The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Election – 1786, Massachusetts


Samuel West (1730-1807) graduated from Harvard in 1754. He was pastor of a church in New Bedford, MA in 1761. He served as a chaplain during the Revolutionary War, joining just after the Battle of Bunker Hill. West was a member of the Massachusetts state constitutional convention, and a member of the Massachusetts convention that adopted the U.S. Constitution. This election sermon was preached by West in Massachusetts on May 31, 1786.


sermon-election-1786-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency JAMES BOWDOIN, Esq.

GOVERNOUR;

His Honour THOMAS CUSHING, Esq.

LEIUTENANT-GOVERNOUR;

The Honourable the

COUNCIL, SENATE, AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

Of the COMMONWEALTH OF

MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 31, 1786:

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By SAMUEL WEST, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN NEEDHAM.

AN

ELECTION SERMON.

In compliance with the example of our pious forefathers, we are now assembled in the place of publick worship, for the purpose of opening the business of our Supreme Court with a special act of religion. To religion then be those moments devoted; and as the preacher will carefully avoid infringing on the province of his respectable auditory, so he flatters himself, he shall be candidly heard, whilst in the line of his own profession, he addresses you in the sacred name, and plain but expressive language of our common Master,

MATTHEW, chap. xx. Verse 27.

Whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant.

The desire of pre-eminence is universal, and, like all other natural principles, under proper direction, tends to promote the good of mankind; but from misapplication is productive of the greatest mischiefs: The most desolating calamities which have wasted the earth, have flowed from this fruitful source. To regulate this ruling passion, to confine and direct its course, to the furtherance of general happiness, is one design of the Christian institution. The disciples of Christ early discovered symptoms of false ambition; and even the poor fishermen of Galilee, so lately called from the vale of obscurity, with the most affecting example of humility that ever adorned human nature, constantly before their eyes, soon began to contend, who should be greatest, or possess the chief places of honour and profit, in that splendid kingdom which they fondly flattered themselves, their divine Master designed to erect in the world. Our Saviour checked this first appearance of pride in his followers, with a gentleness of spirit peculiar to himself; but in language which, as it sufficiently vindicates his own character, so it ought forever to have excluded from his church in succeeding ages, all affectation of worldly pomp and grandeur. He plainly intimates, that the design of his visit upon earth was not to reign, but to suffer; that he claimed pre-eminence only from the extensive services which he was about to perform for mankind, in opening to them the volume of divine wisdom, and drinking deeply of the cup of sorrows for their salvation; that his kingdom was not of this world, and that instead of the visible splendours of it, his subjects must expect distinction only from the real excellence of their character, formed upon his own example. That they who excelled in doing good should possess the post of honour; and the most useful life share the highest glory under his universal government. This refers indeed to the spiritual kingdom of Christ, but is equally applicable to civil States; especially when composed of such as profess their belief of Christianity; subjection to its laws, and to be governed by views and motives derived from it. Without hesitation therefore, we address the assembled orders of this Commonwealth, in the language of our text, Whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant. Let no man think it sufficient to secure his pre-eminence, that he wears the title of honour, sits in the seat of office, or even shares the approbation of his country. Treacherous grounds of greatness! Would you found your glory so as to last with your being, let it arise from a sincere engagement of the heart in the cause of human happiness, and the diligent and persevering exertions of every faculty, for the accomplishment of that Godlike purpose; and should you through some intervening prejudices, fail of your reward from men, you secure it in a consciousness of the rectitude and beauty of your own conduct, the present approbation of heaven, followed finally with the applauses of the universal Judge. Widely indeed, does this account of rank and dignity, in States, differ from the too commonly received opinions of men. And are then the emulated distinctions in civil society reduced to this? Are none truly honourable but such as are really useful? None entitled to glory except such as are improved to the good of mankind? Did not the Saviour of the world know, that titles are stampt with honour distinct from the character of those who wear them? That they might descend by inheritance, and give to the possessor not only the privilege of being considered as chief among his brethren, but of ruling over them, and even trampling on their most essential rights?—no; these are the suggestions of human pride, realized upon human folly. The author of Christianity does but restore things to the standard of truth and nature, places the point of honour in its proper light, gives pre-eminence to those who excel in public virtue, and connects the greatest glory with the most extensive services.

Revelation indeed was not essentially necessary to inform mankind, that as civil government ought to be the result of mutual agreement, designed for the good of all; so they who contribute most to the accomplishment of that design, are entitled to its first distinctions. This, like the first principles of science in general, is by the wisdom and goodness of its Author, enstamped on human nature; and like the essentials of religion, is written on the hearts of men, as by the finger of God, being an obvious suggestion of unbiased reason. But alas! the plainest dictates of reason, in the course of human affairs, are often obscured by the passions of men, or born down by the prevailing tide of custom. We are therefore under the greatest obligations, to that Divine Instructor, who has thrown the clearest light upon civil as well as upon moral and religious truth; who has made us acquainted with ourselves, called our attention to the only interesting object, the happiness of the species; and placed the dignity of character on the basis of virtue, formed fr5om his own resemblance, and tending to the good of all.

The Father of Being is the father of mercies, a principle of boundless active love; and tho’ infinitely various in execution, his design is one, his own glory, or which is evidently the same thing, the happiness of his creatures, is the center in which all the lines of his government unite. Everything takes place in the universal system, according as it tends to the accomplishment of this great parental purpose. In our material system, if the fun in the heavens shines with a lustre superior to the other luminaries, he is no less distinguished by his kindly influence on the world below.

The characters of rational creatures, when weighed in the scales of truth and justice, must be estimated upon the same principle, with no other difference than what arises from moral agency, which evidently requires, that the exerted capacity for doing good, be directed by choice, and animated with universal love.

To what pitch of real greatness human nature may rise, upon this firm basis of public virtue, may be learned from the faithful page of history, which has recorded the illustrious names as well as actions of those, who have bled in the cause of human happiness, rescued millions from oppression and misery, have enlightened mankind with the rays of truth, formed wise institutions of government, or, with a steady, though lenient hand, like gods on earth, have guided the affairs of nations, in arduous and difficult times.

Through the indulgence of that Providence, which raises up and furnishes such characters, to balance the general depravity of human nature, our own country and times may furnish a list, the lustre of which will not disgrace the worthies of other nations or former ages.

But where are the wise, the great, the good among the mere sons of men? They fade, they vanish away, in comparison with him who was the brightness of the father’s glory, and the express image of his person.

It is no small part of the excellency of Christianity, that it presents to our view a pattern of everything truly amiable, great and good in the person of its Divine Author, not to be admired only, but copied in our hearts and lives.

The gospel itself is a manifestation of divine love, directed to its proper object, the salvation of a ruined world. God so loved the world, is the reason assigned for the mission of his son, whose entrance on the stage of mortality, was celebrated by a song of angels proclaiming peace on earth, good will towards men.

Christianity appears in every view to be the friend of man. That it is adapted to the furtherance of civil and social happiness, must be obvious to everyone, who without prejudice attends to its uncorrupted principles, as taught by Christ and his apostles, or to that spirit of universal love, which breathes from those principles and their Author. The wisdom and goodness which appear in the system, like the races of divinity upon creation itself, sufficiently prove its inspiration from heaven.

The religion of Jesus assumes no other authority over mankind, than what arises from the native excellence of its doctrine and precepts, and the influence which they have on the hearts and lives of men. It is connected with civil society only, as it enriches the heart with every virtue which tends to adorn human nature, and to increase social happiness. It forms the wise and prudent parent—the amiable child—the affectionate brother—the generous friend; but above all, the judicious, upright and consistent magistrate; who rises superior not only to views of personal interest, but what is often more expressive of true greatness, the prejudice of party, and the bind impulse of passion; who with the knowledge and government of his own heart, is unmoved by the forward humours of the world around him; and whether they frown or flatter, he remains fixed in his purpose of promoting their happiness, and like the sun in the heavens, goes steadily forward diffusing blessings to the extent of his influence.

Should it be said such characters existed before Christianity appeared in the world, the objectors views are evidently confined to Jesus the man of sorrows, the victim of divine justice in behalf of human guilt: Whereas the object of our faith is the Parent of Nature, the Universal Spirit, who filleth all in all. Wherever true goodness has appeared among the children of men, or at whatever period of time, we scruple not to ascribe it to the same source; it is a ray from the son of righteousness, a stream from that fountain in which all fullness dwells.

Piety is the first and leading feature in every truly great and noble character: Where shall we find the system which teaches a piety rational, manly and elevated, like that which is taught in the gospel of Christ? How consistent with reason, and how attractive are its representations of the Deity, as the Impartial Parent of the universe? How engaging the motives which it sets before us, to reverence, love and confide in him? How affecting its demands on our gratitude to him who, in a method equally expressive of wisdom and goodness, has procured salvation for us? If fanaticism or enthusiasm have sometimes been connected with Christianity, they are not its genuine growth, but like monstrous births in nature, are the effect of a wise and gracious cause, acting uniformly amidst the imperfection of the present state.

Piety towards God is the only solid ground of a virtuous life; and we must never flatter ourselves that the latter can be properly supported where the former is wanting. What other bond will secure the practical virtue of mankind, whether in the public or private walks of life? Interest—yes, if rightly understood, for the treasures of immortality; in every other view its influence in favour of virtue is at best precarious, and often falls on the side of vice. Honour—a sense of honour will answer the purpose, agreed, if formed upon the standard of truth, aspiring after the approbation of heaven, and directing its views to the prize of endless glory. Honour, in every other sense, is the offspring of pride, directed by caprice; and though it may prove an accidental security on the side of public virtue, its influence often falls into the opposite scale, and candidly summing up the account, it may be difficult to determine, whether the boasted sense of honour has produced greater good or evil to the human race. Of this we are certain, nothing can secure mankind in the path of duty, through all the intricacies of civil and social connections, that does not enter the hidden recesses of the soul, and follow us where no created eye can detect our actions: That does not raise us, in many instances, above the influence of custom and popular opinion, and enable us, in obedience to the demands of duty, to tread under foot what an ill-judging world may call honour and greatness. What can effect this but a supreme reverence for the Deity, or that piety at heart, from which, as from a living fountain, flow the streams of every social virtue.

No less friendly is Christianity to social happiness, as it inspires the hearts of men with the warmest affection towards each other. There is no part of the sacred institution more amiably distinguished, or more expressive of its divine Original, than its tendency to produce a diffusive benevolence. So far from being deficient in point of public spirit, it reveals an union among mankind peculiar to itself, as subjects of the same redeeming love, alike dependent on one common Saviour, the refuge of guilt and misery, the medium of every blessing to the children of men.

The example of our divine Master, the love which animated him in the service of mankind, may go far in producing and maintaining a similar affection in the breasts of his followers; but it is not upon example only that this part of the Christian’s character depends; the spirit of his Saviour has taken possession of his bosom, reign’s there, and reflects the amiable qualities of the great Original on the world around him, as the stars reflect the light of the natural sun.

Christianity indeed says nothing in favour of that species of false patriotism, so much celebrated in Heathen annals; which consisted in an unreasonable preference of the spot where the hero chanced to live, to the world beside; a desire of extending its dominion on the ruin of other States; and of trampling on the rights of mankind in general, that a small number might with impunity riot in their spoils.

Our religion takes a wider aim—teaches us to consider earth’s inhabitants as one family; to open the arms of affection to the whole, and to consult the interest of every member with a view to the happiness of all.

Confined as we are to narrow limits, the effects of our benevolence must necessarily reach those first who are nearest in connection with us, but, like the principle of attraction in nature, it extends from domestic to civil relations, till finally it embraces not only the posterity of Adam, but the universe of being.

It is scarcely necessary to add, that Christianity promotes social happiness, as it produces the love of justice, or integrity of heart. Reverence for the Deity and love to mankind imply every personal, every social virtue. The greatest purity of heart and life, the most spotless integrity, the warmest exertions for public good, must be the result of that divine ambition which aims at the approbation of the Great Searcher of hearts, and expects its reward from the infinitely holy, just and compassionate Ruler of the World.

Thus does Christianity promote the good of society, as it fits men for public service, and produces a character which will, in a degree, prove useful in every condition. But if furnished with extensive abilities, and placed in an exalted station, its happy influence is, in proportion, more diffusive, and it becomes the best resemblance of God, below. Greatness attends such a character, not as the precarious reward bestowed by fellow-men, but as inseparable from it by the constitution of nature, in which no bond is more indissoluble than that which connects true glory with a useful life.

Mankind are not generally ingrateful, nor do they withhold their esteem and applause where they are so justly due. But should this be the case, the Christian patriot still secures his greatness, shares largely in the favour of the King of kings, and shall ere long receive the open testimonials of it, in the presence of assembled worlds.

Christianity, as distinguished from the religion of nature, made its appearance in the world, like the gradual advances of the morning, after a dark and tempestuous night. For more than three centuries, it was left to make its way in the world, against the passions and prejudices of mankind, by its own native excellence, assisted by the gentle spirit of its Author, acting on the hearts of men. How wide did it extend its influence, and how perfect was its form? The lessons it taught were piety and love, the fruits it produced were peace and joy; it exhibited a species of moral virtue superior to what the world had seen before; extorted the admiration of its enemies, and could only be attached by misrepresentation and abuse.

What the friends of Christianity considered as its triumph proved its greatest injury, gaining the civil authority to its side. An absurd attempt to unite the divine polity of Christ, with the institutions and interests of fallible men, soon deformed this perfection of beauty, and Christ was again sacrificed on the altar of price and avarice.

After a long interval, in which we discover but faint traces of this divine system, it revived again at the reformation; and assisted by the improved state of literature, and especially by the art of printing, its happy effects became more obvious and extensive than ever. This enabled mankind to gain an acquaintance with it from the scriptures themselves, instead of receiving it from artful and designing men, whose interest it was to misrepresent it. To this we may ascribe that spirit of candour which at present prevails throughout the Christian world; and even the flourishing state of science may be imputed to the same cause; for as superstition withers, so generous sentiments and religion tend to nourish the growth of genius.

With respect to society, the sacred pages teach us an happy equality among mankind. The necessity of civil government for general advantage, subjection to it for conscience sake, discountenance every species of oppression; softening even the horrors of war; and as far as is consistent with the imperfection of the present state, entirely set it aside, by inspiring the hearts of men with that amiable charity which seeketh not her own.

These are thy features Christianity, thou heaven-descended visitant! Best gift of our indulgent Father to his offspring here on earth; brightest resemblance of his own perfections; fairest ornament of human nature; rich source of every blessing to the children of men; here mayest thou fix thy long, long abode; smile propitious on these our rising States, form our rulers, adorn our every order, rendering our country great and happy beyond the example of former ages.

But well adapted as Christianity is to promote the happiness of civil society, it can only do this where its influence is felt, and its obligations complied with. The wisest of men has taught us, and all experience confirms the remark, that as righteousness exalteth, so sin or prevailing vice will as certainly prove the ruin of any people. The institutions of Jehovah are not like those of fallible men, contingent in their effects: Hath he said it and shall it not come to pass? There is as certain a connection between a general dissolution of manners, and the destruction of the political, as between a vital consumption and the death of the natural body. This connection is not more strongly marked under any form of government than that which we have adopted. In a Republic the people are not only the source of authority, but the exercise of it, is, in a great measure, lodged in their hands. Corruption therefore among the people at large, must be immediately felt, and if not seasonably prevented, proves fatal in the end.

No man therefore can better evidence his public virtue, than by endeavouring in his proper sphere, to prevent the contagious spread of vice; or to promote the influence of morality and religion. Contemptible is that man’s pretended love to his country, who with an ostentatious zeal for her credit, her finances or civil establishments, entirely disregards that which is the basis of the whole. He is like the man who is careful to repair and adorn some less essential parts of a building, whilst he suffers the foundation to be undermined, which failing, the whole must tumble into ruins. The period is critical, our country is in its youth, our character is forming, our credit, weight and influence, among the nations, is yet depending.

The ardour of public spirit which was long kept alive by the agitation of war, seemed to subside at its close. We imposed upon ourselves that the contest was ended, that the prize was won; and we were willing to repose our weary spirits, after the fatigues of the field. The newly erected and scarcely cemented civil structure, which had been so nobly defended against open enemies, was left, in a great measure, unguarded against the attacks of private adversaries, or the no less dangerous effects of their conduct, who, perhaps, without any direct intention to injure us, consulted their own imaginary interest, in a manner which tended to the ruin both of themselves and their country.

The effects of this inattention we have and still do painfully feel. It has rendered our condition in a degree distressing; we are perplexed but not in despair. Our eyes are opened at length, our spirits are roused; and such measures are now adopted and pursued, as will, we flatter ourselves, soon produce happy alteration in the face of our publick affairs.

Great is the advantage of a youthful country, she rises superior to every burden by the natural increase of national strength; and what proves destructive to a people in their decline, in a growing state is turned to advantage, as it becomes a warning to regulate her conduct, in more advanced stages of her political progress.

But all depends under Providence, upon the exertions of public virtue; and particularly much depends upon the virtue of this Commonwealth. We have been honoured for many years, with a leading influence in the American confederation. We form indeed a principal member of that important body: Long may we support our well-earned pre-eminence! By making it good upon the principle of extensive services rendered to the whole.

Public spirit, thanks to a guardian Providence, has not forsaken us, however its flame may have abated. The many wise and well conducted institutions which have taken place among us, for promoting science and the useful arts, the attention paid in some of them, to the dictates of humanity, and even to the leading design of Christianity itself, witness for us that we still possess a proper sense of what is truly great, and tends to render our country illustrious and happy. Every lover of his country, every friend to religion, and the happiness of mankind, will sincerely rejoice at such appearances, and readily contribute his utmost endeavours to promote what is so happily adapted to accomplish the wish of the devout and benevolent heart.

But much remains still to be done for the preservation and happiness of our country. We commenced our political existence with no small share of national vigor, and with the general applause of mankind; but, from some unhappy neglect, the insidious enemy of public and private honour and happiness, vice, in the form of luxury and dissipation, gained an easy admission among us. Inattention to the sacred obligations of religion, an intoxicating love of pleasures, with extravagant modes of living, have given a severe shock to our infant republic, and greatly threatened its ruin.

Here then is a field open for the exercise of a virtuous and noble ambition. Who would wish to be truly great, to enroll himself in the lists of fame, which shall last when time is no more, let him step forth in the cause of religion; in the cause of his country, and whether in a public or private station, his exertions cannot fail of their happy effect. Every man has some connection with, some influence upon, society, which turned to the side of religion and public virtue, must tend to further the happiness of present and future generations; at least it will redound to his own account, in the attestation of a good conscience, and the approbation of that God whose favour is light.

Those who are raised to places of trust, have in proportion greater opportunities for serving their country. As they lead in public measures, so do they form the public manners. It is from them the standard of economy, of taste, of what is honourable, great and good, is generally taken.

To you therefore, our venerable political fathers, your distressed country holds out her supplicating hand, in this day of anxious expectation, as under Providence her best resource.

We are happy in beholding once more, at the head of our civil establishment, a Gentleman, who, to his great literary and political character, adds that of the Christian, to justify our confidence in him, and to ensure his best endeavours to support the dignity of his office, upon the example and precept of his Saviour, by rendering the most essential services to mankind in general, and to his country in particular.

The Gentleman who holds the second rank in office, has from the decided voice of his country in his favour, through many successive years, the clearest evidence of her confidence in him; a reflection upon which will animate his wishes and endeavours to further her welfare and happiness.

The honourable Council, this day to be chosen, the honourable Senate and Representatives of the State, will consider themselves, as entrusted by a free people, with the most valuable deposit that men can trust to the hands of men, everything dear in civil and social life.

We readily acknowledge the wisdom and goodness of our constitution; but it is not in forms of government to render a people happy: Wisdom, integrity, firmness, and public spirit in those who govern, are more essential. A wise constitution administered in the hands of such magistrates, will do much towards relieving our complaints, and ensuring our political happiness.

We wish not to see our civil rulers officially interfering in matters of religion. Sacred be the rights of conscience! No law can have religion for its subject, without infringing those rights, or laying an improper bias on the minds of men, with respect to the first and most important duty of life, that of judging and acting for themselves in those cases where they can only be answerable at the bar of Jehovah.

The subject of civil legislation is still extensive and important, it includes every social interest, our invaluable rights, civil and sacred, our property, and even our lives, are in a measure submitted to their guardianship. They by wise laws are to guard the avenues which lead to the temple of virtue, to prevent the encroachments of vice, to be a terror to evil doers, and a praise to such as do well.

At the present critical period our rulers will engage warmly in promoting economy; not only with respect to public expenses, though that is an object greatly worthy their attention; but it is the general habits of common and domestic life, which decide the fate of a nation. It is from thence the streams must flow by which the vital fountain is supplied; and when those streams are dried up by luxury or profusion, as upon the interruption of the blood in its progress to the heart, death must ensue.

There is certainly much more depending upon the example of the higher orders in society, than is generally conceived. They have it in their power, in a great measure, to regulate the common customs and modes of living. Economy among them, would by easy stages find its way to the remotest members of the community, and produce the most happy effects upon the State in general.

Integrity, firmness and consistency of conduct, are especially requisite at the present day. These will retrieve and establish our tottering credit, give energy to public measures, and soon render us great and respected in the world.

Fetches and indirect methods for saving expense, or accomplishing her purposes, are as inconsistent with the honour and interest of a State, as of an individual; and however they may have a plausible effect for the present, must prove ruinous in the end.

In our present embarrassed situation, it is hardly possible that every just demand should be fully satisfied, however uprightly endeavoured. The path of truth and justice in general is plain and open, and a wise legislature will steadily pursue it; and though it may produce some temporary and partial evils, they will find, in the end, that like the steady conduct of Providence, through all the seeming intricacies of his moral government, it tends to beget a confidence in themselves, to dissipate the evils complained of, and to produce the most substantial advantages upon the whole.

Never was a people eventually benefited by injustice; never was the path of integrity and justice steadily pursued, in the management of public affairs, but it tended to the good of society. This is, and must be the case, whatever shrewd politicians may suggest to the contrary, so long as the constitution of the universe continues what it is at present, with a righteous God ruling at its head.

Public spirit should animate the exertions of those who would essentially serve their country at the present period. The times loudly call for examples of a noble disinterestedness; and who so proper to give the lead, as those to whom we have committed the conduct of the State; from whom we derive our political maxims; from whom we form our estimate of the times; from whom therefore we wish to learn the patriotic lesson, of preferring the public to every private or personal interest?

There is no limiting the happy effects of such an example, held up conspicuously to the view of a sensible and grateful people. It has often spread like a religious enthusiasm, through every branch of society, and called forth patriots from every class of men. Honour attends such a character as its robe of state; it is adorned with a diadem, the lustre of which shall never fade. May a noble ardour warm the breast of every ruler, thus to distinguish himself in the cause of his country, and receive a lasting greatness in the approbation of his God.

Piety must at once finish and support the character of those who would substantially relieve and benefit their country. This is the only spring which will give consistent movement to political conduct. This will give weight and dignity to public measures, ensure the propitious smiles of Him who rules the world, and diffuse the most extensive and happy influence on society in general.

O thou great inspiring source of good; such wilt thou form both the rulers and the subjects of this often highly favoured, and always kindly protected country. And without the gift of prophecy, we may anticipate the happy effects. Behold her rising with increasing strength and lustre, through every stage of national improvement, till she has at length completed the utmost measure of national glory and happiness! Israel then shall dwell in safety alone; the fountain of Jacob shall be upon a land of corn and of wine; his heavens also shall drop down dew: Happy art thou O Israel; who is like unto thee O people, saved by the Lord, the shield of thy help, and who is the sword of thy excellency!

