Sermon – Fasting – 1812


Samuel Worcester (1796-1821) graduated from Dartmouth (1795) and studied theology under Rev. Samuel Austin in Massachusetts. He was a teacher at the New Ipswich Academy for a short time and was ordained in 1796. Worcester later taught at Dartmouth (1804) and was secretary for the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mission at its founding in 1810.

The following sermon was preached by Rev. Worcester on the day of national fasting proclaimed by President James Madison in 1812.


sermon-fasting-1812-2

COURAGE AND SUCCESS TO THE GOOD.

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED

AT THE TABERNACLE IN SALEM,

AUG. 20, 1812,

THE DAY OF

NATIONAL HUMILIATION AND PRAYER

ON ACCOUNT OF THE

WAR WITH GREAT-BRITAIN

ALSO,

THE SUBSTANCE OF A DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED

SABBATH DAY, AUGUST 9, 1812.

By SAMUEL WORCESTER, D. D

 

A
Discourse
 

2 Chron. XIX.11.
Deal courageously, and the Lord shall be with the good.
Jehoshaphat king of Judah was one of the best of princes. “He walked in the first ways of his father David, and sought not unto Baalim; but sought to the Lord God of his fathers, and walked in his commandments.” In the third year of his reign, he gave a special order to the princess, priests, and Levites “to teach in the cities of Judah. And they taught in Judah, and had the book of the law of the Lord with them, and went about throughout all the cities of Judah, and taught the people.” This piety was marked with signal tokens of the divine approbation. The Lord was with Jehoshaphat, and established the kingdom in his hand; – “and the fear of the Lord fell upon all the kingdoms of the lands that were round about Judah, so that they made no war against Jehoshaphat.” For a succession of years, his kingdom was prosperous and happy, and increased in riches and strength.

In the height of his prosperity, however, Jehoshaphat committed a grievous fault. He formed an alliance with Ahab king of Israel, who had “sold himself to work wickedness in the fight of the Lord.” He visited Ahab at Samaria; and Ahab said to him, “Wilt thou go with me to Ramoth Gilead? And he answered him, I am as thou art, and my people as thy people; and we will be with thee in the war. The kings with their forces accordingly went to Ramoth Gilead to fight with the Syrians; and the event of the battle is well known. Agreeably to the prediction of Micaiah the son of Imlah, Ahab was slain, and “all Israel were scattered upon the mountains as sheep that have no shepherd. – Jehoshaphat, however, escaped from the battle and “returned to Jerusalem in peace.” But as he was returning, “Jehu the son of Hanani the seer, went out to meet him, and said to king Jehoshaphat, shouldest thou help the ungodly, and love them that hate Lord? Therefore is wrath upon thee from before the Lord.”

It was a critical day with that nation. Not only had the king himself sinned; but, in consequence of his criminal alliance with Ahab, the people of Judah were corrupted by their intercourse with the idolatrous people of Ahab’s realm. Idolatry prevailed, and iniquity abounded; God was rising up in displeasure, and his hand was just ready to “take hold of judgment:” a speedy change was necessary to avert the impending storm. Jehoshaphat saw the crisis, and yielded to its impression. Along with the awful rebuke and warning given him from God, there was a kind intimation adapted to inspire hope. “Nevertheless,” said the prophet, “there are good things found in thee.” Animated by this encouragement, and penitent himself, he engaged without delay in vigorous endeavors for a general reformation. Thinking it not enough to direct the princess, priests, and Levites, as in the early part of his reign he had done, to teach in the cities of Judah; the king now went out in person “through the people from Beersheba to mount Ephraim,” from the southern to the northern border of his kingdom, “and brought them back unto the Lord God of their fathers.” To forward and establish the good work, he deemed it necessary to have good men in public office; “and he set judges in the land throughout all the fenced cities, city by city;” and gave them a charge worthy to be deeply imprinted on the minds of all magistrates and people: “Take heed what ye do; for ye judge not for men, but for the Lord, who is with you in the judgment. Wherefore now let the fear of the Lord be upon you; take heed and do it: for there is no iniquity with the Lord our God, nor respect of persons, nor taking of gifts.” To the judges of the high court at Jerusalem in particular, he added; “Thus shall ye do in the fear of the Lord faithfully, and with a perfect heart.—Deal courageously, and the Lord shall be with the good.”

Though a reformation was begun, the general corruption was still so prevalent, as to render great courage necessary to the faithful performance of duty: and to inspire the requisite courage, the royal reformer gave assurance of divine aid to such as would be faithful. His admirable words are not of limited application, but afford this general instruction: That they, who in evil times will be courageously good, may rely on the help of God.—This important sentiment may be taken up in two distinct propositions:

I.

To do in evil times that what belongs to good men, requires great courage.

II.

They, who in evil times will do, or attempt, what belongs to good men, may be assured of divine help.

Evil times are times of degeneracy and calamity; times in which the corrupt propensities and passions of men throw off their wanted restraints, disturb social order and tranquility, call for divine judgments, and threaten extensive ruin. In such times, it belongs to good men to oppose themselves to the swelling and menacing tide; and to do all in their power, in their several stations, for truth and right—for religion and virtue—for order, safety, and happiness.—To do this requires great courage: because the opposition to be encountered will be formidable; the objects in view will be of difficult attainment; and the sacrifices to be made, and the hazards to be incurred, will be great.

The opposition to be encountered will be formidable.—Evil time abound with evil men; with men who delight in the times because they are evil. —With times of error and delusion, the erroneous and deluded will be pleased; with times of impiety and profligacy, the impious and profligate will be pleased; with times of contention and turbulence, the contentious and turbulent will be pleased; and with times of calamity and distress—such is human nature—not a few will be pleased! Hatred of the good, envy of the rich and the great—avarice, ambition, malice, and various lusts and passions, will be gratified, when the good are despised—when the rich and the great are reduced—when right and law are trampled underfoot—when “the foundations are removed”—the whole social state is in turmoil—and fraud, rapine, and violence unrestrainedly prevail!

Look, my brethren, at the Jews towards the close of their national history;—look at Rome in her seasons of commotion and misrule;—look at England in the times of her civil wars;—look at France in the days of the late revolution. In all those instances of enormity and calamity, while society was in ruins—while property, character, life had no security—while all that should be held dear on earth was at the mercy of malignant passions—hundreds and thousands could exalt in all the terror, devastation, misery, and blood around them. Melancholy view of human depravity! But if many could be pleased with such times; surely there can be no evil times, with which there will not be many pleased. And of those who are pleased, many will be found in high places; in places of emolument, influence and power. Evil men make evil times, and evil times elevate evil men. “When the wicked are multiplied, transgression increaseth;”—“when the wicked rise, men hide themselves;”—“when the vilest men are exalted, the wicked walk on every side.”

But in whatever station they may be, all who are pleased with the times, because they are evil, will stand in opposition to a change for the better; all who are pleased with evils which prevail—who have passions to be gratified, or purposes to be answered by them—will resist the means and attempts for their remedy. Nor will they fail, by the delusions which they practice and the influence which they exert, to engage many others to act with them. Many, who deplore the prevalent enormities and calamities, by delusive views, by sinister motives of which they are not aware, or by some misguiding influence or other—will be induced to unite with the men who delight in those evils, and to oppose whatever many be attempted to remove or to counteract them.—And uniting with them, they will partake more of less of their spirit.—Men, otherwise good, when they lend themselves to the views of the bad, always receive an assimilating taint; and imbibe a spirit which, acting upon opposite principles in them, and producing a strong effervescence, will shew itself in a most baleful zeal. When conscience, and religion are pressed into a connection with delusion and corruption, the alliance is as direful as it is unnatural: under pretentions the most sacred, its character is madness, and its work is mischief. To this truth the history of the world supplies awful attestations.

Formidable indeed, then, must be the opposition which they, who would do in evil times what belongs to good men, must inevitably encounter. And in view of the opposition, and circumstances connected with it, the ends of virtuous exertion cannot but appear to be of difficult and doubtful attainment.—To dissipate inveterate delusion—to arrest the progress of triumphant vice—to give to truth and right an ascendant influence over strong popular excitements, is an achievement worthy of more than human power. Leviathan is not easily tamed.

If evil men and seducers are many, to withstand their influence must be proportionally difficult; and the success of endeavors to counteract their purposes and practices will appear proportionally doubtful. Men of this character are always active, because they are always powerfully stimulated. Good men, acting from reason and from principle, and having to restrain their passions, and to combat whatever of evil disposition remains in them, are not merely deliberate, but often slow, irresolute and inefficient. Not so the bad. They stop not to take counsel of conscience or of God; instead of restraining their passions and combating their corrupt propensities, they summon both the one and the other to their aid; and therefore they are always alert, always quick, always determined and vigorous.—Nor is this their only advantage over the good.—Conscience and moral principle being excluded from their councils, they have no question as to what is lawful and right; their only question is, what will most effectually answer their purposes. With them “the end sanctifies the means,” and they have no hesitancy in employing means from which good men are absolutely restrained. And they have this further advantage, that their means are such as are adapted to please, and excite all that is corrupt in mankind.—The good, in pursuit of their purposes, must address themselves to the understandings, and the moral feelings of men; the bad address themselves to the passions, and the selfish propensities. The advantage in this case is obvious. The understandings of men are flow, but their passions are quick; their moral feelings are hard to be roused, but their selfish propensities are easily excited.

Such are some of the advantages which bad men have over the good in this depraved world, and especially in evil times; advantages of which they are fully aware, and are sure to avail themselves. Of this the writings of corrupt men of modern times, and the practices of corrupt men of every age, have furnished ample proof.—Hence their dreadful success:—their success in gaining multitudes to their views—in extending their influence, and accomplishing their purposes. By specious pretenses and artful flatteries—by misrepresentations and falsehood—by calumnies against the good—by incentives offered to pride, to ambition, to avarice, to envy—to every evil propensity and passion—they strengthen the confederacy of vice, and fortify themselves in the strong holds of iniquity.

Of all this however, but few will have a clear discernment or a full belief. With all the explicit instructions of scripture on the wickedness of mankind, with all the awful attestations of history to the fame effect, with all the overwhelming facts of our own times, placed fully before them, the great majority will not really and practically believe the truth respecting corrupt men. Even persons, who profess to believe in the total depravity of human nature, will often shew and invincible credulity in this café; and an astonishing confidence in the integrity, the uprightness, the goodness and wisdom of men, who evidently have no fear of God before their eyes, whose lives are impious and profligate, and who are utterly hostile to our holy religion. This strange credulity and incredulity is a circumstance exceedingly discouraging to those who discover and would counteract evil and dangerous designs and practices. Cicero, at Rome, had a distinct view of the designs of Catalina and his associates, and exhibited proof of them to the Senate; yet so slow were the Senate to believe, that the consul did not think it prudent to take the measures, which the public safety seemed urgently to require, until it was next to a miracle that the city was saved from conflagration, its best citizens from massacre, and the republic from ruin. “There are some of this very order, who either do not see the dangers that hang over us, or else dissemble what they see; who by the softness of their votes cherish Catalina’s hopes, and add strength to the conspiracy, by not believing it; and whose authority influences many, not only of the wicked, but of the weak.” A difficulty of this kind will often, if not always be felt.

Owing to this, and to other causes already mentioned, a death-like apathy will be found to prevail in regard to the most threatening enormities and dangers; an apathy which can hardly fail to palsy every attempt to counteract the direful wickedness, and to avert the impending calamity.—Difficult, however, as it is to produce a belief of real enormities, and to awaken a sense of real dangers; it is yet but too easy, by means which bad men will employ, to excite the most injurious suspicions against the best characters, and the most unfounded jealousies against the best designs. In this way the influence of good men is impaired, their hands are weakened, and their endeavors are rendered abortive.

With good men, for various reasons, many selfish men may be induced ostensibly to unite, and generally to act: men who with all their correctness of judgment and their important influence, have yet more regard to their own private objects than to the public good, and, who in various ways, may impede and injure cause which they seem to espouse. Nor are good men themselves free from imperfections, or secure from wrong impressions, or wrong views. Even among themselves, by means of the calumnies and artful practices of the bad, or on account of differences of opinion, regarding the measures proper to be pursued, jealousies and competitions may arise, and distrust and disunion prevail. Particularly in times of violent dissention and strife, when party spirit is high, and the feelings of all are strongly excited, there will be among good men and those who act with them, some whose judgments are swayed by their passions, and who will not be satisfied with counsels and measures conformable to correct principles, and dictated by found wisdom. From these various causes great embarrassments and discouragements will result. The weak may be perverted—the timid may shrink from their posts—the violent may retire in disgust—and even the firmest, the wisest, and the best may occasionally be on the point of giving over all exertion, as utterly unavailing and hopeless.

In such times, those who will do what belongs to good men, must unavoidably make great sacrifices, and incur great hazards. They must sacrifice their love of ease and of retirement, much of the attention otherwise due to their private concerns, and not a little probably of personal interest. And as they will be assailed at every point, and no pains or means will be spared to depress and to ruin them; they must hazard their reputations; their standing and influence in society; and, as the café may be, their fortunes, and their lives. For the cause to which they are devoted, and the cause of truth and right, of religion and virtue, of their country and their God, they must count all things personal to themselves but loss, and be ready for every lawful sacrifice, and every rightful hazard.

In view of all which has now been presented, no one can doubt, that to do in evil times what belongs to good men, requires great courage. It requires a courage inspired by divine principles, animated by divine hopes, and sustained by divine aid. These principles the truly good possess—these hopes they may have—and on this aid they may rely. For, secondly, they, who in evil times will do, or attempt, what belongs to good men, may be assured of the help of God.

God is able to help them.—He has the hearts and interests of all men in his hands; he has the purposes and affairs of all men under his control. He can “disappoint the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise.” He can look from the cloud of his glory, and trouble the host of the wicked; can turn them back, and throw them into confusion and dismay; can disconcert their schemes, break their confederacies, scatter their combinations, and carry all their counsels headlong. He can take them in their own craftiness, and turn back their devices upon their own heads;—make the wrath of man to praise him, and restrain the remainder.—He can strengthen the hands of the good, and encourage their hearts. In the greatest straits, if he say to them, go forward, the sea shall open before them, and every difficulty shall disappear. He can impart to them the wisdom which is profitable to direct; can give stability and energy to their purposes; can bring them to unite in one mind and in one judgment; can dispose many to join with them, and to aid their cause; can make “a little one to become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation.” “He is wonderful in counsel and excellent in working;” whom he will he sets up, and whom he will he puts down; and “there is no wisdom, nor understanding, nor counsel against him.”

God is on the side of the good. “He loveth righteousness and hateth iniquity.” The cause of truth and of right, of religion and virtue, is his cause: the cause which all his perfections are engaged to support; and for the sake of which he has rebuked kings and nations, overturned states and empires, and shook the foundations of the world. Will he not then assuredly help those, who are engaged for the maintenance and advancement of his cause?

God has pledged his truth for the help of the good. His word to them is, “Fear not, for I am with you, be not afraid for I am your God; I will strengthen you, yea, I will help you, yea, I will uphold you with the right hand of my righteousness.” “Trust in the Lord and do good;–commit your way unto him, and he will bring it to pass.” “He will not help the evil doers”—“their arms shall be broken;”—but “he upholdeth the righteous,” and “is their help and their shield,” and “their strength in the time of trouble.”—Confiding in the truth of God, David, in most evil times, could triumphantly say, “I will not be afraid of ten thousands of the people that set themselves against me roundabout.—Salvation belongeth unto the Lord; thy blessing is upon thy people.” The same confidence good men should always hold fast; for on the same help they may always rely.

God has often, in evil times, afforded signal help to the good.—The confidence expressed by Jehoshaphat, in the words of our text, was proved by the event to have been well founded. Though he himself had sinned, and his people had departed from Jehovah—turned to idolatry, and become corrupt—so that there was wrath from the Lord against him and them, and heavy calamities were impending; yet by the blessing of the Lord upon the exertions made by him and by the magistrates in the several cities, a general reformation was effected, and the impending judgments were averted. Afterwards, when the Moabites and Ammonites and others, a great multitude, came against Judah, a fast was proclaimed and kept; a prophet was sent with a most gracious message from God; the hostile confederates turned their swords against one another and were destroyed; Jehoshaphat and his army, without having even occasion to fight, returned with joy and praise to Jerusalem; “the fear of God was on all the kingdoms of those countries,” and “the realm of Jehoshaphat was quiet, for his God gave him rest round about.” Agreeably to the word of Jehoshaphat, his servants dealt courageously, and the Lord was with the good.

In the evil times of Israel, ensuing upon the male administration of Saul, when the land trembled and was broken, and the people saw hard things and were made to drink of the wine of astonishment; they that feared the Lord rallied under the banner which he gave to them, and dealt courageously: and the Lord was with them, aided their exertions, reestablished the cause of truth and right, and blessed the nation with peace and prosperity. In the several reigns of Asa, Hezekiah and Josiah, the Lord helped the courageously good; and their endeavors were signally prospered.—In the evil times of the Jews, under the tyranny of Antiochus Epiphanes, when the sanctuary was polluted, and the land was filled with abominable wickedness and with variegated misery, Matthias of Modin, and his sons the Maccabees, courageously stood forth for the law of their God, and for the rights of their nation; and wonders on wonders were wrought. The Lord was with them; and one of them would chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight. The sanctuary was cleaned; the land was purged from its pollutions; the nation was delivered from oppression; and the name of the Maccabees was emblazoned with glory.—What shall we say of the apostles of Jesus? They were called to act in evil times, and they dealt courageously. In the face of a hostile and enraged world, in defiance of the coalesced powers of earth and hell, they boldly erected the standard of the cross—and God was with them. Thousands, who were charged with the guilt of Messiah’s blood, became his humble disciples; the bigotry of the Jews and the philosophy of the Greeks acknowledged the power of divine truth; the sound went out thro’ all the earth, and the words to the ends of the world; and millions on millions, of different nations, were “turned from their vanities to serve the living God.—The same was the spirit, and similar was the success of the Reformers of the sixteenth century. Few and despised as they were, by their means the thunders of the Vatican were silenced; the power of papal Rome was broken; the human mind was released from its chains; the darkness of ages was dispelled; and the light of a new and glorious era dawned upon the world.

Verily, my brethren, when they have dealt courageously, the Lord has been with the good. And Jehovah is an unchanging God, the same yesterday, today, and forever: his power the same, his truth the same, his cause the same, his readiness to help the courageously good the same.

The first reflection, pressed upon the mind by this subject, is, that the safety and welfare of a nation depend, under God, upon good men.—“The Lord is far from the wicked;” but “he is near to them that fear him.” These are his delight; their prayers he will hear for blessings on themselves and on others; and “to them he gives the banner,” which is the glory of a land. “By the blessing of the upright, the city is exalted; but it is overthrown by the mouth of the wicked.” “Wisdom is better than weapons of war; but one sinner destroyeth much good.” The flagitiously wicked are the disturbers of society—the troublers of a nation—the scourges of mankind. The friends of God and his cause are the only true friends of their country—the only true patriots. In all ages, they have upheld the essential cause of religion and virtue; and by their means all the great changes, auspicious to the best interests of nations and of mankind, have been effected. Had but ten righteous persons been found in Sodom, the cities of the plain would have been saved from destruction.

How important, in the second place, that the offices of trust and power, in a state and nation, be filled with good men!—The ministers of religion are appointed by God for the instruction of the people in regard to their highest and most essential interests; and it is of infinite consequence that they be good men. Rulers also are appointed to be “ministers of God for good.” They are the proper guardians of the safety and welfare of the people. Is it not then important that they too be good men: just men who will hate covetousness and rule in the fear of God; men who will be “a terror not to good works, but to the evil,” and whose influence will be exerted, in conjunction with that of the ministers of religion, to uphold truth and right, the main pillars of social order and happiness?—If the safety and welfare of a nation depend, under God, upon good men, shall they be committed to the keeping of the bad? If God is with the good, but far from the wicked; shall the wicked be made the guardians of all on earth, that is dear to individuals and to society? Will a people remove their interests, as far as they can, from under the blessing and protection of Heaven? If they do this, what can they expect, but the blast of a divine curse!—The maxim is from God, “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.”—Especially in this perilous age, when infidelity holds a great part of the world under its iron rod, and is exerting all its policy and power to reduce the rest under its control; will a people, calling themselves Christian, and favored with the privileges of the gospel, place in their highest offices men of infidel character, and therefore disposed to aid infidelity in its direful enterprises for universal empire!—What were this, but to despise their own mercies, insult the divine Majesty, and place themselves directly in the way of destruction!

A good man in the highest office, like the sun in the firmament, pours light, and sheds a cheering influence, on all parts of the nation. Under such a ruler, the righteous will flourish, and the land will be filled with life and joy. But a bad man, in the same high place, like a baleful, portentous comet, will fill the nation with perplexity and distress. “A wicked doer giveth heed to false lips;” and “if a ruler hearken to lies all his servants are wicked.” Under such a ruler, “the wicked will walk on every side:” bad men will exalt their heads; and good men will be hunted down.—What an unspeakable blessing to the people of his realm was the piety of Jehoshaphat! It was this which made him sensible of the greatest of the evil of helping the ungodly, and being connected with a power openly hostile to Jehovah; and prompted him to measures which countervailed his error, and averted the impending judgments. Were the rulers of our nation, my brethren, like that pious prince and the judges appointed by him throughout the cities of Judah, how soon would the clouds which hang over us be dispersed, and peace and prosperity return to our land!

