Celebrating First Amendment Rights

Religious Freedom Day is celebrated in America each year on January 16 — the date of the 1786 passage of Thomas Jefferson’s Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom. That measure ended the state-established church in Virginia and for the first time placed all denominations on the same legal footing. That act fully protected the right of religious conscience — one of the first rights protected in America. As John Quincy Adams affirmed, “The transcendent and overruling principle of the first settlers of New England was conscience.”

When America became an independent nation, the first state constitutions similarly protected the rights of religious conscience, such as that of North Carolina:

That all men have a natural and unalienable right to worship Almighty God, according to the dictates of their own conscience.

The rights of religious conscience were then enshrined at the federal level in the First Amendment of the Constitution. As Thomas Jefferson affirmed multiple times:

No provision in our Constitution ought to be dearer to man than that which protects the rights of conscience.

[O]ur rulers can have no authority over such natural rights, only as we have submitted to them. The rights of conscience we never submitted.

[I]t is inconsistent with the spirit of our laws and Constitution to force tender consciences.

Also celebrated today is the birthday of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. This pastor practiced many First Amendment rights, including not only that of free-exercise of religion but also assembly, petition, and speech. Dr. King’s use of non-violent protests during the Civil Rights movement caused him to receive the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964.

Let’s celebrate the First Amendment — and heroes such as Dr. King who championed its rights. Currently, only 1 in 1,000 Americans can name the five rights in the First Amendment (religion, or conscience; press; speech; assembly; and petition), and 33% can’t name even one of them. So be different! Take the time to memorize these five important rights.

The Response: An Historic Event

Office of the Governor*

In 2011, over 32,000 from across the nation gathered at Reliant Stadium in Houston at the request of Texas Governor Rick Perry for a day of fasting, repentance, and prayer for America. Protestors ringed the outside of the event, which is a potent commentary on the condition of the culture today that so many object to Americans voluntary gathering for prayer.

Media coverage prior to the event was largely negative, with many articles happily providing critics a free platform from which to spew their hate. Particularly preposterous were the historical arguments leveled against the event.

For example, in the Houston Chronicle, so-called “First Amendment scholar” David Furlow claimed that “the Founding Fathers wouldn’t have been fans of Gov. Rick Perry’s official involvement with a Christian day of prayer.” 1 To prove his point, he asserted:

Thomas Jefferson famously coined the phrase ‘wall of separation between Church & State’ when describing the First Amendment to Baptists who asked if the president would dare ‘govern the Kingdom of Christ’.

First, Jefferson did not coin the phrase. It was introduced in the 1500s by leading clergy in England who objected to the government taking control over religious doctrines and punishing religious activities and expressions. In America, many famous early ministers also used the phrase – all well over a century before Jefferson did.

Second, nowhere in the letter from the Baptists to Jefferson or in his reply to them2 was it ever questioned whether “the president would dare ‘govern the Kingdom of Christ’.” To the contrary, the Danbury Baptists, Jefferson’s ardent supporters during the presidential election, consoled him by telling him that the vicious attacks against him by his political enemies in New England had been because he had properly and vigorously refused to “assume the prerogatives of Jehovah and make laws to govern the kingdom of Christ.” Jefferson’s reply letter simply reassured the Baptists that the government would definitely not prohibit, inhibit, limit, or regulate religious expressions – exactly the opposite of what Furlow claimed.

Third, on multiple occasions, Jefferson called his state to Christian prayer and worship. In 1774, he called for a day of fasting and prayer, 3 which included that all the legislators “proceed with the Speaker and the Mace to the Church” to hear prayers and a sermon. 4 He also urged his home community around Charlottesville to arrange a special day of fasting, prayer, and worship. 5

In 1779, Jefferson again called his state to prayer, asking the people to give thanks for “the glorious light of the Gospel, whereby through the merits of our gracious Redeemer we may become the heirs of His eternal glory.” 6 He further asked Virginians to pray that . . .

He would . . . pour out His Holy Spirit on all ministers on the Gospel – that He would bless and prosper the means of education and spread the light of Christian knowledge through the remotest corners of the earth. 7

Rick Perry did nothing more than what Thomas Jefferson did – a fact that Furlow ignores. Furlow further claims:

“The 1797 Treaty of Tripoli . . . said ‘the government of the United States of America is not in any sense founded on the Christian religion’.”

Furlow has lifted 19 words out of an 83 word sentence, thus making it say exactly the opposite of what it actually does say.

That 1797 treaty was one of several that America negotiated with Muslim nations during America’s first War on Islamic Terror (1784-1816), 8 in which five Muslim countries were indiscriminately attacking the property and interests of what they called the “Christian” nations, including America.  But America sought to ensure the Muslims that we were not like the ancient European Christian nations – that did not hate Muslims because of their religious faith. Thus, the full sentence in that treaty states:

As the government of the United States of America is not in any sense founded on the Christian religion as it has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Musselmen [Muslims] . . . 9

That is, we were not one of the Christian nations that held an inherent hostility toward Muslims. (See our full article on the 1797 Treaty of Tripoli and America’s first War on Terror.) Furthermore, in 1805 under Jefferson, that treaty was renegotiated and the clause stating that “. . . the United States is in no sense founded on the Christian religion . . .” was deleted. 10

Finally, Furlow complained that “the day of prayer [was] announced on the state website and the official invitation printed on Perry’s gubernatorial stationery.” But by 1815, some 1,400 official calls to prayer had already been issued by government leaders, 11 each printed and distributed at government expense – the Founders’ equivalent of using the “state website” and “gubernatorial stationery.”

In conclusion, despite what critics claim, history is clear that Rick Perry did exactly what the Founding Fathers themselves had done – on hundreds of occasions.

*Picture of Governor Perry is courtesy of the Office of the Governor. Permission to reproduce from this website for noncommercial purposes is freely granted. This permission statement must be included in any noncommercial reproduction.


1 Kate Shellnutt, “Lawyer: Perry’s plans raise First Amendment, church-state issues,” The Houston Chronicle, July 27, 2011.

2 Thomas Jefferson, The Works of Thomas Jefferson, Paul Ford, editor (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904), II:42, “Notice of Fast to the Inhabitants of the Parish of Saint Anne,” June 1774.

3 “Letters Between the Danbury Baptists and Thomas Jefferson,” WallBuilders, 1801, https://wallbuilders.com/resource/letters-between-the-danbury-baptists-and-thomas-jefferson/.

4 Thomas Jefferson, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Julian P. Boyd, editor (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950), 1:105-106, “Resolution of the House of Burgesses Designating a Day of Fasting and Prayer,” May 24, 1774.

5 Thomas Jefferson, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Julian P. Boyd, editor (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950), 1:116, to the Inhabitants of the Parish of St. Anne before July 23, 1774.

6 Thomas Jefferson, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Julian P. Boyd, editor (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951), 3:178, “Proclamation Appointing a Day of Thanksgiving and Prayer,” November 11, 1779.

7 Thomas Jefferson, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Julian P.Boyd, editor (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951), 3:178, “Proclamation Appointing a Day of Thanksgiving and Prayer,” November 11, 1779.

8 See, for example, the 1787 treaty with Morocco; the 1795, 1815, and 1816 treaties with Algiers; the 1796 and 1805 treaties with Tripoli; and the 1797 treaty with Tunis. The American Diplomatic Code, Embracing A Collection of Treaties and Conventions Between the United States and Foreign Powers from 1778 to 1834, Jonathan Elliot, editor (New York: Burt Franklin, 1970; originally printed 1834), I:473-514.

9 Acts Passed at the First Session of the Fifth Congress of the United States of America (Philadelphia: William Ross, 1797), 43-44.

10 The American Diplomatic Code, Embracing a Collection of Treaties and Conventions Between the United States and Foreign Powers: From 1778 to 1834. With an Abstract of Important Judicial Decisions, On Points Connected with Our Foreign Relations, Jonathan Elliot, editor (Washington, D. C.: Jonathan Elliot, 1834), I:499, Art. 11, “Treaty of Peace and Friendship Between the United States of America and the Bey and Subjects of Tripoli of Barbary,” November 4, 1796, signed January 4, 1797

11 Deloss Love, The Fast and Thanksgiving Days of New England (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company 1895), 464-514, “Fast and Thanksgiving Days Calendar.”

* This article concerns a historical issue and may not have updated information.

united states flag

The Real Story Behind Old Glory

You have given a banner to those who fear you, to be displayed because of the truth.
Psalm 60:4

June 14th is Flag Day which commemorates the day in 1777 when the Continental Congress passed a resolution “that the flag of the thirteen United States be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white; that the union be thirteen stars, white in a blue field, representing a new constellation.”1 Since that time, generations of Americans have celebrated the flag as a symbol of our God-given freedoms and God-blessed nation, and in every American military campaign, “Old Glory” has been a symbol of our freedom.

Interestingly, “Old Glory” was the name that Captain William Driver placed on a flag he was presented in 1831.2 The nickname given to that flag became so well known that during the Civil War, the Confederates tried unsuccessfully to confiscate and destroy Captain Driver’s flag that he had sewn into his bedcover to protect. 3 In 1862, when Union soldiers occupied Nashville, Driver took out his flag and flew it over the Capitol as a symbol that “Old Glory” stood firm.4

We still honor “Old Glory” today by celebrating Flag Day each year. The first Flag Day celebration occurred in Wisconsin in 1885, when a schoolteacher had his students observe June 14 as “Flag Birthday,” or “Flag Day.” This idea inspired others around the nation to continue the practice and as the celebrations grew, the idea received national recognition. In 1916, President Woodrow Wilson issued a presidential proclamation calling for the national celebration of Flag Day, thus establishing it as a national event.5

As you honor our flag, educate yourself on the greatness of America’s founding and inspire others to do the same!


Endnotes

1 Journals of the Continental Congress (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907), VIII:464, June 14, 1777.
2 Harriet Ruth Waters Cooke, The Driver Family History (New York: John Wilson and Son, 1889), 180-181.
3 Cooke, Driver Family History (1889), 181-182; The Essex Institute of Historical Collections (Salem: The Essex Institute, 1901), 37:261-263, Robert S. Rantoul to Charles Kingsbury Miller, June 13, 1900.
4 The Essex Institute (1901), 27:261-263, Robert S. Rantoul to Charles Kingsbury Miller, June 13, 1900; Cooke, Driver Family History (1889), 180-182.
5 The Encyclopedia Americana (New York: The Encyclopedia Americana, 1919), 11:309, “Flag Day.”