But hark! Do we not hear the animating address of those distant ages, who shall witness the future greatness of this our Western Empire? Yes, it is the voice of our late descendants; it is directed to those who have gone before us. Hail illustrious forefathers! Who laid the foundation, erected, nobly defended, and richly adorned this magnificent temple of freedom and religion, under which we now repose! And may they add, with reference to ourselves, hail also illustrious progenitors, who, when the sacred structure was injured by the rude attack of war, the insidious arts of secret enemies, or the imprudent conduct of ill judging friends, roused from a temporary slumber, called forth the genuine spirit of public virtue, and under its influence, in the practice of economy, integrity, disinterestedness, supported by a manly piety, not only repaired what had been injured, but gave perpetual firmness and lustre to the whole. But alas! What can be perpetual here? The fashion of this world passeth away; the most durable monuments of human greatness must have their period, and time itself expire.

The kingdom of the Prince of Peace shall survive every change; and they who in conformity to his example, and in compliance with the invariable laws of his religion, seek for honour in the path of public virtue, shall share his triumph over the ruins of time, and wear a crown of glory which fadeth not away.

Sermon – Election – 1786, Connecticut


This sermon was preached by Levi Hart in Connecticut on May 11, 1786.


sermon-election-1786-connecticut

THE DESCRIPTION OF A GOOD CHARACTER ATTEMPTED
AND APPLIED TO THE SUBJECT OF
JURISPRUDENCE AND CIVIL GOVERNMENT.

A

D I S C O U R S E,

ADDRESSED TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE

G O V E R N O R,

AND THE HONOURABLE

L E G I S L A T U R E

IN THE STATE OF

C O N N E C T I C U T,

CONVENED AT

H A R T F O R D

ON THE

G E N E R A L E L E C T I O N,

May 11th, M.DCC.LXXXVI.

By LEVI HART, A. M.
Pastor of a Church in Preston.

“But Jehoida waxed old, and was full of days when he died.—
And they buried him in the City of David, among the Kings:
Because he had done good in Israel, both towards God and towards
His house
.” 2 Chron. xxiv. 15, 16.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1786.

ORDERED, That Mr. Benjamin Coit, and Col. Jeremiah Halsey, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Levi Hart, for his Sermon delivered at the General Election on the 11th Instant, and request a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined, by

George Wyllys, Sec’ry.

 

An Election S E R M O N.

Ecclesiastes, x. 1.

Dead flies cause the ointment of the Apothecary to send forth a stinking savor: so doth a little folly him that is in reputation for wisdom and honour.

It is hoped that the feelings of none in the assembly will be wounded by the introduction of this maxim, which may seem unpolished; when it is considered that it was penned by a person of the first character for discernment: who was also the chief magistrate of a great kingdom, and under the superintending influence of the Holy Spirit. King Solomon made choice of the wisdom requisite for his important station, and God graciously gave him his desire.1 From that wisdom, improved by long experience, and directed by supernatural influence, he was eminently qualified to give proper instruction to persons of every condition in life: both as it consisted in general maxims, and in the application of them to particular cases.

The passage before us contains a general principle, applicable to a variety of particular characters. It will apply to all who are distinguished for supposed worth, and respected by mankind on that account: to all who are in stations of eminence, where their accomplishments are conspicuous, and their faults, if they have any, are not hidden. These are the possessors of that wisdom and honour, which is compared to the precious ointment of the apothecary: that good name which is even more valuable than precious ointment. A little folly, however, in a character so conspicuous, and exalted, will tarnish its beauty, and diffuse an ill favour through the sweet perfume.2

As the maxim in the text is fitted to such an extensive application, to persons of eminence in the several classes of society, it requires our serious attention on the present occasion.

A discussion of the subject is proposed in the following manner.

I. A description of a reputable character, or good name, will be attempted.

II. The destructive influence of folly, when mixed with such a character, will be considered.

III. An application of the general maxim to particular characters, will conclude the discourse.

I. A description of a good name, or reputable character, will be attempted.

The comparison of a good name, to the precious ointment of the apothecary, is implied in the text and other sacred passages.3

From an institution in the antient Mosaic writings we learn that an holy anointing oil was to be made, by a mixture of the most excellent spices, with the pure oil of the olive tree. With this precious ointment, the priests, the tabernacle, and its utensils were to be anointed, as a consecration to the particular service of God.4

This holy oil which was not to be imitated, or been applied, except for the purposes, and in the manner specified in the institution, was evidently designed to represent the excellent nature of true religion, and of the Holy Spirit, in his sanctifying influences on the hearts of men.—Those best accomplishments of the human mind—as here is, in these, a combination of the most amiable qualities composing the character of the man of God.

A like mode of expression is used, by the inspired psalmist, to illustrate the mutual and harmonious affection of brethren, dwelling together in unity—and the happy influence of that affection.5 Finally, the excellent qualities and unequalled glories of the divine Messiah, are represented under this same metaphor.6

The idea of running through the several representations is, obviously, the same. A variety of individual objects, excellent in themselves, united and combined, in such a manner as to constitute one complete object. In which the beauty of each is, not only preserved, but exhibited, with superior advantage; by its connection with the rest, in such a manner, as to heighten the perfection of the whole.

This is true with regard to the beauty of all complex objects. It consists in the due proportion of each part, to the use for which it is designed—to its various relations, and to the whole. This will appear by an application of the observation to objects confessedly beautiful, in the various productions of nature and art. In these last, we are, sometimes, agreeably entertained and improved, by viewing the displays of human sagacity. But, in the first, we are struck with pleasing and devout astonishment, at their inimitable beauty and grandeur. And, by the perfection discernible in his various works, from the most simple and minute, to the most complex and magnificent, we are led “to look through nature, up to nature’s God.”

The beautiful, the exact gradations, and proportions, by which they are constituted and directed, impress the devout philosopher with the deepest reverence for the Most High, and lead him to acknowledge that “the heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament sheweth his handy works”7 —and that “in wisdom he hath made them all.”8

But we must not indulge in these general reflections, but confine our attention to that particular species of beauty, which constitute a good character. Are material and inanimate objects beautiful, intelligent creatures must be capable of that which is far greater, and more perfect—in proportion to the superior nature of the soul. This beauty of the mind, is what renders man worthy of esteem, and by which he obtains the approbation of the wise and good.

It is worthy of notice, that the perfection of the precious ointment, referred to in the text, consisted in the excellent quality of its several parts, and their due proportion to each other. In like manner, a good name is the result of a composition of mental excellencies, fitly proportioned to each other, and to their object.

Human perfection may be summed up in the excellent qualities of the understanding, and the heart. All our perceptions and knowledge belong to the former, and all emotions, affections, and determinations, to the latter. The beauty of the understanding consists in its susceptibility of those perceptions, by which we are furnished with the knowledge requisite to our place and station: or, in their actual existence. The other essential branch of human perfection is comprised in affections corresponding to our perceptions: or, in the qualities of the heart. If these are proportioned, to a proper knowledge of the objects of perceptions, it forms that amiable and worthy character, which comports with the nature and dignity of man—as he is related to his present and future self, to his fellow creatures and to his Creator.

The duly proportioned knowledge of the objects of human perception, may be styled the natural beauty, or perfection, of man; and the corresponding affections of the heart, that which is humane, domestic, civil, moral, or evangelical: according to the qualities or relations of the objects, on which they terminate. And the opposite to these, are the deformity of the understanding and the heart. The beauty, or perfection of the heart, is evidently of the greatest importance. Without this, the finest accomplishments of the understanding are of little worth—Yea when connected with a heart, altogether deformed, they constitute a character, utterly unworthy. And that deformity is even increased, in consequence of its connection with superior knowledge. For, it is the language of reason and revelation that, “to him who knoweth to do good, and doth it not, to him it is sin.”

By suitable exertions of the heart, the perceptions, and knowledge of the mind, are applied to their proper use, and rational existence is both honorable and happy. But this can be asserted, with the strictest propriety, of those affections and exertions only, which are of the moral, or evangelical kind. The others, which have been mentioned, have obtained the name of virtues, or perfections, on account of their coincidence with particular objects. A virtuous husband, friend, citizen or ruler, is denominated from his acting agreeably to those relations: without any respect to what he is, in regard to his more extensive connections. And, it is very supposable, that a person may be eminent in one, or more, of those particular virtues, and yet be utterly deformed, or vicious, in respect to his great and important relations, as the creature of God, a rational and immortal being.

From hence it appears that though certain affections may be beautiful, in a separate view, and as proportioned to particular objects, or relations—the character, possessed of them, may be exceedingly deformed, on the whole: in consequence of an opposition of heart, to its more extensive and important connections. And those particular attachments, though agreeable in a subordination to superior affections, serve to heighten the deformity of the character, in a different connection. As we see men, eminent for some of the private virtues, often the most inveterate and dangerous enemies to the state: when they are destitute of public affection, and consider the interests of their particular connections, and that of the public, in opposition.

In like manner, a person may be possessed of many of those agreeable qualities, which are denominated virtues, and yet, through the influence of private affection, he may be opposed to the honour of his Creator, and the interest of his fellow creatures. And those very attachments, so agreeable and useful, when subordinated to public affection may be subservient to that opposition, and greatly enhance it. But that coincidence of affection, and exertion, to our great moral objects and relations, which obtains the name of moral virtue, or perfection in rational beings who have never transgressed, and is evangelical virtue or holiness in man, as corresponding to the gospel revelation of salvation.—That, is truly excellent, both as it is proportional to our most extensive relations, and involves a proper affection to all particular objects, considered in themselves, and as subordinate to the whole.

Were we to apply these general principles to particular characters, the evidence would appear to be still more decisive. The great law of religion, in reverence to our duty to God, our Creator, is summed up in that reverential and practical affection, which is proportioned to our utmost ability. In relation to our fellow men, we are to love our neighbours as ourselves—their happiness being of equal importance with our own. For the same reason, the less good is to give way to the greater, the private to the public, and the interest of all finite, created beings, should be subordinated to the infinite and uncreated Original of all. To man, as related to his present, and future self, it is the voice of reason and revelation—“Do thyself no harm.” He is directed to seek that happiness, which comports with the dignity and importance of his existence as a man.—A happiness consisting in union to his Creator, and to his fellow creatures.

Thus, the great principles of reason, and revelation, form a most beautiful and harmonious system. And the man, who is practically conformed to them, is possessed of the excellent qualities constituting that good character, which is represented by the precious ointment, and is declared to excel it.

If we consider the Christian religion, as a scheme adapted to the case of lapsed creatures, we shall find a no less beautiful harmony in its several parts—to their respective objects, to each other, and to the whole.

This divine system is constituted of two great branches. The first, is a supernatural revelation of the way of pardon and salvation for sinners of mankind, through the mediation and atonement of Christ; who is “God manifest in the flesh.” An atonement every way suitable to the perfection of God, both as it exhibits the original excellence of his character and government, and prepares the way for the fullest manifestation of them, to the rational creation, in the actual recovery, and salvation, of sinners.

The other branch, of the Christian revelation, contains what man is to believe and do, in reference to this revelation—the whole train of Christian graces, and exertions, which correspond to his condition as a sinner, to his relations to God, as Creator, Redeemer, Sanctifier and Judge—to mankind, and to his own present and future existence. These, fitly expressed, in a life of Christian holiness, form the character of “the man of God, furnished to every good work.” Each of these is excellent in itself, and as connected with the rest. And all of them, collectively viewed, and raised to their proper standard, form the Christian for that state of perfection to which he is redeemed; and prepare him to fill a place in that church of the first-born, of which he is a member.

So little cause have the opposers of Christianity to reject it, as a scheme unworthy of God, and repugnant to the dictates of reason and philosophy. It was, long since, observed by a great master of reason, that “true and deep philosophy always leads men to a profound administration of the first cause.” It may be added, that this profound admiration will be abundantly increased by a proper view of that great first cause, as displayed in the Christian revelation. It is minute philosophy only which leads men to reject this divine system.

We now proceed to the next branch of our subject.

II. To consider the destructive influence of folly, when mixed with a good name.

That we may understand the force and propriety of the comparison implied in the text, it may be proper to observe, that one essential excellence of the precious ointment referred to, consisted in its fragrant and reviving smell.9 The destructive influence of the dead fly, consisted in its taking away the sweet savour of the ointment, or in causing it to smell disagreeably. By its putrefaction a poisonous, as well as offensive, quality was also diffused through the composition. And as this sweet and refreshing ointment, would become disagreeable, and destructive, by the mixture of the dead fly-so the most respectable character may loose its lustre, and be covered with disgrace, by the mixture of folly.

That the representation may be more fully understood, it may be farther observed, that the term folly, as used by this inspired writer, is not restrained to its primary signification, to denote a destitution of rational perceptions, or an imbecility of intellect—Persons of this description cannot be supposed to be in reputation for wisdom and honour.

It will likewise appear, by an examination of the passages where this and other like terms are used, that they are especially designed to express the quality and character of those who neglect the proper application of their intellectual powers, or use them for opposite and destructive ends. In this sense the term folly is to be understood in the passage before us.

Once more, it must be remembered, that the character mentioned, in the text, is supposed to be eminent. It belongs to such as are “in reputation, for wisdom and honour.” The assertion might be illustrated by an application to particular instances, of the mixture of folly, in a character otherwise reputable. The expressions of a bad heart reproach the most exalted station. And, folly is the reverse of that wisdom which is the honour of a virtuous character, in the various applications of the expression: some of which have been named already.

A person possessed of, even the best, intellectual accomplishments, but the reverse of what he ought to be in the several relations of human life, and his connections in society, is destitute of the whole train of virtues; and his character sends forth an offensive favour. This will be evident in real life: it is true of a husband and father, destitute of conjugal and paternal affection—a nominal patriot, void of public spirit—a judge, under the blinding influence of the love of money—and a rich man, destitute of compassion and liberality to the poor. Men, destitute of the virtues suitable to their particular conditions and relations, and under the influence of the opposite vices, are the objects of just abhorrence, in proportion to their opportunity to be useful, to the eminence of their abilities and stations.

This truth will be still more obvious by applying it to the great moral objects, and relations, of man. By a single fault, the mot awful ruin is diffused through the human race. In place of that holy affection, to the Most High, and to our brethren of mankind, which is suitable to our nature and relations, and is our highest perfection; selfish propensities have the dominion in the human heart, and “all men seek their own.” This is the general source of ruin to mankind. From hence, as their proper fountain, proceed, the private and public quarrels, the cruel wars and slaughters, which have filled our world—all the oppressions and persecutions which, under various pretences, have spread desolation through the earth. The wide-spreading ruin has diffused itself through all ages, all nations, and classes of mankind. It has infected all degrees of society, from the meanest cottages, to the most magnificent empires.

The history of past ages, and kingdoms, will attest the truth of these observations, and general experience will confirm them. This dead fly, with its malignant infection, enters the retirements of domestic quiet, and disturbs the sweet enjoyment of its tender friendships; and, in many instances, utterly destroys them. It even sets a man at variance with himself, and the conflict usually issues in his falling a prey to this baneful passion. To this must be traced, suicide itself, that most unnatural of all the crimes of wretched mortals.

Finally, this sets man at opposition to his Maker, and leads him to reject the proffered grace and salvation of the gospel, procured and offered by the great Redeemer—and thus to plunge himself into the most aggravated, and remediless ruin. But for this, how happy were the lot of men! United to their Creator, to each other, and to themselves; possessed of intellectual, and other endowments, sufficient for the sublimest pursuits and enjoyments, in a reciprocation of benevolent exertions, and in united reverential love and obedience, to the fountain of good.

But it is time to dismiss this gloomy side of human nature, and of our subject, and proceed to the concluding branch of it.

III. In an application, of the general maxim, to particular characters.

The present joyful anniversary, and this respectable assembly, invite us to apply the subject to the interesting concerns of jurisprudence and civil government. The gentlemen of the two houses of Assembly, are the persons pointed out in the text, elected to their respective places of honour and reputation, by the unpurchased, unsolicited votes of the freemen of the state.

In a constitution like ours, nothing but distinguished merit can be a recommendation to public office. It is those, who are thus chosen, who are in reputation for wisdom and honour. Happy indeed! If no dead fly be ever found in this venerable “assembly of wise men.” In the present application of the subject, we have only to shew, that each branch of the legislature, and administration, must be composed of men equal in ability, and rectitude of disposition, to the importance of their stations.

As the object of government is the good of society, it is natural to remark, that the rulers of a state should have a thorough knowledge of its interests, on the whole. A superficial reasoned in politics, is a very bad statesman. Such an one will often pursue some trifling interest of the state, real or imaginary, to the neglect and hazard of its greatest, and most lasting emolument.

If I rightly apprehend the nature of our constitution, the honorable members of the Upper House of Assembly, beside acting as assistants to his Excellency, are representatives of the state, at large. To these, in particular, it is given in charge “that the commonwealth receive no damage.” The gentlemen of the Lower House, stand in much the same relation to their respective corporations, as the honourable council, to the whole state. In legislation and government, the interest of each corporation is to be regarded individually, and as connected with that of the state—in such a manner as to constitute a common good, in which each town and, as far as possible, each individual, shall find it to be his interest to unite. This common good of the state, must also be pursued in a manner coinciding with the interest of the confederacy at large.

The members of the House of Representatives ought to have a good acquaintance, at least, with the respective interests of their own corporations, and to know how to promote them by the wisest means, in consistence with the common good of the state. The honourable members of the Council should have a still more exact and extensive knowledge of the public interest, in its several branches, as they are guardians to the whole state—and should know how to secure and promote its welfare, so as to produce the greatest quantity of good, to each branch, and to the whole. And, as shall most exactly coincide with the interest of the United States—and bear a friendly aspect to the good of society, and mankind, at large.

It is the part of the accomplished legislator to investigate the best interest of each class of society, and rise, by just gradations, in his plans and system, from parts to the whole; till he fix a common good, comprising the welfare of his subjects, as a body, and this, in consistence with the interest of mankind. Such may the legislature of Connecticut be, and adopt the wisest plans to promote its true interest, and to advance the present and future happiness and glory of the United States; as a confederate republic, acting on the great theatre of the world, ranking with other nations, and having, in various respects, a common interest with them; and, involving the happiness, or misery, of the many unborn millions who are to succeed us; and fill our extensive territory with flourishing settlements: whose it will be to complete the glorious fabric of liberty and equal government, founded by the wisdom of our venerable senators, and cemented by the blood of our sons and brothers.

Such, and so great, are the events connected with the present day. It is even an era pregnant with the fate of a world! Where then, it will be asked, is the wisdom, not more than human, which is equal to the importance of legislation and government, in founding this rising empire? In this, however, as in other branches of practical knowledge, though the highest degree of perfection cannot be obtained, the man who would deserve to be in reputation for wisdom and honour, must climb the lofty steep of knowledge, in his profession, with unabating assiduity, and approach, as near as possible, to the unattainable height.

The other accomplishment of the good legislator, and which renders him worthy of the highest respect, is exertion for the public interest, proportionate to his abilities. Without this, the greatest skill in jurisprudence and civil government, will be vain. Indeed, knowledge, however necessary, derives its importance from its connection with exertions, for the good of society. And, unconnected with a disposition to such exertions, in a ruler, it may produce consequences—fatal to the state. The public man must be like the excellent Centurion, who had the testimony of the Jews that he loved their nation.—Or, like the celebrated Emperor who, when a single day had passed without any particular instance of beneficent exertion, lamented saying, “I have lost a day.”

Who can sufficiently revere the venerable patriot, whose life is devoted to the service of his country, and of mankind?—From a determination of the human mind, which is universal, this character has been the admiration of all nations, and classes of men. “Blessed art thou, O land, when thy king is the son of nobles, and thy princes eat in due season, for strength, and not for drunkenness.”10 Here is full scope for the collected wisdom and virtue of our venerable Assembly! And, with what inviting favour will those ever honoured names be perpetuated to posterity, through all generations, whose wisdom and virtue, whether in the council or in the field, have fixed the basis, for the future greatness of this empire of freedom!

Among these, and at their head, we behold, with thankful praise to the great Preserver, safe from the perils of the war, “The Hero who redeemed our land!”—From the midst of ten thousand dangers, restored to the bosom of peace, and domestic felicity—Above the wish for other honours than those which his distinguished virtue has secured.—Happy in the safety of his country, like the parent clasping his dear child, just snatched from the jaws of death.

What is all the tinseled greatness of haughty monarchy, compared with the meek majesty, the sweet and dignified serenity of that heroic breast! Softened with the most tender sentiments of humanity! Conscious of his own successful efforts, and of the grateful, the affectionate, acknowledgements of the nation, which he was born to save. How much better is the name he has obtained than that of sons and daughters! Present and future generations will glory in the relation, and lisping infancy will be fond to call him father.

Such are the sweet rewards of distinguished merit.—May those which are far greater and more lasting attend the illustrious Washington.—May he be the care of heaven, the highly favoured subject of the King of Kings.—May he grow old in conscious peace with God, and the sweet sensibility of Christian consolation. Long may he bless mankind, and honour the Redeemer; till, matured with age and piety, and satisfied with this life—sweetly, and without a parting groan, he shall drop what was mortal, and ascend to glory.

Such are thy charms, O virtuous philanthropy!—May the venerable assembly of the wise men of Connecticut, feel thy sweetness, and diffuse thy lustre!

The subject opens an extended field, for useful and entertaining reflections, which will readily occur to the feeling mind, and shall not, therefore, be particularly named. It remains that the discourse be concluded with respectful addresses to the characters in the Assembly, distinguished by reputation for wisdom and honour.

Duty, and inclination, require that our first acknowledgement be paid to the Chief Magistrate of the State—

May it please your Excellency,

I congratulate my fellow subjects and myself, on the preservation of your important life, to this joyful anniversary.—If to be in reputation for wisdom and honour be a felicity—If to have received the testimonies of your country’s high respect, for a long course of succeeding years—If to be called, by the public voice, to various, constant and important services—gradually ascending in the scale of honour and usefulness, and to be finally placed in the chair of government—If to be placed in it, in the evening of life, and in a tempestuous season, when superior wisdom and virtue was most sensibly requisite, to guide the state.—And, if to have been successful in administration—If any, or all of these, are agreeable reflections, your Excellency will partake with your affectionate people, in the joys of this day.

You are happy, Sir, in the independence and prosperity of your country, and in a review of your own large hare in the troubles, and success, of the important revolution. May I not add—It is no trifling honour to stand on the lift of fame, and exist in the historic page, as the first Magistrate of Connecticut.—On the same column with that distinguished catalogue of worthies, who have filled the chair—down, from the venerable first Winthrop, to his Excellency, Governor Trumbull.11 —Who, after having conducted us through the dangers and distresses of the war, with great hour to himself, and usefulness to the public, preferred an honourable quietus, from public service, that he might be at leisure to improve his acquaintance with that world, where the honours conferred by mortals fade away, but the man who has faithfully “served his generation” shall receive an unfading crown of immortal glory.