Our third reflection regards the union of good men.—Though they may not be in public stations, or in public favor—though they may be under the rod of the wicked and the frowns of power—whatever indeed may be their places or their condition; good men are still, under God, the hope of their country, and should feel the importance of acting courageously. Disunion among them must be one of the greatest evils of evil times. If they, on whom the safety and welfare of the nation depend, are disunited—if they arrange themselves in opposite parties, and contend against each other; the pillars of society must shake, and all its interests be held in jeopardy. Let good men be united, and there is hope in the worst times; for they will act with courage and with energy, and the Lord will be with them. But woe to the nation, I which they are disunited, and continue to be disunited!

We come, my brethren, in the last place, to this important reflection: If good men will courageously do their duty, they may save this country.

Some may not view the country to be in danger. Some may not acknowledge the present to be evil times. No wonder:—for with evil times many will always be pleased. There are people even, “who delight in war!”

But, my brethren, does not iniquity abound in our land? “Are there not with us, even with us, sins against the Lord our God—national sins, which loudly cry to heaven? Does not error—delusion—infatuation—the same, in spirit if not in form, which has prostrated the pillars of social order and happiness, and spread desolation and misery through Europe—extensively prevail? Does not the land tremble with divisions, animosities, and feuds, of the most threatening aspect? Are not the people, in all parts of our country, hardening their hearts, rousing their spirits, bracing their nerves, and sharpening their swords—for what!—O, my God, can any deny that these are evil times!—My brethren, is not the present a day of vengeance and recompense to guilty nations! Has not God risen to shew his wrath, and make his power known? and is not the world shaking, and dissolving under his rebuke? Are not we so connected, or in danger of being so connected, with the great infidel empire, which fills the earth with “her sorceries,” but it destined to “perdition,” as to “partake of her sins, and receive of her plagues!” Is not the terrific cloud, which so long we have viewed with horror at a distance, even now extending itself over our heads, and beginning to discharge itself upon us? And is not our country in danger!—The war with Great-Britain is but one of the evils of the times. An evil certainly it is of most fearful character, and which no enlightened friend of his country and his God can view, in its various aspects, without overwhelming emotions.—But let the war cease today; and we are still in danger of ruin. So long as the causes, which have brought us to the present perilous crisis, continue in operation, our country can never be safe.

But let it be repeated, and with emphasis: If good men will courageously do their duty, they may have the country.—To do their duty unquestionably requires courage; but if they will do it, the Lord will be with them.

The first duty of good men, is to see that they personally stand will with God: to search and try their ways—examining their tempers, their habits, their opinions, their practices, by the divine standard; and, turning with all their hearts from every false way, fervently to apply for the pardon of past offenses, and for grace to preserve and assist them in future, through the merits of the Redeemer.

Next, as good men, they will make it a serious concern, to feel and act rightly, in regard to the sins of the land. They will view the character and conduct of the nation, of rulers and people, not in the delusive lights of the infidel maxims of the age, or of the prejudices of party, but in the sure light of God’s truth and law: and according to this light they will justify, or condemn, “without partiality, and without hypocrisy.” Against the crying iniquities of the land, having confessed and deplored them before God, they will firmly and courageously set their faces:—Against the covetousness, which is idolatry; against the intemperance, so extensively prevalent and ruinous; against the cursing and swearing, for which our land mourns; against the lying and slander, which disgrace the nation, and tend to endless mischief; against the profanation of the Sabbath, that fearfully increasing sin, and particularly the violation of it by the public mail, that iniquity established by law; against the lust of power and place, which bends all principle to its views, and menaces our dearest rights; against the open and practical contempt of the instructions of God, the usage of our venerable forefathers, and the plain dictates of sound wisdom, in regard to the moral and religious characters of men, to be elected to public offices; and against foreign hatreds and partialities, the bane of patriotism, and the curse of the country. Against all these sins, it belongs to good men to oppose themselves, with the most determined courage; to bear their most solemn and decided testimony; and to exert their best advised, their combined, their vigorous and persevering endeavors. If they will do this, God will be with them; and all these iniquities will be checked, and repressed.

If the good men of this country do what belongs to them, they will spare no pains to allay the animosities, and heal the divisions of the nation.—To this sentiment, thus generally expressed, all no doubt will agree. The most violent men will loudly call for union: but they mean, that all should yield to their views, and submit to their terms. This, however, is not to be expected by the one party or the other; and if no other plan of union is to be adopted, the dissentions will continue and increase, until blood decide the contest.—Some other plan must be adopted.

If union be restored, it must be by a coalescence of the parties; and not by the submission of one party to the other.—Is not a coalescence practicable? May it not be effected, without the sacrifice of principle?—Are there not good men on both sides? Men who fear God and love their country; who are more desirous that their country should be saved, than that their party, as a party, should triumph; and who would be willing to make any proper sacrifices, and any exertions in their power, for the public good? Let such men meet on conciliatory ground; and feel that there must be mutually waved—that points, not involving the sacrifice of principle, must be mutually yielded. Let them recur to first principles, and remember that in the several states and in the nation, the government of laws, and not men, is to be acknowledged; that there is no merit in being in opposition to them, any further than those men and measures are on the side of truth and right: but before Him who hath prepared his throne for judgment, an awful responsibility must be incurred, by supporting particular men, and particular measures, in violation of truth and right, and to the hazard of the essential interests of the country. Let them recur to the state and national constitutions; and on them take their stand: and to the principles of the constitutions, and the great design of the federal union, let all considerations, regarding particular men and particular measures, be fairly referred.

Standing upon this ground, and with these views, let them freely and amicably confer together; agree on terms of coalition, and erect the standard of union and peace. Then, sinking all party objects, and forgetting all party distinctions, let them exert all their influence, and employ all proper means, to conciliate others, and to advance their noble designs. Let them silence the cry of treason, and the vociferation of opprobrious names; dissuade from the burnishing of arms for the slaughter of neighbor by neighbor, and brother by brother; and strive to soften inveterate asperities, and to assuage the popular passions. Let them have the courage, the magnanimity, while firm and efficient, to be temperate and conciliatory; and make it to be understood and felt, that to the cause of God and their country, their influence, their fortunes, and their lives are sacredly devoted.

All this, my friends, belongs to good men; and if the good men of this nation will engage in this design, and deal courageously, the Lord will be with them, and their work will prosper. A coalition, a union will be formed, which the violent or the designing can neither break nor withstand; men, in whose hands the public interests will be safe, will be brought into place and power; internal tranquility and order will be established on solid foundations; our rights and liberties will be vindicated and maintained with impartiality, firmness, efficiency, and success; and peace, commerce, and prosperity, will return and bless our land.

This is no romance; it is sober verity. It is truth, warranted by the world of Jehovah. May the Spirit of Jehovah carry it home to the hearts of my countrymen, and produce the great, the firm, the decisive resolve. May he cause it to be proclaimed through the land with irresistible energy, deal courageously, and the Lord shall be with the good.

 

THE MARTYRDOM OF STEPHEN.

[The Discourse, of which this is the substance, was one of a series, on the principal Facts in the Apostolic History.]

Acts VII. 59,60.
And thus stoned Stephen, calling upon God, and saying, Lord Jesus, receive my Spirit. And he kneeled down, and cried with a loud voice, Lord, lay not this sin to their charge. And when he had said this, he fell asleep.
Stephen, the first of the first deacons, was eminently distinguished among the servants of Christ. “Full of faith, and of the Holy Ghost—of grace and of power,” he shewed himself a zealous and able advocate for the gospel, and “did great wonders and miracles among the people.”

Of the four hundred and eighty synagogues, said to have been at Jerusalem, many belonged to Jews and proselytes of foreign countries, who had frequent occasion to resort to Jerusalem; many of whom always resided in the city, and most of whom used the Grecian language, and were called Hellenists or Grecians. Attached to their synagogues, there were schools under the care of Rabbi’s, where the sons of foreign Jews and proselytes were educated in the Jewish learning and religion.—Stephen was probably a Hellenist or Grecian Jew; and his zeal for the gospel, it would seem, was chiefly employed among the people of the Hellenistic synagogues, that the attack against him was first made: particularly form that of the Libertines, the descendants of Jews who had been slaves at Rome, and those of the Jews and proselytes of Cyrene, Alexandria, Cilicia, and Asia Proper.

The attack, unquestionably, was preconcerted [arranged in advance]. To dispute with him, to convince, to confound, or in some way to silence him, some of the ablest young men of those synagogues, or of the schools attached to them, were probably selected; and among them Saul of Tarsus, who doubtless belonged to the synagogue of the Cilicians, and whose zeal and talents are well known, appears to have been one. How unequal the combat! The flower of five synagogues against one disciple of Jesus! But the disciple of Jesus was armed with truth. This hi assailants felt; “and they were not able to resist the wisdom and spirit with which he spake.” They were baffled, and put to confusion.—But did they yield to conviction, and ingenuously acknowledge the truth? Not at all.—Their pride was stung; their passions were inflamed: and they only changed their mode of attack. They resorted to the same expedient, which had been used in the case of his divine Master.

Determined to put him out of their way, “they suborned men to say, We have heard him speak blasphemous words against Moses, and against God. And they stirred up the people, and the scribes, and came upon him, and caught him, and brought him to the council.” By inflammatory calumnies,, they raised a popular tumult, engaged some of the principal men of the city to join in the affray, and made themselves strong for their desperate purpose. The Sanhedrin appears to have been in session at the time, and to that tribunal the innocent disciple was violently dragged.—The suborned witnesses appeared, and gave in their testimony. “This man, said they, ceaseth not to speak blasphemous words against this holy place, and the law. For we have heard him say, that this Jesus the Nazarene shall destroy this place, and shall change the customs which Moses delivered unto us.”—We cannot but remark here the striking similarity of the allegations against Stephen, to those which had been preferred against his adored Master. Blasphemy and sedition, indeed, have been the standing charges against the martyrs for the truth, in every age and country.

In the case of Stephen, as in the case of Jesus, there was some truth, no doubt, in the testimony given by the “false witnesses.” Stephen, unquestionably, had warned his adversaries of the danger of persisting in their unbelief, and opposition to the gospel; and to enforce this warning, had affirmed the resurrection and exaltation of Jesus, and referred them to the awful destruction, which was soon to come upon their city and nation, for rejecting in Messiah. But to what he had said, the witnesses gave such a turn, or cast, as would best answer their purpose; and their falsehood consisted in misrepresentation and false coloring: a species of falsehood which the enemies of truth have never failed to practice, and which they have always found their most successful weapon.

Amidst his enemies however, and in the presence of those judges who had condemned his Lord, the intrepid martyr, undismayed by the terrors which were thickening around him, preserved the most perfect steadiness and serenity of mind. “And all that sat in the council, looking steadfastly on him, saw his face as it had been the face of an angel.” His countenance shone with a divine luster, similar to what was seen in the face of Moses, when he came down from the mount of God.—What was the effect? Did it deter his enemies from pursuing their design, left they should be found even to fight against God?—Alas! What can deter men from their object when impelled by the fury of their passions!—In spite of the decisive evidence, that God was with the prisoner, the awful business of his prosecution—his persecution-proceeded.

As president of the court, the high priest called upon Stephen to answer to the charge. But what answer should Stephen make? If he denied the charge, every word would be established by the mouth of two or three witnesses; if he assented to it, in the form in which it was brought, he would subject himself to capital punishment. He was placed in a most trying dilemma; but he answered with admirable wisdom. His speech is worthy the most attentive perusal.

The holy martyr was charged with blasphemy against Moses and against God, with an implication also of sedition. The allegation in support of the charge was, That he had said, that Jesus, whom the rulers had crucified, should destroy Jerusalem and the temple, and change the customs, or abolish the institutions, which Moses had given. The Jews imagined, that the institutions of Moses were never to be abolished or changed, and that the city and temple were too sacred to be destroyed. The institutions were from God, and the city and temple were his special residence; and to predict the abolition of the one or the other was held to be not merely seditious, but also blasphemous. It behooved Stephen to shew that this was not blasphemy. This he would do, if he could make it appear, that the ordinances of Moses were not intended to be perpetual; and that God had never intended to confine his residence to Jerusalem. Especially would he answer his purpose, if he could make it appear that the leading dispensations of God towards their nation had respect to the Messiah to come; that the ritual of Moses, and even the holy city and temple, were typical of his more spiritual kingdom; and that Jesus of Nazareth himself was the Messiah. This was Stephen’s aim, and on this his eye was fixed, as will appear on careful inspection, through his whole plea.

To make out the point in view, however, would be to fix upon the rulers and people the charge of having rejected and slain the Messiah; and this charge the martyr undoubtedly intended to fix. But he knew very well, that they were not in a temper to allow him to do this directly. He, therefore, stated facts and circumstances, which could not be denied; and left it to his judges and auditors to make the application.

Beginning with the vocation of Abraham, he briefly rehearses the history of the patriarchs and of the twelve tribes, until they came to Sinai;—speaks of Moses with a great respect, and recites his memorable prophecy, “A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto you of you brethren like unto me; him shall ye hear;”—adverts to the rebellion in the wilderness against Moses and against God, and the judgments consequently threatened;—then passes to the tabernacle, “which was brought in with Joshua into the promised land, and continued until the days of David.” The tabernacle became old, and Solomon built the temple. “But,” says Stephen, “the Most High dwelleth not in temples made with hands, as says the prophet, Heaven is my throne, and earth is my footstool: what house will ye build me, faith the Lord; and where is the place of my rest? Hath not my hand made all these things?”—Thus far the holy martyr advanced:—probably he intended to proceed to mention the destruction of the first temple, the building of the second, and the leading event in the history of Israel, down to his own time. But his hearers, perceiving the bearings of the facts, and the tendency of the whole speech, became, it would seem, tumultuous; and shewed such indications of rage, as convinced him that they would not hear him through, and that whatever he would say more must be in very few words. He, therefore, turns from his course abruptly, and makes a direct and pungent application: a last and most solemn effort, to send the truth home to their consciences. “Ye stiff necked, and uncircumcised in heart and ears,” said he, “ye do always resist the Holy Ghost: as your fathers did so do ye. Which of the prophets have not your fathers persecuted? And they have slain them that shewed before of the coming of the Just One; of whom ye have been now the betrayers and murderers: who have received the law by the disposition of angels, and have not kept it!”

“When they heard these things, they were cut to the heart;” and in the rage of their malice, they “gnashed on him with their teeth.”—At this critical moment, Stephen, “full of the Holy Ghost, looked up steadfastly into heaven, and saw the glory of God, and Jesus standing on the right hand of God. Transported by the vision, and regardless of danger, he boldly says to his adversaries, “I see the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing on the right hand of God.” This was fixing upon them, most decisively, the blood of the Holy and Just One. Enraged beyond control, “they cried out with a loud voice, and stopped their ears, and ran upon him with one accord;—and,” not waiting for any judicial sentence, “they cast him out of the city, and stoned him.”

“They stoned Stephen, invoking, 1 and saying, Lord Jesus, receive my spirit. And he kneeled down and cried with a loud voice, Lord, lay not this sin to their charge.” His prayer was addressed to Jesus, whom he had just before seen standing at the right hand of glory, ready to receive him; and, after the example of his Lord, he breathed out his last breath in prayer for his murders.—“And when he had said this, he fell asleep.” Though encompassed with ferocious enemies, and overwhelmed with vollies of stones, yet so calm, so serene was this holy martyr, that he sunk into the arms of death, as into the embraces of sleep, and rested from his conflicts and his labors forever.

His death, however, triumphant and glorious as it was, could not but be deeply felt by the multitude of he brethren; nor did they fail, most tenderly to testify their love and their grief. Antiquity reports that it was by the savior of the sage Gamaliel, that they were enabled to rescue his body. We are assured, however, that “devout men carried Stephen to his burial, and made great lamentation for him.”

Reflections.
1. In the martyrdom of Stephen, we have a striking attestation to the truth of the Gospel.—This affecting event was but a few months after the crucifixion of Jesus. The facts of His life, His death, and His resurrection were the recent; yet in regard to these facts, a band of disputants, selected from five synagogues, were not able to withstand the wisdom and the spirit with which Stephen spake. They could neither effectually controvert the facts; nor refute the conclusions, obviously resulting from them. They had only the alternative, either to yield to argument, or resort to violence; and in doing the latter, they furnished as decisive evidence of the badness of their cause, as they could have furnished in doing the former.—Stephen was a witness for Jesus, and certainly had access to know the truth. But had Jesus been an impostor, and his gospel a cunningly devised fable, would such a man as Stephen, calmly and deliberately have devoted his life to the cause?—Stephen had the honor to be the first in this glorious martyrdom; but other soon followed him; and thousands and millions have since added their blood to his. Their witness is in heaven; their record is on high.

2. Men are not always in a temper to yield to the light of evidence, or to the convictions of truth. The Jewish rulers and people had before them clear and decisive evidence of the resurrection of Jesus, and of the leading facts and truths, insisted on by Stephen. They could neither get rid of the evidence, nor “resist the wisdom and the spirit” with which the truth was urged upon them. Yet they would not yield to the evidence; they would not acknowledge the truth. On the contrary they became more and more virulent and outrageous, as the light became more and more clear and powerful. Something like this may always be expected, when, from any corrupt or sinister cause, men determine not to yield to the truth, and give up their minds to their prejudices and passions. How important then for all, to examine the temper by which they are influenced, the motives by which they are actuated, and the ground on which their opinions and actions are vindicated; “lest haply they be found” to oppose the truth, to violate reason and conscience, and “even to fight against God.”

3. Great and violent opposition to a cause, is no evidence that the cause is not good.—Never did cause sustain greater or more violent opposition, than that of the gospel has sustained. View the conduct of the Jews against Jesus, and afterwards against his followers; view the conduct of men in different ages and countries against the same cause; and learn a lesson of sober wisdom. Never conclude that men are in the right, because their numbers are great, and their language and conduct high. In a world like this, it would not be strange, if the greater number should be on the side of error and wrong; or if their spirits should rise high, and their language and conduct be violent, in proportion as their cause is bad. Turn then from the wind, the earthquake, and the fire, and listen to the still small voice. In all cases, let reason, and conscience, and the word of God be heard.

4. We are led solemnly to reflect on the direful consequences of giving the rein to malignant passions.—The adversaries of Stephen did this. They yielded themselves to the dominion of their passions; and they became outrageous, ferocious, and desperate. Despising all truth and all right, they violated the first principles of religion, morality, and society; trampled upon justice in her very sanctuary; and, in the fury of their madness, imbrued their hands in innocent blood. The people cried for vengeance—the Sanhedrim countenanced the popular frenzy—and the roman governor connived at the horrible proceedings!—It was a mob that procured the condemnation of Jesus to the cross; and it was a mob that stoned Stephen, without waiting for a sentence of condemnation against him!

But, my hearers let it not be imagined that no apology could be framed for their conduct. Could they not say, that Stephen openly condemned a most solemn act of the government—that he charged the rulers, even to their faces, with the most atrocious wickedness—that he persisted in opposing the voice of the people in favor of their rulers—that the freedom of speech, used by him and his brethren, tended to weaken the hands of authority and to stir up sedition—and that after he knew how determined both the rulers and the people were, to stop that freedom, and to put down that opposition, 2 yet he daringly provoked them beyond all endurance. Yes, they could say all this; and they could say further, that the doctrine of the Rabbis allowed the execution of offenders, in flagrant cases, by the judgment of zeal, without the form of law. Saul of Tarsus, indeed, who took a forward part in the bloody outrage, afterwards said, in reference to that and other parts of his conduct, “I verily thought with myself that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth.”

But were the persecutors of Stephen excusable? Or was their conduct to be palliated? No, my brethren: they were murderers; and all who abetted, or approved, or connived at, or palliated the horrible deed, brought themselves proportionally under the guilt of innocent blood. The café never existed, and the café never can exist, in which a mob might not find some apologies for their outrage. But these apologies are not to be admitted—are not to be tolerated; unless all the principles of social order are to be abandoned, and all that is dear to mankind on this side the grave, is to be resigned to the lawless fury of popular passions. And, my brethren, it infinitely behooves every one of us, most solemnly to purge his conscience before God of the blood which has recently been shed in our land, and of the guilt of every act of popular violence, by whomsoever committed. Let it not be said that the scenes are now closed, and all is quietness and security. The blood still cries to heaven; and God is the avenger! Every plea in justification, even the disposition to extenuate the atrocity, carries in it guilt, which the eye of his holy jealousy will not fail to note. Yes, even the disposition to justify, or extenuate, is embryo murder—embryo treason against society and the majesty of the laws—embryo rebellion against the government and throne of Jehovah. Wherever, and to whatever extent it is cherished, blood-guiltiness stains the foul, and fearful danger lurks in society; and of all who cherish it, certainly of all who express it, I would say at the altar of God, “Instruments of cruelty are in their habitations: O my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united.” And I would hope there is not one within the hearing of my voice, who will not join in the solemn deprecation.