* Originally Posted: June 14, 2012

Celebrate with Prayer

Millions join together annually in tens of thousands of groups across the nation for the National Day of Prayer, humbly imploring God’s blessings over this great nation. We stand in the long tradition as we follow the recommendation of Benjamin Franklin, who appealed to the 1787 Constitutional Convention to pray for this nation, when he said:

I have lived, Sir, a long time, and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth- that God governs in the affairs of men. And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without His notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without His aid? We have been assured, Sir, in the sacred writings, that “except the Lord build the House they labor in vain that build it.” I firmly believe this; and I also believe that without His concurring aid we shall succeed in this political building no better than the Builders of Babel.

It is truly time to ask that God would govern in the affairs of men, that He would build the foundations of this nation, and that He would bless this great nation once again. Celebrate the annual observance of this call by participating in a prayer group near you.

To find these locations, you can visit the National Day of Prayer official site. If you’re unable to attend a gathering, please take time to personally lift up our nation, our government, our leaders, our military, our families, our businesses, our places of worship and ask for God to continue blessing our nation as we turn our face to Him.

Their Lives, Fortunes and Sacred Honor: Richard Stockton

The signers of the Declaration of Independence pledged their “lives, fortunes, and sacred honor” so that they and their posterity (us!) could enjoy both spiritual and civil liberties to a degree unknown in the world at that time. That pledge literally cost many of them their lives and fortunes. Some of the 56 signers who sacrificed much include John Hancock, Robert Morris, and John Hart. Richard Stockton was another who paid a great price.

Born October 1, 1730, near Princeton, New Jersey, 1 he attended what we now know as Princeton College and became one of their trustees, having been trained as an attorney. His commitment to advance and strengthen the College brought him to the British Isles before the Revolution, where he was consulted by many British leaders as to the condition of affairs in America. 2 He was also presented to King George III, who was very impressed with Stockton. 3 Upon his return to America, he became a leader in state government and then a justice on the New Jersey Supreme Court. 4 When the king’s assault on American liberties increased, Stockton sided with the Americans and was chosen a delegate to the Continental Congress, 5 where he signed the Declaration of Independence as a representative for New Jersey. 6

Stockton was kidnapped from his home by neighbors who were Loyalists (Americans who supported the King of England). 7 He was “dragged from his bed by night, stripped and plundered of his property8 and “treated with the utmost rigor and indignity.” 9 He was placed in a notoriously brutal prison in the middle of winter and was denied even the basic necessities, subjected to the most cruel treatment. 10

When the Continental Congress learned of his plight, they interceded on his behalf. 11He was eventually released but never regained his health. 12 While imprisoned, Stockton’s library, papers and other property was burned or destroyed, and his farm left desolate and inoperable. 13 As a result of his cruel treatment, Stockton died on February 28, 1781, 14 never getting to experience the national freedom for which he had sacrificed so much.

Richard Stockton left us a legacy of patriotism, bravery, and of unwavering devotion to the Christian faith. 15 In fact, in his last will and testament, he pointedly set forth for his children, who at that point were being deprived of their father as a result of the cruel British treatment, the central tenets of Christianity, strongly encouraging them to embrace and follow them.

Richard Stockton is one of the forgotten heroes of American history. To learn more about him and other Founding Fathers, be sure to check out the WallBuilders store for Lives of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence.


Endnotes

1 Rev. Charles A. Goodrich, Lives of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence (Hartford: R.G.H. Huntington, 1842), 204-205. See also, Robert W. Lincoln, Lives of the Presidents of the United States; with Biographical Notices of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence (New York: William W. Reed, 1833), 393.
2 Alexander Leitch, “Stockton, Richard,” Princeton Companion (1978). See also, Carroll Judson, A Biography of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence, and of Washington and Patrick Henry (Philadelphia: J. Dobson, and Thomas, Cowperthwait & Co., 1839), 68; John C. Glynn, Jr. and Kathryn Glynn “Richard Stockton,The Society of the Descendents of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence (2008); Goodrich, Lives of the Signers (1842), 205.
3 John Sanderson, Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers to the Declaration of Independence, ed. Robert T. Conrad (Philadelphia: Thomas, Cowperthwait & Co., 1846), 220.
4 Judson, Biography of the Signers (1839), 68. See also, Lincoln, Lives of the Presidents (1833), 393.
5 Goodrich, Lives of the Signers (1842), 207.
6 Sanderson, Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers, ed. Conrad (1846), 219-220.
7 Sanderson, Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers, ed. Conrad (1846), 222.
8 Sanderson, Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers, ed. Conrad (1846), 222.
9 Lincoln, Lives of the Presidents (1833), 393.
10 Goodrich, Lives of the Signers (1842), 207. See also, Judson, Biography of the Signers (1839), 69.
11 Sanderson, Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers , ed. Conrad (1846), 222-223. See also Judson, Biography of the Signers (1839), 69-70.
12 Lincoln, Lives of the Presidents of the United States (1833), 393.  See also Goodrich, Lives of the Signers (1842), 208.
13 Judson, Biography of the Signers (1839), 70.
14 Judson,  Biography of the Signers (1839), 70. See also, Sanderson, Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers, ed.Conrad (1846), 223; Lincoln, Lives of the Presidents (1833), 393; Goodrich, Lives of the Signers (1842), 208.
15 Judson, Biography of the Signers (1839), 70.

Dr. Rush’s Eternal Hope

The Lesser Known Boudinot

At the time of his death in 1813, Dr. Benjamin Rush was heralded as one of America’s three most notable Founders, along with George Washington and Benjamin Franklin.1 He was a signer of the Declaration of Independence, served under three Presidents, helped found five universities and colleges, is titled “The Father of American Medicine,” led both the abolition and prison reform movements, and founded American Sunday Schools and the nation’s first Bible Society. His Christian faith was not only the driving motivation for doing good, but also his hope for the future.

Rush composed this letter to friend and fellow patriot, Elisha Boudinot (1749-1819) of Newark. (Elisha’s older brother was the better known, Elias Boudinot, president of the Continental Congress and a framer of the Bill of Rights during the first federal Congress.)

Elisha was also active in the Patriot cause, serving on the Council of Safety and later as a justice of the Supreme Court of New Jersey.2 He helped a slave win his freedom,3 worked to prepare men for the Gospel ministry, 4 and was an active member of the First Presbyterian Church of Newark.

Elisha Boudinot was so loved and respected in his community that when his home burned in January 1797, the neighbors not only turned out en masse to rebuild it5 but also established the city’s first fire department to prevent similar future losses.6

Condolences

In this inspiring letter Rush offers his friend comfort following the loss of his wife, Catharine. He looks forward to a time when “there shall be no more death, nor sorrow, nor crying” (Revelation 21:4) and reminds his friend that they do not grieve “as those who have no hope” (I Thessalonians 4:13).

The hope of resurrection was especially important to Dr. Rush in Philadelphia in 1797. During the notorious Yellow Fever Epidemic of 1793, 5,000 people (10% of the city’s population) had fallen victim to the disease, and an additional 20,000 had fled the city. The mosquito-borne illness struck again in 1797, prompting President Adams to consider temporarily moving the seat of government out of Philadelphia.7 Rush, who had courageously treated the city’s victims in 1793, again felt the eerie effects of the epidemic, describing “the passing hearse, the shut up houses, and the silent streets of our city.

This letter, sold at auction in 2011,8 is yet another striking example of the living faith of America’s Founding Fathers.

Autograph letter signed, Benjamin. Rush, Philadelphia, September 8, 1797, to Elisha Boudinot, Newark, New Jersey.

Transcript

My dear Sir:

Permit me to join in the general sympathy your late bereavement has excited in the breasts of all your friends. “Is Dr. Mather still in the land of the living” said one of his friends who inquired after him at his door in his last illness. “No (said the aged saint who overheard the inquiry) he is in the land of the dead, but he is going to the land of the living.” Yes – my dear friend, we live among the dead; and in a valley of human bones. Every newspaper we pick up is an obituary of departed friends, or fellow citizens. At the present awful moment, the passing hearse, the shut up houses, and the silent streets of our city, all proclaim that we are made of the dust, & that we are doomed to return to it. But let us not complain as those who have no hope. The grave shall ere long be robbed of its prey. Even Hell itself shall give up its prisoners. The Conquests & Grace of Jesus Christ extend to the utmost limits of fire & misery, & all, all shall in due time be made to partake of the benefits of this infinite Atonement. Your late excellent consort will I doubt not be among the first fruits of his glorious resurrection. Let those considerations comfort you under your present affliction. My dear Mrs. Rush shares deeply in your grief, and joins with me in respectful & affectionate [comforts] to your aged and afflicted parents Mr. & Mrs. Smith. She joins likewise in love to all the children9 with my Dr Sir, your sincere friend.

Benjm Rush

PS: The fever increases, but it is confined chiefly to one part of the city. I have hitherto been preserved, except from a light attack of it, which confined me but one day. “Brethren pray for us.” – Mrs. Bradford continues to mend but slowly.10


Endnotes

1. John Adams to Richard Rush on May 5, 1813, Founders Online, National Archives, accessed June 10, 2026, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/99-02-02-6020.

2. W. Wallace Atterbury, Elias Boudinot: Reminiscences of the American Revolution (Read Before the Hugenot Society, February 15, 1894), 38; David Lawrence Pierson, Narratives of Newark, (Newark: Pierson Publishing Co., 1917), 190;  Frank J. Urquhart, History of the City of Newark (New York: The Lewis Historical Publishing Co., 1913), 2:604.

3. Urquhart, History of the City of Newark (1913), 2:606.

4. Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of the United States (Philadelphia: William Bradford, 1822), 166-167.

5. Historic Newark (Newark: Fidelity Trust Company, 1916), 24.

6. William H. Shaw, History of Essex and Hudson Counties, New Jersey (Philadelphia: Everts & Peck, 1884), 1:458.

7. John Adams, First Annual Address to Congress, November 22, 1797.

8. Lot 996, Rush, Benjamin, Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania, Sotheby’s, accessed June 10, 2026, https://www.sothebys.com/en/auctions/ecatalogue/2011/the-james-s-copley-library-magnificent-american-historical-documents-third-selection-n08708/lot.996.html.

9. Elisha and Catherine had eleven children prior to her death.
10. This was likely Susan Vergereau Boudinot Bradford, daughter of Elias Boudinot. In 1784, she married William Bradford, an aide to General Washington during the War and later Pennsylvania’s attorney general. Colonel Bradford died in the yellow fever epidemic of 1795. Mrs. Bradford, widowed at thirty years old, never remarried.

Which President earned the nickname “Old Man Eloquent”?

If you answered John Quincy Adams (the earliest serving President to have a photograph taken of him), then you were right!