Alas! that such a treasure of wisdom and virtue is removed from our world! Too soon, by far too soon for us, and for mankind. But, for himself, the most proper season; his hoary head being crowned with glory, as a man of letters, a statesman and a Christian. Blessed be the Father of Spirits, that notwithstanding the breach occasioned by his death, we are still happy in a train of worthy characters, possessed of like accomplishments, who catched his mantle as it fell, and whose patriot virtues will bless mankind.12

Your Excellency will pardon this momentary digression, on account of the solemn and weighty occasion.—I have only to add, that, great as your honour and felicity are, in the respects which have been named, were this all, you could not be pronounced happy on the whole. Blessed be God, your prospects are not bounded by time, but open into immortality.—That, while your Excellency is treading the downward steep of life, you can look back on its several stages, devoted to God and spent in his service, and in doing good to men—and look forward with calm serenity, and joyful confidence, in the great Redeemer, to an admission into the presence of his glory with exceeding joy.

It is our heart’s desire and prayer to God for your Excellency, that you may be supported under the weight of public cares, and declining years; that you may continue to be blest, and to bless mankind; that the Christian consolation may be your joy; that, in some future period, being old and full of days, you may be honourably interred—your country’s tears mingling with those of your own family, and bedewing your venerable herse. And that you may receive a distinguished portion among the redeemed, through Christ Jesus.

The subject now invites the attention of his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, the honourable Council, and House of Representatives.

Gentlemen,

Through the good hand of our God upon us, in the peace of 1783, our freedom and independence are recognized, by the British court.—We rank among other nations.—Have an immense territory, extending through a variety of climates.—A wide field is opened for the cultivation of the arts of peace—An opportunity for perfecting and perpetuating the most happy constitution of government, in the federal union. And, by the divine blessing on proper civil and military discipline, we shall be secure from the attacks, or, at least, from the ravages of an enemy.

What remains then, but that we take the cup of salvation, and call on God—thankfully accept his inestimable blessings, and improve them—to be happy ourselves, and to leave the invaluable inheritance to posterity? To this we have motives the most numerous and weighty, but above all, we owe it to that omnipotent goodness—that God of grace, “who ruleth in the kingdoms of men, and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth,” and who hath caused his tender mercy to triumph over all our unworthiness.

That we may enjoy the proffered blessings, much is yet to be done.—The various and complicated interests of the state are to be fixed and secured.—The energy of government, enfeebled by the revolution, and other causes, is to be restored—the principles of the union improved, and confirmed—the public credit established—and the whole system of the finances placed on a wise and respectable footing.

Among the many subjects which will engage at the attention of the legislature the following deserve particular attention. That, in the weighty subject of legislation, whatever statutes may be requisite, should be founded on principles of private and public justice and utility, combining, as far as possible, the interest of individuals with that of the public.—Laws, should be plain, simple, and but few:–Would rulers wish to govern well, they will not attempt to govern too much.

Your honours will not be unmindful of the vast importance of the executive branch. In particular, that your Judges are men of the first character, for wisdom, and unbiased rectitude of heart—well acquainted with the laws of the state, and with the principles and spirit of law in general. And, who are exemplary for those virtues, which give energy to their determinations.

As the same course of external conduct, which flows from a heart animated by the spirit of true religion—and, as such, is evangelical to the well being of society:–In this last view it is proper to observe that the manners of the people must be formed by education and government. Admitting that an exact determination of the boundaries between the rights of conscience, and of the magistrate, may be difficult, in some cases—the most important and practical principles, on this subject, are extremely plain; and are admitted by the most enlightened, of every denomination, as essential to good order and happiness in society. Your honours, sensible of the importance of the general principle, will apply it in your wisdom for the good of this people.

Among the many vices, which tend to the ruin of individuals and society, perhaps none are more fatal than those of needless lawsuits, and the intemperate use of strong drinks. The expense of these destructive practices is the least of their evils; but even this is not inconsiderable. It would be easy to shew, were it needful, that the useless consumption of time and money, in these social vices, far exceeds the whole cost of supporting civil government, and the public worship of God. But were this all, it would be comparatively, trifling.—What is of, almost infinitely, greater importance is the destruction of virtue and good manners; which is hereby effected, in individuals, in families, and the public. “Who hath wo? Who hath sorrow? Who hath contention? Who hath babbling? Who hath wounds without cause? Who hath redness of eyes?—They who tarry long at the wine: they who go to seek much wine.”—At the last it biteth like a serpent and stingeth like an adder.”13

Your honours will be happy if you can save this people from that gulf of ruin. We rejoice that our rulers so generally remember the excellent maxim, which king Lemuel received from his mother. “It is not for kings, O Lemuel, it is not for kings, to drink wine, nor for princes strong drink: lest they drink and forget the law, and pervert the judgment of any of the afflicted.14

The interests of education, and literature in general, are humbly recommended to this honorable Assembly. The University in the state, under the auspices of a gentleman whose praise is far extended in the religious and literary world—flourishing in numbers, in literature and reputation—is, however, exposed to many inconveniences; especially from the want of proper edifices to contain the students under the eye of the executive authority, and funds to support some additional professorships. The paternal attention of this venerable Assembly, is requested to that important institution; where so many of us have received our education: in which we have a common interest, and where we wish that our sons may be united as a band of brothers, in treading the delightful paths of science, and forming for public usefulness—when we shall sleep in the dust of death.

Your honours are no strangers to the present alarming state of public credit, and the pressing necessity for the adoption of decisive measures to restore it. That our foreign and domestic creditors must be satisfied is not problematical—it is certain. Our national character is at stake, with all the invaluable blessings of freedom and independence. In vain have these been purchased, at such an expense of blood and treasure, unless our national credit be supported.

This is a subject no less important than difficult. It is easy to foresee what will not succeed, but hard to determine what will. An attempt to remedy the evil by a new emission of paper currency would, no doubt, come under the former description, and be making bad worse. Our public securities, of every denomination, are of this kind, possessed of all the recommending qualities which could attend a new paper currency, destitute of a fund for its redemption. But, like the thin ears, and lean kine, in the dream of Egypt’s king, they have already devoured the fat and full ears of gold and silver with which our country abounded at the peace in 1783—and they are nothing better but are, continental money excepted, such as were never seen in all the land of America for badness.

This, however, is not the fault of any class of men, whether rulers or subjects, but of the times. It is the result of a combination of circumstances attending the late revolution, in connection with the imperfection common to man. How to remedy the evil is the question.—The collected wisdom of this Assembly, and of the united Republic, will be strenuously, and, we trust, successfully, employed in devising means to restore our credit, as a state and nation.—These, it is not the province of the speaker to suggest: but it is easy to observe, that our resources are not inconsiderable. Beside our unlocated lands, a future revenue of immense value, the fruits of a well directed industry and economy.—Our advantage for ship-building, for trade, and, especially, for the fishery.—With other sources of private and public wealth may be directed in such a manner as to fix, and perpetuate, the public credit.

Your honours would be happy if you could devise some better expedient, than has yet been adopted, for the gradual, but total abolition of slavery; and, in the meantime, protect the friendless Africans among us from abuse, on the one hand, and, on the other, secure society from injury by improper and ill-timed manumissions.

During the first stages of the late war, amidst the terrors of impending slavery on ourselves and posterity—much was said, and something done, in favour of the blacks. But the measures, then adopted, are evidently inadequate, and attended with consequences unfriendly to society, and to them. In each of these views, the subject calls for public attention: but, immediate danger being past, it engages little notice.—And, not a few of the citizens of the United States are returning, “like the dog to his vomit.” To that dreadful infraction of the law of nature and of God, the practice of stealing their brethren of the human race, and selling them. While many British subjects and some of the first dignitaries of their established church, are pleading the cause of those friendless and oppressed strangers, with a nobleness of sentiment, and ardour of zeal, which do honour to their profession and to humanity.15

Could your honours do anything effectual, however the interested and unfeeling might oppose, humanity would approve, with the most friendly ardour. The lovers of truth and goodness would assist you with their prayers. The blessings of many, ready to perish, would come on you. Heaven would approve, and the good favour of your excellent name would be diffused through all generations.

That I be not further tedious, may the spirit of wisdom guide the present session of the legislature. May you do much service for your country, and return home, with that deserved reputation for wisdom and honour which is far better than the most precious ointment.

The venerable Clergy will now be pleased to suffer the affectionate address.

Much respected Fathers and Brethren,

Though we have no share in legislation and government, a large field is open, in which we are to diffuse the sweet perfume of that most fragrant composition, the Christian religion, which we are to preach to others, and practice ourselves. Nothing is more obvious than that the spirit and institutions of the gospel bear a friendly aspect to society and government. And that, in such a manner, as is true of no other religious system:–for no other, teaches its votaries to place their felicity in the public good, and to think and act on the extended scale of the most perfect general happiness. But Christianity not only teaches, but inspires its subjects with this truly noble liberality of sentiment and affection of the divine glory, and of the felicity of God’s kingdom. And, surely, a heart thus dilated with public affection, cannot fail to exert itself for the good of society.

We are to teach our people “the whole council of God,” as it respects doctrinal, experimental, and practical Christianity.—But let it suffice, on the present occasion, to observe, that we must “put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work, to speak evil of no man, to be no brawlers, shewing all meekness to all men.”16

By instruction and example, we are to shew them the way to exhibit the amiable beauties of pure Christianity, in the exertions of well directed benevolence and public spirit, and a becoming discharge of all the relative duties. From us, they should learn the sweet pleasure of domestic virtue and religion, in all its branches. And how good and pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity. Society is constituted of families, and from them, it receives its complexion.—In this way let us teach our people to reverence the laws, the rulers, and judges of the state. And, above all, to reverence our great Creator and Redeemer, and imitate his goodness—to be fathers to the poor—the friends of strangers—to wipe the tear from the orphan’s eye—and cause the widow’s heart to sing for joy.

Solicitous that the people of our charge, may be ready to every good work, and wise to salvation—we shall not only teach them by word and example, but bear them on our hearts at the throne of grace; and, we shall not be unmindful of each other, and the churches of God. May I not add that, while we pray the Lord of the harvest to send forth labourers into the harvest, we should be of one mind among ourselves as to the introduction of probationers, and the settlement of pastors—that they are workmen who need not to be ashamed—persons eminent for piety, literature, and all ministerial accomplishments. The faithful minister wishes to live in his successors, in the evangelical work.—May we have this animating prospect.

Blessed be God that to us, is this grace given to preach among our fellow sinners, the unsearchable riches of Christ. Happy, indeed, if we obtain mercy to be faithful and successful!—Thus shall the precious ointment of pure Christianity, exhibited in our doctrines and our lives, diffuse a most delicious perfume, and be “a sweet savor of Christ unto God”—sweeten our way through the labours and trials of life—not forsake us in the solemn hour of death, and render our joys pure and complete in a better world, when we meet each other, and those of our dear flocks, who have profited by our ministry.

The least of you all felicitates you, and himself on the great mercy of having received part of this ministry.—He heartily wishes you the divine presence, and abundant success, together with increasing harmony in all the branches of Christian truth, “till we all come in the unity of the faith and knowledge of the Son of God, unto a perfect man, unto the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ.”17

Finally, all who are present this day are invited to “take the cup of salvation and call on God”—with thankful praise for all his mercies to us, and to our fathers, and wisely to improve them by a practical compliance with the duties of their relations to society, to mankind, and to themselves.

Above all, let us receive the cup of gospel salvation, presented through the great Redeemer—by a hearty compliance with all the institutions of Christianity. Then shall the sweet perfume of “the anointing from above” diffuse its reviving influence through every breast, and we shall know, in some degree on earth, “how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity”—And this happifying knowledge will be perfected in the world of perpetual harmony:–where all the redeemed from among men shall join in receiving the cup of salvation, and in saying, “thanks be to God for his unspeakable gift.”


Endnotes

1 I Kings, iii. 5-12.

2 Text and Chap. vii. 1.

3 Ecclesiastes vii. 1.

4 Exodus xxx 22-38.

5 Psalm cxxxiii.

6 Psalm xlv. 6, 7, 9.

7 Psalm xix. i.

8 Psalm civ. 24.

9 Cant. i. 3.

10 Ecclesiastes x. 17.

11 The following list of venerable names who have presided in Connecticut, from the first institution of government, will not be ungrateful to those who review, with thankful pleasure, the divine goodness to the State—in the distinguished accomplishments of those who have ruled over it.
A voluntary government was instituted in January 1639. The Honorable Messi’rs Hopkins and Haynes presided, alternately, from that time till 1652. And the latter was Governor till 1658. He was succeeded by the Honorable Mr. Winthrop, who, in 1661, was agent for the Colony at the Court of King Charles the second, and obtained the Charter—From that time the accession of Governors will appear by the following table.

Governor Winthrop, 1662           Governor Law, 1742
Governor Leet, 1672                 Governor Wolcott, 1751
Governor Treat, 1680                 Governor Fitch, 1754
Governor Winthrop, 1696           Governor Pitkin, 1766
Governor Saltonstall, 1707         Governor Trumbull, 1769
Governor Talcott, 1724               Governor Griswold, 1784

 

12 This great man was called from our world on the 17th of August 1785, aged 74. A more particular account of his life and character is omitted here, as the public is already possessed of it in an excellent Discourse, at his Funeral, by the Rev. Mr. Ely, of Lebanon.

13 Proverbs, xxiii. 29-32.

14 Proverbs xxxi. 4, 5.

15 Beside many other publications, the reader is desired to consult, a pamphlet entitled, “The case of our fellow creatures, the oppressed Africans, respectfully recommended to the serious consideration of the Legislature of Great-Britain, by the people called Quakers.” And, the Bishop of Chester’s Sermon before the Society for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts, at their anniversary meeting in February, 1783, published by order of the society. As the members of that society are numerous and respectable, the publication of the Sermon is no small indication of the humane sentiments which are prevailing in Great-Britain, on this subject.

16 Titus iii. 1, 2.

17 Ephesians iv. 13.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1785


This Thanksgiving sermon was preached by William Hazlitt in Hallowell, Maine on December 15, 1785.


sermon-thanksgiving-1785

A

Thanksgiving

Discourse

Preached

At

Hallowell,

15 December, 1785.

By William Hazlitt, A. M.

Psalms cvii. 8.

O that men would praise the Lord, for his goodness, and for his wonderful works to the children of men.

When the voice of those, to whom the people have committed the reins of government, the dictate of true wisdom, and is immediately connected with our own most important interests, it should always meet our cordial wishes, and be esteemed a manifestation of their good will towards us.

But, nothing can be more rational, nothing can be more amiable, and ornamental to us, than an affectionate gratitude to our Great Creator.

Nothing can be more rational, than that we should now assemble, to commemorate our dependence, to direct our thoughts to the fountain of all our mercies, to adore the God of all wisdom, and grace, for all his blessings bestowed upon us, to praise his name, and be joyful in him; and, at the same time, to humble ourselves in his fight, under a sense of our own unworthiness, to lament that we have so far departed from him, to supplicate his clemency and reconciliation, and earnestly to devote our remaining live to his service.

The Psalmist, and his nation, upon whom he called to unite with him, in so pious and laudable an exercise, have every reason to give thanks to the Lord, for his goodness, and everlasting mercy, and for the marvelous communications of his love, to them in particular.

They were the Redeemed of the Lord, whom he had redeemed out of the hand of the enemy, and gathered out of all lands, to show forth his praise. They had wandered in the wilderness in a solitary way. They had found no city to dwell in. hungry, and thirsty, their fouls sainted in them.

But, though their frequent rebellions might have led them to expect the contrary, when they cried to the Lord in their trouble, be delivered them out of their distresses. He led them forth, by the right way, that they might go to a city of habitation.

It was, therefore, infinitely becoming them, when they reflected on the days that were past, to be aroused to their duty, to remember and worship, to love and obey, their Creator and Redeemer, whilst their anointed Ruler, expressing his own devout wishes, and interesting himself in the universal happiness, lifted up his voice to Heaven, and said, O that men would praise the Lord, for his goodness, and for his wonderful works to the children of men.

Every living thing receiveth good from the hand of God. The whole human race are his offspring, his continual dependents, and beneficiaries, all whose enjoyments are unceasingly streaming down upon them, from the boundless ocean of his benevolence. They all, therefore, should repeatedly celebrate his wonderful works, and praise him their refuge and strength, and the author of every good, and perfect gift.

But, the people of these United States are so peculiarly circumstanced, that, if they considered the deliverances which have been wrought for them, the mercies they have experienced instead of judgments, and all their various obligations without number, they should be proportionably, and singularly excited, to offer to god their devoutest acknowledgments of praise, and to make their light shine with so glorious a lustre, that others may learn from them, and, likewise, glorify our Heavenly Father.

But, that your duty may be the more forcibly urged upon you, let us, first, take a transient review, of the great goodness, and wonderful works, of our Almighty Benefactor and Friend, towards you.

Hence, let us be led to consider what an immense debt of gratitude you owe him, and what is that conduct, therefore, which may justly be expected from you.

You, like the children of Israel, are the redeemed of the Lord, whom he hath redeemed out of the hand of the enemy.

Your ancestors, in search of liberty, fled form the cultivated fields, and the proud and flourishing cities of Britain, and traversed a wide, and tempestuous ocean, compared with which the Red Sea might be called an insignificant stream.–They, afterwards, wandered thro’ the wilderness in a solitary way, and had no certain dwelling place, whilst they were surrounded with wild beasts, roaring through the forests, with men almost as wild as they, with numerous tribes of venomous serpents, and had to contend with all the inclemency’s of the changing seasons, without any other covering than the vaulted Heavens. Yet, they were protected. They multiplied, and spread. They converted and trackless desert into fruitful fields and gardens. And, from an inconsiderable party, they are now become Thirteen Independent States.

You, their descendants, have reaped the benefit of their toilsome labors. You are, in many respects, highly favored beyond them. You have grown in strength, as the years of time rolled on. Your flocks, and your heads, have spread over the hills, and valleys. Your storehouses are filled with the fruits of the earth. You lie down in peace, and rise up in safety, in comfortable habitations. Your cities continue increasing, and new ones rising along you extensive coasts. Your merchants visit all the quarters of the globe. And, each of you can fit, under his own vine, and under his own fig tree.

You should, farther, consider the divine benefits which you have individually experienced. You have been all raised out of nothing, by Omnipotent power and good ness. Your Great Creator hath nourished, and brought you up like children. You are the people of his pasture, and the sheep of his fold. He hath defended you, hitherto, from the snares of death. He hath visited you, in sickness, and in health. He hath smiled upon you, in prosperity. He hath refreshed you, in adversity. He hath made you forget the labors of every day, by sweet slumbers in the night. He hath awakened you every morning, to renew the pleasure of your active enjoyments. Whilst you were forgetful of Him, he was present with you for good. And, notwithstanding your transgressions, you are still, not consumed, but preserved in the exercise, of your rational and moral powers, and, every moment, surrounded, with his loving kindness.

Let us, again, review the benefits, which have flowed down upon us, since the beginning of this year, that is, now, drawing to a close. Who hath supported us? Who hath fed the springs of our lives, spread our tables for us, and shielded us from all the dangers we have escaped, through the whole of this period?

Let us compare this year with many of the years which are past. Let us look back, to those many, successive, gloomy years, when an infernal war, with all its dreadful train of horrors, spread carnage, and desolation, thro’ the land; when every man was afraid of his neighbor; when the number of the slain, was daily increasing the number of disconsolate widows, and orphans, bereaved of their protectors, and piercing the Heavens, with their cries; when he, who sowed his field, knew not but he sowed it for the lawless soldier, who, after slaughtering him, might riot on the fruits of his labors; when, after shutting the doors of your houses, as it were his night, you knew not, who should sleep in them, the next night, when various calamities were continually crowding upon you; when your absent friends were likely to expire, with the swords of the enemy sheathed in their bowels; when famine often stared you in the face, and all your liberties, and privileges, seemed to stand upon the cast of a die.

Contrast, with these calamitous scenes, your present situation. Behold sweet peace returned to your borders. Behold the tyrant, and oppressor fled. Behold all the instruments of war converted into implements of husbandry, your swords into plowshares, and your spears into pruning hooks. Behold him, who soweth, and him who laboreth, secure that they do not labor in vain. Behold your families sit smiling around you, without any dread of the enemy, or avenger. Behold yourselves, not only taking your rank amongst the nations, but safe from every future, hostile invasion, unless it be your own faults. And, shake off their slumbers. Wonder at your forgetfulness. Resolve to act like men.

Again, consider how the successive seasons have smiled upon you. You have had the early, and the latter rain. Your meadows have been clothed with grass and your fields with corn. The spring has vegetated; the summer has matured; and the harvest has ripened, the various productions of the earth. And, though you may remember some extraordinary years, which, in some places, and, in some particular instances, have yielded a more abundant increase; yet, you must acknowledge, that you have not only enough for your own consumption, but much to spare for the supply of other nations, to whom the nations, to whom the Heavens have been as brass, and the earth as the burning sands, and who are, now, looking to you, in the tone of supplication, to compassionate them, and their children, and give them bread to eat.

Consider, also, the great riches, which you have drawn out of the ocean–the remarkable success, with which, we learn from authority, you fishery has been crowned. This, is one of the greatest sources of wealth a nation can enjoy; and this is, as it were, at your very doors. Whilst some nations have no such advantages. Whilst those of some nations dare not even catch the fish that abound in their own rivers. You are without control, in this respect. You can, in a few weeks, supply your own families, and, at the same time, load a multitude of ships for foreign markets, and receive in return either gold, or silver, or such luxuries as you may prefer to these two much desired metals.

Consider, again, that though death is always making his inroads amongst us, and, though some of you have felt severely the breached made in your families, by this king of terrors; you have not, however, been bereaved of all your friends. You have not been visited with the sweeping pestilence, which, in Smyrna, and in other parts of the earth, has extinguished whole families, cut off three fourths of the inhabitants, and, at times, not left a sufficient number of the living, to bury the multitude of the dead.

And, consider, whilst other nations have been visited with tremendous earthquakes, which, have rent the rocks, divided the hills, made the ground roll under houses with all their inhabitants. And, whilst other nations have been terrified with thundering volcanoes, or visited with desolating hurricanes, which, besides alarming their fears, and destroying some of themselves, and in the midst of riches; you have been exempted from such calamities. The earth has been at rest, under you. The Heavens have been at peace, above you. The great Lord of the Universe hath spared you, and been very gracious to you.

But, particularly, consider the immense riches of the Divine Goodness, with which you are favored, by the Christian Revelation. This is a sufficient counterbalance to all the possible evils, that can befall us in this transitory world. For, this giveth access to the Divine Majesty, free and welcome access to his throne of Grace. This unfolds to us all his glorious perfections, and represents Him to us in the captivating dress of love–reveals Him our merciful Heavenly Father, our God in Christ Jesus, reconciling us to himself, and calling to us, to fly from death, and receive the blessed crown of Eternal Life. This gives rest to the weary, and heavy laden, joy to the mourners, liberty to the captives, light to those who fit in darkness, hope and pardon to all returning sinners, makes us victorious over death, and the grave, and opens to our view a bright, approaching world of Everlasting Day, where we shall have no pain, nor sorrow, nor sickness, nor any other source of anguish of spirit, but a fullness of joys unceasing, and unspeakably glorious. There, we shall meet all our friends, never to part more, there we shall be united with all the spirits of the just made perfect. There we shall continually behold, the face of our Benevolent, and Universal Father. And, there, we shall live, and reign, with Christ Jesus our Lord, forever.

The blessings of the glorious Gospel, are, therefore, such, as may reconcile us to all events, and make us indifferent what afflictions await us, whilst we can joy in God, through our Lord Jesus Christ.