How excellent is the true Christian spirit!—View the contrast between Stephen and his enemies. When they attacked him with a design to ruin him, he answered them with firmness of spirit, and the meekness of wisdom. When they violently dragged him before the Sanhedrim, and suborned false witnesses to procure his condemnation; he made his defense with tenderness and respect—with argument as mild as it was forcible. When they gnashed on him with their teeth, like ferocious beasts, he stood collected and composed, and declared to them his view of heaven, and of the glory of Christ. When in the frenzy of their rage, they overwhelmed him with vollies of stones; in the benevolence of his heart, he prayed for them, “Lord lay not this sin to their charge.”—This, my brethren, is the temper of the Christian; the temper which divine grace produces in the hearts of men.—How changed was Saul of Tarsus, when, in answer to the martyr’s dying prayer, he was converted to Christ! What a different world will this be, when the Christian temper shall universally prevail!

My brethren, shall we contemplate the example of the holy martyr, and not be benefitted by it? Shall we not learn from him how to believe, when opposed by the enemies of truth and righteousness? If like him we would “put to silence the ignorance of foolish men,” it behooves us to be able to give a consistent account of our faith, and solidly to defend our principles. Much wisdom indeed will be requisite to meet the various circumstances in which we may be placed. Let us, however, beware of cowardice; and while we behold Stephen’s intrepidity, let us resolve in the strength of divine grace, never to desert the cause of truth—never to betray it—never to disguise our attachment to it, for the sake of avoiding the displeasure, or of conciliating the favor of its opposers. What have we to fear, if we serve the Lord Christ? But with firmness and courage, let it be our care always to unite meekness, forbearance, gentleness, and the spirit of forgiveness: never to render evil for evil, or railing for railing, but contrariwise blessing. If thus we be followers of Christ, and of them who by faith and patience inherit the promises, we may assure ourselves of strength and comfort, under the severest trials. Stephen stands a witness to all generations, of the grace and faithfulness of his divine Master, who will never abandon, or deceive his servants. If possessed of the true faith of the gospel, we need not, we ought not to stagger, even at the most formidable appearances of death. In the countenance of the martyr, we see how the Author and Finisher of our faith can illumine the dark valley, and even in that tremendous passage, fill the soul with peace and joy. Let us then persevere in faith and patience; and soon shall the portals of immortal glory be thrown wide open, for our abundant entrance into the joy of our Lord. His word is sure: “Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life.”

AMEN.
 


Endnotes

1. This is the true rendering: in the original text there is no word for God.

2. Acts IV. 17-20: “Did not we straitly command you, that ye should not teach in this name? and behold ye have filled Jerusalem with your doctrine, and intend to bring this man’s blood upon us.” Ibid, V. 28.

Sermon – Fasting – 1811, Massachusetts


Elijah Parish (1762-1825) graduated from Dartmouth in 1785. He was the pastor of a church in Byfield, MA (1787-1825). This sermon was preached by Parish on the fast day of April 11, 1811.


sermon-fasting-1811-massachusetts

A SERMON,

PREACHED AT BYFIELD,

ON THE

ANNUAL FAST,

APRIL 11, 1811.

BY ELIJAH PARISH, D. D.

“The voice, which cries through all the Patriot’s veins
“When at his feet his country groans in chains,
“With angel-might, opposed the rage of hell,
“And fought like Michael, till the Dragon fell.”

A SERMON, &c.

REVELATION, CH. XVIII. V. 2.

Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen and is become the habitation of devils and the hold of every soul spirit, and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird.

In this and several other passages of scripture, Babylon means the Roman empire or Papal power and influence over the nations. 1 The fall of Babylon, therefore, is not the fall of Rome, or any particular city; but the destruction of that power, which has been so long, and so terribly exercised by the sovereign Pontiffs of Rome, or any particular city; but the destruction of that power, which has been so long, and so terribly exercised by the sovereign Pontiffs of Rome. As when the literal city of Babylon was destroyed, her deserted houses, her falling palaces, became the habitation “of wild beasts of the desert, with the wild beasts of the islands, a dwelling place for dragons;” so mystical Babylon in her fall becomes the habitation of men, possessing similar characters; of men to be compared with “hateful birds, foul beasts, and devils.” Another scripture saith, “They are as natural brute beasts, made to be taken and destroyed;” and another scripture referring to the same period, saith, “They are the spirits of devils.”

If spiritual Babylon be not completely “fallen,” or destroyed, yet is her power wonderfully lessened; her hour of entire dissolution makes haste. The Pontiff of Rome, once the terror of Europe, whose frown shook crowns from the heads of kings, and overturned their thrones, is now, if he exist, a mere puppet in the hands of the mighty Napoleon. A chained captive, or a trembling vassal, he goes and comes at his command. Strong reasons, however, are not wanting to prove, that the Papal power “is fallen.” The Emperor has not only arrested the head of that church, but “is constantly issuing laws against her, and banishing her priests.” The college of Cardinals, who alone have the authority of electing a Pope, are now many of them “confined in the different prisons of France; so that probably, in the present state of things, a new election is impracticable.”

But whether Babylon be “fallen” or not, certainly she has become the habitation of devils, of foul spirits, of unclean and hateful birds. This diabolical influence prevails, in a particular manner, through the Papal nations. There Napoleon has raised his standard, there he has blown the blast of victory; there his spies, his agents, his officers, his laws, or his armies, spread devastation, solitude, and woe. The hail of divine judgments has fallen on those countries; yet none of them repent; but madly blaspheme God and his Son.

Our design is to illustrate the propriety and truth of the text, when applied to this ruling influence of Europe.

I. The power, which now rules Papal Europe, which occupies the place and influence of Babylon, may be compared to foul beasts and birds, and devils, on account of its falsehood, fraud, and treachery. The devil is a liar from the beginning. This is one of the prominent features of his character; and this is equally a trait of the reigning power of Europe. The Chieftain of Europe totally disregards all promises, disdains all oaths, and daily violates the most solemn treaties. Though a formal treaty binds him in amity to this country; yet so long has he trampled on all its articles; so long has he plundered our commerce, and insulted our applications for redress; so long has he continued to capture, to sink, or to burn our ships, to chain and imprison our seamen, that most people have forgotten, that he is bound to offices of friendship, that any treaty ever existed between the two countries. Why should they not? Does our government presume to mention it? Do our public officers refer to it? Is it not, like a dead man, forgotten and out of mind?

The monarchs of Spain, though they were his friends, his allies, his humble servants, and obedient vassals, were betrayed in a most perfidious manner. Just before he laid violent hands on Ferdinand, he wrote him an epistle, full of brotherly affection. Among many other kind things, he says, “The caution with which I have proceeded ought to convince you of the support you will find in me, if factions of any description, ever disturb your reign.” In another place he says, “Your royal highness knows all the recesses of my heart.” He concludes his letter of love in the following manner. “Rely upon my wish to reconcile every thing, and to find opportunities to give you proofs of affection and high regard. And so I pray God may keep you, Brother, under his holy and worthy protection.” Proceeding to cajole and flatter him with an Imperial visit; then, changing his tone, he invites, persuades, and forces him to enter the French dominions. 2 There was he instantly seized, as a malefactor, a slave, an outlaw, confined by guards and walls, every step watched by the angel of death. There was he compelled to issue a proclamation, requiring all the inhabitants of Spain, his faithful subjects, to abandon him, to submit to Napoleon, “the Scourge of God.” Army after army is poured into Spain, the fields are laid waste, the churches are robbed, the cities are besieged and destroyed; myriads of the peaceful inhabitants are made prisoners, myriads are slain. The whole country is deluged with blood. Would the annals of hell furnish an instance of viler falsehood, treachery, fraud, and violence?

In Portugal a similar tragedy is acting. There too the government was friendly; there like Spain they contributed their wealth and influence to promote the despotism of the destroying Angel. Now their country is overwhelmed with armies; their daughters, their wives, their mothers, are exposed to the wanton brutality of French soldiers. Blood flows; the royal family have gone into banishment. They prefer reigning in the wilds of South America, to the vicinity of the Tyrant whose atmosphere is pestilence and death.

The pusillanimous monarch of Prussia, on the eve of his destruction, received a letter from the French Emperor, breathing esteem and affection.3 But time would fail me; volumes are necessary to relate half his deeds of falsehood, fraud, and treachery. Is not Babylon the habitation of devils? But I ought not to have forgotten the establishment of numerous Spies in every town, village, and neighborhood. Cruel as death, brother betrays his brother, and fathers their sons. No man dares utter his thoughts with freedom. 4

I ought to mention the march of armies to Egypt and Palestine, their robberies and murders, on the banks of the Nile and Jordan; the misery they caused at Alexandria, Joppa, and Jerusalem. I ought to describe them furious, as hungry tigers in the massacre of their Turkish prisoners; in a moment a thousand captives are shot in cold blood. 5 But the sun would go down ere I had done.

II. The oppression and barbarity of their laws prove that Babylon is inhabited by devils, or governed by one, who may be justly compared to Beelzebub, the chief of the devils.

His laws like those of Draco are written in blood. Any one concerned in British traffic shall be shot. In Hamburg at one time goods to the amount of six millions have been burned. In every part of papal Europe the conflagration spreads. These are not the goods of an enemy; but of his own subjects. Their taxes are cruel and barbarous beyond conception.

The farmer is compelled to pay a tax at every stage of his labor, as he plows, plants, or gathers his fruits. Often his means fail, he is unable to advance the last tribute, and his harvest is consumed in the field. 6 Very thing, almost, which can be named, is subject to heavy taxation, “servants, vehicles, household furniture, dogs, gateways, chimneys, windows, doors.” Even industry itself groans under a heavy impost; all persons exercising any responsible trade, as “butchers and brokers,” are doomed to a heavy tax for the privilege. Some persons pay “the fourth, others a third, and others one half their income in taxes to the government.” But these direct taxes are not the most dreadful part of the story. A certain percentage is levied on all those taxes; sometimes forty per cent. In 1800 it was more.

More barbarous still; no proprietor may cut down timber, or clear his own land under heavy penalties, without applying six months previously, and obtaining the permission of government. This is often refused.

But the conscription, or draughts for the army and navy, are the most terrible of all human regulations. Children are torn from their parents, to be disciplined and trained to butcher mankind. But here I think it my duty to be more particular by liberal quotations from a late writer, who had the best possible means of ascertaining the truth, so lately as 1809. 7 He says, “The narrative I have laid before the public are facts, and I pledge my existence to the truth of what I have stated.” He assures us that, “The dreadful conscriptions pursued with unrelenting severity, have given rise to such a general discontent, that the death of Bonaparte is devoutly wished for; his name is feared and abhorred by every reflecting Frenchman, by all, who are not enjoying pensions or lucrative employments, under his tyrannical power. The severe and arbitrary restrictions laid on the little commerce that remains, the overbearing insolence and extortion of his numerous custom-house officers paralyze all the efforts of trade in the interior of France.

Far greater proportion of France shows a poverty and a negligence in the general cultivation of the lands, that strongly mark the weak state of commerce and the great want of capital.

In villages scarcely a cottage can you enter without beholding the fathers and mothers of families, bewailing the loss of a beloved child, dragged to the armies. Several assured me, they had lost three, four or five sons of the age of seventeen or eighteen; some had at last their only child wrested from them. As for the cultivated fields, there the sturdy youth is not to be seen; but old and infirm men, with old women, scarcely able to support the fatigue of ploughing, tilling and reaping their lands, perform all the labours of agriculture. For hundreds of leagues, that population formerly so remarkable in France has disappeared: in the field scarcely a peasant is seen. The medical men often sell a powder to these brave youths, that produces a temporary blindness, if applied to the eye; and if applied to any open wound, an inflammation and swelling of the limb, that often endangers the life of the wretched lad; but notwithstanding heavy fines and severe imprisonments, in some instances for life, the government cannot stop it. These are facts, many of which came within my own knowledge. When the unfortunate young men are collected together, they are often sent chained by the neck and hands, and driven, like condemned criminals, to the different places of rendezvous.

If any thing further were necessary to prove the wretched situation of the French people, it would be sufficient to allude to what is seen at all her churches, her fairs, her public festivals, and amusements. There you meet with scarcely any thing but old age and infirmity.

Ask the women where the young men are? They one and all answer; “they are gone to be butchered.”

To this the Editors of the Literary Panorama add, “This expression, ‘gone to be butchered,’ more literally true than either the speakers, or Mr. Sturt intends. We have spared our readers the pain of perusing accounts of this nature, that have reached us from the highest authority. We shall only mention two. One of them related to the slaughter of three hundred French conscripts in the bloom of life and manhood, led in pairs to the slaughter-house where cattle were usually slain, and treated in a like manner. The other was of no less than seven hundred French, conducted to a similar death, on a much later occasion. Humanity shudders at these facts, and what says policy to the loss of the rising generation in the mad pursuit of insatiable ambition?

But to return to our author, “This is no secret. This is no untruth. They speak feelingly; for many are parents, sisters, or lovers of these absent youths, dragged to the armies. One of the most formidable engines of tyranny in France is the military police, called the Gens d’armes, a number of soldiers scattered in every little neighborhood, who excite the dread and hatred of the whole nation. Their employment is to search for murderers, thieves, and deserters. They are also employed to execute the dreadful orders of Bonaparte. This increases that fear, hatred, and contempt, so universally felt. Unprincipled in general, of course corrupt and treacherous, they accept your bribe, and then betray you.

In every town, city, village, or commune, throughout the departments, these instruments of tyranny are established, and being in general artful men, and very poor, they exercise a tyranny equal to their ruler. To every coffeehouse and every place of public amusement, they have access under the pretence of preserving peace and order.

They establish idle and worthless people in every public house and hotel as spies, who make their reports often from pique and malice, or to prove their zeal. The same system is established by seducing servants of every family to report what is said at the table, of whatever nature. These reports, true or false, are sent to the minister of police, who without notice and even without enquiry, sends an order to arrest the whole family, often in the dead of night.

If any observations have been made on Bonaparte or his government, or on his favorites, they never see the light again, nor can a friend trace them out.8 Another description of police more terrible even than the gens d’armes is employed by Fouche, minister of police. These men travel through every city, town, and village of a department, and are supplied with money, that they may attend public places, being men better drest, better educated, and often wearing the insignia of the legion d’ honneur, they insinuate themselves into society and freely abuse the government, Bonaparte, and his favorites, in the hopes of entrapping the unwary. Having given his information the miscreant leaves the district for another, and the unfortunate family are seized in the accustomed manner and conveyed to the dungeons of Paris, or to some strong fortress in the departments, and never are heard of any more. Does any reflecting man need to hear another syllable to be convinced of the diabolical influence, which governs Papal Europe, and which, like the deadly winds of the African desert, is blasting all the fair prospects of our country’s glory?

Do not the same causes produce the same effects? Can that power, which has proved fatal to the best interests of man even in France, be friendly and useful in America? Will he, who has changed the laws, the customs, the morals of Europe, confirm our privileges, or secure our felicities? As well may we expect that pestilence and plague, transported to our shores, will become harmless and pleasant; that the angel of death will be a cheerful companion, and the grave a sumptuous habitation. Will not our countrymen be convinced? Or must they like Babylon’s king be driven from men, be hewers of wood, be degraded to brutes, before they can learn the signs of the times, that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and that Napoleon is the angel of his vengeance?

III. The power of France carries discord, slavery, and ruin among the nations; therefore on this account, she may be represented, as having the character of Satan.

The devil sows discord even among brethren. He is a murderer from the beginning. As a roaring lion he walketh about, seeking whom he may devour. He casteth men “into prison.” He is the prince of the power of the air. His emissaries and agents are in every quarter. Where do we not find the agents, the spies, the armies, the laws, the influence, the hired demagogues of France? The foe of humanity, is she not making war on the human race? Her maxim is, “A king of France resigns his scepter, on the day that he lays aside his sword.” 9 Such are the citizens of Babylon, of Papal Europe. Like devils, their element is fire, discord, and destruction. It is their boast, their pride and glory, to swell the tide of human misery.

Switzerland, like us, was happy in her religion, her liberty, her republican virtues. She became divided by French intrigue. A French party, as in our country, raised their voice, and poisoned their councils. Still they could not prevail, till a French army appeared; a dreadful battle was fought; their women raised their swords, and fell covered with blood in their first ranks. The poor farmers were vanquished. The standard of France was unfurled in their towns, and a new constitution from Paris was adopted. The brave Swiss are slaves.

Holland was rich, and free, and happy; but she like Switzerland had her Republicans, who envied their neighbors, and wished to see them reduced to their level. A French army marches, and Holland is ruined. Miserable is the consolation of the good people, that their distracted neighbors, once so partial to their oppressors, are not only as miserable as themselves, but as heartily join in execrating their new Rulers. Their funds are plundered; their hospitals and other humane institutions have lost their support. The sick and poor are dying in their streets. The Hollanders are slaves.

Prussia was a powerful monarchy; but her king listened to the prattle of French amity; he reposed confidence in French promises, till Napoleon came, as a whirlwind of heaven, and overturned his empire. Solitude, desolation, and misery, darken his palaces. Not only his people; but Himself and his nobles are slaves.

Hamburgh, lately one of the most opulent cities on the globe; happy in her little Senate, her numerous humane institutions, and her immense commerce, is brought down to the dust. She has supported French armies, and been plundered and plundered, till a great part of her population has vanished; her misery is extreme. The Hamburghers are slaves.

Sweden is a victim bound and laid on the altar of sacrifice. Nothing but the name and the carcass remain. Her vital life, and vigor, and glory, have fled.

Germany—the Emperor of Germany has resigned his crown and throne, and ceases to be. The different States are divided, crushed, and scattered, like leaves of the forest, before the autumnal blast.

Spain and Portugal are overrun with the armies of France. Their fields are red with blood, their people pale with famine and terror. Italy, Naples, Venice, Milan, Mantua, Modena, Genoa, Tuscany, and other States, are conquered, revolutionized, impoverished, robbed, and ruined. The ancient mistress of the world is incorporated with the terrific empire of the Corsican; she sits solitary like a widow.

If there be one friend to French domination in our country, would not a moment of serious reflection convince him of his error? Where is the Stadtholder of Holland? Driven by French influence an exile to England.

Where is the King of Sweden, and brother in law of the Emperor of Russia? An exile in England. Where is Lucien, brother to Napoleon? Driven by his brother to England, the asylum of the afflicted, the land of mercy, which rises from her surrounding waters, like the mountain of Ararat; to save a sinking world. Where is the King of Naples; where the King and Queen of Etruria; where the monarchs of Spain? Prisoners of Napoleon. Where is the Prince and Royal Family of Portugal? Exiles in South-America. Where is Louis, the late King of Holland? A wanderer in Europe, hurled from his throne, or compelled to resign, by his own brother Napoleon. In the name of goodness, what would convince men of the malignity of French amity, if they are not convinced by these things? Bears and tigers spare their own families. Is not Babylon, or Papal Europe, a habitation of devils?

IV. The impiety and atheism of the dominant power in Europe, are not equaled in that world “where hope never comes.”

But on this subject, my beloved people, I have heretofore been so particular, that I shall not awaken your distress by a review of the dismal prospect. I only remark to you, that the same immorality, the same crimes, irreligion and infidelity still prevail in these ill-fated countries. The Christian Sabbath, the preached gospel, the book of God, every thing most sacred, is treated with daring mockery or impious contempt. A late decree of the government in Paris, among other things, remarks, “That the greater part of the population of Paris has but the Sunday for the enjoyment of theatrical exhibitions.”

This entirely agrees with the account, which one of our most respectable countrymen, 10 lately received from several ministers of religion in France. They informed him that “the seeds of piety had in the course of the revolution been completely extirpated from the breasts of almost every class of the community; and that since the re-establishment of the hierarchy, and the resurrection of the altar, Christianity had regained but a small share of influence over the public mind.”

Moral darkness, iron slumbers, universal death, more than Egyptian horrors, brood over papal Babylon. She is a province, belonging to the kingdom of darkness; she lieth on the confines of the capital; she experiences to the full the impressions of its manners, the terror of its laws, the influence of its officers, the authority of its prince. According to prophecy, there was to be a period in the fall of Babylon, or the papal power, when her superstition should change to infidelity;11 when a further degradation of moral character should take place; when her people should be “brute beasts,” and “devils.” That awful period has arrived. These “spirits of devils,” according to another prophecy respecting them, “have gone forth unto the kings of the earth, and of the whole world, to gather them to the battle of that great day of God Almighty.” The war has commenced; the war will rage, till the final battle in Armageddon. These spirits go to enlist “the whole world,” in the war; they have reached our credulous shores; they have defiled our soil, polluted our atmosphere, enlisted a great portion of our people, poisoned them with a moral plague.

“Men are scorched with great heat, and blaspheme the name of God.” They sigh under intolerable suffering; but repent not to give glory to God. This period is marked as the uproar of moral chaos and the reign of devils. Babylon is fallen. Her ceremonies have ceased to awe the minds of the people; her terrors cease to appall the heart; her Edens cease to charm the fancy. All is doubt, uncertainty, and atheism. Apostacy unfurls her standard; persecution builds her prisons and kindles her fires; crimes triumph; hell is let loose; devils swarm in Babylon, and rule the empire.

Such is the picture of the dominant power, which governs the world. Say not, that the colors are too coarse. Not the pencil; but the subject is in fault. Were a painter to give you a demon in the enchanting tints of virgin innocence, or to represent a storm of fire, and a nation wrapt in flames, with the lovely colors of the rainbow, you night admire the delicacy of his strokes; but certainly you would not applaud the soundness of his judgment, his fidelity, or his love of truth.