Born on July 11, 1767, to John Adams and Abigail Adams, 1 by the age of eight he had not only trained with the famous Massachusetts Minutemen 2 and watched the British attack Boston,3 but by the age of 11, he was serving as a secretary to his father, who was the U.S. diplomat to France; 4 at the age of 14, he was sent to be secretary and translator for Francis Dana, American diplomat in the Court of Queen Catherine the Great in Russia;5 and at the age of 15, he was an official secretary for the American delegation negotiating the final peace treaty to end the American War for Independence.6

This amazing youngster became a diplomat under President George Washington 7 (whom Washington described as “the most valuable public character we have abroad”), 8 and served in the same position under several other presidents. 9

He was also a U. S. Senator, a Secretary of State,10 was appointed to the U. S. Supreme Court (but declined the position), 11 and became the sixth President of the United States. 12

In fact, he was the only president in American history who served in the U. S. House of Representatives after finishing his term as president (he served for 17 years in that position!).13

Throughout his time in the House, he was known as the “Hell Hound of Abolition” for his relentless pursuit of that object, as well as “Old Man Eloquent” for his mastery of the spoken language 14 — not surprising since he had previously been a professor of oratory and rhetoric at Harvard. 15

But before serving in the House, while Ambassador to Russia under President James Madison in 1811, he wrote nine letters to his ten-year-old son, George Washington Adams (whom he had named after his friend and mentor, George Washington), instructing him on how to read through the Bible once each year. As he explained to his young son, his purpose for those letters was “the inculcation of a love and reverence for the Holy Scriptures, and a delight in their perusal and study.”16

In his first letter, he told young George:

I have myself, for many years, made it a practice to read through the Bible once every year. I have always endeavored to read it with the same spirit and temper of mind, which I now recommend to you: that is, with the intention and desire that it may contribute to my advancement in wisdom and virtue. 17

Shortly after John Quincy’s death on the floor of the House of Representatives in 1848, those nine letters were quickly printed as a book for all of America’s youth, 18 so that they, too, could learn how to read through the Bible once each year, and understand it. That work was so popular that it went through a number of reprints, and is still in print today (and it is worthwhile for all Americans to read today, regardless of their age).

Not only was John Quincy’s faith evident throughout his family letters but also in his published works — such as his poetry. Interestingly, Adams was one of only a handful of poet presidents, and his strong Biblical faith is repeatedly demonstrated in his poems. In fact, his 1848 work, Poems of Religion and Society includes poems on the Sabbath, the Goodness of God, and many more Christian topics.

Interestingly, when admirers — particularly young ones — wrote this famous American asking for his autograph, he would often sent them a piece of original poetry he had composed for them based on one of the Psalms from the Bible. In fact, WallBuilders recently posted one such handwritten Psalm transcribed by John Quincy Adams.

Adams, who spent more than six decades of his life in public service, was known as a man “devoted to serving rather than pleasing his countrymen” 19 – that is, he was driven by principle, not by what others thought, understanding that his eternal destiny was more important than his momentary popularity. He maintained this principled position, even when it meant confronting his own family. For example, as his father, John Adams, was growing old, and late in life began to depart from the Christian orthodoxy that had characterized his earlier years, questioning even the Divinity of Christ and a belief in the Trinity, John Quincy pointedly told his father:

My hopes of a future life are all founded upon the Gospel of Christ and I cannot cavil or quibble away [evade or object to]. . . . the whole tenor of His conduct by which He sometimes positively asserted and at others countenances [permits] His disciples in asserting that He was God. 20

As we honor the birthday of one of America’s greatest statesmen, let us also rely on the same Hope in which he trusted and even model our life after John Quincy Adams’ personal life motto, described by nineteenth century historian Elbridge Brooks as:

Duty is ours, and the results are God’s 21


Endnotes

1 Francis S. Drake, Dictionary of American Biography (Boston: Houghton, Osgood & Company, 1879), p. 7, s.v. “John Quincy Adams.”See also,John Quincy Adams Biography,” National Park Service (accessed July 17, 2013).
2 John Quincy Adams, Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of His Diary From 1795 to 1848, Charles Francis Adams, editor (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1875), Vol. VII, p. 325.
3 John Quincy Adams, Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of His Diary From 1795 to 1848, Charles Francis Adams, editor (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1874), Vol. I, pp. 4-6.
4 William H. Seward, The Life and Public Services of John Quincy Adams, Sixth President of the United States, with the Eulogy Delivered Before the Legislature of New York (Auburn: Derby, Miller, and Company, 1849), pp. 30-32. See also, Sketch of the Life of John Quincy Adams; Taken from the Port Folio of April, 1819 (1824), p. 4.
5 John Quincy Adams, Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, Comprising Portions of His Diary From 1795 to 1848, Charles Francis Adams, editor (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co., 1874), Vol. I, p. 12.
6 Memoirs of John Quincy Adams (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co, 1874), Vol. I, p. 13. See also, Biographies of the Secretaries of State: John Quincy Adams,” U.S. Department of State: Office of the Historian (accessed on July 15, 2013).
7Adams, John Quincy,” Biographical Directory of the United States Congress (accessed on July 11, 2013).
8 George Washington, Correspondence Between the Honorable John Adams, Late President of the United States and the Late Wm. Cunningham, Esq. (Boston: E.Q. Cunningham, 1823), pp. 37-38, To John Adams February 20, 1797.
9Adams, John Quincy,” Biographical Directory of the United States Congress (accessed on July 11, 2013).
10Adams, John Quincy,” Biographical Directory of the United States Congress (accessed on July 11, 2013).
11 Dictionary of American Biography, Allen Johnson, editor (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1928), Vol. I, p. 85.
12Adams, John Quincy,” Biographical Directory of the United States Congress (accessed on July 11, 2013).
13The Election of John Quincy Adams of Massachusetts,” United States House of Representatives: History, Art, & Archives (accessed July 17, 2013). See also,Adams, John Quincy,” Biographical Directory of the United States Congress (accessed on July 11, 2013).
14 Francis S. Drake, Dictionary of American Biography (Boston: Houghton, Osgood & Company, 1879), p. 8, s.v. “John Quincy Adams.”
15 Sketch of the Life of John Quincy Adams; Taken from the Port Folio of April, 1819 (1824), p. 10.
16 John Quincy Adams, Letters of John Quincy Adams to His Son on the Bible and its Teachings (Auburn, N.Y: Derby, Miller, & Co., 1848), pp. 6-7.
17 John Quincy Adams, Letters of John Quincy Adams to His Son on the Bible and its Teachings (Auburn, N.Y: Derby, Miller, & Co., 1848), pp. 10-11.
18John Quincy Adams, Letters of John Quincy Adams to His Son on the Bible and its Teachings (Auburn, N.Y: Derby, Miller, & Co., 1848), pp. 5-8.
19 John Quincy Adams, Letters of John Quincy Adams to His Son on the Bible and its Teachings (Auburn, N.Y: Derby, Miller, & Co., 1848), p. 6.
20 John Quincy Adams, The Writings of John Quincy Adams, Worthington Chauncey Ford, editor (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1916), Vol. VI, p. 135, Letter to John Adams, January 3, 1817.
21 Elbridge S. Brooks, Historic American: Sketches of the Lives and Characters of Certain Famous Americans Held Most in Reverence by the Boys and Girls of America, For Whom Their Stories Here Are Told (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell & Co. Publishers, 1899), pp. 208-209.

Celebrating Abigail Adams

Abigail Adams is the first of only two women in American history to be the wife of one President and the mother of another. Born in 1744 to a Congregationalist minister, her formal education was limited, but her self-education was extensive, and her wisdom and advice caused her to be a trusted adviser to significant Founding Fathers, especially her famous husband, John Adams. 1

Probably the most profound influence in guiding and shaping her life was her strong Christian faith. Her knowledge of the Scriptures was intimate, evidenced not only in her life but especially in her letters. Consider just a few from the year 1775 when she was personally witnessing the start of the American Revolution. For example, following the Battles of Lexington and Concord, she told her husband, John:

Nor doth the eye say unto the hand, “I have no need of thee” [1 Corinthians 12:21]. The Lord will not cast off His people, neither will He forsake his inheritance [Psalm 94:14]. Great events are most certainly in the womb of futurity, and if the present chastisements which we experience have a proper influence upon our conduct, the event will certainly be in our favor. . . . Pharaoh’s [i.e., King George III’s] heart is hardened, and he refuseth to hearken to them and will not let the people go [Exodus 8:32]. May their deliverance be wrought out for them, as it was for the children of Israel [Exodus 12]. 2

Several weeks later in describing the 1775 burning of Charlestown and Battle of Bunker Hill, she told him:

“The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong; but the God of Israel is He that giveth strength and power unto His people. Trust in Him at all times, ye people, pour out your hearts before Him; God is a refuge for us” [Ecclesiastes 9:11 and Psalm 62:8]. Charlestown is laid in ashes. The battle began upon our entrenchments upon Bunker’s Hill, Saturday morning about three o’clock, and has not ceased yet, and it is now three o’clock Sabbath afternoon. 3

A week later, she wrote:

We live in continual expectation of hostilities. Scarcely a day that does not produce some; but like good Nehemiah, having made our prayer unto God and set the people with their swords, their spears, and their bows, we will say unto them “Be not ye afraid of them; remember the Lord, who is great and terrible, and fight for your brethren, your sons, and your daughters, your wives and your houses” [Nehemiah 4:14]. 4

She later told John:

And unto Him who mounts the whirlwind and directs the storm [Nahum 1:3] I will cheerfully leave the ordering of my lot; and whether adverse or prosperous days should be my future portion, I will trust in His right hand to lead me safely through [Psalm 139:10], and after a short rotation of events, fix me in a state immutable and happy. 5

By the end of 1775, a number of their friends had been killed in the conflict with Great Britain, and her own mother had also passed away. She told John:

How long, O Lord, shall the whole land say, I am sick! [Isaiah 33:24] Oh show us wherefore it is that Thou art thus contending with us [Job 10:2]. In a very particular manner I have occasion to make this inquiry, who have had breach upon breach – nor has one wound been permitted to be healed ere it is made to bleed afresh. In six weeks I count five of my near connections laid in the grave. . . . But the heavy stroke which most of all disturbs me is my dear mother. . . . He who deigned to weep over a departed friend [John 11:35] will surely forgive a sorrow which at all times desires to be bounded and restrained by a firm belief that a Being of infinite wisdom and unbounded goodness will carve out my portion in tender mercy to me. Yea, though He slay me, I will trust in Him, said holy Job [Job 13:15]. What though His corrective hand hath been stretched against me; I will not murmur. Though earthly comforts are taken away, I will not repine [1 Corinthians 10:10]. He who gave them has surely a right to limit their duration, and He has continued them to me much longer than I deserve. I might have been stripped of my children, as many others have been. I might – oh, forbid it Heaven – I might have been left a solitary widow! 6