But, we are not only favored with the Gospel itself; we are, likewise, favored with the inestimable privilege of examining it for ourselves, and, independently of the inventions of corrupt priests and politicians, and of all human authority whatever, of walking in that pure light with which it surrounds us.

Whilst the people, of some other nations that are called Christian, have no access to the Gospel, are never allowed to look into it, are obliged to depend on vague, and lying reports concerning it, and , instead of it, to receive a system of fable and imposture, which was fabricated in the darkest ages; you, on the contrary, have this rich treasure, in your own hands, and in your own language. You can search it by night, and by day, and continually refresh your minds with the review of all its heavenly doctrines. And, whilst you are, thus, enabled, to form your own judgment of every doctrine, you, also, have the privilege, however widely different your sentiments, of openly professing and vindicating them, and of worshipping God, according to the unbiased dictates of your own consciences. And, thus, you are in the way of gradually dispersing all superstitious darkness, and of continually improving in divine knowledge, of growing in grace, and in the knowledge of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, until you at length attain perfection, unawed by the terrors of the arm of flesh, and having no temptation to prevaricate, or act the hypocrite.

Once more; you should, also, call to mind, and distinguishing civil privileges which you enjoy, which, though less than the dust of the balance, when compared with those derived from the Gospel, are notwithstanding very estimable, and should be regarded as a great blessing from God.

Whilst many other nations, are groaning under the yoke, and trembling at the nod of the successive tyrants who oppress them. Whilst some of them have no security of their lives, or properties, and those of high rank amongst them, may be stripped of all their possessions in a moment, may be sent chained to the public works, or imprisoned, and murdered, or sold like sheep for the slaughter, at the arbitrary mandate of the reigning chief, without any accusers, judges, or jury. Whilst others who are more happily circumstanced, are subject to hereditary princes, whom they cannot choose, and whom they cannot banish from their thrones, whatever be their crimes, or, in whatever bloody, and expensive wars they obstinately involve them. It is your happy lot, on the contrary, to govern yourselves, according to your pleasure. Your Rulers go forth from amongst yourselves, are annually removable at your pleasure, and are not your masters, but your servants. You are subject to no foreign jurisdiction. You make your own laws. You levy your own taxes. You can go where you will, and do what you please–Acts of injustice, oppression, and violence, the toleration of which would be equally inimical to you all, are the only things, which you cannot do with impunity. none of you can command another, without his own consent. None of you can seize upon the property of another. The life of the poorest man, is as sacred as the life of the richest. You are all mutually engaged, to vindicate all the equal rights, and privileges of each individual. You are all, in short, equal fellow citizens, without any preeminence one above another, except what superior industry, or singular merit, will necessarily acquire, or what is voluntarily conferred for the good of the whole. And, whilst you are possessed of a happy constitution, you have the power, at the same time, as new lights break out upon you, to remedy all its defects, and to go on improving it until the end of time.

Consider, then, your situation, and circumstances, and then say, Hath not the Lord our God done great things for you?

Consider his general providential care of you, and all the unmerited blessings, which have been poured down upon you. Consider the many deliverances, that have been wrought for you, and that you now have sweet peace in all your borders. Consider the fruitful, and healthy seasons of the passing year, and the variety of enjoyments which have accompanied them. Consider your exemption from agonizing famine, from desolating hurricanes, and from other overwhelming calamities, which have been already recited. Consider all your civil and religious liberties, and especially the riches of the divine grace in the Gospel, where you have life and immortality brought to light, and every possible joy that can refresh the heart of man. And, then, reflect, what an immense debt of gratitude you owe your Almighty Benefactor and Friend, for all his great goodness, and wonderful works, towards you.

Let us, next, consider the returns we have made, and the returns which we ought to make, to the Great Lord of the universe, our Omnipotent Guardian, and out most Merciful Redeemer.

Every being should be grateful for the benefits he receives. Even the ox, knoweth his owner, and the ass his master’s crib.–All the works of God demand our praise. And, praise is the natural language of the human heart. We should praise our Great Original, for life, and health, for peace, liberty, and abundance, for the refreshments, and consolations of every moment. Our fouls should especially praise, and magnify his Holy Name, that we are not appointed to wrath, but to obtain salvation by Jesus Christ, an everlasting salvation in the Heavens.

If you, the, have recorded all the divine benefits in your hearts; and, if the thought of them has uniformly produced in you, an affectionate gratitude, and an holy obedience. If you have been truly thankful to the Supreme Governor, for his refreshing showers, and fruitful seasons, for your repeated escapes from various impending dangers, and tragically calamitous scenes, and for the extension of daily accumulated mercies. If you have walked worthy the high vacation, wherewith you are called; and are now determined evermore to approve yourselves the grateful beneficiaries of his providence, to walk together as brethren, and, in all respects, to live, the life that you now live in the flesh, according to the faith of the Son of God;–then, may you raise your hymns of praise with joy, cast all your cares, and burdens upon him, who will never leave, nor forsake you, and humbly look forward, with faith, and hope, to his everlasting loving kindness.

But, on the other hand, if whilst you have experienced successive mercies, you have been the more unthankful and unholy. If you have forgotten the source of all your blessings, whilst they were plenteously poured down upon you. If you neglected to adore your Protector whilst He was shining upon you with the light of his countenance. If you murmured, whilst in the possession of health, and peace, and abundance. If you allowed yourselves in the practice of profane cursing, and swearing, and the most horrid blasphemies, whilst you were receiving good at the hand of God. If you undervalued that liberty, for which you fought, and for which many thousands sacrificed their lives. If you made it a cloak for licentiousness. Or, if the principal use which you made of it, was to foment, and encourage party divisions, or to throw off all civility, and indulge a surly rudeness towards those, who had not injured you. And, if you despised the goodness, forbearance, and longsuffering of God. If you abused the riches of his Grace. If you threw contempt upon the blessed Gospel. If you preferred the conceits, and contradictory creeds and concessions of men, to its pure, and heavenly doctrines. If you deserted the house of prayer, whilst your friends, and acquaintance, were there calling upon God. If you slighted his public worship, and spent the day of the Lord, in a slothful indolence, instead of devoutly prostrating yourselves at his footstool. If, also, you have been railing against your neighbors, and sitting in judgment upon their opinions, whilst you should have been reforming yourselves. And, if, instead of embracing the Gospel, as a perfect revelation, which is fully able to make us wise unto salvation, you have been in search of other revelations; and, as if Jesus Christ were the minister of sin, have given a loose rein to your various appetites, and passions, that his grace might abound. Then, you may wonder, that you are not as Sodom and Gomorrah. And, the, instead of glorying in your advantages above other nations, and imagining, on this account, that they are greater sinners, you should rather learn this lesson, that you must perish unless you repent.

Let us, now, then, endeavor to impress upon our minds, all the wonderful works of God towards us, and to offer to Him our suitable acknowledgments of praise.

Let us say, that we have sinned, and confess our unworthiness before Him. Let us say, that our sins have rendered us unworthy the blessings we have received, and prevented that improvement of them, to which they were all calculated to lead us.

Let us, therefore, cast away from us all our transgressions, whilst we humbly implore the Divine forgiveness, and resolve to sin no more.

Let us show, that we truly value our civil and religious liberties, by continually improving them to our growth in every excellency, and perfection, by cherishing the love of truth, of justice, of mercy, of universal benevolence, and brotherly love, and by avoiding all oppression, and wrong, and protecting all others, in the possession of all those privileges, which we claim, and enjoy ourselves. Let us, particularly, consider, how deplorably wretched we should have been, without the light of the glorious Gospel. And, let us be all gratitude for this light of Heaven, delight in it, and walk in it to the mansions of bliss. Let us search the scriptures as our rich treasure. Let us apply all their doctrines, and promises to our hearts. Let us learn from them, to watch, and pray, against temptation. Let us learn from them to overcome the world, and its lusts. Let us learn from them, not to forsake the assembling of ourselves together. Let us learn from them to be sober, and temperate, to adorn the doctrine of God our Savior in all things, and whether we eat, or we drink, or whatever we do, to do all to his glory, and to be continually rising from this flying scene to an inheritance in the Heavens. And, thus, let our whole lives be a perpetual hymn of praise, to the God of all goodness and love.

You should, also, learn, as members of this particular state, to do everything in your power, to promote the general happiness. You should discountenance all measures, that tend to anarchy and confusion, or that lay the foundation of party, inflammatory divisions. As you are all brethren, you should not be actuated, by partial motives, but pray for the equal prosperity, and glory, of the whole Commonwealth. You should aid those in power, to establish more and more a perfectly righteous government. You should encourage industry. You should reward integrity. You should frown upon the oppressor. You should discountenance every vice. You should approve yourselves the exemplary patterns of every branch of righteousness. You should acquaint your children, and all your domestics, with the Holy Scriptures. You should teach them, obedience, humility, piety, and such a love of their country, as is not inconsistent with the love of the whole human race. You should inculcate upon their minds, the nature, importance, and all the advantages of public worship. And, as literature advances knowledge, as knowledge increases virtue, and as virtue produces, and diffuses happiness, the education of youth should be an essential object of your earnest attention. You should teach your children to read, before you teach them to work. You should give them all the knowledge in your power. You should encourage public schools, and endow them in such a manner, as shall lead you to expect, that they will be filled with able masters. You should cherish your University, and, as much as lieth in you, accelerate the general culture, and the daily advancing progress of the whole circle of the sciences.

At the same time never losing sight of the Glorious Gospel, as transcendently more valuable than all the riches, and honors of this present world, you should promote, to the utmost, the most unbounded religious free enquiry, that pure Christianity may be separated from all those corruptions and dross, which have been blended with it, and which have so greatly obscured its lustre, and that, shining forth, in its original splendor, it may speedily procure universal admiration, captivate all the hearts, and influence all the affections of all the children of men, and crown them all with honor, and glory, everlasting.

Thus, you will exhibit a lovely pattern to all your brethren of the neighboring states. You will draw them, to the vindication and practice of all that is excellent. You will rejoice, and benefit, the whole world of mankind. And, whilst you are, in the best manner, securing and increasing, all your mutual. Temporal, interests, you will be laying a foundation that can never be moved, you will be rising to a kingdom, which will endure, after the Heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll, and after all the revolutions of this world, shall be remembered only, as a dream of the night.

But, once more, as members of a state, independent in itself, yet, at the same time, bound in solemn confederation with many other states, you should labor to have this union more firmly cemented, and established upon the most solid basis.

Each of these states, has its peculiar local advantages, which should not excite the envy of any particular state, but the great joy of the whole.

You should all be considered as one family, which will ever grow in greatness, in proportion to the felicitating circumstances of each individual.

There should, therefore, be no clashing of interests, no jealous surmisings, no variance, or discord, amongst you the enemy of any particular state, and he, who would aggrandize any particular state, upon the ruins of any other, should be considered as universal enemies.

You should all rejoice together, in the reciprocal advantages, and prosperous labors of one another. You should all be as a city upon a hill, to enlighten the rest of the world.

No one should circumvent his neighbor. No one should enrich himself enrich himself, to the detriment of his neighbor. No one should see his neighbor in distress, or any calamity coming upon him, without giving him all that succor, which he himself would wish, and expect, in the same circumstances.

In short, you should all draw the same way, and set an example of justice, and benevolence, to the whole world. You should rejoice with those, who do rejoice, and weep with those who weep. You should be continually improving your several constitutions, and modeling all your laws, according to the dictates of sound wisdom. And, you should not only not strive with one another, not only render to one another every service; but, you should clasp all the children of men in an affectionate embrace, and, whilst you teach them all brotherly love, and become a wonder in the earth, at the same time, be the delight of your Father, who is in Heaven.

Upon the whole, as the redeemed of the Lord, his distinguished beneficiaries, and highly favored children, possessing health, and peace, and liberty, surrounded with a multitude of mercies, daily experiencing the riches of the Divine forbearance, and long suffering, and, at the same time, called to Eternal Glory, by Christ Jesus, be prevailed upon to cherish a grateful sense of all your obligations, and to walk worthy of the character of men, and Christians.

Suitably humble yourselves before the Great Lord of the universe, whilst you revolve in you minds all the successive overflowing’s of his goodness, and all your acts of ingratitude, and disobedience; and, adoring his mercy, implore his pardon, and say, that you will sin no more.

Be ashamed, that you have ever been forgetful of his benefits, that you have ever taken his Holy Name in vain, that you have ever thrown contempt upon his worship, that you have ever treated one another differently from what you would be treated yourselves, that you have ever departed from the least of those delightful commandments which have been communicated to you. And, henceforward, become pure and holy, celebrate his perfections, supplicate, and praise him with all your hearts, increase in knowledge, and spiritual wisdom, abound in all goodness, render every possible service to another, rejoice in the growing happiness of all your brethren around you, and be continually advancing to the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ. And, whilst you yourselves, thus praise the Lord for his goodness, and are perpetually rising to still greater perfection, and bliss, expand your benevolent wishes to the most distant nations, and pray that the whole earth may become one temple, and that all those beings which it contains may learn the voice of praise, and altogether rejoice before the Lord forever.

Go farther still. Traverse in imagination, the vast infinitude of the boundless universe, and pray that the whole may become one glorious theatre, resounding with his praise, all men, and all angels, forming one chorus, and saying, HALLELUJAH, THE LORD GOD, OMNIPOTENT REIGNETH.

Thus, you will lay the best possible foundation of increasing worldly prosperity and greatness, and of eternal felicity. You will be blessed, and your children after you. Successive generations, led by your examples, will be improving in every grace and virtue, and rising to glory, and honor. All the evils, which at present attend you, for your good, will be removed. The Heavens will smile upon you. The earth will be replenished with greater riches. The seasons will become more temperate, and fruitful. Your corn, and your wine, and your oil will increase. Your flocks, and your herds, will spread over the downs, in innumerable multitudes. Your families, will multiply, and enlarge their borders. Your fame, will spread from the East to the West. You will have the honor, of founding, and building up an empire, more glorious, and durable, than any the world has ever seen. And, after having finished your joyful course on the earth, protected, and applauded, by the Universal Sovereign, you will be received into everlasting habitations, into unchanging mansions of love, and peace, and bliss:–Yours will be an inheritance, which is incorruptible, and undefiled, and which fadeth not away, reserved in Heaven for you, through our Lord Jesus Christ.

Sermon – Fasting – 1798, Massachusetts


David Tappan (1752-1803) was a minister from Massachusetts. He graduated from Harvard in 1772 and was a pastor of a church in Newbury (1774-1792). Tappan was a professor of divinity at Harvard from 1792 through his death.

This sermon was preached on this statewide fast day as a result of a proclamation by Governor Increase Sumner. The text of this sermon has been updated to reflect modern spelling and grammar.


sermon-fasting-1798-massachusetts


A

Discourse

Delivered to the Religious Society
In
Brattle-Street, Boston,
And
To the Christian Congregation
In
Charlestown,
On April 5, 1798.

Being the Day of the Annual Fast
In the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

By David Tappan.

 

PROVERBS XIV. 34.

RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION; BUT SIN IS A REPROACH TO ANY PEOPLE.

To point out the political springs, the merely natural and secondary causes of national exaltation and depression, is the peculiar province of the historian and the statesman. To trace each of these effects to its moral source, or to display the important influence of virtue and vice in their several forms on the social as well as personal condition of man, is the part of the ethical philosopher, especially of the public religious instructor. To such moral reflections we are invited by the words just read, and by the solemn occasion of this day. For as the true spirit of a public Fast implies a general contrition for past offences and produces future reformation and obedience; so the text urges this pious sorrow and amendment by declaring their utility, yea, indispensible necessity to national happiness. RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION; BUT SIN IS A REPROACH TO ANY PEOPLE.

I shall not detain you with critical remarks on the word RIGHTEOUSNESS in its various scriptural acceptations. It is sufficient to observe that as it here stands opposed to sin, it must be understood in an equal latitude; and must, therefore, comprehend the whole of virtue as it respects God, our neighbor, and ourselves. A truly righteous or just character must, in the view both of reason and revelation, imply supreme love to God and impartial benevolence to man, expressed in a sober, charitable, and godly life. When the Bible designates the various dispositions and offices both of piety and morality by the single character of justice or righteousness, it strongly imports that vital religion in all it is but the payment of a just debt or the conformity of our exercises to truth and right. When it is here predicated of righteousness or religious goodness that it exalteth a nation; the general idea is that it invariably tends to national honor and prosperity and in the ordinary course of things will ultimately secure them. When it is affirmed, on the other hand, that sin is a reproach to any people; the meaning is that every species of irreligion and vice contributes, either directly or remotely, to disgrace, enfeeble, and destroy a community.

The words then, in concurrence with the present solemnity, call our attention to the intimate and solemn connection between the moral character and the general condition of political bodies, especially of Republican Communities like ours.

The opposite effects of righteousness and sin upon civil society may be argued in the FIRST PLACE from the nature of things, or the essential tendencies of virtue and vice.

To place this topic of argument in a clear and strong light, let us distinctly attend to the principal braches of holiness and sin and trace the particular influence of each on the character and state of society.

The first branch of virtue is piety, or suitable regard to GOD. A steady belief, a commanding impression of an invisible Almighty Lawgiver and Judge, diffused through a community may be compared to the vital heat or the enlivening spirits which pervade and animate the human body, supporting and recruiting its various powers of action and enjoyment. This awful and affectionate sense of a Supreme Being lays the strongest bond to fidelity on every member of the public body; for it seizes his conscience, his inmost feelings and springs of action; it sensibly places his whole conduct, with its most secret motives, before the piercing eye of omniscient purity. What force must this have to restrain, yea, to extinguish those numerous lusts and vices, and to encourage and invigorate those multiplied dispositions and offices of virtue which human laws can neither define, inspect, nor reward! How must it disarm those temptations and discouragements which attend the faithful discharge of duty, especially in the higher departments of society! What meaning and efficacy must it give to an Oath, that great hinge of social order, justice, and security! A prevailing principle of piety effectually secures the practice of all those virtues which nourish and adorn a community; it constrains to universal goodness by a view of the perfect character and law, of the present and everlasting favor or displeasure of an infinite Being. – But when this regard to God and a future retribution declines in the avowed principles or reigning manners of a people; when speculative or practical atheism or infidelity is a prominent feature in the public countenance; when the ceremonies of religious worship in the family and the church are lightly esteemed, coldly performed, or entirely neglected; or when these sacred rites are profanely used to cover, to expiate, or to promote worldly and iniquitous designs; such prevailing impiety has a most baneful influence on social order and happiness. It not only argues a high degree of national depravity but it undermines the interests of moral virtue and opens the floodgates to every brutal excess, to every outrageous and destructive vice. If all sense of religion were erased from the human mind, no tie would be left to bind men to regular behavior in society except the fear of legal penalties or of present inconveniencies; and the terror of these would be unspeakably abated. Even capital punishments would, in a great measure, lose their salutary effect if men, with some modern political reformers, regarded death merely as a momentary pang or an endless repose from the toils and inquietudes of the present state. If religious principles were set aside, the most despotic forms of government, the severest laws, the most dreadful tortures would be absolutely necessary and at the same time insufficient to restrain the commission of crimes or to preserve a tolerable degree of order in the societies of men. It is owing, my brethren, to the secret influence of religion that we in this country can safely and advantageously enjoy a free constitution, a mild and liberal administration of civil government. It is this influence which supplies the unavoidable defects of the best political institutions and measures. It is this which softens their rigor and at once enforces and sweetens their observance.

We may even venture to affirm that absurd, superstitious, yea, idolatrous systems of religion are far better both for communities and individuals than avowed impiety and atheism. For though the former operate in numberless ways to debase and injure mankind; yet the mixture of religious and moral truth contained in them exerts on the human character a salutary influence which overbalances the contrary evils. But absolute infidelity, while it robs society of this needful and beneficial influence, leaves nothing in its room but unrestrained license, disorder, and misery. It may, indeed, substitute in place of religion the boasted spirit of philosophy and liberty, of patriotism and philanthropy; the desire of personal safety and honor, combined with the love of national glory. But these principles, not enlightened, strengthened, and controlled by religion are very feeble, uncertain, and capricious both in restraining and prompting human actions. Perverted and stimulated by the evil genius of infidelity, they are in danger of destroying that social virtue and happiness which they affect to guard and promote.

I cannot forbear adding, if a false system of religion has a far better aspect on the public welfare than impiety, how great must be the beneficent influence of a religion wholly pure and divine! Figure to yourselves a community, all whose members are steadily pious and devout upon evangelical principles. Suppose their hearts constantly to feel and cherish that reverential love and gratitude, submission and confidence towards the GOD AND FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST which correspond to the majestic and endearing display of His perfections in the person, doctrine, and redemption of this Son, and which the promised influences of His Spirit are designed to produce, to strengthen, and exalt. Suppose this inward piety daily expressed and improved by secret, domestic, and public offices of devotion and uniformly influencing the temper and conduct of it subjects. I ask, must not the effects of such elevated piety on the public interest be indescribably happy? Must not those noble and commanding principles which are implied in filial veneration of the SUPREME PARENT AND RULER; a sacred ambition to resemble and to please Him by imitating and obeying His glorious and beloved Son and by promoting the virtue and happiness of His rational family; an awful respect to His sovereign authority, His righteous commands, and His final retribution; must not these principles effectually restrain all classes of society from injuring the general peace and prosperity? Will they not give birth to the most mild and equal laws, to the most paternal and beneficent administration of the public concerns, to the most grateful submission and vigorous concurrence on the part of the people? Will not the best abilities and efforts of all the citizens be conscientiously devoted to one object, the advancement of the common good? – But this directly introduces

THE SECOND GREAT BRANCH OF RIGHTEOUSNESS, VIZ. SOCIAL VIRTUE or proper expressions of benevolence towards man.

This part of moral duty is intimately connected with the preceding. The man of religion, regarding his fellow men as the offspring and image of Deity, expresses his affection to the Father by loving and doing good to the children; he studiously imitates and honors God by fulfilling the designs and spreading the triumphs of his infinite benevolence; he obeys both the natural and revealed law of his Creator by steadily practicing every social virtue and thus contributing his part to the general stock of mutual benefits and enjoyments. Thus piety is the broad and effectual basis, while justice and beneficence form the rising and beautiful superstructure of universal goodness. This spirit of justice and kindness in the several members of a State towards one another and the public resembles the mutual sympathy and vigilant care of the various parts of the human body for the welfare of each other and of the whole. Accordingly, a political society actuated throughout by this spirit is like a body in full health. “The rulers, with patriotic zeal performing their proper functions, resemble the greater and lesser arteries, through which the vital fluid flows on without obstruction, and refreshes the most minute and distant parts; while the bulk of the people yielding in their various spheres a ready obedience, and leading an honest and peaceable life, convey back, like the numerous veins, the recurrent fluid to its source; and thus the whole frame is easy, vigorous, and happy.” – The principle of mutual justice and benevolence reigning in a community directly forms the faithful ruler, the obedient subject, the patriotic citizen, the obliging neighbor, the united and prosperous society. Like the great law of mutual attraction, it fixes each member of the political system in his proper station and devoted his whole influence to the order and felicity of the whole. At the same time it gives him the personal and sublime pleasure of conscious goodness and enables him to enjoy, by delightful sympathy, the virtue, friendship, and prosperity of all his fellow members, yea, the whole mass of natural and moral good which is spread over the universe.