The subject suggests several general
REFLECTIONS.
1. Let us bless God, if he has afforded us light and grace, not to join ourselves to that dreadful influence described in the text.

Has God removed your former prejudices? Once we thought as children; we spake as children. The killing of oxen and the songs of triumph, at the dissolution of government in France, did not awaken our terrors. We did not know that the triumph of hell, and the reign of devils had commenced. Has God increased your information, and opened your eyes, as he did those of the Assyrians, “And they saw and behold they were in the midst of Samaria,” surrounded with their enemies.

Though the fatal influence mentioned in the text is to be more particularly felt in Babylon, or among the papal nations, yet all nations and people are exposed, who do not hold fast the faith of the gospel. Geneva, and a part of Switzerland, and Holland, did not constitute any portion of Babylon, yet they so far had her character, that they have joined this dreadful confederacy against God and his Son. Our country has manifested an awful portion of the same diabolical spirit. The Lord knoweth how to sever the chaff from the wheat. If we, our families, church, and congregation, are delivered from this spirit of Anti-Christ, is it not matter for devout thanksgiving? Is it not a rich consolation to labor in your shops, to turn the furrows of your fields, to bid the wheels roll at your different manufactories, for the support of sound principles? Is it not a high privilege from God, to save your seed and gather your harvests, with a direct design, to resist the hosts of Babylon, to sustain the cause of good government, and true religion? Whatever pleasure a man may take in a course of error, how much soever he may boast, and exult, and triumph; there is, there ever will be, an immense, an essential difference between him, and the man, laboring in the cause of God, of truth, and benevolence. A thousand “ways may seem right to a man, which are the ways of eternal death;” in these ways he may enjoy a proud pleasure; yet there is in the way of true wisdom a pure satisfaction, a moral luxury, which he can never know. There is a peace, a dignified courage, in the way of duty, the way of correct principles, which a deluded mind, however confident and daring, will never experience. Error may be bold; she may be sanguine; she may have raptures of delight; but her joys do not satisfy, they do not enrich the soul; they are hollow, without foundation, like the baseless fabric, reared by a gay vision of the night. Hypocriscy and error have their rash pleasures; but they never have the consolations of sincerity, of rational conviction, and heavenly truth. Bless God, therefore, for directing your steps on the side of his people, his cause and glory. “A man’s heart deviseth his way; but the Lord directeth his steps.”

2. What a miserable interest are those supporting, who favor and abet French influence in any country!

Is one man in the world so deluded, so hardy, so cruel, so abandoned, as to favor such an influence? We should instantly answer, No, had not such men already ruined other countries, were they not actually endangering our own country. A French party has brought destruction upon Holland, Switzerland, Geneva, and other countries. They called themselves republicans, and their country and themselves are crushed. They excused the outrages of Napoleon; they apologized for his atheism; they disbelieved his designs of universal devastation, till they felt his sword in their own vitals.

All ye, who have commiseration for the miseries of others, weep over those, who are left of God to believe such fatal delusions.

3. What must be the character of the French party in any country?

The prophecy says, that “the spirits of devils” from the falling empire of Babylon, should go forth to enlist in support of her cause “the whole world.” Passing events perfectly correspond with the prophecy. The agents of Anti-Christ, the power, which has risen upon the ruins of falling Babylon, are known in every civilized country of “the whole world.” From Petersburgh to Pekin, from Washington to Constantinople, “they are compassing sea and land!” to make proselytes. They have a party in every country. Congenial minds harmonize. As the different streams from the same fountain blend and unite; so do minds of the same character.

But it has been said, that some good men have enlisted in their ranks. For proof we have their own testimony. There was a Noah in the old world, a Lot in Sodom; but he came out and separated from them, and saved himself and part of his family.

Doubtless many, who have given their names and influence to the cause of falling Babylon, did not intend to proceed where their leaders are conducting them.

The “rich intended only to secure some emolument or office; the poor, some of them, were fascinated with the dream of bringing others down to their level. But once launched on the stormy ocean of wild delusion, they wander without a compass; they see no star; they find no shore. They proceed all lengths with their party. Now they would deprive the ministers of religion of various privileges, common to other citizens. They must not write, nor act, nor speak, though it be in their view for the advantage of the human race, as though they had not common discernment, a common interest in saving themselves, their families, their people, and their country. Probably the next step will be to silence and crush this order of men; then to abolish the Sabbath; then to cast their bibles into the fire, kindled by Philosophy; then to scoff at the Saviour, proclaim death an everlasting sleep, and shout, “No God,” “no monarch in heaven, we would preserve our republic on earth.” Such is the general course of French republicanism in all countries.

4. What must be the character of our government?

Does it not harmonize with Babylon? In falling Babylon are their laws oppressive and cruel, are they crushed by their commercial restrictions? Have we not our embargoes, and our non-intercourse laws, precisely, in the same stile? Is there falsehood, and treachery in the government of Babylon? Have we not our false and treacherous proclamations, declaring the decrees of Milan and Berlin to be revoked, when they were not revoked! Do not the two governments harmonize, like the pulse in different limbs of the same body? If there be fever in one the other glows.

Does not our government quaff the cup of humiliation, as though it were the nectar of immortality? Like trembling vassals, they kiss the rod, which lacerates them; their complaints are not those of a magnanimous nation; but the pulling’s of corrected children. They make laws to admit the armed ships of France into our ports, while an English vessel may not ride in our waters. What do I say? While our own vessels dare not enter our ports for fear of confiscation and robbery! It is an awful truth, that our vessels at this moment, a large portion of them, can find no protection in any quarter of the world, but under the guardianship of the British flag. If they go to any nation of Babylon, the pirates of Napoleon arrest them, and they are lost forever. If they fly to our own country; our own country, more unmerciful than Babylon, with all her devils, instantly seizes them, and in addition extorts three times their value.

Does not every good man exclaim, why this gratuitous contribution to accomplish the ruin of our country? We were no part of spiritual Babylon; why should we be volunteers in the work of self destruction? Why should our country, like a comet flying from her orbit to be lost in the sun, rush to certain ruin? Why should our country plunge into the political pandemonium which is opened before us, and make us fellow-citizens with the infernal demons of Babylon? Forbid it heaven, forbid it; Oh my country! The nation is afflicted, the merchants, the farmers, complain; all our calamities rise from the friendship of our government to their haughty Master. Whenever you choose independent Rulers, your commerce will be free, your markets will be full, your country will be prosperous. Just so far as you conform to Babylon, you will suffer; just so far as you are independent, you will be happy. We are entirely the authors of our own embarrassments. If there no hope? Do you not hear a voice from the tomb of Washington, warning you of your danger? Do you not hear God himself, informing you that “Babylon is the habitation of devils, that to be prosperous, you must be separate from her? Why then did our country make a monstrous law to ruin her own citizens? Why did the majority of our Legislators perjure themselves, when they had sworn to support the constitution? Why did they knowingly violate that article, which declares, that no “ex post facto” law shall be made?

What mighty kindness had Napoleon done us; what infinite injury had England inflicted, to produce this outrageous act of gratitude and revenge? I will inform you. France had made such havoc on our commerce, that our treasury was compelled to pay $75,550 merely for the support of our distressed seamen, taken prisoners in that country. What then must have been the loss of ships and merchandize? What think ye was the expense of those taken in England? Not a single cent. 12 To increase the outrage, the law has not been published. Yes, vessels have been seized by an unconstitutional law, never published. Blush, Algiers, blush ye Neroes of the world. Ye are outrivaled in the science of despotism. This is the government prating about impartiality and equal justice to all nations; this is the government, which embargoes the produce of your farms, and the hopes of your families; this is the government, which makes laws to punish honest deeds performed long before the law existed; this is the government, which cuts off all intercourse with the only nation, which protects your property and your lives; this is the government, which harmonizes with – – – – – – -“devils.”

If we come down to the State government, we find the same intolerant, treacherous, and tyrannical temper. I mention only a single instance. Look at the proclamation, which has called us together. Beside many things, which are obliquities from the line of truth, there is an insidious attempt to overawe the consciences of Ministers and people, and to deprive them of the privilege of worshipping God, according to their own belief. In the third section is the following sentence. “Who has blessed us with a wise and upright national government, which amidst numerous embarrassments and difficulties has promoted beyond reasonable expectations, our peace, prosperity, and happiness.” This the Chief Magistrate doubtless expected the clergy would read in a serious manner to their people, as a part of their instruction, without comment or remark. I would as soon have administered poison in your cups. He would be “a lying spirit” in the mouths of Christian ministers. He knew that very few clergymen in the Commonwealth believed a single word of this sentence; yet he treacherously intended they should read it. He doubtless intended to silence murmurs by this sanctimonious declaration, and to gain influence. A more fraudulent sentence never came from a scribe of Babylon. What have the general government done more than could be reasonably expected? From what burden have they relieved you? What branch of commerce have they protected? What husbandman or artisan owes them any thanks? What virtue have they cherished? What comfort have they increased? What religion have they promoted? None, none, none. This very year they refused to incorporate a Baptist Society, as though they were outlaws, and not to be protected by government. Thus we harmonize with spiritual Babylon, not only in her falsehood and fraud, her oppression, and barbarity, and slavery; but in her irreligion and infidelity. The same moral putrefaction covers the land with the damps of death. Oh my God, do we “not partake her sins, must we not drink the cup of her plagues?” Would the people see the prospect before them, their hearts would shake with terror; they would not proceed to challenge omnipotence to execute his threatening’s.

But we must not forget the proclamation. We are called upon “devoutly to perform the sacred duties” of the day “for unparalleled ingratitude to that Being, who has indulged us with wise Legislatures.” Where is a solitary instance of their wisdom?—“with codes of mild and equitable laws.” Are not those of the present administration, quite of another sort?—“who has smiled on our navigation and commerce.” Have not our present Rulers bound them in chains, bid them vanish from the ocean?—“for rendering invincible our beloved country.” Miserable man, why does he adopt this dialect of a demagogue? Why does he not as the tender father of a numerous household of children, tell us our weakness, our danger, our guilt, and lead us devoutly to the temple of humiliation and prayer? Why does he tell us of sins, which we have never committed, of blessings, long, long departed from us? But we turn with disgust from the unpleasant theme. Other parts of the proclamation are equally aberrations from truth and decency.

Such is the spirit of our State and General governments. Do they not exhibit the hypocrisy, the oppression, and cruelty of Babylon? Had they sold themselves to her Prince, had they sworn to destroy their country, would they dare perform more than they have?

5. Has the glory and power of Babylon fallen? Then we see what may be expected in our country, if she imbibes the same spirit, and adopts the same cause.

Resistance is our only security. The only power in Europe, which has uniformly resisted, is the only one, which has not materially suffered. If we make a common cause with “the hateful birds, beasts and devils,” their cup of judgments will be poured out for us. We must endure the same oppression, the same misery, the same ruin. Look again and behold the woes of Europe. Emerging from the ark, and from the top of Ararat, surveying the countries around, how hideous was the prospect to Noah. He looked; no husbandman appeared in the fields, no herds in the pastures, no flocks on the hills. He looked; the courts of justice were swept away; the royal palaces were gone; the holy temples had fallen. Proud cities, their lofty spires, their dazzling splendors, have vanished. Solitude, desolation, and death, brood over the world. More terrible is the state of things in a great part of Europe. Their fields are not drowned; but they are red with the blood of the people; their harvests are perishing where they grew, or torn away by the hand of ruthless violence. Their sons and brothers are not buried in a flood; but they are oppressed, degraded, chained, and dragged to the field of slaughter and death. Their courts are continued, not to repress iniquity; but to terrify, to torture, to imprison, and destroy the enemies of despotism; their temples open not to adore the Prince of Peace; but to echo the blasphemies of atheism.

I say not these things to convince you, for you are convinced. This is one of the richest consolations of my heart, and an abundant reward for my feeble services. But, I say these things to confirm and establish you in the truth. I would have these sentiments riveted in your bosoms. I would have them sink to the bottom of your hearts, and constitute a part of your souls. As to the preacher and the aged, these things will soon cease to be interesting. Our ears will not hear the sighs of the nations; our eyes will not see the cloud of “woes,” which is coming on the world; but to you, who are younger, I say, Hold fast these truths. Remember that your Pastor was never more in earnest, than on this subject. If you should be persecuted; or what is more dangerous, if you should be flattered or rewarded, join not the antichristian party of the land. Go not among them; enter not their city. Babylon is become the habitation of devils, and the hold of every foul spirit, and the cage of every unclean and hateful bird. “I hear a voice from heaven, saying, “Come out of her, my people.”

AMEN and AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. Faber.

2. Narrative of one who was near his person.

3. See his Manifesto.

4. See Belgian Traveller.

5. Testimony of a French officer.

6. Walsh.

7. Charles Sturt, Esq. late Member of Parliament for Bridport, resident in France, and detained there as a hostage, nearly seven years.

8. Bonaparte has erected 8 bastiles in which he confines those he dares not try.

9. American Review.

10. Mr. Walsh.

11. See Faber.

12. Report of a Committee of the last Congress.

Daniel Webster: The Defender of the U.S. Constitution

Daniel Webster, an ardent and outspoken Christian known as “the Defender of the US Constitution,” 1 was born on January 18, 1782. In fact, his ability to recite and memorize Scripture as a child was so well known that “it was customary for the teamsters to remark, as they pulled up their horses before the Webster tavern, ‘Come, let’s go in and hear a Psalm from Dan Webster!‘” 2

In fact, his early school teacher, Mr. Tappan, later recalled, “Daniel was always the brightest boy in the school.”  3 This became quite evident as Mr. Tappan recounted the following story:

He [Daniel] would learn more in five minutes than another boy in five hours. One Saturday, I remember, I held up a handsome new jack-knife to the scholars, and said, the boy who would commit to memory the greatest number of verses in the Bible by Monday morning should have it. Many of the boys did well; but when it came to Daniel’s turn to recite, I found that he had committed so much that, after hearing him repeat some sixty or seventy verses, I was obliged to give up, he telling me that there were several more chapters yet that he had learned. Daniel got that jack-knife. 4

This love and reverence of God’s Word carried over into adulthood. Daniel made it a practice to read through the Bible once a year. 5 His love and reverence for the Scripture is conveyed in this simple story:

This morning, when Mr. and Mrs. Webster, with their guests and servants, had assembled in the library for family prayers, Mr. Webster looked so weak and feeble, that Mrs. Webster asked him if I should not read the chapter. He preferred reading himself, and selected that beautiful chapter of St. Luke, the sixth, which contains a part of the Sermon on the Mount. His reading of the Scriptures is grand, slow, distinct, impressive, giving new force to every sentence. When he came to those verses which follow the twenty-sixth, it seemed as though they were the expression of his own inmost feelings. After each clause of these verses which he read—‘But I say unto you which hear, Love your enemies, do good to them which hate you, bless them that curse you, and pray for them which despitefully use you’—he passed, as if he were asking himself the question, if he read those words in the spirit of Him who first uttered them, and exhibited in his own life and example their practical application. There was an almost triumphant tone as he finished the verses, as though he had heartily forgiven those who had spoken ill of him, and who had despitefully used him. 6

Additionally, WallBuilders posted from our massive collection of original documents a letter that Daniel wrote in an attempt to help provide Bibles to the people of South America.7 For all of his accomplishments in life, however, it was not his works that he wanted remembered. As explained by the Rev. Otis Skinner in a sermon delivered after Webster death:

“Let those regard it as a mark of greatness to doubt, remember the faith of Webster! Great as he was, he asked to have engraved upon his tombstone, this simple sentence, He was a believer in Jesus.”8

As we honor the faith and character of Daniel Webster, let us remember the words of Rev. Henry Augustus Boardman:

Those who value our Constitution and who desire the perpetuity of the Union, have great reason to bless God that Daniel Webster loved and studied the Bible.”9


1 Charles F. Richardson, Daniel Webster for Young Americans (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1903); Edwin Erle Sparks, The Men Who Made the Nation: An Outline of United States History from 1760 to 1865 (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1901), 318.
2 Charles Lanman, The Private Life of Daniel Webster (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1852), 22; Rev. Joseph Banvard, Daniel Webster: His Life and Public Services (Boston: D, Lothrop and Company, 1875) 37.
3 Lanman, Private Life of Daniel Webster (1853), 16; Banvard, Daniel Webster: His Life  (1875), 30, quoting Master Tappan.
4 Lanman, Private Life of Daniel Webster (1853), 15-16; Banvard, Daniel Webster: His Life  (1875), 30-31.
5 Lanman, Private Life of Daniel Webster (1853), 104.
6 G.J. Abbott to a friend, September 12, 1852, George Ticknor Curtis, Life of Daniel Webster (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1870), II:666.
7 Daniel Webster handwritten letter, undated, WallBuilders.
8 Otis A. Skinner, The Death of Daniel Webster. A Sermon, Delivered in the Warren Street Church, Sunday, November 14, 1852 (Boston: A. Tompkins, 1852), 34.
9 H.A. Boardman, D.D., A Discourse on the Life and Character of Daniel Webster (Philadelphia, Joseph M. Wilson, 1852), 57.

Sermon – In Boston – 1814


William Ellery Channing (1780-1842) was the grandson of one of the Newport Sons of Liberty, John Channing. William graduated from Harvard in 1798 and became regent at Harvard in 1801. He was ordained a preacher in 1802 and worked towards the 1816 establishment of the Harvard Divinity School. This sermon was preached by Channing in 1814 in Boston.


sermon-in-boston-1814

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED IN

BOSTON,

SEPTEMBER 18, 1814.

PUBLISHED

AT THE REQUEST OF THE HEARERS.

BY WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING,
Minister of the Church in Federal-Street.

 

In the present state of our country, the author has not felt himself at Liberty to reject the urgency of those, who have requested this discourse for the press. It is always with great reluctance that he addresses the public on political subjects. But the moment has come, when private feelings are to be discarded. A good citizen owes himself to his country, and he will withhold no effort, however feeble, which may purify and elevate public sentiment, or in any manner contribute to public safety.

 

SERMON.
JEREMIAH vi. 8.
Be thou instructed, O Jerusalem, lest my soul depart from thee; lest I make thee desolate.

These words were addressed by God to his ancient people Israel, at a period of great national calamity, when destructive armies were ready to overwhelm Jerusalem, and the whole kingdom was threatened with slaughter and desolation. At this solemn moment God sent his prophets to warn the people of their danger, to call them to reflection and repentance, and to assure them that amendment would secure his favour. I have chosen these words as applicable to our present calamitous situation. “Be thou instructed,” is the language God addresses to this people, “lest I make thee desolate.”

At such a moment as this, when every mind is fixing a fearful attention on the state of the country, it is impossible that a religious instructor should escape participation in the common feeling. His sacred calling does not require him to separate himself from the community, to forget that he is a citizen, to put off the feelings of a man. The religion which he teaches inculcates public spirit, and a strong and tender concern for all by whom he is surrounded. He would be unworthy his sacred function, were he not to love his country, to sympathize with its prosperous and adverse fortunes, and to weep over its falling glory. The religion, which it is his duty to dispense, regards men in all their relations, and affords instructions and motives adapted to every condition whether of individuals or communities. You will not then consider me as leaving the province of a religious teacher, if I speak to you of the dangers, and claims of our country, if I address you as citizens, and attempt to point out your duties at the present solemn period.

The present is indeed a solemn period. The sad reverse which this country exhibits astonishes as well as depresses us. But a few years ago, we stood on the eminence of prosperity. Amidst the storms which desolated nations, we were at peace, and the very storms seemed freighted with blessings for our tranquil shores. Separated by an ocean from Europe, we hoped to escape the whirlpool of her conflicts. Who could have anticipated the change which a few years have made?—And is it indeed true, that from this height we have sunk so low, that our commerce is swept from the ocean, that industry has forsaken our cities, that the husbandman has resigned the ploughshare for the sword, that our confidence is changed into fear, that the tumult of business has given place to the din of arms, that some of our citizens are perishing in foreign prisons, and others shedding their blood on a foreign soil, that hostile fleets scatter terror through our coasts, and flames through our cities, that no man feels secure, that the thought of invasion and slaughter mingles with the labours of the day, and disturbs the slumbers of the night, and that our national government, impoverished, and inefficient, can afford us no protection from such imminent danger? Yes—this is true—we need no reasoning to convince us of its truth. We see it in the anxious countenance, in the departing family, in the care which removes our possessions, in the obstructions and perplexities of business, and in the events which every day brings o our ears. At such a moment, it becomes each man to ask himself what are his duties, what the times demand from him, in what manner he may contribute to the public safety. It is a time for seriousness, for consideration. With prosperity, we should dismiss our levity. The period of duty may to many of us be short indeed. Whilst it continues, let it be improved.

