they considered their legislators as honest men, who had no intention to oppress.

Rulers therefore should study to approve themselves to God, to their own consciences, and to the virtuous among their people, if they would be desirous to be useful, and increase the joy of their citizens. Envious and disappointed individuals will be able to make but a feeble opposition to the measures of government, if the character and conduct of rulers justly command a general reverence with the virtuous and good in the Commonwealth. These will feel themselves constrained from a love of order, from a respect to real merit, from a sense of interest, from a regard to the morals of the people, and from the more important conviction of duty to God’s institution, to exert their influence in favor of established government.

If then, Gentlemen, you would answer the end of your delegation, and would “be a terror to evil doers, and a praise and encouragement to them who do well,” it will be a principal object of your attention to rule in righteousness. And in order to rule well, it will be equally necessary that you should exhibit an example of virtue, that religion and piety may not only be discovered in your laws, but in your conversation, “rendering you conspicuous for piety and mercy, justice and sobriety;” in this way will your authority be strengthened, and your administration supported. Your constituents will be induced to take their measures and example from you. And they will be encouragers of peace or licentiousness, in some measure, as they shall find countenance or encouragement from your conversation and example.

The eyes of the people are upon their rulers, and upon you, Gentlemen, in particular, to hear your sentiments in the most critical cases, and disputable subjects; and may expect from you such things as do not fall within your department. In such a case, Gentlemen, you will doubtless recollect the powers vested in you by your commission, and keep within its limits.

However, Gentlemen, I would not presume to go out of my line, to dictate to you any measures of a civil or political nature; your wisdom and good sense do not require this from me.

Permit me to say, that as magistracy is of God’s ordination, you have a right to expect and demand due respect and obedience from your subjects. And we “ought for ever to consider it as a peculiar favor of Heaven, that Christians are promoted to be rulers and judges among Christians.”

It belongs to your department, Gentlemen, not only to enact righteous laws, but according to your constitutional department, to judge righteous judgment – to plead the cause of the oppressed; to relieve the fatherless and widow, and him that hath no helper; to render to every one according to the justice of his cause which shall be brought before you. You will remember, gentlemen, that you commission is limited by God. He who has dignified you above your brethren, hath limited your powers by his holy word. You are not authorized to obey the dictates of passion or arbitrary will, but to act agreeably to the revealed will of God. When Joshua was appointed chief magistrate, God installed him in his powers, and put the law into his hand saying, “this book of the law shall not depart our of thy mouth.” Look then gentlemen upon the copy that is before you, then upon the commission which is given you. And as you are God’s vicegerents to carry on the affairs of his kingdom on earth, you will take your directions from his word, and imbibe his spirit.

We being sensible, gentlemen, that your wok is difficult, and that you have an arduous task to cure all the disorders of the political body, restore harmony and peace, and to unite the jarring interests of parties, and fix them to one common center, do most sincerely commend you to that God, “who giveth wisdom to the wise, and understanding to the prudent”. Ye yourselves cannot but be sensible of your need of divine aid and direction: “In all your ways then acknowledge God, and he shall direct you paths.” Let a consciousness of human weakness prompt you, to repair to the fountain of light and knowledge, and may you improve them, when obtained, to the honor of God and the good of your constituents. And may you obtain the divine presence and blessing in the faithful discharge of the duties of your department during your whole administration. And as a reward for your services, may you be honored as the political saviors of this people, and meet their most cordial approbation with great rejoicing. And more especially may you reap the effects of a serene and acquitting conscience. And having served your generation according to the will of God, may you participate the joys of the blessed forever.

This whole assembly of God’s people will permit me to make the suggestion, that virtue in rulers is not more necessary than in the body of the citizen’s collectively. The more virtuous the community, the less is the occasion for the exercise of the gifts and graces of those in authority, and the less is the danger of injury from rulers if they were ill disposed. When we are tempted to complain of our rulers and feel anxious least they should betray their trust, and expose the people to the loss of their liberties, we may recollect that a virtuous people cannot be enslaved, and that it would be impracticable for rulers to involve their citizens in calamities that are grievous and mournful, if there were not a large proportion of abandoned and unprincipled men to give countenance to, and aid them in their evil designs. And if a community are so lost to a sense of their own interest, and so regardless of their obligations to God and each other, as justly to expose themselves to the most fatal injuries, who can declare that their calamity is unmerited?