By the close of the year, Abigail told John her personal conviction that:

[H]e who neglects his duty to his Maker may well be expected to be deficient and insincere in his duty towards the public. 7

Around that time, she also wrote her close friend, Mercy Otis Warren, America’s first female historian who is called “The Conscience of the American Revolution,” and similarly told her:

A patriot without religion in my estimation is as great a paradox as an honest man without the fear of God. 8

Her strong faith was just as apparent in her writings to her young son, John Quincy Adams. In 1778, John was dispatched to France and took with him their ten year old son. 9 After they arrived in Europe, Abigail told her young son:

It is almost four months since you left your native land and embarked upon the mighty waters, in quest of a foreign country. . . . [Y]ou have constantly been upon my heart and mind. . . . Great learning and superior abilities, should you ever possess them, will be of little value and small estimation, unless virtue, honor, truth, and integrity are added to them. Adhere to those religious sentiments and principles which were early instilled into your mind and remember that you are accountable to your Maker for all your words and actions. . . . I would much rather you should have found your grave in the ocean you have crossed, or that any untimely death crop you in your infant years, than see you an immoral, profligate, or graceless child. 10

In 1780 when her son John Quincy Adams was in Paris, she reminded him:

You have seen how inadequate the aid of man would have been if the winds and the seas had not been under the particular government of that Being Who “stretched out the heavens as a span” [Isaiah 40:12], Who “holdeth the ocean in the hollow of His hand” [Isaiah 40:12], and “rideth upon the wings of the wind” [Psalm 104:3]. . . . The only sure and permanent foundation of virtue is religion. Let this important truth be engraven upon your heart. And also that the foundation of religion is the belief of the only one God, and a just sense of His attributes as a Being infinitely wise, just, and good, to Whom you owe the highest reverence, gratitude, and adoration; Who superintends and governs all nature, even to clothing the lilies of the field [Matthew 6:28] and hearing the young ravens when they cry [Psalm 147:9]; but more particularly regards man, Whom he created after His own image [Genesis 1:26], and breathed into him an immortal spirit [Genesis 2:7], capable of a happiness beyond the grave. 11

What Abigail taught the young John Quincy Adams never departed him. In fact, when he was quite elderly, he reminisced of her impact upon him, recalling:

[In the] spring and summer of 1775, she taught me to repeat daily, after the Lord’s Prayer, before rising from bed, the Ode of Collins [a patriotic poem] on the patriot warriors who fell in the war. . . . Of the impression made upon my heart by the sentiments inculcated in these beautiful effusions of patriotism and poetry, you may form an estimate by the fact that now, seventy-one years after they were thus taught me, I repeat them from memory. 12

From his mother, this great Christian patriot early learned a love of God and a love of his country. But such was the Christian influence of Abigail Adams, a Godly heroine of the American Revolution.

WallBulders’ Collection includes an original Abigail letter which references her faith. For more about Abigail, get the book Wives of the Signers.


Endnotes

1 “John Adams and the Massachusetts Constitution,” Mass.gov, accessed May 8, 2025; Elizabeth Ellet, Women of the Revolution (New York; Baker and Scribner, 1849), II:31.
2 Abigail Adams to John Adams, May 7, 1775, Familiar Letters of John Adams and His Wife Abigail Adams, During the Revolution, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1875), 54.
3 Abigail to John Adams, June 18, 1775, Letters of Mrs. Adams, the Wife of John Adams. With an Introductory Memoir by Her Grandson Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1840), I:40.
4 Abigail to John Adams, June 25, 1775, Letters of Mrs. Adams (1840), I:45.
5 Abigail Adams to John Adams, September 16, 1775, Familiar Letters, ed. Adams (1875), 98.
6 Abigail to John Adams, October 9, 1775, Familiar Letters, ed. Adams (1875), 106.
7 Abigail to John Adams on November 5, 1775, Familiar Letters, ed. Adams (1875), 122.
8 Abigail Adams to Mercy Warren in November, 1775, Warren-Adams Letters: Being Chiefly a Correspondence Among John Adams, Samuel Adams, and John Warren (The Massachusetts Historical Society, 1917), I:180.
9 William H. Seward, The Life and Public Services of John Quincy Adams, Sixth President of the United States, with the Eulogy Delivered Before the Legislature of New York (Auburn: Derby, Miller and Company, 1849), 30-32.
10 Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, June 1778, Letters of Mrs. Adams (1840), I:122-125.
11 Abigail to John Quincy Adams, March 20, 1780, Letters of Mrs. Adams (1840), I:146- 147.
12 John Quincy Adams to Mr. Sturge in 1846, Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott and Company, 1874), 1:5-6.

Duel Hamilton and Burr 1894 Book

The Founders on the Second Amendment

The Second Amendment to the Constitution has become a target for Progressives and Liberals, who are determined to dismantle it. The Founders recognized the “right to keep and bear arms” as an inalienable right of self-defense to be protected by government rather than infringed or abridged by it. As Constitution signer John Dickinson affirmed, inalienable rights such as self-defense were rights “which God gave to you and which no inferior power has a right to take away.” [1]

Significantly, the Second Amendment did not grant or bestow any right on the people; instead, it simply recognized and provided what Constitution signer James Wilson called “a new security” for the right of self-defense that God had already bestowed on every individual. [2]

Numerous Founders affirmed the God-given right to self-defense and personal safety:

[T]he said Constitution [should] be never construed . . . to prevent the people of the United States, who are peaceable citizens, from keeping their own arms. Samuel Adams, Signer of the Declaration, “Father of the American Revolution” [3]

The right . . . of bearing arms . . . is declared to be inherent in the people. Fisher Ames, A Framer of the Second Amendment in the First Congress [4]

[T]he advantage of being armed [is an advantage which] the Americans possess over the people of almost every other nation. . . . [I]n the several kingdoms of Europe . . . the governments are afraid to trust the people with arms. James Madison, U.S. President, Signer of the Constitution, a Framer of the Second Amendment in the first congress [5]

[T]o preserve liberty, it is essential that the whole body of the people always possess arms, and be taught alike, especially when young, how to use them. Richard Henry Lee, Signer of the Declaration, A Framer of the Second Amendment in the First Congress [6]

To learn the history of this historic Amendment and the Founders’ clear views on it, see our short book The Second Amendment. Also, The Founders’ Bible shows not only the Founders’ position on self-defense and the Second Amendment but it also gives the Biblical basis for that right — as in Exodus 22, which helps explain the “Castle Doctrine.”


Endnotes

[1] John Dickinson, Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, R. T. H. Halsey, editor (New York: The Outlook Company, 1903), p. xlii, letter to the Society of Fort St. David’s, 1768; see also John Quincy Adams, An Oration Delivered Before the Cincinnati Astronomical Society on the Occasion of Laying the Cornerstone of an Astronomical Observatory on the 10th of November, 1843 (Cincinnati: Shepard & Co., 1843), pp. 13-14.
[2] James Wilson, The Works of the Honorable James Wilson, Bird Wilson, editor (Philadelphia: Bronson and Chauncey, 1804), Vol. II, p. 454.
[3] Debates and Proceedings in the Convention of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Held in the Year 1788 (Boston: William White, 1856), pp. 86, 266, February 6, 1788; see also William V. Wells, The Life and Public Service of Samuel Adams (Boston: Little, Brown, & Co., 1865), Vol. III, p. 267.
[4] Fisher Ames, Works of Fisher Ames, Seth Ames, editor (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1854), Vol. I, p. 54, to George Richards Minot on June 12, 1789.
[5] Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison, The Federalist on the New Constitution (Philadelphia: Benjamin Warner, 1818), p. 259, Federalist No. 46 by James Madison.
[6] Richard Henry Lee, An Additional Number Of Letters From The Federal Farmer To The Republican (New York: 1788), p.170, Letter XVIII, January, 25, 1788.

Sermon – Fasting – 1812


Samuel Worcester (1796-1821) graduated from Dartmouth (1795) and studied theology under Rev. Samuel Austin in Massachusetts. He was a teacher at the New Ipswich Academy for a short time and was ordained in 1796. Worcester later taught at Dartmouth (1804) and was secretary for the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mission at its founding in 1810.

The following sermon was preached by Rev. Worcester on the day of national fasting proclaimed by President James Madison in 1812.


sermon-fasting-1812-2

COURAGE AND SUCCESS TO THE GOOD.

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED

AT THE TABERNACLE IN SALEM,

AUG. 20, 1812,

THE DAY OF

NATIONAL HUMILIATION AND PRAYER

ON ACCOUNT OF THE

WAR WITH GREAT-BRITAIN

ALSO,

THE SUBSTANCE OF A DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED

SABBATH DAY, AUGUST 9, 1812.

By SAMUEL WORCESTER, D. D

 

A
Discourse
 

2 Chron. XIX.11.
Deal courageously, and the Lord shall be with the good.
Jehoshaphat king of Judah was one of the best of princes. “He walked in the first ways of his father David, and sought not unto Baalim; but sought to the Lord God of his fathers, and walked in his commandments.” In the third year of his reign, he gave a special order to the princess, priests, and Levites “to teach in the cities of Judah. And they taught in Judah, and had the book of the law of the Lord with them, and went about throughout all the cities of Judah, and taught the people.” This piety was marked with signal tokens of the divine approbation. The Lord was with Jehoshaphat, and established the kingdom in his hand; – “and the fear of the Lord fell upon all the kingdoms of the lands that were round about Judah, so that they made no war against Jehoshaphat.” For a succession of years, his kingdom was prosperous and happy, and increased in riches and strength.

In the height of his prosperity, however, Jehoshaphat committed a grievous fault. He formed an alliance with Ahab king of Israel, who had “sold himself to work wickedness in the fight of the Lord.” He visited Ahab at Samaria; and Ahab said to him, “Wilt thou go with me to Ramoth Gilead? And he answered him, I am as thou art, and my people as thy people; and we will be with thee in the war. The kings with their forces accordingly went to Ramoth Gilead to fight with the Syrians; and the event of the battle is well known. Agreeably to the prediction of Micaiah the son of Imlah, Ahab was slain, and “all Israel were scattered upon the mountains as sheep that have no shepherd. – Jehoshaphat, however, escaped from the battle and “returned to Jerusalem in peace.” But as he was returning, “Jehu the son of Hanani the seer, went out to meet him, and said to king Jehoshaphat, shouldest thou help the ungodly, and love them that hate Lord? Therefore is wrath upon thee from before the Lord.”