I. The first remark I will make is, that it becomes every man at this solemn moment, to reflect on his own character and life, to enquire what he has done to bring down the judgments of God on his country, to confess and lament his sins, and to resolve on a thorough amendment and sincere obedience of God’s commands. We ought to remember that God is a moral governor. He regards the character of communities as well as of individuals. A nation has reason for fear, in proportion to its guilt; and a virtuous nation, sensible of its dependence on God, and disposed to respect his laws, is assured of his protection. Every people must indeed be influenced in a measure by the general state of the world, by the changes and conflicts of other communities. When the ocean is in tumult, every shore will feel the agitation. But a people faithful to God will never be forsaken. All history and experience teach us, that there is a direct and necessary tendency in national piety and virtue to national safety and exaltation. But this is not all. A virtuous people may expect peculiar interpositions of providence for their defence and prosperity. They may expect that God will direct events with a peculiar reference to their welfare. They are not indeed to anticipate miracles. They are not to imagine, that invading hosts will be annihilated like Sennacherib’s by the arm of an angel. But God, we must remember, can effect his purposes, and preserve the just without a miracle. The hearts of men are in his hand. The elements of nature obey his word. He has winds to scatter the proudest fleet, diseases to prostrate the strongest army. Consider how many events must conspire, how many secret springs must act in concert, to accomplish the purposes of the statesman, or the plans of the warrior. How often have the best concerted schemes been thwarted, the most menacing preparations been defeated, the proud boast of anticipated victory been put to shame, by what we call casualty, by a slight and accidental want of concert, by the error of a chief, or by neglect in subordinate agents. Let God determine the defeat of an enemy and we need not fear that means will be wanting. He sends terror, or blindness, or mad presumption into the minds of leaders. Heaven, earth, and sea, are arrayed to oppose their progress. An unconquerable spirit is breathed into the invaded; and the dreaded foe seeks his safety in dishonourable flight.

My friends, if God be for us, no matter who is against us. Mere power ought not to intimidate us; HE can crush it in a moment. We live in a period when God’s supremacy has been remarkably evinced, when he has signally confounded the powerful and delivered the oppressed and endangered. At his word, the forged chain has been broken; mighty armies have been dispersed as chaff before the whirlwind; colossal thrones have been shivered like the brittle clay. God is still “wonderful in counsel and excellent in working;” and if HE wills to deliver us, we cannot be subdued. It is then most important that we seek God’s favour. And how is his favour to be obtained? I repeat it—God is a holy being, the friend of the righteous, the enemy of the wicked; and in proportion as piety, uprightness, temperance and Christian virtue prevail among us, in that proportion we are assured of his favour and protection. A virtuous people, fighting in defence of their altars and firesides, may look to God with confidence. An invisible, but almighty arm surrounds them, an impenetrable shield is their shadow and defence.

My friends, how far have we sustained the character of a pious and virtuous people? It may be true, that, compared with other nations our morals are in a measure pure. But other nations are not the standard by which we are to be judged. We are descended from ancestors of singular piety, who have transmitted to us principles of conduct, institutions and habits, peculiarly favourable to individual and national virtue. God has placed us at a distance from the corruptions of older countries, and has warned us by their woes. He has also signally prospered and enriched us, and crowned us with blessings. Never did a nation enjoy more abundant means of instruction, or more powerful motives to gratitude and obedience; and can we hope that we have exhibited that purity of manners, that regard to God’s word, that justice, that charity which our privileges and blessings demand? It is hoped that we have many righteous, many Christians. But have not our sins multiplied with our blessings? Does not every heart feel, that we deserve the judgments we suffer? Let us seek by repentance and amendment to avert the judgments we fear. To all of us, and especially to the profligate, the licentious, unjust, and irreligious, this day of rebuke calls loudly for consideration, for penitent confession, and for sincere purposes of future obedience to the divine commands.

II. Having recommended penitence in general assuited to the present moment, let me particularly recommend one branch of piety which the times demand of us. Let us each be instant and fervent in prayer. Let us pray to God, that he will not forsake us in this dark and menacing day; that he will remember the mercy shown to our fathers; that he will crown with success our efforts in defence of our possessions, our dwellings, and our temples; that he will breathe an invincible courage into our soldiers; that he will guard and guide our rulers; that he will turn the invader from our shores; or, if he shall otherwise appoint, that he will be our shield in battle, and will send us deliverance. For these blessings let us daily besiege the mercy seat of God, deeply convinced that he controls the destinies of armies and nations, that he gives or withholds success, and that without him all exertion is unavailing, and all hope will sink into despair. By this, it is not intended that we are to do nothing but pray; that we are to leave our shores without defence, or neglect any means of security. God gives us powers that we should exert them, weapons that we should wield them. We are to employ every resource which he grants us; but, having done this, we must remember that on God, not on ourselves, depends the result of our exertions. The race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. God gives victory, and to him let every eye and heart be directed. You who have no other weapons, contend with your prayers for your country. It will not be imagined from these remarks, that by importunity of prayer God can be bent to favour an unjust cause. But when our cause is just; when, instead of waging offensive war, we gather round our city and shores for defence, we may be assured that sincere prayer, united with sincere purposes of obedience, will not be lost. Prayer is a proper and appointed acknowledgement of our dependence, an essential means and branch of piety; and they who neglect it have no reason to hope the protection, which they will not implore. Let us then take heed, lest the tumult of military preparation make us forgetful of the Author of all good, lest in colleting armies and raising walls of defence we forsake the footstool of the Almighty, the only giver of victory.

III. This is a time when we should all bring clearly and strongly to our minds our duties to our country, and should cherish a strong and ardent attachment to the public good. The claims of country have been felt and obeyed even in the rudest ages of society. The community to which we belong is commended by our very nature to our affection and service. Christianity, in enjoining a disinterested and benevolent spirit, admits and sanctions this sentiment of nature, this attachment to the land of our fathers, the land of our nativity. It only demands, that our patriotism be purified from every mixture of injustice towards foreign nations. Within this limit we cannot too ardently attach ourselves to the welfare of our country. Especially in its perils, we should fly to its rescue with filial zeal and affection, resolved to partake its sufferings, and prepared to die in its defence. The present moment, my friends, calls on us for this fervor of patriotism. The question now is—not whether we will carry invasion, slaughter, and desolation into an unoffending province—not whether we will give our strength and wealth to the prosecution of unprincipled plans of conquest—but whether we will defend our firesides and altars—whether we will repel from our shores an hostile army. On this question our duty is clear. However unjustifiable may have been the measures by which we have been reduced to this mournful extremity, our right to our soil and our possessions remains unimpaired; the right of defence can never be wrested from us; and never, whilst God gives means of resistance, ought we to resign our country to the clemency of a foe. Our duties as patriots and Christians are clear. Whilst we disclaim all share in the guilt of that war which is bursting on our shores, we should resolve, that we will be true to ourselves, to our fathers, and to posterity—that we will maintain the inheritance we have received—that whilst God gives us power we will not receive law as a conquered people.

We should animate our patriotism at this moment of danger, by reflecting that we have a country to contend for which deserves every effort and sacrifice. As members of this Commonwealth in particular, we have every motive to invigorate our hearts and hands. We have the deeds of our fathers, their piety and virtues, and their solicitude for the rights and happiness of their posterity, to awaken our emulation. How invaluable the inheritance they have left us, earned by their toils and defended by their blood! Our populous cities and cultivated fields, our schools, colleges and churches, our equal laws, our corrupted tribunals of justice, our spirit of enterprise, and our habits of order and peace, all combine to form a commonwealth as rich in blessings and privileges as the history of the world records. We possess too the chief glory of a state, many virtuous and disinterested citizens, a chief magistrate who would adorn any country and any age, enlightened statesmen, and, I trust, a fearless soldiery. Such a community deserves our affection, our honour, our zeal, the vigour of our arms, and the devotion of our lives. If we look back to Sparta, Athens, and Rome, we shall find that in the institutions of this Commonwealth, we have sources of incomparably richer blessings, than those republics conferred on their citizens in their proudest days; and yet Sparta, and Rome, and Athens inspired a love stronger than death. In the day of their danger, every citizen offered his breast as a bulwark—every citizen felt himself the property of his country. This elevating sentiment seemed to communicate to them a more than human power, and the men who bled at Thermopylae hardly appear to possess the weaknesses of our nature. It is true, a base alloy mingled with the patriotism of ancient times, and God forbid that a sentiment so impure should burn in our breasts. God forbid, that like the Greek and the Roman, we should carry fire and slaughter into other countries, to build up a false fleeting glory at home. But whilst we take warning by their excesses, let us catch a portion of their fervor, and learn to live not for ourselves, but for that country, whose honour and interests God has entrusted to our care.

IV. The times especially demand of us that we cherish a spirit of fortitude, courage and resolution. The period of danger is the time to arm the mind with all the force and energy it can attain. In communities s in individuals there is a proneness to excessive fear. Especially when untried, inexperienced dangers approach, imagination is prone to enlarge them; a panic spreads like lightning from breast to breast; and before a blow is struck, a people are subdued by their fears. There is a rational fear, which we ought to cherish, a fear which views in all its dimensions approaching peril, and prepares with vigilance every means of defence. At the present moment we ought not to shut our eyes on our danger. Our enemy is formidable. A veteran army, trained to war, accustomed to success, fresh from conquest, and led by experienced commanders, is not to be despised, even if inferior in numbers, and even if it have received a temporary check. But such an army owes much of its formidableness to the fearless spirit which habit has fostered; and the best weapon under Providence which we can oppose to it is the same courage, nurtured by reflection, by sentiments of honour, and by the principles of religion. Courage indeed is not always invincible and when God destines a nation to bondage the valour of the hero is unavailing. But it is generally true, that a brae people, contending in a just cause, possess in their courage the pledge of success. The instrument by which God rescues nations is their own undaunted resolution. Let us then cherish in ourselves and others, a firm and heroic spirit, a superiority to fear, a settled purpose to front every danger in the cause of our country. Let us fortify our minds, by reflecting on the justice of our cause, that we are standing on our own shores, and defending invaded rights. Let us remember what we owe to ourselves and to the honour of this commonwealth. Let us show that our love of peace has not originated in timidity, and that the spirit of our fathers still lives in their sons. Let us call to the support of our resolution the principles of religion. Devoting ourselves to God, and engaging in this warfare from a sense of duty, let us feel that we are under HIS protection, that in the heat of battle he is near us, that life and death await his word, and that death in a service which he approves is never untimely and is never to be shunned. Let us consider that life at best is short, and its blessings transitory, that its great end is to train us to virtue and to prepare us for heaven, and that we had far better resign it at once than protract it by baseness of spirit or unmanly fear. Death awaits us all, and happy he who meets it in the discharge of duty. Most happy and most honoured of men is the martyr to religion, who seals with his blood those truths, on which human virtue, consolation and hope, depend—and next to him, happy is the martyr to the cause of his country, who, in obedience to God, opposes his breast to the sword of her invaders, and repays with life the protection she has afforded.

V. I have thus, my friends, set before you your duties to God and your country in this period of danger. Let me close with offering a few remarks on your duties to your enemies. You will remember that we profess a religion, which enjoins benevolence towards all mankind, even towards our personal and national foes. Let not our patriotism be sullied with malignant passions. Whilst we defend our shores with courage, let us not cherish hatred towards our invaders. We should not open our ear to every idle tale of their outrages, nor heap calumnies on their heads because they are enemies. The brave are generous. True courage needs not malignity to feed and inflame it. Especially when our foe is an illustrious nation, which for ages has defended and nurtured the interests of religion, science, and humanity; a nation to which grateful Europe is now offering acknowledgements for the protection she has extended over the oppressed, and for the vigor with which she has cooperated in prostrating the bloody and appalling power of the usurper; when such a nation is our foe, we should feel it unworthy and debasing to encourage a rancorous and vindictive spirit. True, she is sending her armies to our shores; but let us not forget, that our own government first sent slaughter and conflagration into her unoffending provinces. True, she is not in haste to give us peace; but let us remember, that our own government rejected her offer to suspend the havoc of war, at the very moment when we knew that the principal ground of hostilities was removed. Let not approaching danger disturb our recollections, or unsettle our principles. If we are to meet her armies in battle, which God in his mercy forbid, let us meet them with that magnanimity, which is candid and just even to its foes. Let us fight, not like beasts of prey to glut revenge, but to maintain our rights, to obtain an honourable peace, and to obtain a victory which shall be signalized by our clemency as well as by our valour. God forbid, that our conflicts should add fury to those bad passions and national antipathies, which have helped to bring this country to its present degraded and endangered condition.

My friends, I have placed before you your duties. God give you grace to perform them. In this day of danger, we know not what is before us; but this we know, that the path of piety, of virtue, of patriotism, and of manly courage, will lead us to glory and to immortality. No enemy can finally injure us, if we are faithful to God, to our country, to mankind. In such a cause as ours, I trust, prosperity and victory will be granted us by the almighty Disposer. But whether success or disaster await us, we know that the world is passing away, and that all of us will soon be placed beyond the reach of its changes. Let us not then be elated or depressed; but with a firm and equal mind, let us acquit ourselves as men and Christians in our several spheres, looking upward to heaven as our rest and reward.

Sermon – Fasting – 1814, Massachusetts


Elijah Parish (1762-1825) graduated from Dartmouth in 1785. He was the pastor of a church in Byfield, MA (1787-1825). This sermon was preached by Parish on the fast day of April 7, 1814.


sermon-fasting-1814-massachusetts

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED

AT BYFIELD,

ON

THE PUBLIC FAST,

APRIL 7, 1814

BY ELIJAH PARISH, D.D.

A DISCOURSE, &c.

EXODUS 5. 17, 18.

BUT HE SAID, YE ARE IDLE YE ARE IDLE; THEREFORE YE SAY, LET US GO AND
DO SACRIFICE TO THE LORD.
GO THEREFORE NOW, AND WORK: FOR THERE SHALL NO STRAW BE GIVEN
YOU, YET SHALL YE DELIVER THE TALE OF BRICKS.

That evil exists in the world, requires no proof. That tyranny and despotism are not among the smallest evils, which afflict the family of man, will be generally allowed; yet from the days of Nimrod to Napoleon, the earth has trembled under the iron foot of her tyrants. Their swords devour more than the pestilence; streams of blood follow their course; the sighs of the nations, and the tears of the world, are extorted chiefly by their oppression. The greater part of the windows, and the orphans, and the poor, and the miserable, and the dying, execrate them as the authors of their woes. Nor is this ferocious despotism peculiar to one form of government; whatever government is worst administered is worst. The Republics of Rome and Venice, and perhaps another, which alone exists, have been as oppressive as the despotism of Turkey, of Persia, or Japan.

Nor is it the least among the proofs of a divine superintendency, that great “good is often educed” from these political evils. Had not the barbarous despotism of Egypt extorted tears of blood and sighs of desperation, from the posterity of Jacob, they might possibly, till this day, have been the slaves of her servile princes, the vassals of her imported Mamelukes, repairing the cities, which their fathers built, plowing the fields, manured with their fathers’ bones. The sons of Israel were passionately attached to their union with this ancient Dominion. They and their fathers had been in the country about two hundred years. 1 They no longer had any predilection for the country of their forefathers nativity; they preferred the turbid Nile, to all the waters of Canaan; the plains of Egypt, to all the hills of Judea. So rooted were their attachments to their present connection, notwithstanding their oppressions, that Moses, who knew them well, so despaired of rousing them to demand their independence, that he said, “They will not hearken to my voice.” So it happened. After he had called on them, to redress their grievances themselves, instead of writing petitions; to act, instead of making melancholy faces; they met him, and said, “Ye have made our name to be abhorred;” “ye have put a sword in their hands to slay us.” You frighten us, and you will ruin us, by your bold preachments. “So they hearkened not unto Moses, for anguish of spirit and for cruel bondage. The political measures, which Moses urged, appeared rash and violent. Moderation was the popular doctrine; it therefore, became necessary that God in His providence should afflict, and distress, and ruin them, by the abominable measures of their government, to render them willing to adopt suitable measures for their own advantage.

To mention some of Israel’s oppressions, noticing any points of resemblance in our own country, which may happen to occur, and suggesting some happy results of those oppressions, is the present design.

I. I am to mention some of Israel’s woes.

1. The exactions and hard services of the government were among the evils endured by Israel. They were compelled to build the cities of Pithom and Raamses, to which it is thought, have succeeded Damietta and Cairo; They were probably compelled to raise the pyramids, those stupendous wonders of the world. These grievous hardships wore out their strength, exhausted their patience, and blasted their hopes. Exod. 5. 11. 13, 14. Their labours were, as various, as they were oppressive. The object of their tyrants was, not merely to enrich or aggrandize themselves; but to discourage and break down the spirits of Israel, to change the state of society, to bend their sturdy minds, to new modes of employment. Therefore, they made them serve in mortar, and brick, and in the field. New manufactures were, probably, established; or old ones extended. In the fields they might dig canals from the river, or carry out manure, while the pyramids demanded the greater part of their time. These, though externally, coated with stone, are partly of brick, just such brick, as the Israelites made, having straw or stubble, incorporated with the clay. Accordingly history informs us, that Sesostris, whom a learned writer 2 supposes to be the Pharaoh of scripture, caused it to be inscribed on all his great works. “No native Egyptian labored on this.” If strangers performed these labours, who so probably as the enslaved Israelites? Taskmasters were set over them; princes of burdens, it may be rendered. The laws were unjust; the manner of executing them was barbarous. Josephus says that his countrymen were forced to dig canals, to raise walls, to build the pyramids, and finally, that they were forced to learn all sorts of mechanic arts. It is therefore, an old scheme of cunning Tyrants, to drive their people from commerce and agriculture, to engage them in manufactures. This enfeebles their powers of body and mind, and makes them fit for slaves, and tools of despots. Therefore, the daring sons of Abram were no longer permitted to sail on the “Great Sea” to “the mart of nations, whose merchants were princes.” They were not allowed to navigate the Red Sea; nor to bring spices and all precious things from the East.

I do not pretend to discover any likeness between the Pharaohs of Egypt, and the Presidents of America. If all intelligent hearers perceive a surprising resemblance, between their laws and measures, I pray you to remember that Pharaoh was raised up to afflict, to punish, and ruin his wicked country; our rulers are chosen, and approved by the people. They are, therefore, pronounced honorable men. Would any people choose Pharaohs to crush and ruin their best hopes?

2. Another grievance of Israel was, their hopes of domestic felicity were blasted; their sons were torn from them. This order of the Egyptian government argues, that they had lost all the sentiments of humanity, that they sported with the rights of their subjects, that they must have been the terror of the people and the scourges of God.

“But why is this introduced? Has anything resembling this taken place in this Christian country, of chosen Rulers? Has any little Moses been heard weeping on the river?”—Ye, who make these enquiries are abundantly able to return the answer. Concerning two unprincipled and profligate laws, judge ye, which is the most infamous and abominable. With the balance of truth and candor in your hands, say then, which is the most horrible law, that which consigns an infant offspring to the tomb; or that which declares an offensive war, against a whole nation, which involves all the people of your own country in the guilt and calamities of war; which drafts your sons by thousands and hundreds of thousands, to march against a friendly province, commanding them to murder and destroy, and probably to be slain or perish themselves? Which law is most terrible, that which puts in jeopardy a part of the infants in one nation; or that, which puts in jeopardy all the people of two nations, which lets loose the sword and conflagration, with their attendant evils, famine, terror and pestilence in two countries?

It is conjectured by the learned 3 that the law of Pharaoh, against the male infants of Israel, did not take place, till after the birth of Aaron, and was repealed soon after the birth of Moses; or else 80 years after, the males could not have amounted to 600,000 able men. It is also the united opinion of Commentators and of the learned in general, that this edict was repealed at the death of the king, who first published it, which they suppose happened 4 years after the birth of Moses, and that it never was executed to any great extent. This is made certain by the scripture history; the agents appointed to execute the law were rebuked for their neglect, and God rewarded them for disobeying the wicked law. The law perhaps was originally restricted to the vicinity of the court; and therefore, only two midwives were sufficient to execute the law. This demonstrates, that the law extended only to a very small district. But our Rulers have given commission, not to two women, two feeble women, but to the whole veteran armies of Britain, with their navy of a thousand ships, to murder, burn and destroy New England. A thousand times as many sons of America have probably fallen victims of this ungodly war, as perished in Israel by the edict of Pharaoh. Still the war is only beginning; if ten thousand have fallen, ten thousand times ten thousand may fall. Say then ye, who are wise; ye, who are considerate, whose calamities have been the most terrible, the sons of Jacob, or the sons of America? Whose Rulers have been most greedy of blood? Which people have had most cause to adopt measures of relief?

3. The petitions of Israel, and their manly remonstrances, were treated with neglect; they produced no effect, but to multiply their vexations and burdens.

“Then the officers of Israel cried to Pharaoh; Wherefore dealest thou thus with thy servants; ye say to us, make brick; behold thy servants are beaten; but the fault is in thine own people. (But he said,) ye are idle, ye are idle, Go, therefore now and work; for no straw shall be given you; yet ye shall deliver the tale of brick;” and the officers of Israel did see, that they were in an evil case; after it was said, “ye shall not minish aught from your bricks of your daily tasks.” “They did see that they were in an evil case.” This required no wizard eyes, long before; yet they could reproach Moses, for attempting their emancipation.