But the want of this benevolent disposition on the prevalence of a selfish spirit in society shuts out these refined enjoyments and directly tends to every species of calamity. It destroys social union and order. It turns rulers into rapacious, unfeeling tyrants, and subjects into restless, turbulent demagogues and traitors. It poisons the fountains of justice by subjecting judiciary courts to the pernicious influence of affection or fear, of party prejudice, animosity, if not of gross corruption and venality. It subjects the most important elections to the government of local interest of unprincipled intrigue, or factious malignity. By creating a thousand separate and jarring interests in the bosom of the community it disjoints and convulses the national constitution; while it prompts the votaries of these several idols to sacrifice to them conscience, religion, humanity, country, posterity, and every sacred and endearing obligation. Thus it renders the citizens of a State unrighteous and oppressive, false and perfidious, cruel and revengeful; while it leads its public administration in its treatment of sister communities to violate the most solemn bonds of justice and good faith, and thus expose the nation confided to its care to the merited and perhaps fatal resentment of foreign powers. In a word, selfishness in the moral system operates like a universal principle of repulsion in the natural; it tends to a catastrophe in the former, analogous to that which such a principle would produce in the latter. It evidently leads both to private and public ruin.

In this respect, too, the Christian religion is an unrivalled friend to our social happiness. For it forbids and corrects the vicious and destructive selfishness just described and forms its disciples to the most pure, self-denying, and active benevolence. It sets before us, in the character and benefits of God and His Son, the most alluring patterns and motives of disinterested, condescending, triumphant goodness. It binds us to our fellow men by a variety of peculiar and most engaging ties. It annihilates those degrading distinctions which the littleness of human pride has created and instructs us to regard every man, especially every fellow citizen, as our neighbor and our brother. Thus it exalts the friend and the patriot into the universal philanthropist. It tends to unite the whole world into one peaceful and happy fraternity under the auspices of rational and virtuous liberty. While it requires us to love and do good to all men, it consecrates a peculiar share of our attention to the household of faith; it demands a special regard to the civil and religious interests of our own country, which Providence has especially committed to our care, endeared to our affections, and placed within our notice and influence. Christian patriotism is nothing else than general benevolence embracing, with peculiar sensibility and active energy, that portion of mankind to which our capacity of usefulness imminently reaches. On this ground the Gospel enjoins a cheerful and conscientious submission to the CONSTITUTED AUTHORITIES of our country. It binds us to reverence these authorities as the ORDINANCE OF HEAVEN. In a word, the spirit of Christianity is eminently just and equal, gentle and kind, humble and peaceable, loyal and free. It enforces and exalts the whole train of social virtues. It is, emphatically, the directing and animating genius of republican freedom, order, and happiness. Those individuals or communities who despise the Christian religion or practically contradict its generous maxims have the spirit of tyrants and slaves: their sordid minds are incapable of duly comprehending, enjoying, or defending the superior charms and blessings of genuine freedom.

This leads us to the THIRD ARTICLE of moral goodness, VIZ. PERSONAL VIRTUE; which consists in that temperate and prudent deportment which every man owes to himself, to his private security and happiness. Intemperance, luxury, and debauchery are equally pernicious to individuals and the public. They waste both the bodies and minds of their votaries and render them diseased, effeminate, and timorous; unfit either to plan or to execute any great and noble design. How weak and contemptible must a nation soon become which is generally composed of members like these! What an easy prey to every daring invader! – These vices too, joined with idleness their usual associate, melt down private and public property, produce bankruptcies, stagnate useful arts and improving science, and dissipate or stupefy the mind in such a manner as to render it insensible both of the prevalence of virtuous sobriety and diligence conduces at once to bodily health, to mental vigor and improvement, to flourishing business, to increasing wealth and reputation, and thus to the permanent defense and prosperity of a nation.

In this particular also the Gospel equally befriends our present and future felicity. It lays the ax at the root of irregular appetites, affections, and indulgences, by forbidding the first motions of concupiscence, anger, or hatred in the heart; by offering and conveying supernatural influences to cleanse this fountain of moral action; and by enforcing it as a primary duty to guard our secret thoughts and dispositions. Its doctrines and moral precepts, its motives and examples inculcate a high pitch of moderation and self-denial, of patience and fortitude, of meekness and contentment, of humility and prudence, of conscientious industry in our secular callings, joined with holy diligence in our Christian vocation. Thus the personal, as well as the social and divine virtues of our religion, eminently conduce to exalt a nation.

As the truth of the text is thus confirmed by the natural operation of things; so in the

SECOND PLACE, it is equally established by the MORAL ATTRIBUTES AND GOVERNMENT OF GOD. As the perfect moral rectitude of the Supreme Being may be certainly argued from his natural perfections; so His providential and moral government of His rational creatures is a necessary deduction from both. Those natural tendencies of virtue and vice which we have been considering, are the effects of a divine constitution and agency and, therefore, exemplify a righteous moral administration. But since these tendencies, though powerful and striking, are frequently obstructed in the present state by accidental and temporary causes, we are necessitated to look forward to a future and more perfect order of things; in which the happiness of virtuous individuals and the misery of vicious ones, will be unmixed and complete. But the case with political bodies is in this respect essentially different. These have no existence in a future state. Consequently the rectitude and dignity of the divine government seem to demand a present and conspicuous treatment of such bodies according to their visible moral characters. This is requisite no only to exhibit and maintain the governing righteousness of God but to comfort virtuous nations under temporary affliction, to encourage their efforts in repelling the most powerful, insolent, and prosperous enemies, and to reform or restrain wicked communities by the fear of impending and desolating judgments; a motive which frequently operates upon those who have become hardened against the terrors of a distant future retribution. Some public and striking instances of divine severity against impious, oppressive, or dissolute nations are also necessary to check the progress of infidelity and vice in the surrounding world, to lessen the numbers and break the combinations of wicked men and thus to deliver mankind both from the contagion of their example and the cruel effects of their injustice and tyranny. – This reasoning from the justice and goodness of the Supreme Ruler of nations is sanctioned.

THIRDLY, by the EXPRESS DECLARATIONS OF HIS WORD. AT WHAT INSTANT, SAYS JEHOVAH, I SPEAK CONCERNING A NATION, TO PLUCK UP AND TO PULL DOWN AND TO DESTROY IT; IF THAT NATION AGAINST WHOM I HAVE PRONOUNCED, TURN FROM THEIR EVIL, I WILL REPENT OF THE EVIL WHICH I THOUGHT TO DO UNTO THEM. AND AT WHAT INSTANT I SHALL SPEAK CONCERNING A KINGDOM TO BUILD AND TO PLANT IT, IF IT DO EVIL IN MY SIGHT, THEN I WILL REPENT OF THE GOOD, WHEREWITH I SAID I WOULD BENEFIT THEM. [Jeremiah 18:7-10]

The Bible is full of promises and threatenings of admonitions, expostulations, and entreaties which convey the same general idea. The Theocracy established in the Jewish nation, and the whole train of divine proceedings respecting that people, are conducted upon this principle. This conduct of Deity was designed as a specimen of the usual methods of his administration towards all public bodies; though it does not warrant them to expect such immediate and extraordinary retributions of Providence as were dispensed to ancient Israel. As God was the political Sovereign of the Jews, as they held their peculiar privileges (and even the land of Canaan) on condition of their loyalty; so they were under a peculiarly equal Providence, which not only awarded immediate prosperity or adversity to their general obedience or disobedience but instantly chastised a single presumptuous transgression even of a ceremonial or positive precept. Though in these respects Israel was a distinguished people and though some other nations may seem to derive immediate prosperity from their public or private vices or to be depressed for a time by their strict adherence to virtue; yet reason, Scripture, and fact assure us that national rectitude must and will finally prosper, and that a vicious community will be ultimately degraded and ruined even by those crimes which, at first, produced or assisted its elevation. Agreeably, the declarations and history of the Bible point us not only to God’s covenant people but to many less favored bodies of men who were severely threatened and punished by infinite justice for transgressing those moral and religious obligations which were notified to them merely by the voice of nature and tradition. How much greater reason have those communities to fear similar judgments who, like Israel of old, have enjoyed a supernatural revelation of the true God and His laws, have solemnly owned Him for their King, have been eminently guarded and prospered by His goodness, and yet have publicly dishonored Him by unthankful, irreligious, and immoral behavior! Let the past and present state of the Jews, and of many Christian nations, answer this question.

This brings us in the FOURTH PLACE to observe that the leading sentiment of our discourse is verified by EXPERIENCE. It is inscribed as with a sunbeam on almost every page both of ancient and modern history. It is a well-known fact that the most celebrated states and kingdoms of the earth have risen by virtue and fallen by vice. Even a very partial conformity to religious and moral truth by ignorant and idolatrous nations has been crowned by providence with a glorious temporal reward. Experience proves that political bodies, like the animal economy, have their periods of infancy, youth, maturity, decay, and dissolution. In the early stages of their existence their members are usually industrious and frugal, simple in their manners, just and kind in their intercourse, active and hardy, united and brave. Their feeble, exposed, and necessitous condition in some sort forces upon them this conduct and these habits. The practice of these virtues gradually nourishes them to a state of manly vigor. They become mature and flourishing in wealth and population, in arts and arms, in almost every kind of national prosperity. But when they have reached a certain point of greatness, their taste and manners begin to be infected. Their prosperity inflates and debauches their minds. It betrays them into pride and avarice, luxury and dissipation, idleness and sensuality, and, too often, into practical or scornful impiety. These, with other kindred vices, hasten their downfall and ruin.

The rise and fall of the four great monarchies of the world are striking confirmations of these remarks. The history of the ancient Republics of Greece and Rome is, in this view, peculiarly instructive to the people of America. The prosperity, declension, and ruin of those states, experimentally show that virtue is the soul of republican freedom; that luxury tends to extinguish both sound morality and piety; and that the loss of these renders men incapable of estimating and relishing, of preserving, or even bearing, the blessings of equal liberty.

What a dark veil of ignorance and barbarism, of bondage and wretchedness, have the degeneracy of man and the righteous judgment of God, long since drawn over many extensive countries which once enjoyed the light of science, of freedom, of great worldly glory, yea, of Christian knowledge, virtue, and joy! The justice of offended Heaven has suited its treatment of those once favored but unthankful nations to the complexion and aggravations of their crimes. It has withdrawn from them those temporal and spiritual privileges which they had treated with careless and disdainful neglect or with wanton and licentious abuse; it has doomed them for a series of ages to experience the opposite evils.

Our own times exhibit many affecting instances of the same general fact. A few of these we will notice in as tender and delicate a manner, as justice to the subject will permit.

You cannot, my fellow citizens, forget the striking displays of a righteous Providence which marked the commencement, progress, and termination of the late American Revolution. How signally did just Heaven overrule the oppressive measures of a great European nation towards her colonies in such manner as to make them instruments of their own defeat and of remarkably chastising the wicked selfishness and pride by which they were dictated! How wonderfully did God appear as the Friend and Patron of righteousness by granting uncommon wisdom, union, energy, and success to the councils and efforts of our infant country and by turning to her advantage the most flattering schemes, successes, and prospects of her enemies! How properly and effectually were the corruptions of the parent nation employed by infinite rectitude to punish the similar and growing degeneracy of her children, and in particular to correct and subdue their inordinate affection to and confidence in her, their blind and pernicious imitation of her follies and vices! How conspicuously did Providence make use of the two countries to administer needed and wholesome discipline to each other! By these methods was America qualified for, and led on, to happy and confirmed Independence; Great Britain was prepared to part with her on just and amicable terms; and both nations, thus separated, were disposed to cherish that friendly and beneficial intercourse which they could not enjoy in a nearer connection. What a various and instructive scene of Providential retributions is here! How ought it to live in every American bosom to the latest period of time!

What a memorable chastisement has Providence inflicted on those European powers who, a few years since, combined in a scheme to control the dearest rights and change the internal policy of an independent nation!1 What a series of great and almost unprecedented defeats and calamities has attended this conspiracy! We have seen the invaded nation employed as an eminent executioner of divine wrath upon a large portion of the Christian and Protestant world for its great apostasy, oppression, and wickedness. We have seen this people permitted to shake, and in some instances subvert, those ancient establishments of civil and religious order which had either grown up to systems of debasing and cruel tyranny or, at best, had not been thankfully acknowledged and virtuously improved.

On the other side, that spirit of irreligion and atheism, of domestic faction and tyranny, of foreign ambition and conquest, which has too generally characterized the popular leaders and successive rulers of the nation in question, has been awfully punished by a corresponding series of internal jealousy and disorganization, carnage and misery. While the greatest splendor and triumph have founded their external operations, their condition at home has been and still is a picture of horror. Under the boasted pretext of high republican freedom, it exhibits all the terror and debasement of military despotism. And it is easy to predict that their bold impiety towards God, their insolent treatment of man, their open contempt and violation of those principles which are the only security of union, order, and good faith, either among themselves or with foreign nations, must ultimately draw upon them exemplary national punishment. In this respect they will resemble that haughty Assyrians of old; who, after having, as Jehovah’s rod, scourged the surrounding nations and particularly His own backsliding people for their transgressions, were in their turn conspicuously punished for that very pride, impiety, and cruelty, by which they had unintentionally fulfilled the purpose of heaven.2

In the contemplation of these equally righteous and benevolent yet sublime and mysterious dispensations, can we forbear exclaiming, GREAT AND MARVELOUS ARE THY WORKS, LORD GOD ALMIGHTY; JUST AND TRUE ARE THEY WAYS, THOU KING OF SAINTS. [Revelation 15:4] SURELY THE WRATH OF MAN SHALL PRAISE THEE; AND THE REMAINDER OF WRATH THOU WILT RESTRAIN. [Psalm 76:10]

The preceding doctrine suggests many useful reflections.

It furnishes a strong natural proof of a FUTURE RETRIBUTION. The many signal interpositions of a SUPERIOR POWER in favor of righteousness and for the punishment of sin, the general operation of virtue and vice to the happiness and misery of communities, their strong and immutable tendencies to personal enjoyment and suffering joined with the many circumstances which at present hinder these tendencies from producing their full effect prove, at once, the commencement of a righteous moral administration in this world and its future completion in a more perfect state.

Our subject, by thus pointing to a more perfect order of things hereafter, affords a clue to those perplexing labyrinths in which the conduct of Providence respecting both societies and individuals is frequently involved. Though public bodies are, in general, treated according to their prevailing characters; yet we find that nations, as well as persons, are prevented by various causes from receiving an immediate and full retribution. For as the outward prosperity and calamity of both depend very greatly on the free agency of others and is natural effect; so good and bad communities, as well as individuals, are often so linked together, that they unavoidably share, in considerable degree, the same benefits or evils. As Providence frequently spares and prospers a great sinner that his affluence, power, or luxury may bless his virtuous connections, or that his guilty neighbors may be duly punished by his pride and injustice; so it sometimes apparently smiles upon a wicked nation for the sake of its few worthy members; for the benefit of its deserving allies or dependents; for the accomplishment of some great work of justice and utility exactly suited to its temper and circumstances; or lastly, that the Divine character may be signally honored, and mankind eminently instructed by its final and remarkable punishment. If irreligious or immoral societies were in all cases amply and speedily punished, no proper scope would be left for that trial, discovery, and maturity of individual characters which are necessary to prepare them for a future state. Wicked men would be cut off from those opportunities and means of repentance which a state of probation requires; and righteous individuals, being intimately connected in society with a vicious majority, would too generally, as well as prematurely, perish from the earth. The actual measures, therefore, of the Divine government towards communities and particular persons appear full of wisdom and beauty. While the former receive such a recompense of their conduct, as gives a general though incomplete display of the governing justice of God; the latter have sufficient advantages and motives to prepare for and confidently expect the ultimate triumph of virtue in the unmixed and endless happiness of its friends, and the final destruction of its obdurate enemies.3

This leads us to infer the UNRIVALLED EXCELLENCY OF THE CHRISTIAN REVELATION and our obligations to God for blessing us with it. By ascertaining a perfect moral government and a future recompense, by insuring pardon to repentance, present succor and everlasting bliss to feeble, imperfect, and afflicted virtue, Christianity at once justifies the ways of God, and furnishes man with the best motives and helps to universal goodness. While the best human legislators and philosophers have set up temporal good as the object of their institutions, and called in religion and morality merely as engines of worldly policy; the Christian Lawgiver holds up spiritual and everlasting good as the prize of his followers. But though political and national prosperity is but a secondary object of our religion; yet its doctrines and rules, while they form individuals for the kingdom of Heaven, secure to society the greatest earthly felicity. Though the salutary influence of this divine system has been greatly obstructed by human error and wickedness, it would be easy to show that it has in fact unspeakably meliorated civil society; that it has in many important particulars improved the laws, customs, and manners of nations, and thus augmented the sum of virtue and happiness in a degree which baffles computation.

Let us then, my Brethren, reverence and sacredly adhere to the principles of righteousness, especially of Christian piety and morality. Let us regard these as the only foundation either of private or social happiness. I am sensible that modern infidelity pretends to great benevolence and public utility as well as to liberal, philosophic refinement. But recent facts have proved that no spirit is more bigoted and fanatical, more imposing and sanguinary, than that of impiety and atheism, especially when united with pretended or misguided ardor for republican equality. This spirit in a part of Europe has, indeed, abolished the objects and ceremonies of popish superstition; but it has created a thousand new imaginary deities, which under the names of reason, nature, philosophy, liberty, or abstract moral virtue, have been adored with as much veneration, and the least dissent even in speculation from the established idolatry has been persecuted with as much ferocity as ever characterized the dark and bloody ages of popery. What advantage then can Americans propose to themselves or their country by exchanging Christianity for infidelity, and thus introducing what some call the golden age of reason? Suppose, for a moment, that our religion were as visionary, as deceitful, or as slavish a superstition, as some pretend: Yet, experiment has abundantly shown that irreligion subjects mankind to a superstition far more degrading and cruel and at the same time destroys those mighty restrains from vice and engagements to virtue which the Gospel provides. Even the professed enemies of this institution derive from it not only that religious knowledge which they employ against it, but that regular and apparently virtuous character which renders any of them useful members of society. In a word, as a free government like ours, which originates from and is supported by the people, must owe its success to their enlightened virtue; so this virtue must receive its chief animation, stability, and improvement from religious and Christian principles.

We learn then who are the truest friends to their country. They are those whose example and influence contribute the most to cherish and extend the knowledge and practice of righteousness and to prevent or eradicate infidelity and wickedness.

We also learn with how ill a grace those persons boast of their patriotism, and publish their zeal for the liberty and happiness of the people, who are themselves the slaves of vice or the patrons of irreligion.

Further, our subject may assist us to a right understanding and performance of the solemn business of this day. Both reason and Scripture assure us that no forms of humiliation for sin, whether public or private, can be either sincere or beneficial which do not involve an effectual resolution to forsake our evil ways and return to the practice of universal righteousness. Our leading petition, therefore, on this occasion of prayer, should be for the influences of God’s Holy Spirit to renew our hearts and reform our lives. Such a reformation is the main ingredient both of personal and national prosperity. We have no warrant to wish or pray for outward and public blessings without a concurring, yea, ruling desire, of that Heavenly grace which will at once insure the virtuous use of these blessings and qualify us for far nobler and more lasting enjoyments. To confine our secret wishes to a prosperous year in temporal respects argues at once low sensuality, egregious folly, and daring impiety. It discovers a mind blind and dead to the true happiness and glory of man. It implies a request to God to protect and prosper us in sin or to become a minister to our carnal lusts. It involves a prayer for that, which if granted, will only pollute and destroy us. In short, it implies the absurd desire of a natural impossibility, viz. to be made happy without a right disposition and practice.

That our united humiliations may be sincere, our petitions fervent, and our future behavior agreeable to both, let us this day solemnly review our individual and national transgressions. Let us lament before the throne of God that growth of speculative and practical infidelity; that cold and contemptuous treatment of the truths and ordinances of our holy religion; that decay of the social and patriotic virtues; that rage for wealth, amusement, and splendor; that servile attachment to foreign principles and manners, whether in religion, politics, or the common modes of life; that unthankful and murmuring temper, amidst distinguished national blessings; that unnatural jealousy and censure of the best public characters and measures; in short, that growing apostasy from the exemplary piety and virtue of our venerable but imperfect ancestors, which too much characterize the present generation. Let us realize the aggravated turpitude of these evils in a community so enlightened, so exalted by Divine favors as ours. Let us consider the threatening aspect of these dispositions and manners on our personal and everlasting welfare, on the rising glory of our young confederate republic, and on the great interests of liberty, good government, and Christianity throughout the world.

In this connection let me bring home to your bosoms and my own the concluding words of the late excellent Doctor Price, in his Advice to America. “If the return of peace and the pride of independence should lead them (the Americans) to security and dissipation; should they lose those virtuous and simple manners, by which alone Republics can long subsist; should false refinement, luxury, and impiety spread among them, excessive jealousy distract their government, and clashing interests break the federal union; the consequence will be, that the fairest experiment ever tried in human affairs will miscarry; and a revolution which had revived the hopes of good men, and promised an opening to better times, will prove only an opening to new scenes of human degeneracy and misery.”

If this great friend to America and mankind justly entertained such anxious apprehensions for the result of our revolution at the date of his Advice; what would have been his feelings had he lived to the present moment? Is not the present crisis far more threatening to the freedom and order, the religion and happiness of both hemispheres? Are not the people of this country in a very hazardous predicament arising from the influence of various causes, especially from the prevalence of party spirit both in our national councils and among our citizens at large? Is not this spirit peculiarly inauspicious at a time when our very existence as a sovereign and independent nation is threatened from abroad? At such a period of external danger how devoutly is it to be wished that the noble spirit of 1775 may revisit every American bosom; a spirit of united invincible attachment to our own country; a determination to sacrifice every local interest, every dividing prejudice and passion, to the common safety; and a resolute trust in God to prosper us in our own necessary and righteous defense against the claims and assaults of insolent foes! Let us remember the high toned spirit of that memorable period and what heroic achievements it accomplished. Let us call the same spirit to our aid at the present crisis. Let us lose every party feeling and epithet in the glorious title of independent Americans. Let us renew that solemn oath which introduced and sealed our national existence; an oath that we will not be dependent upon or tamely submit to any power on earth; that we will acknowledge no master but God alone. For the sake of preserving the blessings of peace, let us be willing to give up everything but our national honor and essential interests. These let us sacredly defend and transmit at every possible hazard. For the security of these interests let us, above all things, return to and place our confidence in the God of our fathers, in the way of sincere repentance, obedience, and prayer. Then we may firmly hope that the present dark clouds will ere long dissipated. Then, according to the beautiful language of the Prophet, THEN SHALL OUR LIGHT BREAK FORTH AS THE MORNING, AND OUR HEALTH SHALL SPRING FORTH SPEEDILY; AND OUR RIGHTEOUSNESS SHALL GO BEFORE US; AND THE GLORY OF THE LORD SHALL BE OUR REARWARD. [Isaiah 58:8]

FINIS.


Endnotes

1 Should we even suppose, with some politicians, that France was the real aggressor in the late extensive European war; yet this circumstance cannot justify the original and well known objects of the coalition formed against her; since this coalition went much farther than mere self-defense and meditated on attack on her essential freedom and property. On this principle the above remarks appear to me well founded and proper.