It was a critical day with that nation. Not only had the king himself sinned; but, in consequence of his criminal alliance with Ahab, the people of Judah were corrupted by their intercourse with the idolatrous people of Ahab’s realm. Idolatry prevailed, and iniquity abounded; God was rising up in displeasure, and his hand was just ready to “take hold of judgment:” a speedy change was necessary to avert the impending storm. Jehoshaphat saw the crisis, and yielded to its impression. Along with the awful rebuke and warning given him from God, there was a kind intimation adapted to inspire hope. “Nevertheless,” said the prophet, “there are good things found in thee.” Animated by this encouragement, and penitent himself, he engaged without delay in vigorous endeavors for a general reformation. Thinking it not enough to direct the princess, priests, and Levites, as in the early part of his reign he had done, to teach in the cities of Judah; the king now went out in person “through the people from Beersheba to mount Ephraim,” from the southern to the northern border of his kingdom, “and brought them back unto the Lord God of their fathers.” To forward and establish the good work, he deemed it necessary to have good men in public office; “and he set judges in the land throughout all the fenced cities, city by city;” and gave them a charge worthy to be deeply imprinted on the minds of all magistrates and people: “Take heed what ye do; for ye judge not for men, but for the Lord, who is with you in the judgment. Wherefore now let the fear of the Lord be upon you; take heed and do it: for there is no iniquity with the Lord our God, nor respect of persons, nor taking of gifts.” To the judges of the high court at Jerusalem in particular, he added; “Thus shall ye do in the fear of the Lord faithfully, and with a perfect heart.—Deal courageously, and the Lord shall be with the good.”

Though a reformation was begun, the general corruption was still so prevalent, as to render great courage necessary to the faithful performance of duty: and to inspire the requisite courage, the royal reformer gave assurance of divine aid to such as would be faithful. His admirable words are not of limited application, but afford this general instruction: That they, who in evil times will be courageously good, may rely on the help of God.—This important sentiment may be taken up in two distinct propositions:

I.

To do in evil times that what belongs to good men, requires great courage.

II.

They, who in evil times will do, or attempt, what belongs to good men, may be assured of divine help.

Evil times are times of degeneracy and calamity; times in which the corrupt propensities and passions of men throw off their wanted restraints, disturb social order and tranquility, call for divine judgments, and threaten extensive ruin. In such times, it belongs to good men to oppose themselves to the swelling and menacing tide; and to do all in their power, in their several stations, for truth and right—for religion and virtue—for order, safety, and happiness.—To do this requires great courage: because the opposition to be encountered will be formidable; the objects in view will be of difficult attainment; and the sacrifices to be made, and the hazards to be incurred, will be great.

The opposition to be encountered will be formidable.—Evil time abound with evil men; with men who delight in the times because they are evil. —With times of error and delusion, the erroneous and deluded will be pleased; with times of impiety and profligacy, the impious and profligate will be pleased; with times of contention and turbulence, the contentious and turbulent will be pleased; and with times of calamity and distress—such is human nature—not a few will be pleased! Hatred of the good, envy of the rich and the great—avarice, ambition, malice, and various lusts and passions, will be gratified, when the good are despised—when the rich and the great are reduced—when right and law are trampled underfoot—when “the foundations are removed”—the whole social state is in turmoil—and fraud, rapine, and violence unrestrainedly prevail!

Look, my brethren, at the Jews towards the close of their national history;—look at Rome in her seasons of commotion and misrule;—look at England in the times of her civil wars;—look at France in the days of the late revolution. In all those instances of enormity and calamity, while society was in ruins—while property, character, life had no security—while all that should be held dear on earth was at the mercy of malignant passions—hundreds and thousands could exalt in all the terror, devastation, misery, and blood around them. Melancholy view of human depravity! But if many could be pleased with such times; surely there can be no evil times, with which there will not be many pleased. And of those who are pleased, many will be found in high places; in places of emolument, influence and power. Evil men make evil times, and evil times elevate evil men. “When the wicked are multiplied, transgression increaseth;”—“when the wicked rise, men hide themselves;”—“when the vilest men are exalted, the wicked walk on every side.”

But in whatever station they may be, all who are pleased with the times, because they are evil, will stand in opposition to a change for the better; all who are pleased with evils which prevail—who have passions to be gratified, or purposes to be answered by them—will resist the means and attempts for their remedy. Nor will they fail, by the delusions which they practice and the influence which they exert, to engage many others to act with them. Many, who deplore the prevalent enormities and calamities, by delusive views, by sinister motives of which they are not aware, or by some misguiding influence or other—will be induced to unite with the men who delight in those evils, and to oppose whatever many be attempted to remove or to counteract them.—And uniting with them, they will partake more of less of their spirit.—Men, otherwise good, when they lend themselves to the views of the bad, always receive an assimilating taint; and imbibe a spirit which, acting upon opposite principles in them, and producing a strong effervescence, will shew itself in a most baleful zeal. When conscience, and religion are pressed into a connection with delusion and corruption, the alliance is as direful as it is unnatural: under pretentions the most sacred, its character is madness, and its work is mischief. To this truth the history of the world supplies awful attestations.

Formidable indeed, then, must be the opposition which they, who would do in evil times what belongs to good men, must inevitably encounter. And in view of the opposition, and circumstances connected with it, the ends of virtuous exertion cannot but appear to be of difficult and doubtful attainment.—To dissipate inveterate delusion—to arrest the progress of triumphant vice—to give to truth and right an ascendant influence over strong popular excitements, is an achievement worthy of more than human power. Leviathan is not easily tamed.

If evil men and seducers are many, to withstand their influence must be proportionally difficult; and the success of endeavors to counteract their purposes and practices will appear proportionally doubtful. Men of this character are always active, because they are always powerfully stimulated. Good men, acting from reason and from principle, and having to restrain their passions, and to combat whatever of evil disposition remains in them, are not merely deliberate, but often slow, irresolute and inefficient. Not so the bad. They stop not to take counsel of conscience or of God; instead of restraining their passions and combating their corrupt propensities, they summon both the one and the other to their aid; and therefore they are always alert, always quick, always determined and vigorous.—Nor is this their only advantage over the good.—Conscience and moral principle being excluded from their councils, they have no question as to what is lawful and right; their only question is, what will most effectually answer their purposes. With them “the end sanctifies the means,” and they have no hesitancy in employing means from which good men are absolutely restrained. And they have this further advantage, that their means are such as are adapted to please, and excite all that is corrupt in mankind.—The good, in pursuit of their purposes, must address themselves to the understandings, and the moral feelings of men; the bad address themselves to the passions, and the selfish propensities. The advantage in this case is obvious. The understandings of men are flow, but their passions are quick; their moral feelings are hard to be roused, but their selfish propensities are easily excited.

Such are some of the advantages which bad men have over the good in this depraved world, and especially in evil times; advantages of which they are fully aware, and are sure to avail themselves. Of this the writings of corrupt men of modern times, and the practices of corrupt men of every age, have furnished ample proof.—Hence their dreadful success:—their success in gaining multitudes to their views—in extending their influence, and accomplishing their purposes. By specious pretenses and artful flatteries—by misrepresentations and falsehood—by calumnies against the good—by incentives offered to pride, to ambition, to avarice, to envy—to every evil propensity and passion—they strengthen the confederacy of vice, and fortify themselves in the strong holds of iniquity.

Of all this however, but few will have a clear discernment or a full belief. With all the explicit instructions of scripture on the wickedness of mankind, with all the awful attestations of history to the fame effect, with all the overwhelming facts of our own times, placed fully before them, the great majority will not really and practically believe the truth respecting corrupt men. Even persons, who profess to believe in the total depravity of human nature, will often shew and invincible credulity in this café; and an astonishing confidence in the integrity, the uprightness, the goodness and wisdom of men, who evidently have no fear of God before their eyes, whose lives are impious and profligate, and who are utterly hostile to our holy religion. This strange credulity and incredulity is a circumstance exceedingly discouraging to those who discover and would counteract evil and dangerous designs and practices. Cicero, at Rome, had a distinct view of the designs of Catalina and his associates, and exhibited proof of them to the Senate; yet so slow were the Senate to believe, that the consul did not think it prudent to take the measures, which the public safety seemed urgently to require, until it was next to a miracle that the city was saved from conflagration, its best citizens from massacre, and the republic from ruin. “There are some of this very order, who either do not see the dangers that hang over us, or else dissemble what they see; who by the softness of their votes cherish Catalina’s hopes, and add strength to the conspiracy, by not believing it; and whose authority influences many, not only of the wicked, but of the weak.” A difficulty of this kind will often, if not always be felt.

Owing to this, and to other causes already mentioned, a death-like apathy will be found to prevail in regard to the most threatening enormities and dangers; an apathy which can hardly fail to palsy every attempt to counteract the direful wickedness, and to avert the impending calamity.—Difficult, however, as it is to produce a belief of real enormities, and to awaken a sense of real dangers; it is yet but too easy, by means which bad men will employ, to excite the most injurious suspicions against the best characters, and the most unfounded jealousies against the best designs. In this way the influence of good men is impaired, their hands are weakened, and their endeavors are rendered abortive.

With good men, for various reasons, many selfish men may be induced ostensibly to unite, and generally to act: men who with all their correctness of judgment and their important influence, have yet more regard to their own private objects than to the public good, and, who in various ways, may impede and injure cause which they seem to espouse. Nor are good men themselves free from imperfections, or secure from wrong impressions, or wrong views. Even among themselves, by means of the calumnies and artful practices of the bad, or on account of differences of opinion, regarding the measures proper to be pursued, jealousies and competitions may arise, and distrust and disunion prevail. Particularly in times of violent dissention and strife, when party spirit is high, and the feelings of all are strongly excited, there will be among good men and those who act with them, some whose judgments are swayed by their passions, and who will not be satisfied with counsels and measures conformable to correct principles, and dictated by found wisdom. From these various causes great embarrassments and discouragements will result. The weak may be perverted—the timid may shrink from their posts—the violent may retire in disgust—and even the firmest, the wisest, and the best may occasionally be on the point of giving over all exertion, as utterly unavailing and hopeless.

In such times, those who will do what belongs to good men, must unavoidably make great sacrifices, and incur great hazards. They must sacrifice their love of ease and of retirement, much of the attention otherwise due to their private concerns, and not a little probably of personal interest. And as they will be assailed at every point, and no pains or means will be spared to depress and to ruin them; they must hazard their reputations; their standing and influence in society; and, as the café may be, their fortunes, and their lives. For the cause to which they are devoted, and the cause of truth and right, of religion and virtue, of their country and their God, they must count all things personal to themselves but loss, and be ready for every lawful sacrifice, and every rightful hazard.