Unhappy Israel, had thy father Jacob anticipated such a result; had he forseen these miseries of his posterity, had he seen your ignominious, servile endurance, would he have left his native country? Would he have united his interest with Egypt? Would he not rather have starved in Canaan? The petitions had been respectful and pathetic; yet they provoke increasing vengeance; they pull down increasing calamities. At first they only excluded them from their usual occupations, requiring them to build one or two cities for the NATION, for the public good. Then they made them serve with rigor, in mortar and brick rearing those lofty tombs of their kings, or temples of their gods. Then they sent them into their fields to dig ditches. Then they made war upon their sons; and last of all, deprived them of straw, with-held their means; yet would not lessen the demands of government. Such is the process of despotism; she begins with little; like the grave, she takes all. Was ever a savage yell more terrible, than a tyrant’s voice? “Let the people gather straw where they can find it;” so the people were scattered through the land. Those who had been shepherds, learned to burn brick; the sailors joined the army; the merchants went to build cities; others dug clay. These were the fruits of their petitions. Such is always the fruit of petitions to a mercenary, venal government. They are a society organized for mischief. “To abandon usurped power, to renounce lucrative error, are sacrifices, which the virtue of individuals has on some occasions, offered to truth; but from any society of men no such effect can be expected. The corruptions of a society, recommended by common utility and justified by universal practice, are viewed by its members without shame or horror; and reformation never proceeds from themselves; but is always forced upon them by some foreign hand.” 4 You may as well expect the cataract of Niagara to turn its current to the head of Superior, and rush over the western mountains, as a wicked Congress to make a pause in the work of destroying their country, while the people will furnish the means. Not their petitions; but their march to Canaan, relieved the woes of Israel, and instantly stopped the work on the last pyramid, which has not been finished to this day.

With what puerile simplicity, then is it asked. “Will not the peace in Europe, or the dastardly conduct of our armies, give us peace?” No. Our disasters are a part of the original scheme. It was never intended, nor wished, that the Canadas should be subdued. Look at your officers; look at your soldiers, the clippings and parings, and refuse of humanity. Was it ever expected that these miserable beings would make conquests? Ye would as soon expect an army of caterpillars to mow down your forests. What is the peace of Europe to your Rulers? Should the English now be at liberty to send all her armies, and all her ships to America, and in one day burn every city from Maine to Georgia, your condescending Rulers would play on their harps, while they gazed at the tremendous conflagration. They would make this a new argument to carry on the war with new alacrity.

No peace will ever be made, till the people say, “There shall be no war.” If the rich men continue to furnish money, the miseries of war will continue till the mountains are melted with blood; till every field of America is white with the bones of the people. 5 Equally childish are your hopes from the effect of your petitions. Let the towns and the Counties and the States, continue to petition and petition, till all the paper in the land is consumed, it will not alter one vote in Congress. For years the wagons of government have groaned with your petitions, and remonstrance’s, and supplications. The tables of Congress have shuddered , under the woes of New England. Thousands and thousands, and tens of thousands of the independent merchants, and farmers, and other people, who had never before asked petition of any man, have humbly bowed before the national government, have humbly recounted their miseries, have humbly suggested the easy mode of relief, have anxiously implored relief, with a pathos, which might have moved the cold ear of Death. What has been the effect? Precisely the same, as at the court of Pharaoh. Tyrants are the same on the banks of the Nile and the Potomac, at Memphis and at Washington, in a monarchy and a republic. Petitions are the means, and the hope of children. As well may the solitary pilgrim in the desert of Sahara petition a horde of wild Arabs, not to plunder his bread and his water, as the sons of the pilgrims petition their masters of the South. As well may the shrieking vessel petition the howling winds not to drive her on the rock of the billows; as well may the terrified inhabitants of the Canadas implore the Christian barbarians of the South, not to burn their fair villages, their pleasant homes, and their temples. Happily the day of petitions has passed away.

A principal effect of all your petitions has been to convince you, that your first sufferings were light. They were a serpentine rivulet; they now are a mighty river. If ye were then vexed to madness, what will ye do in these swellings of Jordan? Non-importations, and restrictions have been added to non-importations and restrictions; open war has been added to secret machinations, and ye have approached the highest point in the tremendous climax of human despotism. Without a license, the boat of the fisherman, the more humble canoe of the hermit, may not leave the cavern of his rock, to seek his daily support.

But these restrictions are, or will be repealed.”—Undoubtedly. Who does not know this, as certainly as that your oppressors have cunning and treachery? Were they to persevere, they, and their laws, and restrictions, would be cast to the moles and the bats. They will, therefore, suspend, and they will alter, and they will change the mode of despotism; yet all is despotism still. The very relief shows the barbarism of their system. They now tell the farmer, he may drive his team, and not be assaulted; the fisherman, that he may row his boat, and not be sunk by their artillery; the traveller, that his trunk is now free from search; the bride, that she may convey her choicest furniture to her home, it shall not be broken by the axe of their strolling officers; that all may sleep, and not be alarmed, by the midnight ghosts of administration.” What is this, but saying, “We claim the RIGHT of taking away these comforts; we justify our late barbarous laws, which subjugated you to these vexations. These shall overwhelm you again, like the tide of the ocean, when it shall be our sovereign pleasure.” 6

The government have opened their Pandora’s box, and every plague, which comes forth, is more terrible than his fellow. What may next appear, from their lake of miseries, scares the imagination to conjecture. Will martial law be proclaimed through the land? Will a conscription like that of France take place, as has been threatened? Will gangs of hired assassins, called soldiers, patrol your streets, rouse you from your midnight slumbers, burst open your doors, abuse, and wound, and scourge, and terrify your families? These things have already been done without law.

Deliver us, oh ye Rulers, of a submissive and dispirited people; deliver us from this dreadful uncertainty. Give us a law, though written in blood, though written by the finger of despotism, that we may know when to open our houses to midnight prowlers of the government, when to be silent under the point of their bayonets, when to open our bosoms to the daggers of a ferocious soldiery, that we may hear the cheering voice of tyranny, saying, “Hitherto I will come, and no further.” Though this law should command us to submit to grossest indignities, to fall down before the petty tyrants, who are the golden images of the administration, or to admit them to enter our bed chambers, like the frogs of Egypt, we shall submit; we have submitted. That we can endure despotism with as much meekness and silence, as the slaves of the grand Seignior, has been demonstrated by a long course of experiments. His subjects believe, that insult and death from his hand, is a privilege, is martyrdom. They covet the favor, as a title to immortal felicity. How many of our country now glory in the infamy and misery of aiding the government, in those very measures, which are not only destroying the country, but depriving themselves, and their families of employment, of property, and of bread! Some have thus demolished large estates. Like Sampson they have willfully pulled destruction on their own heads. We have seen an opulent merchant persevere in this mad infatuation, till he has petitioned the town; yes, till he has petitioned the town for the base privilege of a pauper. The base privilege has been granted him. Thus, like the worshippers of Moloch, the supporters of a vile administration, sacrifice their children and families on the altar of democracy. Like the widows of Hindoostan, they consume themselves; like the frantic votaries of Juggernaut, they throw themselves under the car of their political idol; they are crushed by its bloody wheels.

Vexation upon vexation, misery upon misery, infamy upon infamy, have resulted from your petitions to the government. At first they interdicted certain articles of commerce, from certain countries; then they interdicted all foreign commerce. Your petitions were like clouds wafted to Washington by every wind; like clouds they produced nothing, but a more dismal storm, a more frightful prospect. An offensive war was openly declared. Again petitions persecuted the palace; all commerce was interdicted, or every boat, and wagon, and trunk of a solitary traveller, was subjected to search and plunder. This law is now executed by brutal soldiers, sword in hand. Not only your ships, but your boats, your teams, and yourselves, as to any object of traffic, unless you will expose yourselves, to the artillery of government, are chained, as fast as the slaves of Algiers. The full viols of despotism are poured on your heads; and yet you may challenge the plodding Israelite, the stupid African, the feeble Chinese, the drowsy Turk, or the frozen exile of Siberia, to equal you in tame submission to the powers, which be.

Forgive me, forgive me, my friends, though I thus speak, it is not the language of reproach. Your obedience to law is your merit, your glory. Your patience is not the patience of fear; your gentleness is not the torpor of insensibility; your silence is not weakness; it is not cowardice, NO. Your patience is magnanimity; your silence is conscious strength; your obedience is moral habit, is religious principle, supported by religious ordinances. These principles and ordinances, though they are the scorn of your oppressors, have saved their laws from contempt, their officers from deserved violence; their whole system from insult and outrage. They, with their imported Secretaries and patriots, raised an insurrection, rather than pay a tax on their intemperance; the sons of the pilgrims pay a tax for their bread; yes, thousands and thousands yield up their bread, and their common means of support with manly silence; but there is a point; there is an hour, beyond which,——you will not bear——

II. We were to suggest some of the advantages, which resulted to Israel from these immense oppressions of their government.

Their separation from the Ancient Dominion, who had oppressed them, was the great, the grand result of their political miseries. In this event were involved blessings, too great to be described, blessings too numerous to be named. By this, they were freed from their former bondage. They bid farewell to the brick kilns and ditches of Egypt. Their merchants never again raised the walls of her cities, nor grew dizzy on the top of their towering pyramids. But here for once the parallel fails. The people of New England cannot separate themselves from the country of their oppressors. The Atlantic will not open us a passage; no Canaan flows with milk and honey for us. If we leave our fields, and towns, and temples, looking to the west, though no Anakims appear on the mountains, nor are their cities walled up to heave, nor have we heard the fame of their valor; yet do we not behold the sons of violence and rapine? In their neighborly quarrels, are not “their hair and beard clotted stiff with gore,” Do you not hear their dismal howlings for blood, more blood? Will the sons of New-England give up their traffic, and their homes, to dwell with the ferocious hordes of Kentucky and the West. NO. Here we must trample on the mandates of despotism; or here we must remain slaves forever. But, I may specify a few happy effects of Israel’s sufferings. Possibly some future Columbus, on a voyage of political discovery, may devise some means of making our miseries produce permanent blessings. Some political galvanism, yet to be discovered, may heal the infectious pestilence, which is wasting the vitals of the Commonwealth.

1. The oppressions of Israel introduced a better government, better adapted to their character.

They had endured a perpetual conflict with their superiors in power. Their collision of interests had become intolerable to the sons of Jacob. What gave wealth and ease to their oppressors, ruined them. These sections of the community had been like two dark and furious clouds, ascending the hemisphere. In their union, they disgorge their thunders, and shake the world; but Israel was the sufferer, the tributary, a mere attendant, bearing the burdens of the government, while denied the blessings. Her sons no longer sailed on the great sea, nor on the Red Sea; but were deafened by the eternal rattle of her dismal manufactures. These measures of government were as fatal to the prosperity of Israel, as were the ten plagues to Egypt. Israel had submitted to the unlimited control of Pharaoh, a proud infidel, a despiser of religion, a profane scoffer at divine things. He neither knew, nor cared whether there were one God, or twenty Gods; but when Israel separated, Jehovah became their Legislator and King. They had been vexed and scourged by petty tyrants, tools of government; now they were under the pious guidance of Moses and Aaron. “Their nobles were from themselves, and their governors proceeded from the midst of them.” They had been the creatures, and tools, and engines of a government, in confederacy against God and his cause; they now combined all their power and resources to exalt their Savior; They persevered in the great design, till they had passed the wilderness of Arabia; till they had crossed the channel of the Jordan; till they had subdued their enemies; till they had reared the temple on mount Zion; till their millions had covered the hills of Canaan; till their laws, their customs, and their religion, were established from the banks of Euphrates to the river of Egypt. Such were the fruits of their miseries and vexations in Egypt. It was necessary, that they should sigh under the rod of oppression, to wake them from their political lethargy, to dispel their prejudices in favor of the union, under which their fathers had enjoyed repose and prosperity, to provoke them to seek a better government; to inflame them to noble darings, in bursting the bonds of oppression; in dissolving their connection with the merciless slave holders of the country. Well might they sing; “Partial evil is universal good.” But alas, we have no Moses to stretch his rod over the sea.****No Lebanon, nor Carmel, nor Zion, invites us across the deep.***

2. Another immense advantage, to Israel from dissolving their union with Egypt, was an escape from the fatal contagion of infidel examples.

Though the body of the Israelites might have but little connection with the body of the Egyptians, still there must have been a constant intercourse, dangerous to all, and fatal to many. The nature of the case, and subsequent events, in their zeal for Egyptian idolatry, demonstrate all this. Though, not as judges, and legislators, and advocates, many persons must have been at the court of Pharaoh, if it were only to bear the sighs and tears of the people, before the throne of their tyrant. Here they must witness a thousand instances of impiety; they must see the first man in the nation neglect all the forms of religion. They must be tempted with bribes, and a thousand nameless enchantments of an opulent court. Returning home, these men would bring pestilence and death to the tribes of Israel. Some of the most unprincipled and profligate supporters of the administration would be appointed collectors of the revenue. These would poison the country with the spirit and vices of infidelity.—–Many of the laws breathed oppression, and provoked to crimes. By these and other means, wicked examples were greatly multiplied. Roused by the vexations, they endured, their chains fell off, and they escaped this danger of irreligious examples; they separated themselves from this land of mischief and crimes.

Though it is a law of your nature, that the general spirit of the community be transmitted to the distant members; though distinguished individuals, diffuse their spirit, however base, in the community around them, I certainly do not present the fact as matter of information, that a black cloud of infidelity hangs over the south. It cannot be criminal in one to mention what is publicly known to all. If the late President, the sage of Monticello, proud of his infidelity, has employed Printers to publish his contempt for the writings of Moses; if he has pronounced the universal deluge an impossibility; if his successor has given the whole nation every possible reason, except his public avowal, to believe that his deism is, as fixed as the ice of the poles; if his profanations of the Sabbath, if his common, his habitual, his notorious neglect of public worship, are, as complete evidence, as the most candid confessions, that he has no part nor lot in Him, who was crucified on Calvary, and rose from the tomb of Joseph, is it strange, that a swarm of scoffing infidels should darken the country, where these exalted personages reside? The approach of that region to paganism may be inferred from the riot of their Sabbaths, from their falling temples, the small numbers of their churches, and the smaller number of their Pastors. Do you not fear that this virulent impiety will by degrees be extended to all sections of the country, which are under the same government, and swayed by the fatal policy of the same men?

Those, who are in the least acquainted with history, sacred or profane, well know, that the irreligious character of Rulers, like the atmosphere of Java, carries poison and death through the land.

Here again you may envy the privilege of Israel, and mourn that no land of Canaan has been promised to your ancestors. You cannot separate from that mass of corruption, which would poison the atmosphere of Paradise; you must in obstinate despair bow your necks to the yoke, and with your African brethren drag the chains of Virginia despotism, unless you discover some other mode of escape.

3. Israel’s woes in Egypt terminated in giving them the fruit of their own labors. This was a powerful motive for them to dissolve their connection with the Ancient Dominion. Though their fathers had found their union with Egypt pleasant and profitable; though they had been the most opulent section in Egypt; yet since the change of the administration, their schemes had been reversed; their employments changed; their prosperity destroyed; their vexations increased, beyond all sufferance. They were tortured to madness, in seeing the fruit of their labors torn from them, to support a profligate administration. Instead of laying up corn, and silver, and gold, as once they did, they were no longer their own masters. With the money, which they earned, they were not permitted to pay their own debts; but the debts of the ancient dominion. After they had paid the debts of others, they were still in debt themselves. If they paid money, sufficient to build navies, and construct roads, and other great works, these were not for themselves; but for their lordly tyrants, or the money was wasted by bankrupt officers, before it reached the treasury, and often devoted to projects of folly and mischief. If they were compelled to pay taxes, to build forts and support armies, neither the forts, nor the armies were for their defense. They became discouraged; they were perplexed. Moses and others exhorted them not to despair, and assured them that one mode of relief would prove effectual. Timid, trembling, alarmed, they hardly dared to make the experiment. Finally; they dissolved the union; they marched; the Sea opened; Jordan stopped his current; Canaan received their triumphant banners; the trees of the field clapped their hands; the hills broke forth into songs of joy; they feasted on the fruit of their own labors. Such success awaits a resolute and pious people.

Is there any thing? Whereof it may be said “See, this is new? It hath been already of old time. Say then, ye who are best acquainted with the state of the country, is a course of abominable oppression, not unlike that of Egypt, bearing down New-England, and tearing from her mouth the fruits of her own labors? In the Southern States, are costly roads made? Are post offices supported? Are fortifications erected? Are armies paid? Are princely salaries enjoyed? Are palaces reared in royal splendor, from monies, chiefly paid in these commercial States?

Enquire, examine whether of the national expenditure for twenty years, the proportion of Virginia, according to her population and representation in Congress, be not more than thirty one millions, while she actually paid only thirteen millions, exonerating herself at once of eighteen millions. On the other hand, the proportion of this Commonwealth was twenty millions; but such were the taxes on your laborious industry, that instead of 20, you actually paid more than forty millions. 7 Again in the year 1791, the proportion of the public debt, belonging to Virginia was nearly eleven millions. The income of her revenue since that time, so far from paying any part of the principal would have fallen short of discharging the interest, by almost thirteen millions; but by sharing the revenue from your labors and dangers, all this interest has been paid for her, with nearly half her principal, making a profit to her of eighteen millions. Massachusetts has sacrificed these immense portions of her labors, for the privilege of belonging to the UNION; for the privilege of embargoes, and war, and all the privations and miseries, which she has endured. Had Massachusetts only received the fruit of her own toils, her fortifications and other means of defense might have been rendered formidable; and she might have built from twenty to thirty ships of the line. What a glorious union for Virginia! You have saved her from bankruptcy; you have built her fortifications, maintained her armies, paid her expences of government. Have you learned to sympathize with her imported slaves? Your labors go into the same purse; you virtually support the same masters; you generously lend your help to those miserable beings, who blacken their fields; you help them in paying for those luxuries, those costly mansions; those splendid equipages, and those prancing chariots, which you never saw. Is not all this right? You are healthy and vigorous; they are feeble and delicate. You are poor, or in moderate circumstances; they are rich in lands and slaves. You are compelled to labor hard, to submit to frugality, and endure a thousand privations; they move in splendor, and riot in voluptuous pleasures. You toil in a cold, and barren country; they enjoy a delicious climate, and a richer soil. Is it not pleasant to obey such lords, to minister to the pleasures of such a happy race? What a blessing is a Union with such delightful masters! No wonder, if every man in New-England preaches in favor of the Union! Resume your labors then; to pay their expences, hew down your forests; drag your masts from the snowy mountains; launch into the ocean; buffet the storms……………. “Is the preacher distracted? If a spy of government be present, we may all be accused of treason.” If you pass yonder Cape, you may probably never return; the boats of government are more fatal than all the cruisers of the ocean.

The Israelites were compelled not only to labor; but to labor, as their masters commanded, in mortar and manufactures; so must you. Go not then to the water’s edge; go not to the East; go not to the West; go not to the North; this is “towards the enemy.” Hasten, hasten, home; purchase you a wheel, a distaff, and a spindle, and wool, and flax, and spin with thy maidens. If death be more desirable; then follow the banner of the tremendous Dearborn; force your way through the forest to the Canadas; AND THERE DIE, as ten thousands have before thee, to feed the wolves of the north. Whether your vexations, are more or less intolerable, than those of Israel, ye are able to judge.

They became weary of yielding the fruit of their labors to pamper their splendid Tyrants. They left their political woes; they separated. Where is our Moses; Where is the rod of his miracles? Where is Aaron? Alas! No voice from the burning bush has directed them here. Bow then to the publicans of government, and say to the humble African, “Thou art my brother.”

4. The woes of Israel, and her subsequent separation from Egypt, relieved them from being involved in her judgments.

To escape the judgments, which are decidedly coming on a wicked nation is a mighty deliverance. Individuals may escape their demerits; communities cannot; communities do not exist in a future state. Accordingly those communities, which are peculiarly wicked, are punished as such; the members of such a body politic, though relatively innocent, are at least partially involved in their punishment.

Lot suffered the loss of his house, his goods, his cattle, and a part of his family in the fire of Sodom. Noah and his family, merely from living in the same world, with a wicked generation, though not included in the most dreadful part of the sentence, endured undescribable distresses. Giving up his former pursuits, laboriously engaging in the building of the ark, anticipating the destruction of his house, his fields, and the world, what must have been the anguish of his spirit. Collecting his household, at the door of the ark; seeing the dark clouds arise; the hemisphere wrapped in darkness; the lightening blazing; the thunders rolling, how dreadful the scene. As the waters rise, the ark floats along the vale. As the waters rise, his neighbors ascend the higher ground; they hail the lordly ark; they implore relief; they entreat; they beseech the patriarch to receive them on board; they plead and weep; they stretch forth their hands, when their voices are lost in the howlings of the storm. The door is shut, and there is no room. Who can imagine the distress of the Preacher, in his last words to his perishing neighbors. Confined a whole year in the dismal mansion with fowls and beasts, driven at the mercy of the winds, over the towering billows of the world; no friendly port in view, no friendly sail to be spoken, totally uncertain on what mountains top he might strike, on what rock he might dash, must it not require all his faith in God, to calm his own fears, to soothe the terrors of his afflicted family? Such were the evils of being connected with an impious people. Israel had by a series of miracles escaped the judgments of Egypt; but they could not expect miracles always to be performed for their security. They, therefore, separated; they burst their chains, and escaped the judgments, which were filling the land with horror.