2 Though the author has touched upon the affairs of two great European powers with studied brevity, caution, and impartiality, that he might not needlessly irritate the sprit of party, or grieve any weak and prejudiced hearers or readers; yet the late conduct of one of those governments towards its own subjects, towards neighboring countries, and especially towards America, must, he thinks, soon open the eyes of all our sober citizens and unite them in prudent yet vigorous measures of defense. Even our ardent affection to the people of France must impel us to make a stand against those self-seeking tyrants who have bound the and their legislature in the most cruel chains. Our respect to the general order, dignity, and happiness of our species forbids us, by abject submission, to encourage and strengthen the determined plunderers and oppressors of mankind. Our reverence of the SUPREME RULER and regard to Christian piety and morality, forbid us to countenance those who are the avowed enemies of His throne and existence and who are zealously employed in exterminating His holy religion. Finally, our own dearest interests as a free and independent nation must forbid our degrading and ruinous submission to the insolent and rapacious demands of foreign despots.

The writer feels himself both warranted and obliged to use this explicit and decided language by the recent communications of the President to Congress. The open sincerity and rectitude, the moderation and humility which mark the proposals of our Government and the conduct of is envoys, form a most striking contrast the mingled pride and meanness, the unblushing avarice and profligacy, which appear on the opposite side. This contrast affords to the American people matter of honest triumph and pious gratitude, as well as much useful instruction. It calls upon us to rejoice and bless God that the United States have, from the beginning of their revolution to this day, been favored with MEN OF VIRTUOUS PRINCIPLES to lead and protect them both in war and peace; and in particular that, at this awful crisis, they have a President who has long approved himself and honest man, an able politician, and inflexible patriot, and an exemplary Christian; whose established character, joined with his manifest interest, his high responsibility and ample means of information, effectually confutes the calumnies of his domestic and foreign enemies and claims the liberal confidence and respect of his fellow citizens.

3 The above paragraph, and a few other sentences in this discourse, were omitted in the delivery for want of time.

united states flag

Sermon – Century – 1801

Rev. Timothy Alden Jr. was born August 28, 1771, to a ministe­rial family in Yarmouth, Massachusetts, the direct descendant of John Alden of Plymouth Colony he was the first president of Alleghany College (as the name was then spelled) and professor of oriental languag­es, ecclesiastical history, and theology until 1831; librarian until 1832; and trustee until his death on July 5, 1839.


sermon-century-1801


THE GLORY OF America

A

CENTURY SERMON

DELIVERED AT THE
SOUTH CHURCH IN PORTSMOUTH,
NEWHAMPSHIRE,

IV JANUARY, MDCCCI.

TOGETHER WITH A NUMBER OF HISTORICAL NOTES, AND AN APPENDIX, CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF THE NEWSPAPERS IN THE STATE.

TO THE READER.

A few sentences, which seem, in some measure, malapropos to the solemnities of the Sabbath, were passed over, in the delivery, or have since together with the notes been added.

It is hoped that the errors which may discovered on perusing the subsequent pages, will be kindly veiled with a mantle of candor.

“Siquid, novisti, rectius istis, candidus imerti, si non, his utere mecum.”
T.A.

 

The Glory of America

The desert shall rejoice and blossom like the rose. Isaiah, XXXV.I.

This is a beautiful description of that glorious epoch, which Christendom beholds with an eye of faith, and in which the world will finally rejoice.

The time is rapidly advancing, when the outcasts of Israel and the dispersed of Judah will be gathered together, from the four quarters of the glove, to the ancient land of promise. They will wail because of him, whom their forefathers have pierced, and will flee to the standard of the cross.

This great event will usher in the aurora of that happy day, which prophets, time immemorial, have predicted, and which poets, with raptures, have often sung.

The children of Abraham, who are now despised, as the mere off scouring of the earth, will then be revered as the favored of heaven. Ten men,[i]at that time, out of all languages of the nations, will even take hold of the skirt of him, who is a Jew, and will say to him, we will go with you, for we have heard that God is with you.

The kingdoms of the world will become the kingdoms of Immanuel. The knowledge of the Lord will cover the earth, as the waters cover the depths of the sea. The great family of man will become a family of brethren, Every knee will bow in the name of Jesus. Every tongue will confess that he is Lord, to the glory of the God supreme. The fear of Jehovah will dwell in every heart, and tranquility and happiness in every dominion of the globe.

Agreeably to the ideas, which the speaker has been led to form, these are the outlines of that joyful period, which the followers of Jesus anticipate and which is elegantly prefigured in the language of the prophet. The desert shall rejoice and blossom like the rose.

Having, my Christian friends, touched upon the original and special import of the inspired passage, before us it will not be deemed an unwarrantable violence to improve it, on the present occasion, as a motto strikingly descriptive of that unparalleled glory, to which God, in his providence, has exalted this western world.

Upon entering a new century, there seems to be a propriety in taking a religious notice of the times, which are past. It is, therefore, our present design to animadvert on the great things, which God has done, to give us a name, among the nations of the earth, and to make the howling deserts of America to rejoice and blossom like the rose.

Without a formal division of our subject, we shall dwell considerably, on the two most important eras in the history of our country’ the first settlement of New England, and our deliverance from an ungenerous oppression. We shall then notice some of the special interpositions of providence. Finally, it will be our endeavor to make some miscellaneous reflections on our national prosperity, and, occasionally, to introduce a few historical facts.

There is, in many respects, a striking similarity between the fortune of the first settlers of New England and that of the children of Israel.

Like the chosen people our venerable, puritanic, progenitors were loaded, from time to time, with a rich exuberance of the most signal divine regard.

Like the chosen people, they fled from a land of tyranny and oppression, passed through clouds of difficulty and distress, were obliged to root out and destroy many barbarous and idolatrous nations, and at length possessed a land flowing with milk and honey.

Our pious ancestors, though conscious duty, forsook the endearments of friends and country, to gain the tranquil enjoyment of that holy religion, which descended from above.

For a few years, those who were destined in providence, to become the first settlers of the Old colony, sought an asylum in a hospitable city of Holland. Such, however, was the flagrancy of vice, in their neighbors, and such their apprehensions for the religious weal of their rising offspring, that, once more, they committed themselves to the mercy of an unstable element. After a most humble, serious, and melting address to the great Father of all, they sailed, in the midst of a thousand calamities, for the wilds of America.

At home, through the pragmatical frenzy of a weak and inconsiderate prince, they were persecuted. Abroad, though the irreligious deportment of those, with whom they sojourned, they were unhappy. On the wide Atlantic, they were often threatened with the most imminent danger. The dreary wilderness, for which they were destined, was peopled with tribes of unfeeling savages.

It was a zeal for the prosperity of Zion, which supported this little band of brothers, when overshadowed by the dark clouds of uncertainty and distress. Their trust was in the God of Abraham. On the land and on the deep, at home and abroad, his banner over them was love. They gloried in the cross of Christ. Like the primitive martyrs, they were ready to brave the storms of live, and even to die in the cause of heaven.

Perhaps it may be thought, that these observations are too minute, considering how small was the number, to whom they principally refer; but it may be asked, were not the first adventurers to New England a band of Christian heroes, who nobly dared to wage war with incalculable jeopardy? Were they not an important instrument, in the hand of God, in laying the foundation of this great and powerful empire?

It is worthy of notice, that, seemingly through a miraculous interposition, a most desolating[ii] pestilence, a little before the arrival of the first settlers of the Old colony, had swept away thousands of native Indians. If the way had not been prepared by this extensive destruction among the aboriginal tribes, the probability is, that our ancestors would have experienced on their first approach, the fatal vengeance of the tomahawk.

It is a historical fact, as handed down by unquestionable tradition, that the first adventurers, when they had reached the territory, destined for their settlement, stepped from their barge upon a ROCK,[iii] the identity of which is still ascertained. We may innocently consider this solid rock, as a sure prognostic, and a significant emblem of the permanence of the future faith, freedom, and independence of this western world.

The remarkable enterprise of the ancient colonist will continue to be a subject of the highest[iv] eulogy, so long as a spark of civil and religious liberty shall animate a soul of their posterity.

To form an idea of the hazardous adventure, on which we have descanted, we should bring to view the silken ties of kindred and country; the dangers of the long and tedious voyage; the uncultivated wilds of this distant land; the howling monsters of the extensive desert; and the unnumbered tribes of savages, who exulted in scenes of the most wanton barbarity.

We[v] have heard with our ears, O God, our fathers have told us what works thou didst in their days, in the times of old; how thou didst drive out the heathen; fur they got not the land in possession by their own sword; but, it was by thy right hand, and thy arm, and the light of thy countenance; because thou hadst a favor unto them.

This national scion, ingrafted on the American stock, has ever been nurtured by the hand of Deity. Like the tree, in Nebuchadnezzar’s dream, its height has reached the Heavens and its beauty the ends of the earth.

The early settlers of New England were the offspring of men, who had long been the guardians of a liberty, established by the word, and cemented with the blood of heroes. At the unhappy period of their departure, the helm of the British empire was guided by an unskillful pilot. They were doomed to flee from the impious scourge of a despot. They were obliged to bid adieu to their natural shore; but, thanks be to God, they retained and cherished that holy religion, for which they had suffered persecution, and that bravery and independence, which they had imbibed from their parent soil.

Planted in this remote and fertile territory; if England had ever been crowned with a ministry and a monarch, faithful to her interests; at length secure from the inroads of the savage foe; flushed with the bounties of nature; happy in the enjoyment of the true religion, and in defeasible rights of man; the Anglo-Americans would, for ages, have remained the loyal subjects of their parent empire. At some distant period, like the full ripe fruit, they would have gently dropped from their maternal stock, Then, collected in themselves, they would have stood an independent kingdom; but, oh the wretched tyranny of foolish, weak, and inconsiderate man! How fatal, to the glory of England, was that dreadful blow, which, since George the third ascended the throne, tor us asunder, never to join again!

There were not wanting friends, who in the cause of justice, opposed reason a and humanity to the base demands of a haughty, daring, and imperious ministry. In the cause of America, long did the British parliament resound, with the thunders of a Chatham. His majesty, said this nobleman, may wear his crown, but, the American jewel out of it, will scarce be worth the wearing.

On the part of America, justice innocence, and loyalty were urged in vain. While, in the most suppliant manner, we were prostrated at the throne of that monarch, who ought to have been the father of his loyal subjects, we were unnoticed, or spurned with scorn and contempt. In addition to a long and shameful neglect, and a series of insults, our mother country, at last, turned upon us the instruments of death, and we were forced into measures, which we viewed with abhorrence.

After a most devout and solemn appeal to the tribunal of unerring wisdom, we commenced that hazardous but glorious career, which, under a guidance from above, liberated us from the shackles of an ungenerous oppression, and crowned us with liberty and independence, while our enemy lost nearly a hundred thousand lives, and added many millions to her national debt.

The wonders, which we achieved, are the astonishment and the applause of the world. Under that almighty being, whose kingdom is over all, we had no reliance, but the justice of our cause, and the bravery, which we inherited from our fathers.

The enterprise, on which we have ventured a few sentiments, was big with the fate of millions. It was vast in design. It was fraught with the utmost hazard. Our situation was the most precarious possible. We were defenseless as the tender lamb. We were ignorant of the martial employment. Our enemy was unequalled in arts and arms. Her fleets had overspread the ocean. Her flag had waved triumphant in every quarter of the globe.

A green proportion of this society has heard, and many still recollect, with keen sensations, what scenes of rapine and plunder, fire and sword, bloodshed and carnage, distorted the face of this country from Georgia to Maine.

Our enemy was, at length, obliged to yield to the palm and to return, in shame, to reap the fruits of folly.

Let us never forget to give the glory and the praise to whom they are due. It was the God of armies, who lifted up his buckler, in excellency of his might, and gave us peace, liberty, and independence. By the blessing of heaven, “Under[vi] the banners of Washington and freedom, we fought conquered, and retired,” to enjoy the sweets of peace, the reward of valor, and the bounties of a rich and happy country.

It would be the height of ingratitude, the blackest stain in the catalog of guilt, not to acknowledge the repeated, special interpositions of God, on our behalf, from the earliest dawn of our national existence.

It was a kind and overruling providence, which conducted our pious forefathers to the howling wilds of America; gave them this goodly heritage; protected them, when their number was small; carried them from one degree of prosperity to another; and built them up, till they became a great and powerful nation. When our mother country threatened us with chains forged by the omnipotence of parliament, the heavens were melted at the voice of our complaint; liberated us from an ungenerous oppression; gave us peace, liberty and independence’ and crowned us with a form of government, which is admirably calculated to secure the rights, and promote the happiness of every order of citizens.

We have transiently adverted, my Christian friends, on the present occasion, to a number of historical facts, which are intimately connected with the two most important eras in the history of our country, in order to exhibit the unparalleled goodness of Jehovah to this western world. We shall now, in some measure, retrace the ground, with a design, as has already been proposed to notice more particularly, the special hand of heaven towards the American Israel. It is a pleasant thing to meditate on the loving kindness of our God. This is the least return, which we can make to him, whose mercies are as numerous, as the leaves of autumn or the stars of light. A thankful recollection of his unmerited favors is more acceptable, to him, than rivers of oil, or the incense of a thousand hecatombs. Has any people ever been under greater obligations to gratitude, than the American? Have we not planted, upholden, prospered, and raised high among the nations of the earth, by the special providence of God?[vii] Hear this, ye old men, and give ear, all ye inhabitants of the land. Tell ye your children of it, and let your children tell their children, and their children another generation.

If it had not been that God was on our side, the aborigines would have exterminated Every European, who should have dared to set foot on the American land.

When our ancestors had gained an establishment, in this territory, the bloodthirsty heathen would probably have spared neither root nor branch, but for the friendship and alliance of the good Massasoit.

At the time the great conspiracy, in 1630, John Sagamore became an instrument, in the hand of God, in delivering them from the jaws of destruction.

To all human appearance, it would have been an easy task for the New England tribes, with the artful and insidious [viii]Philip, the sachem of Mount-hope, at their head, to have affected the utter extirpation of the colonists, at the time, they combined for that nefarious purpose. The God of Israel, however, by a mighty hand and an outstretched arm, drove out these idolatrous nations, and gave our fathers this land for a possession forever.

We shall now turn out attention to the overtures of providence in later times.

The capture of Louisburg, in1745, is so remarkable a proof of a special overruling power, that we shall be indulged if somewhat minute.

This[ix] fortress was so strong as to be called the Dunkirk of America. It was, seemingly, as impregnable, as the rocks of Gibralter. It was oft the firs importance to France. In peace it was a safe retreat, and in war, a dreadful terror to her foes. The project for reducing this modern Carthage, originated in New England. It was at first rejected by the general court of Massachusetts, as a chimera. It is worth of notice, that the vote was finally obtained, in the absence of a number, known to be opposed to the expedition through the address of two influential characters, by a majority of only one.

The heavens and earth seemed to  combine in aid of the undertaking. Our winters were usually severe. This was as mild, as the spring Rivers, which were commonly frozen, were navigable, in the month of February. The news of the expedition was considered, in Canada, as a mere idle report, and was altogether unknown in Nova Scotia. A fortunate concurrence brought together a number of British ships, from various parts of the continent at the most important juncture. It, afterwards, appeared that the garrison was in want of warlike stores and provisions, and was in a state of mutiny. The provincial forces were also in want of provisions, but prizes supplied the deficiency. The siege continued for forty-nine[x] days. At length, this celebrated fortress surrendered, to the astonishment of Europe, and to the joy of the American colonies. The weather was extremely favorable during the expedition, but directly after the surrendry, a terrible storm commenced, which continued for ten days. The pious acknowledged that they saw the immediate finger of Deity, in this train of fortunate coincidences.

Was there ever a more remarkable interposition of providence? When God is for us, wo, can be against us?

Equally worthy of our notice is the destruction of the Chebucto[xi] fleet, on the ensuing year. France was exasperated at the loss of Louisburg, and was determined on revenge, She, accordingly, raised a naval armament of seventy sail, by the aid of which, it was her design to recapture the formidable garrison she had lost and to subjugate the English colonies, or to lay waste, with the fire and sword, every settlement from Nova Scotia to Georgia. This fleet which was commanded by the duke of Anville, having taken its departure, was soon separated by a most tremendous storm.  Some of the ships were so injured as to be obliged to return. Some were driven to the West Indies, and not more than on tenth arrived at the place of destination. In addition to this disaster, they were visited with sever sickness and mortality. Such, therefore, was the consternation of the duke that he put an end to his life. The second in command was equally discouraged, and fell upon his own sword. At length, the fleet, reducing to a very small number of ships, without effecting or even attempting a descent upon any part of the country, returned, like the messengersof Job, with a sorrowful tale.

Many of you, my Christian friends, still recollect the anguish and distress, which were portrayed in every countenance, in every countenance, at the awful vengeance, which was menaced the American colonies, by this formidable Gallic armada. [xii]“Never did that religion for which this country was settled appear more important, nor prayer more prevalent, than on this occasion. A God hearing prayer, stretched forth the arm of his power, and destroyed that mighty armament in a manner almost as extraordinary, as the drowning of Pharaoh and his host in the Red Sea.”

What a series of providential interpositions distinguished us, in the various steps, by which we were carried through the late revolutionary war! Before it commenced, a military ardor, like an electric shock, had fired the colonies. The pulpit, the rostrum, and the press glowed with the warmest zeal, in the cause of liberty, which was justly deemed the cause of God. The contest begun, warlike implements and stores, in a remarkable manner, and frequently, at most critical junctures, poured into our hand from various parts of the world. The success of our forces at Trenton, and a Princeton; the capture of Burgoyne; the surrender of Cornwallis; the timely development of Arnold’s treason; in a word, the glory of our arms, under the victorious banners of Washington, are full demonstrations of a repeated providential interposition, in behalf of united America.

How often was every human probability against us! How often, were we on the very brink of despair! How often, did every face gather paleness, and every soul tremble, like the king of Babylon, for the fate of his country! No tongue can describe, they alone who have witnessed can conceive the awful distress of a land, overrun with veterans, scattering arrows, firebrands, and death.

To give a narrative of the multiplied interpositions of providence, in aid of the American cause, would require a volume. They are engraved deep on every grateful heart. Many of them were almost miraculous. Suffice it to say, the God of armies girded his sword upon his thigh, and rode upon the heavens for our help. He laid our enemies prostrate, at our feet, or he destroyed them with the thunder of his might.

How many have been the wonderful works of God! How great has been his loving kindness! How unabounded has been his goodness to his American Israel!

At the conclusion of the war, when, to our shame be it spoken, we had cheated our soldiers out of a great part of their scanty stipulations, why did they not turn their arms upon their cruel and ungrateful country, till indemnified for the toils, and the hazard which they had endured?

When we were without law and government, as it were, what prevented us from falling an easy prey to our enemies?

Is it not astonishing that Shays[xiii] and his numerous retinue, when they were in arms, and ready to shed the blood of their fellow citizens were put to fight, and the tumult quelled in the bud?

When the collected wisdom of our country had formed a national constitution, so various was the public opinion, doe it not seem a matter of equal astonishment, that it was not finally rejected, and our country ruined by civil commotions?

Is it not the hand of heaven, in a most eminent degree, which has so thwarted the machinations of enemies, at home, and enemies, abroad, as to preserve us from an implication in that awful war, which having lost its primary object, has burned with the unhallowed lust of universal domination, drenched Europe in the blood of millions, and even tinged the Nile with the stain of her guilt?

If, my Christian friends, we cannot see a special overruling providence, in these various mercies, and thousands of others, which have been poured upon us, like the manna upon ancient Israel, from the first landing of our fathers, to the present day, neither should we see it, we may be bold to assert, though transported to the joys of the heaven of heavens.

What shall we say! Has any people, without the interventions of miracles, ever been so highly favored as the American? Let him, who protects the feeble, debases the proud, and exalts the humble, have all the glory, the honor, and the praise. It is he, who has made this desert to rejoice and blossom, like the rose.

According to our original design, we shall now offer some miscellaneous reflections, which will, occasionally, be interspersed with a few historical facts, apropos to a retrospective view of the times which are past.

To the goodness of our God we are indebted for the establishment, continuance, and prosperity of our civil, literary, and religious institutions. Without a regular form of government, the situation of the tawny tribes, beyond the western mountains, would be infinitely preferable to that of man, polished and refined from the barbarisms of the savage State. There is an Arabic[xiv] proverb, which teaches us that a man, without learning, is like a body without a soul. The very life of a republican government depends upon a general dissemination of knowledge. In such governments, the voice of the people is the law of the land. It is, therefore, evident, that, unless their minds be enlightened, their judgment will be erroneous, and the consequence fatal.

The welfare of a nation, under such a form of government, is better secured by schools, academies and colleges, than by a Grecian phalanx. Religion, however, should ever be the wheel within the wheel of the government. General information is necessary, that the path of duty may easily be descried; but, a reverence for religion, or a general prevalence of moral and religious habits, is, at least, of equal importance, that it may be faithfully followed. A republican constitution, aided by these indispensable supports, may bid defiance to the blasts of demagogues and the fiery indignation of the powers of darkness. Although the world is exceedingly corrupt, and ignorance greatly abounds, we may safely assert that the prosperity of our country has depended, in no small degree, upon the prevalence of knowledge and of moral and religious habits. It is a matter of fact, as we conceive, that, in those parts of our country, where the people have been the most attentive to the education of youth, and the warmest patrons of religious institutions, there we, in general, find, not only the most profound regard for the rights of man and the laws of heaven, but the greatest prevalence of peace and plenty, harmony and love.

It deserves the highest strains of pious gratulation, that the sun of righteousness, having risen upon this western world, continues to shed his heavenly beams on every class of men.

As we can never do too much to promote, so we can never be too thankful that our country is so generally favored with a diffusion of useful science. In more than twenty different places, with the United States colleges[xv] have been established. Many of them are handsomely endued and are continually pouring into the bosom of our country, characters, who would be an honor, to any seat of science, or nation in the world. Schools and academies so universally abound, that, it may be said, in no part of the world is the education of both sexes, of every description, upon a better footing than in America.

Our national government with these inestimable advantages is admirably calculated to promote the lasting welfare and happiness of every order. If we abuse it, or if we be discontented, under it, we shall be as blameworthy, as were the children of Israel, when murmuring under a government immediately from heaven.

It was principally for the tranquil enjoyment of pure and undefiled religion that our ancestors hazarded their lives and every earthly comfort. To this end, they fixed themselves down, a little band of brothers, amid unnumbered tribes of savages and the howling monsters of the desert. Far from adopting the papistic maxim, that ignorance is the mother of devotion, they made early provision for the establishment of schools and colleges. Through the goodness of that God, who promised Abraham that his children should be as the stars of heaven, in number, this little family of Christian patriarchs and heroes is become a nation and has the means to cope with any power on earth. Here they ingrafted the olive branch of the gospel of peace. Under its benignant influence, this desert has been made to rejoice and blossom like the rose. Here, the rights of conscience remain inviolate. There, the holy[xvi] bible is open wide for the direction and comfort of every friend of God and man.

The century, which is just closed, and particularly the latter part of it, has been distinguished by many important discoveries[xvii] in various arts, many improvements in almost every science, and many great and deeply interesting events. To particularize, we should scarcely know where to begin, or where to end. Here, then, let those, who delight to blazon the historic page, bend their genius to deck with every flower, Parnassian fields can boast, the heroes, statesmen, literati, discoveries, improvements, and multifarious events, which render the eighteenth century illustrious, in the annals of this Western world.