In view of all which has now been presented, no one can doubt, that to do in evil times what belongs to good men, requires great courage. It requires a courage inspired by divine principles, animated by divine hopes, and sustained by divine aid. These principles the truly good possess—these hopes they may have—and on this aid they may rely. For, secondly, they, who in evil times will do, or attempt, what belongs to good men, may be assured of the help of God.

God is able to help them.—He has the hearts and interests of all men in his hands; he has the purposes and affairs of all men under his control. He can “disappoint the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise.” He can look from the cloud of his glory, and trouble the host of the wicked; can turn them back, and throw them into confusion and dismay; can disconcert their schemes, break their confederacies, scatter their combinations, and carry all their counsels headlong. He can take them in their own craftiness, and turn back their devices upon their own heads;—make the wrath of man to praise him, and restrain the remainder.—He can strengthen the hands of the good, and encourage their hearts. In the greatest straits, if he say to them, go forward, the sea shall open before them, and every difficulty shall disappear. He can impart to them the wisdom which is profitable to direct; can give stability and energy to their purposes; can bring them to unite in one mind and in one judgment; can dispose many to join with them, and to aid their cause; can make “a little one to become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation.” “He is wonderful in counsel and excellent in working;” whom he will he sets up, and whom he will he puts down; and “there is no wisdom, nor understanding, nor counsel against him.”

God is on the side of the good. “He loveth righteousness and hateth iniquity.” The cause of truth and of right, of religion and virtue, is his cause: the cause which all his perfections are engaged to support; and for the sake of which he has rebuked kings and nations, overturned states and empires, and shook the foundations of the world. Will he not then assuredly help those, who are engaged for the maintenance and advancement of his cause?

God has pledged his truth for the help of the good. His word to them is, “Fear not, for I am with you, be not afraid for I am your God; I will strengthen you, yea, I will help you, yea, I will uphold you with the right hand of my righteousness.” “Trust in the Lord and do good;–commit your way unto him, and he will bring it to pass.” “He will not help the evil doers”—“their arms shall be broken;”—but “he upholdeth the righteous,” and “is their help and their shield,” and “their strength in the time of trouble.”—Confiding in the truth of God, David, in most evil times, could triumphantly say, “I will not be afraid of ten thousands of the people that set themselves against me roundabout.—Salvation belongeth unto the Lord; thy blessing is upon thy people.” The same confidence good men should always hold fast; for on the same help they may always rely.

God has often, in evil times, afforded signal help to the good.—The confidence expressed by Jehoshaphat, in the words of our text, was proved by the event to have been well founded. Though he himself had sinned, and his people had departed from Jehovah—turned to idolatry, and become corrupt—so that there was wrath from the Lord against him and them, and heavy calamities were impending; yet by the blessing of the Lord upon the exertions made by him and by the magistrates in the several cities, a general reformation was effected, and the impending judgments were averted. Afterwards, when the Moabites and Ammonites and others, a great multitude, came against Judah, a fast was proclaimed and kept; a prophet was sent with a most gracious message from God; the hostile confederates turned their swords against one another and were destroyed; Jehoshaphat and his army, without having even occasion to fight, returned with joy and praise to Jerusalem; “the fear of God was on all the kingdoms of those countries,” and “the realm of Jehoshaphat was quiet, for his God gave him rest round about.” Agreeably to the word of Jehoshaphat, his servants dealt courageously, and the Lord was with the good.

In the evil times of Israel, ensuing upon the male administration of Saul, when the land trembled and was broken, and the people saw hard things and were made to drink of the wine of astonishment; they that feared the Lord rallied under the banner which he gave to them, and dealt courageously: and the Lord was with them, aided their exertions, reestablished the cause of truth and right, and blessed the nation with peace and prosperity. In the several reigns of Asa, Hezekiah and Josiah, the Lord helped the courageously good; and their endeavors were signally prospered.—In the evil times of the Jews, under the tyranny of Antiochus Epiphanes, when the sanctuary was polluted, and the land was filled with abominable wickedness and with variegated misery, Matthias of Modin, and his sons the Maccabees, courageously stood forth for the law of their God, and for the rights of their nation; and wonders on wonders were wrought. The Lord was with them; and one of them would chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight. The sanctuary was cleaned; the land was purged from its pollutions; the nation was delivered from oppression; and the name of the Maccabees was emblazoned with glory.—What shall we say of the apostles of Jesus? They were called to act in evil times, and they dealt courageously. In the face of a hostile and enraged world, in defiance of the coalesced powers of earth and hell, they boldly erected the standard of the cross—and God was with them. Thousands, who were charged with the guilt of Messiah’s blood, became his humble disciples; the bigotry of the Jews and the philosophy of the Greeks acknowledged the power of divine truth; the sound went out thro’ all the earth, and the words to the ends of the world; and millions on millions, of different nations, were “turned from their vanities to serve the living God.—The same was the spirit, and similar was the success of the Reformers of the sixteenth century. Few and despised as they were, by their means the thunders of the Vatican were silenced; the power of papal Rome was broken; the human mind was released from its chains; the darkness of ages was dispelled; and the light of a new and glorious era dawned upon the world.

Verily, my brethren, when they have dealt courageously, the Lord has been with the good. And Jehovah is an unchanging God, the same yesterday, today, and forever: his power the same, his truth the same, his cause the same, his readiness to help the courageously good the same.

The first reflection, pressed upon the mind by this subject, is, that the safety and welfare of a nation depend, under God, upon good men.—“The Lord is far from the wicked;” but “he is near to them that fear him.” These are his delight; their prayers he will hear for blessings on themselves and on others; and “to them he gives the banner,” which is the glory of a land. “By the blessing of the upright, the city is exalted; but it is overthrown by the mouth of the wicked.” “Wisdom is better than weapons of war; but one sinner destroyeth much good.” The flagitiously wicked are the disturbers of society—the troublers of a nation—the scourges of mankind. The friends of God and his cause are the only true friends of their country—the only true patriots. In all ages, they have upheld the essential cause of religion and virtue; and by their means all the great changes, auspicious to the best interests of nations and of mankind, have been effected. Had but ten righteous persons been found in Sodom, the cities of the plain would have been saved from destruction.

How important, in the second place, that the offices of trust and power, in a state and nation, be filled with good men!—The ministers of religion are appointed by God for the instruction of the people in regard to their highest and most essential interests; and it is of infinite consequence that they be good men. Rulers also are appointed to be “ministers of God for good.” They are the proper guardians of the safety and welfare of the people. Is it not then important that they too be good men: just men who will hate covetousness and rule in the fear of God; men who will be “a terror not to good works, but to the evil,” and whose influence will be exerted, in conjunction with that of the ministers of religion, to uphold truth and right, the main pillars of social order and happiness?—If the safety and welfare of a nation depend, under God, upon good men, shall they be committed to the keeping of the bad? If God is with the good, but far from the wicked; shall the wicked be made the guardians of all on earth, that is dear to individuals and to society? Will a people remove their interests, as far as they can, from under the blessing and protection of Heaven? If they do this, what can they expect, but the blast of a divine curse!—The maxim is from God, “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.”—Especially in this perilous age, when infidelity holds a great part of the world under its iron rod, and is exerting all its policy and power to reduce the rest under its control; will a people, calling themselves Christian, and favored with the privileges of the gospel, place in their highest offices men of infidel character, and therefore disposed to aid infidelity in its direful enterprises for universal empire!—What were this, but to despise their own mercies, insult the divine Majesty, and place themselves directly in the way of destruction!

A good man in the highest office, like the sun in the firmament, pours light, and sheds a cheering influence, on all parts of the nation. Under such a ruler, the righteous will flourish, and the land will be filled with life and joy. But a bad man, in the same high place, like a baleful, portentous comet, will fill the nation with perplexity and distress. “A wicked doer giveth heed to false lips;” and “if a ruler hearken to lies all his servants are wicked.” Under such a ruler, “the wicked will walk on every side:” bad men will exalt their heads; and good men will be hunted down.—What an unspeakable blessing to the people of his realm was the piety of Jehoshaphat! It was this which made him sensible of the greatest of the evil of helping the ungodly, and being connected with a power openly hostile to Jehovah; and prompted him to measures which countervailed his error, and averted the impending judgments. Were the rulers of our nation, my brethren, like that pious prince and the judges appointed by him throughout the cities of Judah, how soon would the clouds which hang over us be dispersed, and peace and prosperity return to our land!

Our third reflection regards the union of good men.—Though they may not be in public stations, or in public favor—though they may be under the rod of the wicked and the frowns of power—whatever indeed may be their places or their condition; good men are still, under God, the hope of their country, and should feel the importance of acting courageously. Disunion among them must be one of the greatest evils of evil times. If they, on whom the safety and welfare of the nation depend, are disunited—if they arrange themselves in opposite parties, and contend against each other; the pillars of society must shake, and all its interests be held in jeopardy. Let good men be united, and there is hope in the worst times; for they will act with courage and with energy, and the Lord will be with them. But woe to the nation, I which they are disunited, and continue to be disunited!

We come, my brethren, in the last place, to this important reflection: If good men will courageously do their duty, they may save this country.

Some may not view the country to be in danger. Some may not acknowledge the present to be evil times. No wonder:—for with evil times many will always be pleased. There are people even, “who delight in war!”

But, my brethren, does not iniquity abound in our land? “Are there not with us, even with us, sins against the Lord our God—national sins, which loudly cry to heaven? Does not error—delusion—infatuation—the same, in spirit if not in form, which has prostrated the pillars of social order and happiness, and spread desolation and misery through Europe—extensively prevail? Does not the land tremble with divisions, animosities, and feuds, of the most threatening aspect? Are not the people, in all parts of our country, hardening their hearts, rousing their spirits, bracing their nerves, and sharpening their swords—for what!—O, my God, can any deny that these are evil times!—My brethren, is not the present a day of vengeance and recompense to guilty nations! Has not God risen to shew his wrath, and make his power known? and is not the world shaking, and dissolving under his rebuke? Are not we so connected, or in danger of being so connected, with the great infidel empire, which fills the earth with “her sorceries,” but it destined to “perdition,” as to “partake of her sins, and receive of her plagues!” Is not the terrific cloud, which so long we have viewed with horror at a distance, even now extending itself over our heads, and beginning to discharge itself upon us? And is not our country in danger!—The war with Great-Britain is but one of the evils of the times. An evil certainly it is of most fearful character, and which no enlightened friend of his country and his God can view, in its various aspects, without overwhelming emotions.—But let the war cease today; and we are still in danger of ruin. So long as the causes, which have brought us to the present perilous crisis, continue in operation, our country can never be safe.

But let it be repeated, and with emphasis: If good men will courageously do their duty, they may have the country.—To do their duty unquestionably requires courage; but if they will do it, the Lord will be with them.