What is the moral aspect of our nation? Has not New-England, as much to apprehend, as the sons of Jacob had? But no child has been taken from the river to lead us through the sea: yet are not a million slaves, a million “souls of men” bought and sold in the markets of the south? Are not the tears and miseries of a million souls daily crying to the God of justice to hasten the day of retribution? Will they cry in vain? Are the same people unitedly supporting the Antichristian power of Europe? Are they fighting her battles, and must they receive her plagues? Must not those States, which remain united with them, whatever may be their individual character, share in their punishments? When the day of retribution comes, and come it will, the whole community, however extensive, just bend before its terrors. If God shall send the sword, her crimson terrors will not be arrested on thy borders; but echo from thy hills, and reverberate across thy valleys. Should the angel of pestilence be commissioned, he would not only visit the south, but the North; lover and friend would be put far from thee. Should Famine say, “Here am I; send me;” the pale messenger would blast the fruits of thy grounds, snatch the bread from thy mouth: the morsel from the little hands of thy sons, thy daughters. If judgments are coming on the nation; if the sea does not open thee a path, where, how, in what manner will you seek relief? No Moses—no Canaan—no separation. Finally:

To conclude the subject, we discover the malignant nature of American democracy. Democracy, is the Author of all the Egyptian misery and mischief, endured in the land. Our political sufferings are entirely different from those of other nations. In other quarters of the globe, tyrants entrench themselves, behind the shields of their standing armies. But here the people themselves produce their own calamities, defend their own tyrants. They intrigue, they vote, they petition, for the continuance of their embarrassments, and their poverty, and their distresses. Yes, when their clamors and their votes are not sufficient, and when the sober part of the country send their petitions, and spread their grievances, before the thrones of their Masters, the men of democracy come forward with counter petitions, and beseech, and implore the government not to relieve the sufferings of the country, not to restore the nation to its former affluence and prosperity. They pledge ‘their sacred honor’ and lives to support the most baleful measures. These are the men, who forge the chains for themselves and their country. Were a fair statement of these facts made in a distant country, it would be considered an irony, a satire, a burlesque on humanity. But when a thousand Gazettes, and a million votes have confirmed all this, what must be the astonishment. The relation is believed, merely, because it is impossible to disbelieve. When Israel were sighing under their hard bondage, and Moses and his adherents were constantly making application for relief, what would have been thought, had an unprincipled, savage party been plying Pharaoh with counter petitions, beseeching him not to furnish straw, entreating him not to lessen the tax of brick, and pledging their infamous honors to support his abominable measures? Precisely such is the temper of American “republicans,” so called. A new language must be invented, before we attempt to express the baseness of their conduct, or describe the rottenness of their hearts. Has such a barbarous infatuation ever prevailed before? Divines had described a dreadful depravity among the sons of Adam; but divines had not described, nor conceived such a depravity. Where could they have found facts to support such a theory? Robbers and banditti have not destroyed themselves, to crush their associates; tigers do not mangle their own flesh; nor do fallen spirits with all their malice towards their companions petition for the increase, or continuance of their torments. Where is the man, forging chains for himself and posterity? Him have I offended.

2. God governs the nations for great and good designs. He controlled the affairs of Egypt, the affairs of Israel. Egypt was infatuated by her power and prosperity to crush the Israelites, and to drive them to a separation. The Israelites by those oppressions were roused to independence, and prepared for the highest prosperity: the best country, and the best civil polity in the world. The fame of their wisdom, their skill in the sciences, and their immense traffic, travelled through the world. Awed by the valor of their legions, and the impetuosity of their cavalry, distant tribes sued for peace, and the noise of battle ceased. Their merchants caught the gales of remotest seas, and silver was abundant in Jerusalem, as the stones of the hills. Princes came from the ends of the earth to admire the splendor of the court, and the felicity of the subjects. God continues to raise up other Pharaohs; their hearts are hardened against reason, and persuasion, and sound policy; and though it is not in their heart, neither do they think so; yet we know that the morn of light and glory will burst from this political darkness. Therefore,

3. Let us bear our public calamities with submission to the will of heaven.

God will bring good from every evil. The furnaces of Egypt lighted Israel to the land of Canaan.

Though a terrific cloud hangs over our land; though it may drown your fields in blood; God may be about to accomplish a glorious purpose. The book of providence is a sealed volume; nor may the wisest angel open the mysterious leaves. When the days of Israel were bitterness, and their nights terror, did they believe that those evils would result in their emancipation from an abandoned government? Yet, so it was; and perhaps these were the only means, that could have roused that people, to assume their independence. What dismal reflections must have torn the bosom of Pharaoh, surveying the miseries, which he had occasioned. “I have ruined my kingdom; I have destroyed myself.” What must be the reflections of our exalted President, in the silence of retirement? “While I have made myself great, I have ruined my country. Her morals, her affluence, her cheerfulness, are gone. To feed my friends, I have kindled the fires of war. Burning villages, and dying soldiers, are the monuments of my glory. Ten thousand wretches in the agonies of death have poured their curses on my name. I am steeped in blood. History will hold me up to the execration of the world; not a triumphant murderer, like Pizarro or Attila, but like Pharaoh or Absalom, a mere blunderer in the science of blood. Had I loved my country, as I love my office, I should not have been the scorn of the universe.”

We live, my brethren, in a most eventful period. The whole Christian world are standing with their swords drawn. Our country, hungry for blood, is ambitious of making a figure in this boundless scene of destruction; she is trying, and striving, and panting, to lift a sword; but as the Hebrews, waging an offensive war against the Amalekites, when the Lord was not with them, were vanquished and driven back with shame; so are our armies led into captivity, and vanquished, and driven back.

Should the navies and armies of Britain invade New-England, could the general Government defend you one day? Would not your beautiful towns vanish in a blaze? Could the standing army prevent an invading foe from marching where they please? The armies of government are “as a thread of tow, when it toucheth the fire;” New-England, if invaded, would be compelled to defend herself. Do you not then owe it to yourselves, owe it to your children, and owe it to your God, to make peace for yourselves? Will you rush to the combat, when you dare not ask the blessing of heaven? Will you crimson your fields with the blood of your sons, merely because your Rulers have commenced the contest, merely because they find their advantage in your miseries? Will you perish to please your oppressors? Where then are you ministers of peace? Although the sword of the foe has not drunk the blood of the valiant; nor have the sons of the mighty been led into captivity; although the legions, who move to this iniquitous war, will find no bard to make them renowned in their day, to raise the song of mourning; nor to relate their deeds to other times; although for the perpetual disasters of the camp, “no sighs arise with the beams of the east; no tears descend with the drops of the night;” yet is this war most calamitous. It calls for shame and pious sorrow; it calls for supplication and grief of soul, that Heaven in anger should punish us with such men of blood, to rule the nation. Passing events seem to indicate that God intends to purify the earth, not with a flood of water; but a deluge of blood. Blessed are they, who understand the signs of the times. He that taketh the sword shall perish with the sword. He that leadeth into captivity shall go into captivity. He that killeth with the sword, must be killed by the sword. Those, who engage in a murderous, offensive war, shall have blood to drink, for they are worthy. They have had blood to drink. Woe to the inhabitants of the earth, and of the sea, for the devil is come down to you, having great wrath; because he knoweth, that he hath, but a short time.

The Lord cometh out of his place to punish the inhabitants of the earth. The earth shall no more cover her slain. The stars are falling; the moon is blood; He taketh the sun in his wrath, and hideth him in his clouds. The great day of his wrath is come, and who will be able to stand?

 


Endnotes

1. For an explanation, see the comment in Henry, Scott, or Clark, &c. on Exod. 12, 40.

2. Mr. Whiston.

3. Dr. A. Clark.

4. Dr. Robertson.

5. Probably the country has distinctly pronounced. “Peace shall be made;” i.e. the rich have refused to trust the government. This class of men may have peace when they please. An army cannot breathe a week without their aid.

6. Accordingly Mr. Madison’s paper already boasts of “the rigor” with which the law has been executed, “as an assurance” “of complete effect” should there “be a resuscitation of this system.” Thus our lords talk concerning the resurrection of the goblin, before she is buried or even dead. A more puerile spirit was never manifested than the exultations, because the late afflictive system is suspended. A measure of dire necessity, which tortures every nerve of the rulers. As well might the martyrs of the Inquisition sing hosanna to their tormentors in the moments of respite from the rack or burning stake.

7. See Learned Essays of Calculator in the Columbian Centinel.

Black History Issue 1998

Honoring Godly Heroes

America’s Godly heritage has been under assault in recent years. Secularist spokesmen claim that America was created as a secular nation by secular individuals who intended that it always remain secular. These individuals understand that by destroying the knowledge of America’s religious heritage, it is easier to persuade subsequent generations to embrace secularism. Interestingly, this religious cleansing has no racial boundaries. An examination of the individuals often honored during February’s “Black History Month” (celebrated nationally since 1976) shows that the secularization of America’s history

Is directed against all Godly heroes, no matter their skin color. Therefore, to introduce Americans to little-known heroes, this WallBuilder Report will honor three famous Godly Black Americans all but ignored by today’s secularists: Benjamin Banneker, Phillis Wheatley, and Richard Allen.

Benjamin Banneker

Benjamin Banneker was born a free Black on a tobacco plantation near Baltimore in 1731. Although he received little formal education (his grandmother taught him to read), this was no handicap to a man with his work ethic and his intense desire to learn. In fact, his life was characterized by his passion for knowledge.

For example, in his early twenties, after studying the workings of a pocket watch, Banneker built a perfectly operating wooden clock that even struck on the hour! Although he loved to read, he was in his thirties before he was able to purchase his first book – a Bible (Banneker frequented the meetings of the Quakers throughout his life). By the time he was in his fifties, he had so completely mastered the science of astronomy through self-study that he was even able to point out errors in several noted scientific works of the day. And when he was in his sixties, because of his fame and reputation, he was picked as one of seven surveyors to lay out the District of Columbia – the new capitol city.

In the early 1790s, Banneker began to publish an almanac for Maryland and neighboring states. His work was in high demand because of his accurate predictions for sunsets, sunrises, eclipses, weather conditions, and even for his calculation of the recurrence of locust plagues in seventeen year cycles. At his death in 1806, he had actually lived eight years longer than he had calculated, and this is often referred to as the only time he made a mistake in his calculations! The knowledge he acquired by his study of the heavens earned him the title of “Star Gazer.”

Of all of Banneker’s writings, one of his most notable was a 1791 letter to Secretary-of-State Thomas Jefferson:

Sir, I am fully sensible of the greatness of the freedom I take with you on the present occasion; a liberty which seemed scarcely allowable when I reflect on that distinguished and dignifed station in which you stand, and the almost general prejudice which is so prevalent in the world against those of my complexion. . . .

I hope I may safely admit, in consequence of the report which has reached me, that you are a man far less inflexible in sentiments of this nature than many others; that you are measurably friendly and well-disposed towards us; and that you are willing to lend your aid and assistance for our relief. . . .

[Y]our sentiments are concurrent with mine, which are that one universal Father hath given being to us all; that He hath . . . made us all of one flesh . . . and that however variable we may be in society or religion, however diversified in situation or in color, we are all of the same family and stand in the same relation to Him. . . .

[I]t is the indispensable duty of those who . . . profess the obligations of Christianity, to extend their powers and influence to the relief of every part of the human race from whatever burden or oppression they may unjustly labor under. . . .

I freely and cheerfully acknowledge that I am of the African race, and in that color which is natural to them, of the deepest dye. . . .

[There] was a time when you clearly saw into the injustice of a state of slavery, and. . . . your abhorrence thereof was so excited that you publicly held forth this true and invaluable doctrine, which is worthy to be recorded and remembered in all succeeding ages: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, and that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” . . .

I . . . recommend to you and all others to wean yourselves from those narrow prejudices which you have imbibed with respect to [my brethren], and as Job proposed to his friends, “put your soul in their soul’s stead” [Job 16:4]; thus shall your hearts be enlarged with kindness and benevolence towards them. . . .

Your most obedient humble servant, Benjamin Banneker

Jefferson responded to Banneker, telling him that “Nobody wishes more than I do to seek such proofs as you exhibit – that nature has given to our Black brethren talents equal to those of the other colors of men.”

This wish by Jefferson became reality, for Benjamin Banneker – both during his life and after his death – was held forth as a shining example of the intellectual capacity and the moral uprightness of Blacks, something which was long denied by the pro-slavery advocates of that day.

Phillis Wheatley

Phillis Wheatley was born in Senegal, Africa, in 1753. She was kidnapped at the age of eight and sent on a slave ship to Boston. Purchased by a prosperous Boston tailor, John Wheatley, she was trained as a personal servant for John’s wife, Susannah.

Phillis was quick and perceptive, and Susannah and her daughter Mary were drawn in a special manner to Phillis. Susannah considered Phillis a daughter, and Mary treated her like a sister. Both tutored her in the
Scriptures and in morals, and within sixteen months Phillis had so mastered English that she was able to read the most difficult parts of the Bible with ease. Mary then taught Phillis astronomy, geography, ancient history, the Latin classics, and the English poets, all of which Phillis conquered with equal ease. Because of her aptitude for difficult knowledge and her ability as a brilliant conversationalist, Phillis was considered by the Bostonian intellectuals to be a child prodigy.

When she was only thirteen years old, Phillis wrote her first poetic verses; and then three years later, being an admirer of the celebrated Rev. George Whitefield, she authored a special poem about his life. This early interest in poetry continued for the rest of her life, and today Phillis is known as America’s first Black female poet.

In 1771, Phillis became a member of the famous Old South Church. It was later said that “her membership in Old South was an exception to the rule that slaves were not baptized into the church.”

In 1773, her health began to fail. A sea-voyage was recommended, and Mrs. Wheatley promptly saw to it that Phillis was manumitted (freed). Phillis traveled to England, where she was received by British royalty. While abroad, she published her first collection of poems, Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral.

In 1775, while still abroad, and while the siege of Boston was underway in America, Phillis wrote a letter to the new Commander-in-Chief, General Washington, containing a special poem she had written for him:

His Excellency George Washington . . . Thee, first in place and honors, – we demand
The grace and glory of thy martial band Fam’d for thy valor, for thy virtues more, Here every tongue thy guardian aid implore! . . . Proceed, great chief, with virtue on thy side, Thy every action let the goddess guide. A crown, a mansion, and a throne that shine, With gold unfading, Washington, be thine. . . .

Washington was touched by the poem; and when Phillis returned to America, Washington invited her to his military camp at Cambridge to honor her before his staff.

Phillis had returned to America when she had learned of the declining health of Mrs. Wheatley, who died shortly after her return. Phillis remained close to the family. She continued her writings and purposed to bring out a second volume of poems to be dedicated to Benjamin Franklin. Misfortune, however, intervened.

In 1778, Phillis married John Peters, a free Black. Although he appeared promising (he was a writer and had studied for the law), his character was deeply flawed: he was slothful, did not provide for his new wife, and failed to give her the care that her delicate health required. He also demanded that she isolate herself from her former friends and even required that she cut off all contact with the Wheatleys. Peters finally deserted Phillis.

Under these circumstances, and only five years after her marriage, Phillis died in obscurity at the age of 30, alone and in poverty, buried in an unmarked grave. Of her three children, two died in infancy, and the third was buried alongside her.

Despite the hardships in her life, Phillis never complained. In fact, she found a silver lining – or rather a Divine one – even in her tragic life of slavery. In her poem, “On Being Brought from Africa to America,” she wrote:

‘Twas mercy brought me from my Pagan land Taught my benighted soul to understand
That there’s a God, that there’s a Savior too: Once I redemption neither sought nor knew. Some view our fable race with scornful eye, “Their color is a diabolic dye.” Remember, Christians, Negroes black as Cain, May be refin’d, and join th’ angelic train.

Phillis’ poetry was popular for generations after her death, and she was considered a heroine by those who fought to end slavery. She remains a shining example of a devout Christian, an accomplished poet, and a gracious and kind woman.

Richard Allen

Richard Allen was born as a slave to Benjamin Chew​ in Philadelphia in 1760. While still a youngster, he was sold to a farmer in Delaware. Allen was converted to Christianity by the preaching of the Methodists. His owner (known in Allen’s autobiography as “Stokeley”) was so impressed with Richard’s Godly lifestyle that he permitted the young Allen to conduct services in his home. In fact, Stokeley himself was converted during one of these services, after which he made it possible for Allen to purchase his freedom.

Allen traveled throughout eastern Pennsylvania and neighboring states, using every opportunity to preach the Gospel to both Whites and Blacks. At the meeting of the first general conference of the Methodist Church in Baltimore in 1784, Allen was accepted as a minister.

Allen began to preach regularly at the St. George Methodist Church in Philadelphia. He suggested that Blacks should have a separate place of worship apart from Whites; and although his suggestion was at first resisted, his forceful preaching attracted such a vast number of Blacks to the church that when objections were raised, Allen’s idea of a separate congregation was finally accepted.

In 1787, Allen led in the establishment of an organization known as the “Free African Society,” composed of both Black Methodists and Black Episcopalians. Black churches in New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland began to separate from traditional denominations to join this loose-knit society. In 1816, these independent churches merged to become the “Africa Methodist Episcopal Church” (the A. M. E. Church); Allen was chosen as its First bishop.

Allen ministered not only to the spiritual needs of his fellow man, but to his temporal needs as well. For example, when the yellow-fever epidemic ravaged Philadelphia in 1793 (killing over four thousand of the forty-thousand inhabitants), nearly all medical doctors fled the city to save their own lives. One of the few who remained was Dr. Benjamin Rush (signer of the Declaration). Richard Allen worked shoulder to shoulder as a medic with Dr. Rush throughout the danger to aid countless victims in whatever way he could.

In 1794, the year following the epidemic, Allen wrote a compelling work documenting his service during that tragedy: A Narrative of the Proceedings of the Black People During the Late Awful Calamity in Philadelphia. Allen’s humanitarian service ranks with the most heroic deeds of America’s history.

Allen urged others to humanitarian service whenever possible and in whatever cause. On one occasion, he charged his audience:

Consider, my brethren, that all we have and are is entrusted to us by Almighty God. . . . and to Him we must give an account at the great day of reckoning. . . . Our blessed Lord has not committed His goods to us as a dead stock, to be hoarded up, or to lie unprofitably in our own hands. He expects that we shall put them out to proper and beneficial uses, and raise them to an advanced value by doing good with them as often as we have opportunity.

Allen’s faith shone through in all of his accomplishments, and he openly proclaimed his gratefulness to God:

I believe it is my greatest honor and happiness to be Thy disciple; how miserable and blind are those that live without God in the world, who despise the light of Thy holy faith. Make me to part with all the enjoyments of life; nay, even life itself, rather than forfeit this jewel of great price.

When Allen died in 1831, it was said that the crowd which gathered to honor him “exceeded anything of the kind ever before witnessed in the country.” Richard Allen was described as “a man of deep piety, the strictest integrity, and indomitable perseverance; and his moral influence was unbounded.”

Summary

America’s Godly heritage encompasses heroes from many races – a fact both we and our children, regardless of our ethnic roots, must understand. The book of Revelation affirms this fact when it declares:

There was a great multitude that no one could count, from every nation, tribe, people, and language, standing before the throne. . . . They cried out in a loud voice: “Salvation belongs to our God!” Revelation 7:9, 10

The universal truth of Psalm 144:15 has been proven by every historical age and should be remembered at all times – including Black History Month – that “Happy is that people whose God is the Lord!”

Draftsman of the Declaration

Independence Day is the annual anniversary of the Continental Congress approving the Declaration of Independence on July 4th, 1776. That fateful day not only sealed the future for those brave men who approved that document but that paper also established the principles by which America became the most successful nation of the past three centuries.

Of the fifty-six men who signed this document, the final to pass away was Charles Carroll, who died at the age of 95. Before his passing, New York City asked him to inscribe his final thoughts on a copy of the Declaration. On it he wrote that he was “Grateful to Almighty God for the blessings which, through Jesus Christ Our Lord, He has conferred on my beloved country in her emancipation.” 1 Significantly, this Founding Father, in looking back over what had occurred as a result of the Declaration, wanted to specifically thank Jesus for what had happened with America.

The two signers of the Declaration to precede Charles Carroll in death were John Adams and Thomas Jefferson. Both had been on the committee to draft the Declaration, and both died on the 50th anniversary of that document – on July 4, 1826. 2

Of the two, Thomas Jefferson is considered the penman of the Declaration, and many today do not know much about his beliefs or actions. Significantly, he was not only a strong advocate for political and national freedom but also for spiritual freedom.