It is now, my Christian friends, one hundred and eighty years, since the first permanent settlement of New England. How astonishingly rapid, beyond all calculation and conjecture, has been the growth of the United States! Who, among the first settlers of Plymouth could have believed, if they had been told, that, before their grandchildren should be laid in their graves, the inhabitants of these colonies would amount to millions? It is a matter of fact, that there were two[xviii] grandchildren of one, who came in the first ship, in 1620, living, so late as the year 1774. Our number was, at that time, supposed to be about three millions. In 1790, notwithstanding the ravages of the revolutionary war, our numbers had increased to nearly 3,950,000. In a few months, when the census, which is already begun, will again be completed, we shall probably find that the inhabitants of these United States amount to nearly five millions.

To give a minute account of the rise of this western empire, and of its various sources of increasing wealth and glory, is inconsistent with the limits of the present discourse. We must therefore, refer to the several[xix] histories of the different parts of the union. It is particularly worthy of remark , that the early history of no country is so well known as that of the American.

The subsequent facts relative to the state of New Hampshire, have a claim on our notice, on this occasion. The first settlements in this state, were as early as 1633. (NOTE there is a handwritten note here that says “earlier”) One hundred years ago, it contained only seven incorporated towns. Fifty years ago, the number was increased to thirty seven. At the present period, so rapid has been the population of this state, particularly, since the revolution, the number of incorporated towns has amounted to two hundred and seven.[xx]

The number of clergymen, of all denomination, in New Hampshire, is nearly one hundred and fifty. Of these, according to the best information, there are fifteen of the Baptist, seven of the Presbyterian, three of the Episcopalian, one of the Sandimanian, and the residue of the congregational order.

The increasing attention paid to[xxi] literature, in this state, affords a happy presage. Our college, although it be but thirty years since it was founded, through the zeal of the late pious and benevolent Wheelock, amid the trees of the forest, is already high in reputation among the seminaries of the United States. The situation and resources of this alma mater are such that it will undoubtedly continue to flourish, so long as a taste for the useful science shall characterize this western world.

Many things further might be said relative to the flattering prospects of New Hampshire. We will, however, only observe that the flourishing condition of our agricultural and mechanical interests, and the attention, paid to the establishment of bridges and[xxii] turnpikes, in the interior parts of this state, are a handsome evidence of the prosperity, wealth, and laudable enterprise of its industrious in habitants.

It would be a pleasing task, on entering the nineteenth century, to take a retrospective view of this town from its first settlement to the present period. Our data, however, are inadequate to the attempt. Such an undertaking naturally devolves upon age and experience. A few reflections must therefore suffice.

On the banks of the Pascataqua we are favored with one of the most pleasant situations in America.

It is remarkable, that no fire has ever laid waste a street, and rarely a single house, within the limits of Portsmouth.

We have one of the best harbors in the United States. Our commercial interests are in a very prosperous condition. We know of no town, where greater encouragement is given to the mechanic.

Among the most distinguished improvements, have here marked the close of the eighteenth century, we may mention the new market; the number of elegant houses lately erected; the aqueduct; the convenient pavements, on one side of most of our streets; and the beautiful rows of the Lombardy poplar, which begin to appear.[xxiii]

It would not be malapropos to suggest a few ideas relative to the welfare, which we have experienced , as a Christian society. This however, we will leave to a future consideration.[xxiv]

Before we proceed to our general inference, we would beg leave to inquire have not the various literary societies, established in many parts of the United States, had an ample share in adding to our respectability, in the view of the world? Have not the societies, which have been instituted and patronized for the purpose of ameliorating the distressed condition of slaves, in the southern states, and those for the benevolent purpose of restoring life to the apparently dead, and for administering comfort to mariners, cast upon desolate islands, been not only the happy instrument of gaining the blessing of thousands, ready to perish, but of insuring the smiles of heaven upon our country?[xxv]

Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter through the unbounded goodness of Jehovah the desert has been made to rejoice and blossom like the rose.

In the Christian History we find the following extract from a sermon, delivered, before the general court, at Boston, in 1668, by William Soughton, who was, for several years, a preacher of the gospel, then a magistrate, and finally lieutenant governor of Massachusetts. “If any people in the world,” says this excellent character, “have been lifted up to heaven, as to advantages and privileges, we are the people. Name what you will, under this head, and we have had it. We have had Moses and Aaron to lead us. We have had teachings and instructions, line upon line, and precept upon precept. We have had ordinances and gospel dispensations the choicest of them, We have had afflictions and chastisements in measure. We have had the hearts, and prayers, and blessing of the Lord’s people everywhere. We have had the hearts, and prayers, and blessing of the Lord’s people everywhere. We have had the eye and hand of God watching and working every way for our good. Our adversaries have had their rebukes. We have had our encouragements and a wall of fire around us. What could have been done for us more than has been done already?”

Without a comment, we see the pertinence of these reflections, at the present period, which is one hundred and thirty-two years, since they were made relative to the inhabitants of this country.

Who, among our venerable Ancestors, ever dreamed of the unparalleled glory of this western world? Our land, like that of Canaan, flows with milk and honey. From Dan to Beersheba, we have seen the arm of Jehovah continually stretched out for the protection, the deliverance, and exaltation of his American Israel. We now behold, in various parts of our country, flourishing vineyards, towns, and cities, where, on the dawn of the century, which is just elapsed, wolves, bears, and catamounts burrowed, and the aboriginal tribes, in awful powwows, howled their superstitious orgies to the heavens. The beasts of the forest are fled and have given place to our flocks and herds. The savages are extinct, or have retired, beyond the high topped mountains, to enjoy the sports of hunting. There, they have ceased the dismal warwhoop; buried the hatchet; brightened the chain of friendship; and their humble wigwams are filled with the grateful odor of the calumet of peace. Through the smiles of heaven, a nation has here been born in a day. The riches of the deep are poured into our hands. Our coffers are heaped with the wealth of every clime. Our navy[xxvi] has already checked the daring presumption of the marauding sons of Europe. To view our internal resources, our rapid population, and enterprising spirit, one might venture to predict, that the period is advancing, when the wooden walls of America will be able to bid defiance to the world. Our country is become the soil of genius and the seat of science. The religion of Jesus, “The noblest gift of God to man,” prevails and triumphs, in this distant land, to the joy of angels and the happiness of millions. The desert has been made to rejoice and blossom like the rose.

Terque quaterque beati bona si sua nôrint Americani.

The subject before us is like an infinite series in mathematics. It is impossible to exhaust it.

As the most important inference from our various considerations, it may be said that A SURPRISING INTERPOSITION OF PROVIDENCE has often been exercised towards us, from the time, when the pilgrims of Leyden embarked for the wilds of America, to the present period. The same blessing was experienced, by the children of Israel for ages; but their ingratitude and rebellion, at length, armed the justice and entailed the wrath of heaven.

God only knows how long it will be, before we, for the abuse of his loving kindness and tender mercy, shall experience the awful frowns of his vengeance; become the prey of vaction, the sport of enemies; be doomed to drag the chains of slavery; or be cast off, broken to pieces, and our name erased from the catalogue of empires. From these dreadful judgments may the God in whom our fathers trusted, graciously preserve us.

Some of the friends of this country are alarmed at the cloud, which is gathering on our political horizon; but  my Christian friends, why should we be anxious? The blackest cloud may discharge its thunder and its storm upon the wind; or, when it threatens terror and devastation, it may only distil a gentle and refreshing rain.

Let us, then, indulge the fond hope, that the same almighty arm, which has ever delivered us from danger, and, repeatedly, when every human probability was against us, will condescend to bless us still; to turn us from our sins; to bring good out of the evil, and light out of darkness; THAT THE GLORY OF America MAY BE THE JOYFUL THEME OF EVERY AGE, TILL TIME SHALL BE NO MORE.

Finally, my Christian friends, this is the last century sermon I shall ever preach, and no doubt, the last, which any of you will ever hear.

God grant that we, who are worshippers in this earthly temple, long before the commencement of another century, may all be worshippers in the temple, not made with hands, eternal in the heaves.

END OF THE SERMON.

A CARD

Mr. Alden has it in contemplation to employ some of those interstitial moments, which can be spared from parochial and domestic duties, in preparing a history of this town, from its first settlement to the present period.

The work will require time, patience, and industry.

If the suggestion should meet the cordial approbation of the enlightened citizens of Portsmouth, it is hoped that they will occasionally, communicate such historical facts, as may comport with their convenience and aid the undertaking.

APPENDIX

The writer of the foregoing pages having taken considerable pains to ascertain a few historical facts, relative to the newspapers, which have been printed, in New Hampshire, submits the fruit of his researches to the public.
Portsmouth

    • The first printing office, in this state, was erected for the use of Daniel Fowle. It is still standing and is at present improved as a dwelling house. Mr. Fowle came to Portsmouth, in 1756, and published the first number of THE NEW HAMPSHIRE GAZETTE, on the 7 October. Samuel Hall, who is a printer and bookseller in Boston, was with Mr. Fowle and executed the first impressions in the state. From the 25 May, 1776, to the 31 May, 1777 the paper was carried on under the superintendence of Benjamin Dearborn. It was then called THE FREEMAN’S JOURNAL this paper was at first conducted by Daniel Fowle, and then Daniel and Robert Fowle. Daniel Fowle, however, was ever the proprietor of the paper to the day of this death, which happened in 1787. For several years before this period, John Melcher carried it on for him. Upon his decease, Mr. Melcher became and has ever since continued the proprietor of the paper. This has ever been the state gazette. It is published every Tuesday. Motto. My country’s good shall be my constant aim. No 1 vol. 49, issued 30 December, 1800, and at that time  the whole number was 2341. The above facts are mostly from the information of Mr. Melcher.
    • The United States’ Oracle of the Day: Is published every Saturday morning by Charles Peirce printer of the laws of the United States, in New Hampshire. Motto. Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. Washington’s Legacy. No. 11, vol 11 27 December, 1800 and whole number 531. It was instituted 4 June, 1793, and was published, twice a week, till 1 January, 1796.
    • The Republican Ledger: Was begun, in September, 1799. By George Jerry Osborne, who deceased last summer. It is now conducted by Nutting and Whitelock. It is published every Tuesday. Motto. When you shall these deeds relate speak of them as they are nothing extenuate nor set down ought in malice. No. 19, vol. 2, 30 December, 1800, and whole number 71.
    • The Portsmouth Mercury and weekly Advertizer: Was printed in Portsmouth, by Thomas Furber and Ezekiel Russell in the years 1765, 6, and 7.
    • The New Hampshire Mercury: Was published about four or five years, between 1780 and 1790, by Robert Gerrish.
    • The New Hampshire Spy: Was published for five or six years and, most of the time, twice a week, by George Jerry Osborne, jun. and was discontinued early in 1793.
    • The Federal Observer: Was begun 22 November, 1798, and ended 12 June, 1800. It was first printed by William Treadwell and Samuel Hart, and finally by Treadwell alone.
      Exeter.
    • The first who attempted to carry on a paper at Exeter, was Robert Fowle. He was succeeded in the business by Zechariah Fowle. Melaher and Osborne began the Exeter Chronicle in June, and ended in December, 1784. Ranlet and Lmson began a paper in 1784 and continued it for several years. Stearns and Winslow printed the American Herald of Liberty, about two years. Ranlet printed the Exeter Federal Miscellany about two years. Lamson and Odiorne printed the Weekly Visitor. Ranlet again printed a paper. This is the best account the writer can give and he is sensible of its imperfection.

Concord.

    • The Courier of New Hampshire: Is printed every Friday, at Concord, by George Hough, printer of the laws of the United States except those which relate to commerce, for the district of New Hampshire. No. 48 vol, 11, 26 December 1800, whole number 568.
    • A few years since, a paper was printed at Concord for about two or three years, by Elijah Russel and Moses Davis.
    • The Concord Morror: Was printed by Moses Davis. Our documents will not admit of being more exact.

Dover.

    • The first paper in Dover entitled the Political Repository and Strafford Recorder, was published by Eliphelet Ladd. It was begun, 15 July, 1790, and ended, 19 January, 1792.
    • The Phoenix, under the same editor, was begun 23 January, 1792, and continued to 29 August, 1795. From March, 1794, to that time was published by Samuel Bragg, jun.
    • The Sun Dover Gazette and Country Advertiser: Is published, every Wednesday, by the last mentioned editor. It was begun, 5 September, 1795. Motto. Here truth unlicensed reigns. No. 17, vol. 6, 31 December 800, and whole number 278.

Gilmantown.

    • The Gilmantown Gazette and Farmer’s weekly Magazine: Is published every Saturday by Leavitt and Clough. Motto. By knowledge shall the chambers be filled with all precious and pleasant riches. Moreover the profit of the earth is for all. The king himself is served by the field. Bible. No. 18, vol. 1, 26 December 1800.
    • The Gilmantown Museum: Was published for six months, immediately before the Gazette, by Elijah Russell.

Amherst.

    • The Village Messenger: Which is published every Saturday, was begun by William Biglow and Samuel Cushing, 9 January 1796. From 12 July, 1796, to 18 April, 1797, it was carried on by Cushing. Since that period it has been published by Samuel Preston. No. 1, vol. 6, 27 December, 1800, and whole number 261.
    • The Amherst Journal and New Hampshire Advertiser: Was published, immediately before the Village Messenger, by Nathanael Coverly, and was begun 16 January, 1795.

Keene.

    • The New Hampshire Sentinel: Which was begun, in March, 1799, is published every Saturday, by John Prentiss. Motto. My country’s good, a faithful watch I stand. Vol 2, whole number 93. 27 December, 1800.
    • The New Hampshire Recorder: Was published from August 1789, for about two years and a half, by James Davenport Griffith. The same editor published from 1 January, 1792, the Cheshire Advertiser, Which continued about one year.
    • The Columbian Informer: Was published by Henry Blake, and Co. from 3 April, 1793 for two years. It was then carried on for four months by William Ward Blake.
    • The Rising Sun: Was published from 4 August, 1795, till March 1798, by Cornelius Sturtevant, junior, and Co. From that time it was published three months, by Elijah Cooper.

Walpole.

    • The Farmer’s Museum or Literary Gazette: Is published at Walpole, ever Monday, by David Carlisle, for Thomas and Thomas. It  was till lately edited under the superintendence of Joseph Dennis, the reputed author of the Lay Preacher. Motto. “Hither, each week the pheasant shall repair To sweet oblivion of his daily care. Again the farmers’ news, the barber’s tale Again the woodsman’s ballad shall prevail.” Goldsmith. Vol. 8, 29 December, 1800, whole number 404. This paper was first called the Farmer’s Weekly Museum and New Hampshire and Vermont Journal. From February 1799, for one year, it was called the Farmers Museum, or Lay Preacher’s Gazette. Its proprietors were first Isaiah Thomas and David Carlisle, secondly Carlisle alone, and then Isaiah Thomas, and no Thomas and Thomas.

Hanover.

    • Alden Spooner, now printer at Windsor, in Vermont, is said to have printed the first paper at Hanover.
    • The Eagle or Dartmouth Centinel: Was published by Josiah Dunham, A.M. from 22 July, 1793, to 23 February, 1795. It was then published from 2 March, 1795, to 30 March, 1795 by John M. Dunham. From 6 April 1795, to 13 March, 1797, it was published by Dunham and True. From 20 March, 1797, to 24 July, 1798, it was published by Benjamin True, under the same name. From that period it was published by True, with the title of the Eagle, but under the superintendence of Moses Fiske, A.M. till the first week of June, 1799 when it was stopped.
    • The Dartmouth Gazette,: Which commenced, 27 August, 1799, is published every Saturday. On the college plain, by Moses Davis. Motto. Here range the world, explore the dense and rare And view all nature in your elbow chair. Vol. 2, 27 December, 1800m, whole number 70.

Haverhill.

    • Some Years ago Nathanael Coverly published a paper for about six months at Haverhill. Three or four numbers of a magazine were, two or three years since, published by Moseley Dunham, at the the same place.
    • In 1799 the prospectus of a paper which was to have been published at Charleston, was issued, but the paper was never carried into effect.

The foregoing historiette, in some instances, may perhaps be erroneous. It is however, as correct, as our materials would admit. In collecting data, the writer has been assisted principally by Mr. Charles Pierce, editor and printer of the United States’ Oracle of the Day.
FINIS