The first duty of good men, is to see that they personally stand will with God: to search and try their ways—examining their tempers, their habits, their opinions, their practices, by the divine standard; and, turning with all their hearts from every false way, fervently to apply for the pardon of past offenses, and for grace to preserve and assist them in future, through the merits of the Redeemer.

Next, as good men, they will make it a serious concern, to feel and act rightly, in regard to the sins of the land. They will view the character and conduct of the nation, of rulers and people, not in the delusive lights of the infidel maxims of the age, or of the prejudices of party, but in the sure light of God’s truth and law: and according to this light they will justify, or condemn, “without partiality, and without hypocrisy.” Against the crying iniquities of the land, having confessed and deplored them before God, they will firmly and courageously set their faces:—Against the covetousness, which is idolatry; against the intemperance, so extensively prevalent and ruinous; against the cursing and swearing, for which our land mourns; against the lying and slander, which disgrace the nation, and tend to endless mischief; against the profanation of the Sabbath, that fearfully increasing sin, and particularly the violation of it by the public mail, that iniquity established by law; against the lust of power and place, which bends all principle to its views, and menaces our dearest rights; against the open and practical contempt of the instructions of God, the usage of our venerable forefathers, and the plain dictates of sound wisdom, in regard to the moral and religious characters of men, to be elected to public offices; and against foreign hatreds and partialities, the bane of patriotism, and the curse of the country. Against all these sins, it belongs to good men to oppose themselves, with the most determined courage; to bear their most solemn and decided testimony; and to exert their best advised, their combined, their vigorous and persevering endeavors. If they will do this, God will be with them; and all these iniquities will be checked, and repressed.

If the good men of this country do what belongs to them, they will spare no pains to allay the animosities, and heal the divisions of the nation.—To this sentiment, thus generally expressed, all no doubt will agree. The most violent men will loudly call for union: but they mean, that all should yield to their views, and submit to their terms. This, however, is not to be expected by the one party or the other; and if no other plan of union is to be adopted, the dissentions will continue and increase, until blood decide the contest.—Some other plan must be adopted.

If union be restored, it must be by a coalescence of the parties; and not by the submission of one party to the other.—Is not a coalescence practicable? May it not be effected, without the sacrifice of principle?—Are there not good men on both sides? Men who fear God and love their country; who are more desirous that their country should be saved, than that their party, as a party, should triumph; and who would be willing to make any proper sacrifices, and any exertions in their power, for the public good? Let such men meet on conciliatory ground; and feel that there must be mutually waved—that points, not involving the sacrifice of principle, must be mutually yielded. Let them recur to first principles, and remember that in the several states and in the nation, the government of laws, and not men, is to be acknowledged; that there is no merit in being in opposition to them, any further than those men and measures are on the side of truth and right: but before Him who hath prepared his throne for judgment, an awful responsibility must be incurred, by supporting particular men, and particular measures, in violation of truth and right, and to the hazard of the essential interests of the country. Let them recur to the state and national constitutions; and on them take their stand: and to the principles of the constitutions, and the great design of the federal union, let all considerations, regarding particular men and particular measures, be fairly referred.

Standing upon this ground, and with these views, let them freely and amicably confer together; agree on terms of coalition, and erect the standard of union and peace. Then, sinking all party objects, and forgetting all party distinctions, let them exert all their influence, and employ all proper means, to conciliate others, and to advance their noble designs. Let them silence the cry of treason, and the vociferation of opprobrious names; dissuade from the burnishing of arms for the slaughter of neighbor by neighbor, and brother by brother; and strive to soften inveterate asperities, and to assuage the popular passions. Let them have the courage, the magnanimity, while firm and efficient, to be temperate and conciliatory; and make it to be understood and felt, that to the cause of God and their country, their influence, their fortunes, and their lives are sacredly devoted.

All this, my friends, belongs to good men; and if the good men of this nation will engage in this design, and deal courageously, the Lord will be with them, and their work will prosper. A coalition, a union will be formed, which the violent or the designing can neither break nor withstand; men, in whose hands the public interests will be safe, will be brought into place and power; internal tranquility and order will be established on solid foundations; our rights and liberties will be vindicated and maintained with impartiality, firmness, efficiency, and success; and peace, commerce, and prosperity, will return and bless our land.

This is no romance; it is sober verity. It is truth, warranted by the world of Jehovah. May the Spirit of Jehovah carry it home to the hearts of my countrymen, and produce the great, the firm, the decisive resolve. May he cause it to be proclaimed through the land with irresistible energy, deal courageously, and the Lord shall be with the good.

 

THE MARTYRDOM OF STEPHEN.

[The Discourse, of which this is the substance, was one of a series, on the principal Facts in the Apostolic History.]

Acts VII. 59,60.
And thus stoned Stephen, calling upon God, and saying, Lord Jesus, receive my Spirit. And he kneeled down, and cried with a loud voice, Lord, lay not this sin to their charge. And when he had said this, he fell asleep.
Stephen, the first of the first deacons, was eminently distinguished among the servants of Christ. “Full of faith, and of the Holy Ghost—of grace and of power,” he shewed himself a zealous and able advocate for the gospel, and “did great wonders and miracles among the people.”

Of the four hundred and eighty synagogues, said to have been at Jerusalem, many belonged to Jews and proselytes of foreign countries, who had frequent occasion to resort to Jerusalem; many of whom always resided in the city, and most of whom used the Grecian language, and were called Hellenists or Grecians. Attached to their synagogues, there were schools under the care of Rabbi’s, where the sons of foreign Jews and proselytes were educated in the Jewish learning and religion.—Stephen was probably a Hellenist or Grecian Jew; and his zeal for the gospel, it would seem, was chiefly employed among the people of the Hellenistic synagogues, that the attack against him was first made: particularly form that of the Libertines, the descendants of Jews who had been slaves at Rome, and those of the Jews and proselytes of Cyrene, Alexandria, Cilicia, and Asia Proper.

The attack, unquestionably, was preconcerted [arranged in advance]. To dispute with him, to convince, to confound, or in some way to silence him, some of the ablest young men of those synagogues, or of the schools attached to them, were probably selected; and among them Saul of Tarsus, who doubtless belonged to the synagogue of the Cilicians, and whose zeal and talents are well known, appears to have been one. How unequal the combat! The flower of five synagogues against one disciple of Jesus! But the disciple of Jesus was armed with truth. This hi assailants felt; “and they were not able to resist the wisdom and spirit with which he spake.” They were baffled, and put to confusion.—But did they yield to conviction, and ingenuously acknowledge the truth? Not at all.—Their pride was stung; their passions were inflamed: and they only changed their mode of attack. They resorted to the same expedient, which had been used in the case of his divine Master.

Determined to put him out of their way, “they suborned men to say, We have heard him speak blasphemous words against Moses, and against God. And they stirred up the people, and the scribes, and came upon him, and caught him, and brought him to the council.” By inflammatory calumnies,, they raised a popular tumult, engaged some of the principal men of the city to join in the affray, and made themselves strong for their desperate purpose. The Sanhedrin appears to have been in session at the time, and to that tribunal the innocent disciple was violently dragged.—The suborned witnesses appeared, and gave in their testimony. “This man, said they, ceaseth not to speak blasphemous words against this holy place, and the law. For we have heard him say, that this Jesus the Nazarene shall destroy this place, and shall change the customs which Moses delivered unto us.”—We cannot but remark here the striking similarity of the allegations against Stephen, to those which had been preferred against his adored Master. Blasphemy and sedition, indeed, have been the standing charges against the martyrs for the truth, in every age and country.

In the case of Stephen, as in the case of Jesus, there was some truth, no doubt, in the testimony given by the “false witnesses.” Stephen, unquestionably, had warned his adversaries of the danger of persisting in their unbelief, and opposition to the gospel; and to enforce this warning, had affirmed the resurrection and exaltation of Jesus, and referred them to the awful destruction, which was soon to come upon their city and nation, for rejecting in Messiah. But to what he had said, the witnesses gave such a turn, or cast, as would best answer their purpose; and their falsehood consisted in misrepresentation and false coloring: a species of falsehood which the enemies of truth have never failed to practice, and which they have always found their most successful weapon.

Amidst his enemies however, and in the presence of those judges who had condemned his Lord, the intrepid martyr, undismayed by the terrors which were thickening around him, preserved the most perfect steadiness and serenity of mind. “And all that sat in the council, looking steadfastly on him, saw his face as it had been the face of an angel.” His countenance shone with a divine luster, similar to what was seen in the face of Moses, when he came down from the mount of God.—What was the effect? Did it deter his enemies from pursuing their design, left they should be found even to fight against God?—Alas! What can deter men from their object when impelled by the fury of their passions!—In spite of the decisive evidence, that God was with the prisoner, the awful business of his prosecution—his persecution-proceeded.

As president of the court, the high priest called upon Stephen to answer to the charge. But what answer should Stephen make? If he denied the charge, every word would be established by the mouth of two or three witnesses; if he assented to it, in the form in which it was brought, he would subject himself to capital punishment. He was placed in a most trying dilemma; but he answered with admirable wisdom. His speech is worthy the most attentive perusal.

The holy martyr was charged with blasphemy against Moses and against God, with an implication also of sedition. The allegation in support of the charge was, That he had said, that Jesus, whom the rulers had crucified, should destroy Jerusalem and the temple, and change the customs, or abolish the institutions, which Moses had given. The Jews imagined, that the institutions of Moses were never to be abolished or changed, and that the city and temple were too sacred to be destroyed. The institutions were from God, and the city and temple were his special residence; and to predict the abolition of the one or the other was held to be not merely seditious, but also blasphemous. It behooved Stephen to shew that this was not blasphemy. This he would do, if he could make it appear, that the ordinances of Moses were not intended to be perpetual; and that God had never intended to confine his residence to Jerusalem. Especially would he answer his purpose, if he could make it appear that the leading dispensations of God towards their nation had respect to the Messiah to come; that the ritual of Moses, and even the holy city and temple, were typical of his more spiritual kingdom; and that Jesus of Nazareth himself was the Messiah. This was Stephen’s aim, and on this his eye was fixed, as will appear on careful inspection, through his whole plea.

To make out the point in view, however, would be to fix upon the rulers and people the charge of having rejected and slain the Messiah; and this charge the martyr undoubtedly intended to fix. But he knew very well, that they were not in a temper to allow him to do this directly. He, therefore, stated facts and circumstances, which could not be denied; and left it to his judges and auditors to make the application.