In fact, throughout his life, he freely gave numerous financial contributions to Gospel ministers and missionaries and supported their work and office. 3 Perhaps this is not surprising, for as Governor of Virginia and a member of the Board of the College of William and Mary, he stipulated that the professors “appoint from time to time a missionary of approved veracity to the several tribes of Indians.” 4 When he became President of the United States, he signed a treaty that included a provision of $300 to “assist the said Kaskaskia tribe in the erection of a church” and to provide “annually for seven years one hundred dollars towards the support of a [Catholic] priest.” 5

draftsman-of-the-declaration-2

He also signed three federal acts setting aside government lands for the sole use of religious groups so that Moravian missionaries might be assisted in “promoting Christianity.” 6 In 1804, he prepared a volume of the key teachings of Jesus to be distributed among the Indians. 7 Today’s secularist critics (and the uninformed) claim that Jefferson excluded the supernatural from this work, but that was definitely not the case, for it contained Jesus healing the sick, raising the dead, and casting out demons, as well as Jesus’ teachings about heaven, hell, and the resurrection. 8

There is much to celebrate about our Declaration and those who produced it. As we honor the birthday of our nation, let’s remember President Jefferson’s wise declaration that:

No nation has ever existed or been governed without religion – nor can be. The Christian religion is the best religion that has been given to man and I, as Chief Magistrate of this nation, am bound to give it the sanction of my example. 9

Articles from WallBuilders:
Thomas Jefferson and Religion at the University of Virginia
The Founders And Public Religious Expressions
4th of July Article


1  Charles Carroll, The Life of Charles Carroll of Carrollton (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1898), II:title page, “Copy of Declaration of Independence, New York City Library,” August 2, 1826. See also, Lewis A. Leonard, Life of Charles Carroll of Carrollton (New York: Moffit, Yard and Co., 1918), 256-257.
2Declaration of Independence,” National ArchivesSee also, The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co. 1850), I:222; Daniel Webster, Adams and Jefferson, ed. Albert F. Blaisdell (New York: Clark & Maynard Publishers, c. 1885), 8-9.
3 See for example, David Barton, The Jefferson Lies (Aledo, TX: WallBuilder Press, 2020), 193-200.
4 Thomas Jefferson, The Works of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Paul Leicester Ford (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904), II:434-435, “A Bill for Amending the Constitution of the College of William and Mary.”
5 The Public Statutes at Large of the United States of America, ed. Richard Peters (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1846), VII:79, Article III, “A Treaty Between the United States and the Kaskaskia Tribe of Indians,” December 23, 1803. See also Wallace v. Jaffree, 472 U. S. 38, at 103 (1985), Rehnquist, J. (dissenting).
6 For additional information, see David Barton, The Jefferson Lies (Aledo, TX: WallBuilder Press, 2020), xx-xxviii.
7 For additional information, see David Barton, The Jefferson Lies (Aledo, TX: WallBuilder Press, 2020), xxxviii-xl, 103-110.
8 See for example, Jefferson’s “Bible”  The Life and Morals of Jesus of Nazareth, ed. Judd Patton (Grove City: American Book Distributors, 1996), xiv, summarizing the 1983 Dickinson W. Adams, Jefferson’s Extracts from the Gospels, which was a reconstruction of Jefferson’s Philosophy of Jesus; Charles B. Sanford, The Religious Life of Thomas Jefferson (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1984);  Mark Beliles, Thomas Jefferson’s Abridgement of the Words of Jesus of Nazareth (Charlottesville: Mark Beliles, 1993).
9 James Hutson, Religion and the Founding of the American Republic (Washington: Library of Congress, 1998), 96, quoting from a handwritten history in possession of the Library of Congress, “Washington Parish, Washington City,” by Rev. Ethan Allen.

Black History Issue 2004

Black Patriots of the American Revolution

Americans have lost much of their knowledge of basic historical facts, particularly those relating to the American Revolution. In fact, a recent survey of high-performing college seniors found that more thought that Ulysses S. Grant (a Civil War general in the 1860s) commanded the troops at Yorktown than George Washington (who actually did lead those troops in the 1780s). Since advanced college seniors cannot identify the commander-in-chief of the American Revolution, it is not surprising that today’s Americans know even less about the thousands of African Americans who fought during the Revolution, or that they participated in every major battle of the War.

Although this part of our history is unfamiliar today, it was known in previous generations because of the writings of black historians such as William Nell, an award winning young scholar in Boston during the 1830s. He studied law and became the first black American to hold a post in the federal government. In 1852, he authored Services of Colored Americans in the Wars of 1776 and 1812, and three years later, he penned The Colored Patriots of the American Revolution.

This issue is dedicated to a recovery of the knowledge of our black patriot heroes to whom today’s Americans of all colors owe a debt of gratitude.

James Armistead (Lafayette) (1760-1832)
James Armistead was one of the most important American spies during the Revolution. As a slave in Virginia, he witnessed much of the War; and following the British siege of Richmond in 1781, he asked his master, William Armistead, for permission to serve in the cause of American independence with General Marquis de Lafayette, a young Frenchman who came to fight with the Americans. His master agreed, and Lafayette accepted his services. Lafayette dispatched Armistead to the camp of the patriot-turned-traitor, Benedict Arnold (then a British general), to pose as an escaped slave looking for work. Arnold accepted Armistead and allowed him to work in the camp, thus placing him around other British generals, including British commander-in-chief Lord Cornwallis. Armistead obtained much vital information about British plans and troop movements, which he daily sent to General Lafayette. Ironically, Lord Cornwallis so trusted Armistead that he even asked him to become a British spy to watch the Americans. Armistead agreed and thus became a double-spy, feeding accurate information to the Americans and inaccurate information to the British.

Upon learning that the British fleet was moving Cornwallis and his troops to Yorktown, Armistead quickly relayed that information to Lafayette and Washington, who gathered the American forces at Yorktown. After the British troops had landed and the British fleet had unsuspectingly departed from Chesapeake Bay, the Americans engaged the British while the French fleet blockaded the Bay to keep the British navy from returning. The Battle of Yorktown ensued, and the British – without their navy to provide reinforcements or supplies and with no way to retreat off the peninsula on which they were trapped – finally surrendered. Armistead’s crucial information had helped bring a victorious end to the American Revolution.

Following the War, Armistead returned to slavery on his master’s plantation. Three years later, in 1784, General Lafayette returned to America for a visit and met with his friend, Armistead. Lafayette penned a certificate to Virginia leaders praising the work and important contributions of Armistead. Armistead then petitioned the legislature for his freedom, which was granted on New Year’s Day, 1787. (In his latter years, Armistead also received a retirement pension from the State for his military services.) Following his emancipation, Armistead adopted the name Lafayette and thereafter called himself James Lafayette. He remained in the State as a farmer.

General Lafayette became an ardent foe of slavery both in America and in Europe, and it is believed that it was his association with James Armistead that helped clarify his views on slavery, leading him to begin his strong public crusade against that evil.

In 1824, General Lafayette made his final visit to America; his tour across the nation was greeted by crowds of thousands in city after city. When touring Richmond, the General recognized in the crowd his black comrade from four decades earlier (now an old man) and called him out by name and embraced him – the last time the two patriot friends were to meet.

Jordan Freeman (? – 1781);
Lambo (Lambert) Latham (? – 1781)

In 1781, both black and white soldiers fought side by side at the Battle of Groton Heights, Connecticut. The American force of only 84 men, led by Lt. Col. William Ledyard, was attempting to defend the town of New London from a large invading force led by American traitor-turned-British General Benedict Arnold.

After suffering heavy casualties against the overwhelming British numbers, Col. Ledyard and his remaining troops retreated to tiny Fort Griswold, equipped with only a few small cannons. The Americans eventually ran out of ammunition; and when the British charged the fort, the Americans used their rifles as clubs, fighting back the British with only bayonets and pikes. The British began scaling
the walls of the fort; upon reaching the top, the British officer leading the attack – Major Montgomery – was speared and killed by black patriot Jordan Freeman. The British rushed over the walls and quickly overran the fort, overpowering the few remaining Americans.

A British officer then asked the American prisoners, “Who commanded the fort?” Colonel Ledyard replied, “I did once. You do now,” and handed his sword to the British officer, as was customary with a surrender. The British officer then took Ledyard’s own sword and thrust it through Ledyard’s body all the way to the hilt.

That act was witnessed by all the remaining Americans, including black patriot Lambert Latham. (When the flagpole of the fort had earlier been shot down by the British during the battle, Lambert grabbed the American flag and held it high until he was captured.) Latham had stood silently with the other American prisoners, but upon witnessing the coldblooded murder of his commander, Nell records what next occurred: “Lambert . . . retaliated upon the [British] officer by thrusting his bayonet through his body. Lambert, in return, received from the enemy thirty-three bayonet wounds, and thus fell, nobly avenging the death of his commander.”

The British – angered by the loss of so many of their soldiers at the hands of so few Americans – promptly slaughtered all the remaining Americans left in the fort, including Jordan Freeman.

Interestingly, Freeman had been a slave of Col. Ledyard, the commander of the fort, but had been freed by him. As a free man, Freeman had remained in the area and married. When the region came under attack from the British, Freeman chose to stay and fight for America side by side with the man who had once been his owner.

Today, at the site of old Fort Griswold is a plaque showing the moment in which Jordan Freeman killed the attacking British officer. There is also a huge monument standing there; the names of Jordan Freeman and Lambert Latham appear on that monument, along with the other American soldiers who gave their lives defending American liberty in that battle.

Peter Salem (1750-1816)
Peter Salem was a member of the famous Massachusetts Minutemen and was involved in a number of important battles, including the battles of Bunker Hill, Concord, and Saratoga (the first American victory of the Revolution). However, it was in the Battle of Bunker Hill on June 17, 1775, that he gained notoriety.

After the battles of Lexington and Concord, American troops from Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island assembled at Boston to confront the 5,000 British troops stationed there. The outmanned American forces engaged the British outside the city. The Americans were winning the conflict until they began running out of ammunition. With the Americans near defeat, British commander Major John Pitcairn (who had earlier led the British forces against the Americans at Lexington) mounted the hill and shouted, “The day is ours!” whereupon Salem promptly shot him, sending the British troops into confusion and allowing the Americans to escape safely. Peter Salem was honored before General Washington for his soldierly act.

Salem became a member of the Fifth Massachusetts Regiment and served throughout the rest of the Revolution – a total of seven years of military service in behalf of his country, a length of time achieved by few other soldiers in the Revolution. Salem had entered the Revolution as a slave but finished it as a free man, marrying in 1783, at the conclusion of the Revolution.

A stone monument was erected to Peter Salem at Framingham, Massachusetts, in 1882; and Salem is pictured in the famous painting of John Trumbull titled, “The Death of General Warren at the Battle of Bunker Hill.”

Prince Whipple (c. 1756 – c. 1797)
Prince Whipple had been part of a wealthy (perhaps even a royal) African family. When he was ten, he was sent by his family to America for an education; but while on the voyage, he was shanghaied by the ship’s treacherous captain and sold into slavery in Baltimore. He was bought by New Hampshire ship captain William Whipple, a famous leader in that State.

William Nell, in his 1852 The Colored Patriots of the American Revolution, tells the early story of Prince in America:

As was customary, Prince took the surname of his owner, William Whipple, who would later represent New Hampshire by signing the Declaration of Independence. . . . When William Whipple joined the revolution as a captain, Prince accompanied him and was in attendance to General Washington on Christmas night 1776 for the legendary and arduous crossing of the Delaware. The surprise attack following the crossing was a badly needed victory for America and for Washington’s sagging military reputation. In 1777, [William Whipple was] promoted to Brigadier General and [was] ordered to drive British General Burgoyne out of Vermont.

An 1824 work provides details of what occurred after General Whipple’s promotion:

On [his] way to the army, he told his servant [Prince] that if they should be called into action, he expected that he would behave like a man of courage and fight bravely for his country. Prince replied, “Sir, I have no inducement to fight, but if I had my liberty, I would endeavor to defend it to the last drop of my blood.” The general manumitted [freed] him on the spot.

Prince Whipple did enter the service of America as a soldier during the Revolution and is often identified in a number of early paintings of the War, including that of General Washington after crossing the Delaware. In fact, many identify Prince Whipple as the man on the oar in the front of the boat in the famous crossing of the Delaware picture painted in 1851. Although Whipple did not actually cross the Delaware with Washington in the manner depicted, he was representative of the thousands of black patriots who did fight for American independence – and of the many African Americans who did cross the Delaware with Washington.

Prince Whipple fought in the Battle of Saratoga in 1777 and the Battle of Rhode Island in 1778. He directly attended General Washington and the general staff throughout the Revolution, serving as a soldier and aide at the highest levels.

Lemuel Haynes (1753-1833)
Lemuel Haynes was abandoned by his parents when he was five months old. He was taken in and apprenticed by the David Rose family. According to Haynes: “He [David Rose] was a man of singular piety. I was taught the principles of religion. His wife . . . treated me as though I was her own child.”

Haynes was given the opportunity for education – something rare for African Americans in that day. Haynes explained: “I had the advantage of attending a common school equal with the other children. I was early taught to read.” He also educated himself at night by reading in front of a fireplace. He developed a lifelong love for the Bible and theology, and even as a youth he frequently held services and preached sermons at the town parish. He also memorized massive and lengthy portions of the Bible.

In 1774 when he turned 21 and had finished his tradesman apprenticeship, he enlisted as a Minuteman in the local Connecticut militia. While he was not part of the Battle of Lexington, he did write a lengthy ballad-sermon about that famous battle. However, a week following that battle, Haynes and the Connecticut troops were part of the siege of Boston. Haynes was also part of the military expedition against Fort Ticonderoga, made legendary by Ethan Allen and the famous Green Mountain Boys. Haynes became an ardent admirer of George Washington and remained so throughout his life. In fact, Haynes regularly preached sermons on Washington’s birthday and was an active member of the Washington Benevolent Society.

After the Revolution, Haynes continued his studies in Latin, Greek, and theology and became the first African American to be ordained by a mainstream Christian denomination (the Congregationalists, in 1785), to pastor a white congregation (a congregation in Connecticut), and to be awarded an honorary Master’s Degree (by Middlebury College in 1804). Over his life, Haynes pastored several churches in Connecticut, Vermont, Massachusetts, and New York (often white churches), published a number of sermons, and was a confidant and counselor to the presidents of both Yale and Harvard.

Lemuel Haynes died at the age of eighty, having written the epitaph for his tombstone: “Here lies the dust of a poor helldeserving sinner, who ventured into eternity trusting wholly on the merits of Christ for salvation. In the full belief of the great doctrines he preached while on earth, he invites his children, and all who read this, to trust their eternal interest on the same foundation.”

Black Commandos
In December 1776, the secondin- command of the American Army, General Charles Lee, was taken prisoner by the British. In order for the Americans to effect his release through a prisoner exchange, a British general of the same rank was needed. A bold plan was therefore undertaken by Lt. Col. William Barton. He would slip past British forces at Newport, Rhode Island, enter the heart of the British camp, capture British General Richard Prescott in his quarters, and return him to the American side before the British learned of the raid.

Col. Barton hand-selected about forty elite soldiers, both black and white. He gathered the group, explained to them his plan, warned them of the risk, and asked for volunteers. All chose to be part of the daring operation.

Waiting until the middle of the night, the group loaded into small boats, and with muffled oars, rowed silently past General Prescott’s warships and guard boats anchored in the harbor. Landing near the general’s headquarters, the Americans quickly overpowered the guards and surrounded the house of the sleeping general. They entered his house and, standing outside his locked door, they had only to break down the door and quickly grab Prescott before he realized what had occurred.

At that moment, one of the black commandos, Prince Sisson – a powerful man – stepped forward and charged the door, using his own head as a battering ram; on the second try, the locked door gave way and Prince entered the quarters and seized the surprised general. They safely returned with Prescott to the American lines where he was subsequently exchanged for the second-in-command of the American Army, General Charles Lee. The daring act of Sisson is still celebrated to this day.

Rhode Island Fighters
The First Rhode Island was a regiment of 125 black patriots – both slave and free – commanded by Colonel Christopher Greene. That regiment, created during the infamous winter at Valley Forge, became noted for its bravery and courage, receiving its first baptism by fire during the Battle of Newport in 1778.

When reinforcements failed to arrive during that battle, the Americans were forced to retreat in the face of heavy British attacks, especially from the dreaded Hessian mercenaries. The First Rhode Island thrust themselves between the retreating Americans and the advancing Hessians and repulsed the British forces three separate times, inflicting heavy casualties on the mercenaries. (Following the battle, the Hessian commander asked to be transferred to a different location for fear that his remaining soldiers might shoot him because of the fearful losses which had been inflicted on them, and the deaths of so many of their comrades.)

In 1781 during the Battle of Croton River, Colonel Greene – commander of the regiment – was cut down by the British. William Nell, in his 1855 The Colored Patriots of the American Revolution, described what next occurred:

“Colonel Greene, the commander of the regiment, was cut down and mortally wounded: but the sabres of the enemy only reached him through the bodies of his faithful guard of blacks, who hovered over him, and every one of whom was killed.”

While Colonel Greene’s squad was killed, others of the Rhode Island First survived and served the remainder of the War. A battle-hardened and loyal unit, they were with George Washington when he accepted the surrender of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown to end the Revolution.

Conclusion
Numerous other black patriots distinguished themselves during the American Revolution, including James Forten, Peter Poor, Cuff Smith, Cesar and Festus Prince, and thousands of others. It is appropriate that during African American history month, we should remember these great black patriots who contributed so much to the establishment of America as the foremost nation of the world.

 

 

America’s Birthday Over the Centuries

Americans celebrate our national birthday each year on July 4th. Our country’s unprecedented freedom was the result of specific ideas, including those drawn directly from the Bible.

At the 150th anniversary celebration of the Declaration of Independence, President Calvin Coolidge affirmed:

happy-fourth-of-july-6No one can examine this record and escape the conclusion that in the great outline of its principles the Declaration was the result of the religious teachings of the preceding period. . . . They are found in the texts, the sermons, and the writings of the early colonial clergy who were earnestly undertaking to instruct their congregations in the great mystery of how to live. . . . Placing every man on a plane where he acknowledged no superiors, where no one possessed any right to rule over him, he must inevitably choose his own rulers through a system of self-government.1

On the 200th anniversary, President Gerald Ford also affirmed its Biblical roots:

Our Bicentennial is the happy birthday of all fifty States, a commonwealth, and self-governing territories. It is not just a celebration for the original Thirteen Colonies. . . . The earliest English settlers carried the Bible and Blackstone’s Commentary. . . . [and] American families in prairie schooners like these took with them on the overland trails the principles of equality and the God-given rights of the Declaration of Independence.2

Each year on July 4th, let’s make sure we preserve our memory of these unique governing principles.  Here are three simple things you and your family can do:

  • Read the Declaration of Independence.3 Reading the Declaration is rewarding as it is a deep and rich document. The Declaration gives the twenty-seven reasons that America was birthed, and sets forth the immutable principles of American government. These principles were the ones on which the Founders later erected the Constitution of the United States.
  • There were fifty-six signers of the Declaration. Find one you don’t know – perhaps one you’ve never heard of before; look him up and read a short biography about him4. Or get a copy of Lives of the Signers, so that you can have biographies about each one of the signers. In short, rediscover a new Founder.
  • John Adams said that Independence Day “ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations from one end of this continent to the other, from this time forward forevermore.”5 So enjoy the fireworks and parades and celebration – but also make sure to honor and thank God – make it a day celebrated “with solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty.”

May God continue to shed His grace on America!


Endnotes

1 Calvin Coolidge, “Address at the Celebration of the 150th Anniversary of the Declaration of Independence in Philadelphia,” July 5, 1926, The American Presidency Project.
2 Gerald R. Ford, “Remarks in Valley Forge, Pennsylvania,” July 4, 1976, The American Presidency Project.
3 “Declaration of Independence: A Transcript,” National Archives, accessed December 14, 2023.
4 Online sources for biographies of the Declaration signers include: ushistory.org, and the National Park Service. A comprehensive collection of biographies for each signer was done by John Sanderson in the 1820s. You can also read about the signers wives in The Pioneer Mothers of America.
5 John Adams to Abigail Adams, July 3, 1776, Letters of John Adams Addressed to His Wife, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1861), I:128-129.

Women Who Shaped History

This month is Women’s History month — an excellent time to remember and celebrate some historically important women.

Abigail Adams

women-who-shaped-history-1Though her poor health kept her from receiving a formal education, Abigail rose above this, teaching herself to master several areas of study, including even learning a foreign language. She was the close confidant of her husband John Adams, who trusted her counsel and relied on her for sound military intelligence information as well as political guidance. She was an excellent business woman, a faithful wife, and a devoted mother. The first woman to live in the White House, she was the wife of one U. S. President and the mother of another. She was also a strong and outspoken Christian, leaving behind a rich legacy in her extensive personal writings.1

Florence Nightingale

women-who-shaped-history-2Born into a wealthy English family, Florence Nightingale went against society’s expectations to fulfill God’s divine call of service on her life2.  Famous for her nursing work on the battlefield, she left a legacy transforming the health standards not only in England but elsewhere. In fact, the President of the United States consulted her for advice during the Civil War. Author of 17 books and numerous articles, she worked relentlessly to better the hospital industry and health care, and to train nurses to care for the sick.3

Susanna Wesley

women-who-shaped-history-3“The hand that rocks the cradle is the hand that rules the world.”  From her post as the mother of a busy household in the Epworth rectory, Susanna Wesley trained up a generation that would change the world.  She provided the well-regulated primary education for her 10 children that lived past infancy.4  Two of these children, John and Charles, would become influential even across the Atlantic, helping found the Methodist movement in America. She is known as the Mother of Methodism.


Endnotes

1 See for example Letters of Abigail Adams, the Wife of John Adams with an Introductory Memoir by her Grandson Charles Francis Adams, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Wilkins, Carter, and Company, 1848); Charles Francis Adams, Familiar Letters of John Adams and His Wife Abigail Adams, During the Revolution (New York: Hurd and Houghton, 1876).
2 Louise Selanders. “Florence Nightingale,” Encyclopedia Britannica Online, accessed March 11, 2021.
3The Faith Behind the Famous: Florence Nightingale: Christian History Sampler,” Christianity Today, January 1, 1990.
4 Abel Stevens, The Women of Methodism (New York: Carlton & Porter, 1866), 13, 24-28.

*Originally published March 2016.