[i] Zechariah, viiii.3.
[ii] History informs us that the Massachusetts’ fighting Indians were reduced, from thirty thousand, to about three hundred.
[iii] Before our late revolutionary war, the people of Plymouth removed a piece of this rock of several tons weight, to a conspicuous situation, in front of the court house. It was then contemplated to erect a handsome monument, by the side of it, which was to have been enriched with some pertinent historical inscription. It is visited by many, from various parts of the country, with a veneration little inferior to that, with which the followers of Mohammed repair to the black stone at Mecca.
[iv] The anniversary of the landing of the pilgrims of Leyden has, for many years, been celebrated, with a laudable zeal, by their descendants, at Plymouth, and for several years at Boston,
[v] Parts of the 44 psalm.
[vi] Philenia
[vii] Joel.
[viii] He was killed in 1676. His successor, Annawon, was soon after taken, by the brave colonel Church, and an end was put to the most bloody and alarming war, which New England has ever experience with the aboriginal tribes.
King Philip’s scalp is said to be preserved in the museum of Rhode Island college.
[ix] For this paragraph the writer is much indebted to Hutchinson and Belknap,.
[x] French’s sermon.
[xi] See Hutchinson and others.
Chebucto was the Indian name of Halifax, whither the fleet was destined to repair.
[xii] Thanksgiving sermon by the Reverend Jonathan French of Andover, in 1798.
[xiii] In 1786 and 1787.
[xiv] Shchts bla adb kgad bla rwhh. Preserved in Erpenius’ Arabic grammar.
[xv] Dartmouth college, at Hanover, in the western part of New Hampshire, received its royal charter, through the address of the late president Wheelock, in 1769.
A college at Burlington in Vermont, was incorporated in 1791. It remains in statu quo.
Various obstacles having obstructed the efforts, heretofore made, for the establishment of a college, in this state, its legislature has lately passed an act incorporating a university at Middlebury. It is already endued with a handsome library and apparatus. The number of its students from this and the neighboring states, as also from Canada, is continually increasing. It bids fair to be minently useful to Vermont and the interests of science. See a late Vergennes Gazette.
Harvard college, at Cambridge, in Massachusetts, was founded in 0638. It is the most ancient college and the best endued of any in America.
Williamstown college, at Williamstown, in the western part of this state, was incorporated in 1793.
Rhode Island College, at Providence, in Rhode Island, received its charger from the legislative assembly, in 1764. It was at first established, at Warren, and was removed to its present location in 1770.
Yale College, in Connecticut, was founded at Killingworth, in 1700. It continued there till 1707. From this first period, it was stationed at Saybrook till 1716, when it was permanently fixed, at New Haven.
Columbia college, in the city and state of New York, was founded in 1754.
Union College, at Schenectady, in this state, was incorporated, in 1794.
Nassau Hall, or the college at Princeton, in New Jersey, Obtained its charter of incorporation, from George the second, in 1748. See the laws of the institution.
Dickinson College, at Carlisle, 120 miles to the westward of Philadelphia, was founded in 1783.
Franklin College, a German institution, was founded, at Lancaster, in the same state as the above, in 1787.
The University of Maryland consists of Washington College at Chestertown, founded in 1782, and St. John’s College at Annapolis, founded 1784.
The Roman Catholics have a college, at Georgetown, on the Potomac, in Maryland.
Cokesbury College, an institution for the Methodists, at Abington, in the same state, was founded in 1786.
William and Mary College, at Williamsburg, in Virginia, was founded in the time of the King William and Queen Mary.
Hampden Sydney College is in Prince Edward County of the same state.
The legislature of Virginia made handsome provision for a college in Kentucky before its separation from that state. Funds are collecting for the establishment of another college in it .
The University of North Carolina was instituted by the general assembly, in 1779.
Greenville College, in Green county; Blount College at Knoxville, and Washington College in Washington county, are established by law, in the state of Tennessee.
Three colleges have lately been incorporated in South Carolina. One at Charleston, one at Winnsborough in the district of Camden, and the other at Cambridge, in the district of Ninety-six. The last is at present no more than a grammar school.
A college, with ample enduements, is instituted at Louisville in Georgia.
A great part of the above, for which no authority is quoted is drawn from Doctor Morse’s Geography.
[xvi] Les excellens Livres sont les lunes, ou les satellites, qui eclairent notre planete; car on sait bien qu’il n’y a qu’ un soleil. C’est le livre des ecritures sacrees.
[xvii] American mechanical  inventions.
In 1730, a reflecting quadrant was contrived by Thomas Godfrey, of Philadelphia. It may be said of him as it was of Virgil, at a certain period of his life. Alter tulit honores. It is commonly known by the name of Hadley’s quadrant.
In 1750, the late Benjamin Franklin. LL. D. discovered the use of electrical rods.
In 1776 David Bushnel of Saybrook, in Connecticut, became the author of an invention for submarine navigation. The design of the machine, which was put in operation by the aid of the screw, was to blow up the British ships, which lay in the Delaware. The floating kegs were another ingenious contrivance of the same man. See a humorous account of their effects, in a poem, by the late Francis Hopkinson esquire.
Major Samuel Sewall, of York, in Maine, is the inventor of the machine for sinking the wooden piers of all the large bridges in America, and a number, in Europe.
Joseph Pope, of Boston is the inventor of the orrery , at Harvard college.
The late David Rittenhouse, LL.D. is the inventor of the orrery, at Princeton college.
The Reverend John Prince, LL.D. of Salem, is the author of a very great improvement in the air pump. See memoirs of the American Academy.
Apollos Kinsley, of Bridgewater, is the inventor of a patent machine for making bricks of an excellent quality and with great expedition.
Major Isaac Lazell, of the same town, is the inventor of a useful patent machine for raising and removing rocks.
Dean Howard is the inventor of a patent boot and shoe lathe, calculated to facilitate the operation of boot and shoe making. See New England Palladium.
Captain Michael Wigglesworth, of Newburyport, is the inventor of a patent improvement in the rope making business.
Jacob Perkins of the same place, is the inventor of a patent machine for making nails with cold iron. Upon his plan they are cut out of plates of iron, whose width determines their length. They are cut with astonishing expedition, but every nail must be handled separately, in order to form the head, which requires considerable time.
The Reverend Jonathan Newell, of Stow, in Massachusetts, is the inventor of a patent nail machine, which goes beyond anything of the kind heretofore discovered. It not only cuts but heads the nail at the same operation. The machine is moved by water. A lad of fifteen years of age may tend it with ease. It completes sixty five nails in a minute. With a full head of water, it has completed eighty in the same time. Its principles will serve for nails of any size. M S letter from the Reverend Nathaniel Hill Fletcher of Kennebunk.
Sears, of Dennis in Massachusetts, has a patent for his improvements in the construction of salt works.
The late Hattel Killey, Junior, of the same town, obtained a patent for a further improvement.
Benjamin Dearborn, of Taunton, is the inventor of a patent improvement in the steelyard.
Stephen Parsons, of Parsonsfield, in Maine, is the inventor of a patent machine, for making window sashes. It is said that a man with this machine will complete in a day, two hundred squares, which is eight days’ work.
Mark Jambard Brunel, of the city of New York, is the inventor of a penna duplex, or machine for writing with two pens at the same time. It is so contrived that, when one of the pens into one inkstand, the other is carried to another. When one moves the other moves correspondently. Its principal use is in copying drawings. The inventor has obtained a second patent in Europe.
Benjamin Wyncoop of Philadelphia, is the inventor of a patent machine for expelling foul air from the holds of ships at sea. Two of his ventilators which are sufficient for any ship do not occupy the space of four flour barrels. See the Medical Repository where several attestations to their great utility are given by some, who have experienced their good effects.
The Reverend Ezra Weld, of Braintree near Boston, has a patent for a washing machine, of his contrivance, which greatly facilitates and expedites the severe labor of washing clothes. It is a great improvement upon all other machines of the kind, and is coming into general use, in every part of the country. The foregoing notes are from various sources of information.
[xviii] Caotaun Samuel Alden, of Duxborough, father of Colonel Ichabod Alden, who was killed, at Cherryvalley, was a grandson of John Alden, who was one of the signers of the covenant, at Cape Cod Harbor, and for many years an assistant in the Old Colony government. He lived, for some time, after the year 1774. A sister of Samuel Alden was also alive, at this time, in the county of Barnstable. See a note to the Reverend Charles Turner’s sermon, on the anniversary of the landing of the fathers at Plymouth.
[xix] The following are some of the most modern productions of this kind, which at present occur. History of Maine, by the honorable James Sullivan esquire, History of New Hampshire, by the Rev. Jeremy Belknap D.D., History of Vermont by Samuel Williams, LL.D., History of Massachusetts by the late Governor Thomas Hutchinson, and the honorable George Richards, Minot esquire, History of Connecticut, by the Reverend Benjamin Trumbull, D.D., History of New York, down to 1732, by William smith, A.M., Notes on Virginia by Thomas Jefferson LL.D., Vice President of the United States, History of South Carolina by David Ramsey, M.D., History of New England, by Hannah Adams. Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, American Geography, by the Reverend Jedediah Morse, D.D.
It is said, that a gentleman of respectability, in Rhode Island, has for a number of years been collecting materials for a history of that state.
The Reverend Samuel Miller, one of the Ministers of the United Presbyterian churches, in the city of New York, is preparing a history of the state of New York, from its first settlement to the present period.
It is ardently to be desired, that an example so laudable, may be followed, till the world shall be favored with an accurate history of every state in the union.
[xx] The number of incorporated towns in each county, is as follows.
Rockingham          45
Strafford                28
Hillsborough         40
Cheshire                                35
Grafton                  59
———
Total       207
[xxi] Executive officers of Dartmouth college.
John Weelock, LL.D president and professor of history
Bezaleel Woodward, A.M. Professor of mathematics and philosophy, and treasurer
Nathan Smith, A.M. professor of medicine and lecturer on anatomy and surgery, theory and practice of physics
Lyman Spalding, M.B. lecturer on chemistry and materia medica.
Stephen Bemis, A.B. tutor.
About 800 have been graduated at this college. Its library contains upwards of 2000 volumes. The libraries of its several literary societies consist of about 700 volumes, the chief f which are some of the most useful productions.
Academies in New Hampshire.
Phillips Academy at Exeter, is better endued, than any other in America. It was founded by the late honorable John Phillips LL.D. in 1780, Instructors, Benjamin Abbot, A.M. preceptor, Samuel Dunn Parker, A.B. and gates Burnap, A.B., assistants.
Moor’s school, or the Hanover Academy, founded in 1754, at Lebanon, in Connecticut, by the late reverend Eleazar Wheelock, and removed to its present situation in 1770.
Newipswich academy, founded in 1789
Aurean Academy, at Amhers, founded in 1790
Charleston academy, founded in 1791
Chesterfield academy founded in –
Haverhill academy, founded in 1793
Gilmantown academy founded in 1794
Salisbury academy, lately founded
Several others are said to be in contemplation.
[xxii] Acts for the establishment of four turnpike roads in the state of New Hampshire, have been passed by the general court.
The first, for a turnpike road from Pascataqua bridge in Durham, to Merrimac river, in Concord, was passed, 16 June, 1796.
The second for a Turnpike road from the lottery bridge in Claremont, to the plain in Amherst, near the courthouse, was passed, 26 December, 1799.
The third for a turnpike road from Bellows Falls, in Walpole, on Connecticut river, through Keene, towards Boston, to the Massachusetts line, was passed, 27 December, 1799.
The fourth, for a turnpike road from the east bank of Connecticut river, in Lebanon nearly opposite the mouth of White river, eastwardly, to the west bank of Merrimac river, in Salisbury, or Boscawen, was passed, 8 December 1800.
[xxiii] The following historical notes have been collected from various respectable sources.
According to the enumeration, made pursuant to an act of congress passed 9 July, 1798, there were in the town of Portsmouth six hundred and twenty-six dwelling houses. Of these eighty-six are one story, five hundred and twenty-four are two stories, and sixteen are three stories high. Since the enumeration, five houses of three stories, and several, of other dimensions, have been erected, in the town.
We have thirty-one streets, thirty-one streets, thirty-eight lanes, ten alleys, four roads, and three public squares.
The number of inhabitants in 1775 amounted to four thousand five hundred and ninety. In 1790, the number was four thousand seven hundred and twenty. It is supposed that in the last ten years there has been an increase of about a thousand.
In 1798, this town was visited with an alarming epidemic, the yellow fever, and dysentery. One hundred and seven died between 20 July and 6 October. It appears that fifty-five died with the fever and fifty-two with the dysentery and other disorders, but mostly with the dysentery. Among the fifty-two were twenty-nine young children. Forty-one persons who had the fever recovered. It is worthy of remark that the fever was confined to people, who either lived, or hand been employed in the north part of the town, and the dysentery, to those of the southern part.
A House of Mr. John Langdon father of the senator at congress of that name, at Sagamore’s Creek was burnt about sixty years ago. In 1745, the house of the honorable Richard Waldron, esquire, at the plains was demolished with fire and most of the probate courts records together with many other papers which belonged to the executive of the then province of New Hampshire. A house belonging to Nathaniel Rogers, esquire, in Pleasantstreet and occupied by James Nevin, esquire, which stood on the spot where now stands the house of the honorable John Langdon, was burnt about the year 1760. Many years before this, a house which belonged to the Reverend Nath. Rogers, and stood on the same ground was consumed with fire and a negro woman with it. Somewhere about the year 1750 or 1755, a barber’s shop which stood on the parade was burnt. In January 1761 a house belonging to James Stoodley, esquire, in Daniel street, was consumed with fire. In 1762, a barn belonging to the late Reverend Samuel Langdon, D.D. was burnt. In 1763, a house of George Jaffrey, esquire, in Washington street occupied by John Wendell, esquire, was reduced to ashes. A small house belonging to Mr. Philip Babb, was burt, at the plains. At another time, a house belonging to Mr. William Peyerly, was also burnt at the plains. In 1780, Mr. Samuel Sherburnes house was burnt at the plains. In the same year, a house of Mr. Volentine Nunes at Islington or the creek was also burnt. The most alarming fire, which this town has ever experienced was that in March, 1781, when the honorable Woodbury Langdon’s house, stable, large store, and the county gaol wwere destroyed. It is supposed that a great part of the town would inevitably have been laid waste, if the wind which was at first westwardly, had not veered to the northward. To check the progress of this fire a house of Mr. Richard Mills was torn down.
[xxiv] The author is leisurely collecting materials for a history of the south church.
Twenty-eight ships, forty-seven brigs, ten schooners, two sloops and one barque, which are employed on foreign voyages belong to the town of Portsmouth. It is particularly worthy or remark that seventeen of the above, and mostly large vessels have been built in course of the year 1800. We have also about twenty coasting and more than that number of fishing vessels.
The Portsmouth pier was incorporated in December, 1795. The pier, or wharf, is three hundred feet in length and averages sixty feet in breadth. There is one building on it which is not equaled by anything of the kind in New England. It is three hundred and twenty feet in length and thirty feet in breadth. It is three stories high and is divided into fourteen stores. On the north side of the pier there is another building of the same height, which is designed into two stores. On the front of the pier is a large brick hotel.
The new market was built in 1800. The building is eighty feet long thirty feet wide, and two stories high. The lower story, which is designed for the market, is twelve feet high. The upper story, which is fourteen feet high, is intended for a commodious and elegant town hall. The bricks, used in the building, amounted to one hundred and forty-five thousand and were all laid in thirty nine days.
The Portsmouth aqueduct was incorporated, 19 December, 1797. In 1799 and 1800, it was brought into operation, so that 200 and 14 houses and stores are amply supplied with water of an excellent quality for every domestic purpose. Its source is a spring, within the limits of Newington at the distance of nearly three miles from the Portsmouth pier. Its ramifications lead into most f the streets in town. The premium from a family consisting of from six to ten persons to the proprietors, is five dollars per annum. There appears to be a sufficiency of water so a much larger number of inhabitants than Portsmouth contains. On the north side of the pier is a waterhouse with a pump, where ships and the inhabitants, at any time can be supplied with water at twelve cents and half per hogshead. In case of fire the aqueduct must be of vast importance to the town.
In Portsmouth we have but one street entirely paved. In course of a few years however one side of most of our streets have been paved very nice flat stones, brought from Durham, in such a manner that two or three persons can conveniently walk a breast.
The Lombardy poplars in Mr. Joseph havens front yard, were twigs of six inches, in length, in the spring of 1794. They now measure thirty six inches in circumference at the but. Joshua Bracker, M.D.  and the honorable John Langdon, esquire, have some which are one or two years older, and were the first introduced in Portsmouth. The row on the south side of Pleasant street, was set out in 1798. The row before judge Langdon’s on the north side of Broad street was set out in 1799. The row on the north side of Deer street, extending  from Madam Sherburne’s to Fore street, the row on the north side of Pleasant street, extending from deacon Penhallow’s corner to the south church, and the row on the south side of Jaffrey street, in front of Mr. John Pierce’s elegant new house were set out in the spring of 1800. It ought to be noted that all these rows of trees have been set out, and neatly boxed, throught the are and experience of public spirited citizens. As trees are allowed by philosophers and physicians to render the air more salubrious and as nothing can be more ornamental to a town, it is to be hoped that their laudable example will be followed till every street and vacant corner is replenished with the Lombardy poplar.
There seems to be a propriety in adding the following historical facts, although not immediately connected with our discourse.
It has often been observed that we have had less snow, of late years, than formerly. The most remarkable snow, ever known in New England, fell in the latter part of April (this is marked out and beneath it is hand written February) 1717. It was so deep, that in many instances, people were obliged to get out of their chamber windows. The writer has been told by aged people, in the county of Plymouth, if he mistake not, that it was supposed to be eight feet on a level. This has ever since been known by the name of the GREAT SNOW.
The aurora borealis, or northern light, has been frequent during a great part of the eighteenth century. The first ever noticed in New England, was on the 11 December, 1719, and was very remarkable. Flashes were continually heard. The hemisphere seemed to glow like a burning oven. Many thought that the end of the world was at hand and expected every moment to behold the Son of man coming in the clouds to judge the world. Ten years ago the aurorae borealis were common; but for a number of years, scarcely any have appeared which is a matter for curious speculation.
The dark day, as it was called, happened on the 19 May, 1780. The darkness extended throughout New England and was perceived fifteen leagues at sea. It is said to have been occasioned by an unusual quantity of vapor, which had been generated by great burnings in the western woods. The writer, who was then at Bridgewater, perfectly recollections that a total eclipse of the sun was said to be calculated for the succeeding day. As it was previously cloudy, when the darkness same on, it was concluded that there was a mistake in the almanac of one day relative to the eclipse. The people were therefore not alarmed. Candles were lighted at dinner. Fowls repaired to their roost. The whippoorwill was heard to sing, and everything had the semblance of night.
About the 2 June, 1638, a great earthquake was felt in New England. In about half an hour, there was a second shock, but with less severity. There is an account of it in the New England’s Memorial. In the same work, it is also said that there was a great earthquake in the year 1658 and another shutting in of the evening of 25 January 1653, which was very great. Another shock was felt in the course of the same night, and again, another on the 28of the same month about nine in the morning. After this, it is said that there were several light shocks of earthquakes, in different years, but none very considerable till the great earthquake, 27 October, 1727. This happened at a little more than half after ten, on the evening of the Sabbath. It was at that time considered, as the greatest this country had ever experience. It was observed that some towns, or almost every day for several weeks after, felt slight repetitions of the shock. The last great earthquake was on Tuesday, 18 November, 1755, at about a quarter after four, in the morning. There was another small shock an hour, and a quarter after this, and a third, on the Saturday evening ensuing, at twenty seven minutes after eight. There was another shock at ten on the evening of Friday, 19 December. It is said that there have been three or four earthquakes since that period. Two or three of them were between 1758 and 1770j. A slight shock was felt about the year 1784, 5, or 6. The newspapers have lately mentioned that an earthquake was perceived at Hanover, on Friday evening, 19 December, 1800, and again, on the Saturday evening ensuing and at Bolton, Concord, and other places. See discourses, by Foxcroft, Prince, Chauncey, and Winthrop.
[xxv] “Let us recollect the success of philosophy in lessening the number and mitigating the violence of incurable diseases. In this age, medical practitioners have done more. Their knowledge, their zeal, and philanthropy have penetrated the deep and gloomy abyss of death and acquired fresh honors in his cold embraces. Witness the many hundred people, who have lately been brought back to life by the Royal Humane Society and other humane societies now established in many parts of Europe and in several parts of America” Benjamin Rush, M.D.
The Royal Humane society in Great Britain was founded in 1774. Since that period so happy have been the effects of this benevolent institutions that about one hundred lives, a year, have been restored from apparent death to husbands, wives, parents, brothers, sisters, friends, and the world, who, but for this noble establishment would have been numbered among the dead.
[xxvi] Our national navy is in its infancy. It however consists of fifteen frigates eleven sloops of war, seven brigs, two schooners and seven gallies.
Of these there are                                               guns.
6 Frigates which carry         44 guns each                        264
3                                              36                                           108
6                                              32                                           192
4 sloops of war                     24                                             96
4                                              20                                             80
3                                              18                                             54
1 brig                                      18                                             18
3                                              16                                             48
3                                              14                                             42
2 schooners                          12                                             24
____
Total number of guns          926

*Originally Posted: Dec. 26, 2016

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Washington Reading Prayers in His Camp

The title of this picture is “Washington Reading Prayers in His Camp.” Even though the picture below may not be of a specific instance, there is documentation (located below the picture) to show that George Washington encouraged prayer amongst the troops and friendly Indian tribes.


 washington-reading-prayers-in-his-camp-1

William Fairfax, Washington’s paternal adviser, had recently counseled him by letter, to have public prayers in his camp;1 especially when there were Indian families there; this was accordingly done at the encampment in the Great Meadows and it certainly was not one of the least striking pictures presented in this wild campaign—the youthful commander, presiding with calm seriousness of a motley assemblage of half-equipped soldiery leather-clad hunters and woodsmen, and painted savages with their wives and children, and uniting them all in solemn devotion by his own example and demeanor.2

The first decisive indication of his principles on this subject, with which we are acquainted, appeared during the encampment at the Great Meadows, in the year 1754. While occupying Fort Necessity, it was his practice to have the troops assembled for public worship. This we learn from the following note, by the publisher of his writings. “While Washington was encamped at the Great Meadows, Mr. Fairfax wrote to him; ‘I will not doubt your having public prayers in the camp, especially when the Indian families are your guests, that they, seeing your plain manner of worship, may have their curiosity excited to be informed why we do not use the ceremonies of the French, which being well explained to their understandings, will more and more dispose them to receive our baptism, and unite in strict bonds of cordial friendship.’”
“It may be added, that it was Washington’s custom to have prayers in the camp while he was at Fort Necessity.”3


Endnotes

1 William Fairfax to George Washington, July 10, 1754, National Archives.
2 Washington Irving, Life of George Washington (New York: G. P. Putnam & Co., 1856), I:116.
3 E. C. M’Guire, The Religious Opinions and Character of Washington (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1836), 136, quoting: Jared Sparks, The Writings of George Washington (Boston: Russell, Odiorne, & Metcalf, 1834), 2:54.

The Death of General Braddock

Edward Braddock, the commander of the British forces who was killed in the Battle of Monongahela was hastily buried as the British retreated before the French and Indian army. George Washington, having been General Braddock’s Aid-De-Camp, filled in for the wounded chaplain and read the funeral prayers over General Braddock’s body.


the-death-of-general-braddock-1

The litter on which he lay was set down, and his remaining officers gathered sadly around it. As a last token of gratitude to his young volunteer aid, for his noble devotion and heroism, he gave him a splendid charger and his own body servant. A brief farewell—a faint gasp—a weak struggle—and Braddock lay a corpse in the forest. A grave was hastily dug in the center of the road, to conceal it from the Indians, into which, with his sword lain across his breast, he was lowered. Young Washington read the funeral service by torchlight over him, the deep tones of his voice interrupted only by the solemn ‘amen’ of the surrounding officers—the open grave, and beside it the pale face of the sleeper, combined to form a scene at once picturesque and most solemn. A mark was left to designate the spot, and the army again defiled though the wilderness.1

For additional information about the Battle of Monongahela, check out The Bulletproof George Washington


Endnotes

1 Hon. J. T. Headley, The Illustrated Life of Washington (New York: G. & F. Bill, 1859), 60. See also, Washington Irving, Life of George Washington (New York: G. P. Putnam & Co., 1856), I:201.

Black Revolutionary War Soldiers Pay

See the below pay receipt documents from the WallBuilders library. These documents, from 1778, 1780, and 1782, are for three black soldiers who fought during the Revolutionary War.


black-revolutionary-war-soldiers-pay-1
1778 Pay Receipt for Pomp Kearns, a member of the Rehobath militia.

black-revolutionary-war-soldiers-pay-2
1780 Pay Receipt for Cuff Conomy, a member of the “Connecticut Line.”

black-revolutionary-war-soldiers-pay-3
1782 Pay Receipt for Nero Cross, a member of the “Connecticut Line.”

The Constitution of the United States of America

 

The Constitution of the United States of America
PREAMBLE

We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

ARTICLE I

Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.

No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.

Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. [The preceding portion in italics is amended by the Fourteenth Amendment, Section 2.] The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand but each State shall have at least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six; New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.

The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.

Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote.

Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.

No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.

The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate but shall have no vote unless they be equally divided.

The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States.

The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present.

Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States: but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment according to Law.

Section 4. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations except as to the places of choosing Senators.

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

Section 5. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties as each House may provide.

Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member.

Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the Journal.

Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.

Section 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either House they shall not be questioned in any other place.

No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States which shall have been created or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office.

Section 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.

Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases, the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it unless the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law.

Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the same shall take effect shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.

Section 8. The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;

To borrow money on the credit of the United States;

To regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States and with the Indian tribes;

To establish an uniform rule of naturalization and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States;

To coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures;

To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States;

To establish post offices and post roads;

To promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive rights to their respective writings and discoveries;

To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court;

To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas and offences against the law of nations;

To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water;

To raise & support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years;

To provide and maintain a Navy;

To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;

To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions;

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the officers and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;

To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings; – and

To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States or in any department or officer thereof.

Section 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person.

The privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.

No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.

No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.

No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.

No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.

No money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.

No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince, or foreign State.

Section 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money, emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.

No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts of duties on imports or exports except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws: and the net produce of all duties and imposts laid by any State on imports or exports shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress.

No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.

ARTICLE II

Section 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years and, together with the Vice-President chosen for the same term, be elected as follows:

Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be appointed an elector.

The electors shall meet in their respective States and vote by ballot for two persons of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said House shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President. [The preceding section has been superseded by the Twelfth Amendment.]

The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same throughout the United States.

No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years and been fourteen years a resident within the United States.

In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly until the disability be removed or a President shall be elected.

The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States or any of them.

Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation: – “I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

Section 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.

He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for and which shall be established by law: but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper in the President alone, in the Courts of law, or in the heads of departments.

The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session.

Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the Union and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States.

Section 4. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the United States shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.

ARTICLE III

Section 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the Supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.

Section 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority: – to all cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls; – to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; – to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; – to controversies between two or more States; – between a State and citizens of another State; – between citizens of different States, – between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens, or subjects.

In all cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction both as to law and fact with such exceptions and under such regulations as the Congress shall make.

The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.

Section 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act or on confession in open court.

The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted.

ARTICLE IV

Section 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.

Section 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.

A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, shall on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.

No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.

Section 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States or parts of States without the consent of the legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States or of any particular State.

Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the Executive (when the legislature cannot be convened), against domestic violence.

ARTICLE V

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this Constitution when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several States or by conventions in three fourths thereof as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.

ARTICLE VI

All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of this Constitution shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution as under the Confederation.

This Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States.

ARTICLE VII

The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.

DONE in convention by the unanimous consent of the States present the seventeenth day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty seven, and of the independence of the United States of America the twelfth.

Signers of the Constitution

DELAWARE : George Read, Gunning Bedford, Jr., John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom

MARYLAND : James McHenry, Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, Daniel Carroll

VIRGINIA : John Blair, James Madison, Jr., George Washington

NORTH CAROLINA : William Blount, Richard Dobbs Spaight, Hugh Williamson

SOUTH CAROLINA : John Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler

GEORGIA : William Few, Abraham Baldwin

NEW HAMPSHIRE : John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman

MASSACHUSETTS : Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King

CONNECTICUT : William Samuel Johnson, Roger Sherman

NEW YORK : Alexander Hamilton

NEW JERSEY : William Livingston, David Brearley, William Paterson, Jonathan Dayton

PENNSYLVANIA : Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Thomas Fitzsimons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Gouverneur Morris

Paying Off the Barbary Pirates

The following document is a type-signed Act of Congress enabling the President to pay the extortion fee to the Emperor of Morocco as a way to avoid conflict in what is now known as the Barbary Wars.The signatures include Speaker of the House, Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, President of the Senate, John Adams, and President of the United States, George Washington.


paying-off-the-barbary-pirates-1


Congress of the United States:

At the Third Session,

Begun and held at the City of Philadelphia, on

Monday the sixth of December, one thousand

Seven hundred and ninety.

An Act Making an Appropriation for the Purpose Therein Mentioned

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress, assembled, That for the purpose of effecting a recognition of the treaty of United States with the new Emperor of Morocco,1 there be, and hereby is appropriated a sum not exceeding twenty thousand dollars, to be paid out of the monies which prior to the first day of January next, shall arise from the duties imposed upon spirits distilled within the United States, and from stills by the act entitled, “An act repealing after the last day of June next, the duties heretofore laid upon distilled spirits imported from abroad, and laying others in their stead, and also upon spirits distilled within the United States, and for appropriating the same,” together with the excess of duties which may arise from the duties imposed by the said act on imported spirits beyond those which would have arisen by the act entitled “An act making further provision for the payment of the debts of the United States.” And the President is hereby authorized to take on loan, the whole sum by this act appropriated or so much thereof as he may judge requisite, at an interest not exceeding six per cent per annum, and the fund established for the above mentioned appropriation, is hereby pledged for the repayment of the principal and interest of any loan to be obtained in manner aforesaid, and in case of any deficiency in the said fund, the faith of the United States is hereby also pledged to make good such deficiency.

Frederick August Muhlenberg,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.

John Adams, Vice-President of the United States,
and President of the Senate.

Approved, March the third, 1791.

George Washington, President of the United States.


1 “Treaty with Morocco,” June 28 & July 15, 1786, The Avalon Project, https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/bar1786t.asp; George Washington to the Emperor of Morocco, March 31, 1791, National Archives.