Beginning with the vocation of Abraham, he briefly rehearses the history of the patriarchs and of the twelve tribes, until they came to Sinai;—speaks of Moses with a great respect, and recites his memorable prophecy, “A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up unto you of you brethren like unto me; him shall ye hear;”—adverts to the rebellion in the wilderness against Moses and against God, and the judgments consequently threatened;—then passes to the tabernacle, “which was brought in with Joshua into the promised land, and continued until the days of David.” The tabernacle became old, and Solomon built the temple. “But,” says Stephen, “the Most High dwelleth not in temples made with hands, as says the prophet, Heaven is my throne, and earth is my footstool: what house will ye build me, faith the Lord; and where is the place of my rest? Hath not my hand made all these things?”—Thus far the holy martyr advanced:—probably he intended to proceed to mention the destruction of the first temple, the building of the second, and the leading event in the history of Israel, down to his own time. But his hearers, perceiving the bearings of the facts, and the tendency of the whole speech, became, it would seem, tumultuous; and shewed such indications of rage, as convinced him that they would not hear him through, and that whatever he would say more must be in very few words. He, therefore, turns from his course abruptly, and makes a direct and pungent application: a last and most solemn effort, to send the truth home to their consciences. “Ye stiff necked, and uncircumcised in heart and ears,” said he, “ye do always resist the Holy Ghost: as your fathers did so do ye. Which of the prophets have not your fathers persecuted? And they have slain them that shewed before of the coming of the Just One; of whom ye have been now the betrayers and murderers: who have received the law by the disposition of angels, and have not kept it!”

“When they heard these things, they were cut to the heart;” and in the rage of their malice, they “gnashed on him with their teeth.”—At this critical moment, Stephen, “full of the Holy Ghost, looked up steadfastly into heaven, and saw the glory of God, and Jesus standing on the right hand of God. Transported by the vision, and regardless of danger, he boldly says to his adversaries, “I see the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing on the right hand of God.” This was fixing upon them, most decisively, the blood of the Holy and Just One. Enraged beyond control, “they cried out with a loud voice, and stopped their ears, and ran upon him with one accord;—and,” not waiting for any judicial sentence, “they cast him out of the city, and stoned him.”

“They stoned Stephen, invoking, 1 and saying, Lord Jesus, receive my spirit. And he kneeled down and cried with a loud voice, Lord, lay not this sin to their charge.” His prayer was addressed to Jesus, whom he had just before seen standing at the right hand of glory, ready to receive him; and, after the example of his Lord, he breathed out his last breath in prayer for his murders.—“And when he had said this, he fell asleep.” Though encompassed with ferocious enemies, and overwhelmed with vollies of stones, yet so calm, so serene was this holy martyr, that he sunk into the arms of death, as into the embraces of sleep, and rested from his conflicts and his labors forever.

His death, however, triumphant and glorious as it was, could not but be deeply felt by the multitude of he brethren; nor did they fail, most tenderly to testify their love and their grief. Antiquity reports that it was by the savior of the sage Gamaliel, that they were enabled to rescue his body. We are assured, however, that “devout men carried Stephen to his burial, and made great lamentation for him.”

Reflections.
1. In the martyrdom of Stephen, we have a striking attestation to the truth of the Gospel.—This affecting event was but a few months after the crucifixion of Jesus. The facts of His life, His death, and His resurrection were the recent; yet in regard to these facts, a band of disputants, selected from five synagogues, were not able to withstand the wisdom and the spirit with which Stephen spake. They could neither effectually controvert the facts; nor refute the conclusions, obviously resulting from them. They had only the alternative, either to yield to argument, or resort to violence; and in doing the latter, they furnished as decisive evidence of the badness of their cause, as they could have furnished in doing the former.—Stephen was a witness for Jesus, and certainly had access to know the truth. But had Jesus been an impostor, and his gospel a cunningly devised fable, would such a man as Stephen, calmly and deliberately have devoted his life to the cause?—Stephen had the honor to be the first in this glorious martyrdom; but other soon followed him; and thousands and millions have since added their blood to his. Their witness is in heaven; their record is on high.

2. Men are not always in a temper to yield to the light of evidence, or to the convictions of truth. The Jewish rulers and people had before them clear and decisive evidence of the resurrection of Jesus, and of the leading facts and truths, insisted on by Stephen. They could neither get rid of the evidence, nor “resist the wisdom and the spirit” with which the truth was urged upon them. Yet they would not yield to the evidence; they would not acknowledge the truth. On the contrary they became more and more virulent and outrageous, as the light became more and more clear and powerful. Something like this may always be expected, when, from any corrupt or sinister cause, men determine not to yield to the truth, and give up their minds to their prejudices and passions. How important then for all, to examine the temper by which they are influenced, the motives by which they are actuated, and the ground on which their opinions and actions are vindicated; “lest haply they be found” to oppose the truth, to violate reason and conscience, and “even to fight against God.”

3. Great and violent opposition to a cause, is no evidence that the cause is not good.—Never did cause sustain greater or more violent opposition, than that of the gospel has sustained. View the conduct of the Jews against Jesus, and afterwards against his followers; view the conduct of men in different ages and countries against the same cause; and learn a lesson of sober wisdom. Never conclude that men are in the right, because their numbers are great, and their language and conduct high. In a world like this, it would not be strange, if the greater number should be on the side of error and wrong; or if their spirits should rise high, and their language and conduct be violent, in proportion as their cause is bad. Turn then from the wind, the earthquake, and the fire, and listen to the still small voice. In all cases, let reason, and conscience, and the word of God be heard.

4. We are led solemnly to reflect on the direful consequences of giving the rein to malignant passions.—The adversaries of Stephen did this. They yielded themselves to the dominion of their passions; and they became outrageous, ferocious, and desperate. Despising all truth and all right, they violated the first principles of religion, morality, and society; trampled upon justice in her very sanctuary; and, in the fury of their madness, imbrued their hands in innocent blood. The people cried for vengeance—the Sanhedrim countenanced the popular frenzy—and the roman governor connived at the horrible proceedings!—It was a mob that procured the condemnation of Jesus to the cross; and it was a mob that stoned Stephen, without waiting for a sentence of condemnation against him!

But, my hearers let it not be imagined that no apology could be framed for their conduct. Could they not say, that Stephen openly condemned a most solemn act of the government—that he charged the rulers, even to their faces, with the most atrocious wickedness—that he persisted in opposing the voice of the people in favor of their rulers—that the freedom of speech, used by him and his brethren, tended to weaken the hands of authority and to stir up sedition—and that after he knew how determined both the rulers and the people were, to stop that freedom, and to put down that opposition, 2 yet he daringly provoked them beyond all endurance. Yes, they could say all this; and they could say further, that the doctrine of the Rabbis allowed the execution of offenders, in flagrant cases, by the judgment of zeal, without the form of law. Saul of Tarsus, indeed, who took a forward part in the bloody outrage, afterwards said, in reference to that and other parts of his conduct, “I verily thought with myself that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth.”

But were the persecutors of Stephen excusable? Or was their conduct to be palliated? No, my brethren: they were murderers; and all who abetted, or approved, or connived at, or palliated the horrible deed, brought themselves proportionally under the guilt of innocent blood. The café never existed, and the café never can exist, in which a mob might not find some apologies for their outrage. But these apologies are not to be admitted—are not to be tolerated; unless all the principles of social order are to be abandoned, and all that is dear to mankind on this side the grave, is to be resigned to the lawless fury of popular passions. And, my brethren, it infinitely behooves every one of us, most solemnly to purge his conscience before God of the blood which has recently been shed in our land, and of the guilt of every act of popular violence, by whomsoever committed. Let it not be said that the scenes are now closed, and all is quietness and security. The blood still cries to heaven; and God is the avenger! Every plea in justification, even the disposition to extenuate the atrocity, carries in it guilt, which the eye of his holy jealousy will not fail to note. Yes, even the disposition to justify, or extenuate, is embryo murder—embryo treason against society and the majesty of the laws—embryo rebellion against the government and throne of Jehovah. Wherever, and to whatever extent it is cherished, blood-guiltiness stains the foul, and fearful danger lurks in society; and of all who cherish it, certainly of all who express it, I would say at the altar of God, “Instruments of cruelty are in their habitations: O my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united.” And I would hope there is not one within the hearing of my voice, who will not join in the solemn deprecation.

How excellent is the true Christian spirit!—View the contrast between Stephen and his enemies. When they attacked him with a design to ruin him, he answered them with firmness of spirit, and the meekness of wisdom. When they violently dragged him before the Sanhedrim, and suborned false witnesses to procure his condemnation; he made his defense with tenderness and respect—with argument as mild as it was forcible. When they gnashed on him with their teeth, like ferocious beasts, he stood collected and composed, and declared to them his view of heaven, and of the glory of Christ. When in the frenzy of their rage, they overwhelmed him with vollies of stones; in the benevolence of his heart, he prayed for them, “Lord lay not this sin to their charge.”—This, my brethren, is the temper of the Christian; the temper which divine grace produces in the hearts of men.—How changed was Saul of Tarsus, when, in answer to the martyr’s dying prayer, he was converted to Christ! What a different world will this be, when the Christian temper shall universally prevail!

My brethren, shall we contemplate the example of the holy martyr, and not be benefitted by it? Shall we not learn from him how to believe, when opposed by the enemies of truth and righteousness? If like him we would “put to silence the ignorance of foolish men,” it behooves us to be able to give a consistent account of our faith, and solidly to defend our principles. Much wisdom indeed will be requisite to meet the various circumstances in which we may be placed. Let us, however, beware of cowardice; and while we behold Stephen’s intrepidity, let us resolve in the strength of divine grace, never to desert the cause of truth—never to betray it—never to disguise our attachment to it, for the sake of avoiding the displeasure, or of conciliating the favor of its opposers. What have we to fear, if we serve the Lord Christ? But with firmness and courage, let it be our care always to unite meekness, forbearance, gentleness, and the spirit of forgiveness: never to render evil for evil, or railing for railing, but contrariwise blessing. If thus we be followers of Christ, and of them who by faith and patience inherit the promises, we may assure ourselves of strength and comfort, under the severest trials. Stephen stands a witness to all generations, of the grace and faithfulness of his divine Master, who will never abandon, or deceive his servants. If possessed of the true faith of the gospel, we need not, we ought not to stagger, even at the most formidable appearances of death. In the countenance of the martyr, we see how the Author and Finisher of our faith can illumine the dark valley, and even in that tremendous passage, fill the soul with peace and joy. Let us then persevere in faith and patience; and soon shall the portals of immortal glory be thrown wide open, for our abundant entrance into the joy of our Lord. His word is sure: “Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life.”

AMEN.
 


Endnotes

1. This is the true rendering: in the original text there is no word for God.

2. Acts IV. 17-20: “Did not we straitly command you, that ye should not teach in this name? and behold ye have filled Jerusalem with your doctrine, and intend to bring this man’s blood upon us.” Ibid, V. 28.