That the administration of civil rulers may be such as may occasion rejoicing, it becomes us not only to solicit God’s presence with them and his blessing upon them; but to demean ourselves as good citizens, and remove all the embarrassments which may render it excessively difficult, if not wholly impracticable, to do equal justice in all cases.

It cannot be denied but that a people may have sometimes a mighty influence upon a righteous administration, and procure such measures to be adopted as are fraught with matter for grief and mourning. But this evil ought not to be palmed upon our rulers. We ought, in such cases, as honest men, to reprobate our own conduct, and keep within our own province. There is not a greater mischief which can befall a people, than to be divided into sects and parties, either in respect to religion or civil policy. The consequences are fatal to peace, harmony and order; and it is this, my friends, which renders our present situation very threatening.

On all accounts it is our interest, and we are bound in honor and conscience faithfully to adhere to, and vigorously to pursue the same glorious cause. We are bound to unite our influence that religion and righteousness may spread and prevail – that practical piety and holiness may be more visible in our lives, and that the worship of God in private and public, may ornament our society, and that our own hearts especially, may become a fit habitation for the Holy Spirit.

True Piety in the hearts of men, will render them the best citizens. And both rulers and people are under the same divine laws, are subject to the same authority, encouraged and animated by the same motives, and favored with the same example. It would be happy if their object might be the same; and they were equally studious to promote the honor and glory of their common Lord.

Let us not forget that the same rules that will teach, and the same grace and integrity, that will dispose rulers to discharge the duties of their office faithfully, are equally necessary and ought to be equally regarded by those whom God hath made subject to them:

And that all opposition to lawful authority, “is resisting the ordinance of God,” who hath made it our duty to be “subject not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.”

And let me suggest, that as we make our religious character our boast, and have so oft made our appeal to Heaven, that we are God’s people, and our cause the cause of God, we ought strenuously to endeavor to make the sincerity of this profession, more evident to the world; otherwise we shall justly deserve the imputation of having our hearts and tongues at the greatest remove from each other.

If declarations entitled us to credit abroad, and even with Deity itself, our deserts could hardly be compensated. But let us deal faithfully with ourselves, and confess our personal and national unworthiness, if we expect God’s forgiveness and blessing. And let us cultivate a principle of justice, of public spirit, and benevolence in the community; and live as the grace of God teacheth. Let us be sensible of the invaluable blessings, which indulgent Heaven bestows – and particularly, that we enjoy the great advantage of civil government, by the continuance and support of which, we are, for the present, secure in our persons and properties. And while we all affect to seek a mild and equal government, may we unite our influence to support the same, that “in the peace thereof, we may have peace.”

And though we might be apprehensive that there were grievances which ought to be redressed, yet ought we to let a manly firmness and resolution be discovered in pursuing the paths of virtue till the object be obtained.

A people may be as criminal in adopting means of relief, as they can suppose those to be, who originated the cause of complaint. And while our conduct is such as it ought to be towards our rulers, and we suitably address them upon the subject of public burdens, let us encourage ourselves that they will feel our distresses, and ease our complaints.

Let us resume courage and hope for better times – when peace and good order shall be established upon a proper basis – when justice shall be impartially administered – when friendship, brotherly love, and Christian fellowship, shall be universal. When it shall be reckoned an honor to be sincerely religious, and to be subjected to the rules of righteousness in all our transactions with men. When none but the virtuous shall rule and judge the people of God, the administration of whom shall greatly increase their joy and gladness.

Then truly “blessed is the people that know the joyful sound; they shall walk, 0 Lord, in light of thy countenance. In thy name shall they rejoice all the day, and in thy righteousness shall they be exalted. For thou art the glory of their strength; and in thy favor our horn shall be exalted. For the Lord is our defense, and the holy one of Israel is our King.”

AMEN

---

NOTES