Topics: Election

Nathanael Emmons (1745-1840) graduated from Yale in 1767. He was pastor of a church in Franklin, Mass. from 1773 until his retirement in 1827. He received his D.D. from Dartmouth in 1798. He helped found and served as the first president of the Massachusetts Missionary Society. This election sermon was preached by Dr. Bassett in Boston on May 30, 1798.

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency INCREASE SUMNER, Esq.

Governor;

His Honor MOSES GILL, Esq.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;

The Honorable the COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTTIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 30, 1798.

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By NATHANAEL EMMONS, A. M.

Pastor of the Church in Franklin.

BOSTON;

Printed for the State.

1798.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

ORDERED, That Mr. Fisher, of W. Mr. Coffin, Mr. Williams, of P. Mr. Slocum and Mr. Phelps, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. EMMONS, and in the name of the House to thank him for his Sermon, this day delivered before His Excellency the Governor, the Honorable Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature, and to request a copy thereof for the press.

Attest, HENRY WARREN, Clerk.

The prosperity of this noble ruler, clearly appears from the whole history of his life. Though, in his youth, he was carried away captive from Judea to Babylon; yet that dark and distressing scene soon opened the way to a brighter prospect. His high descent, his graceful appearance, and his shining talents, secured the royal favor, and the peculiar privilege of a public education. Having finished his academical course, he was presented, in usual form, before the reigning monarch; who, strictly inquiring into his proficiency in learning, found him not only superior to all his companions, but ten times better than all the magicians and astrologers in all his realm. Pleased with this promising youth, he took him into his own presence, and employed him in his own service. This was only a short and easy step to higher preferment. Being called to tell, and to interpret the king’s dream, which no other man was able to do, he was immediately advanced above all the governors in the province of Babylon. Though he had now scarcely reached the years of manhood, yet he faithfully and honorably discharged the duties of his office, during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, during the reign of Evil-Merodach, and until the close of the reign of Belshazzar. At that portentous period, he was sent for, to read, and to explain the hand-writing on the wall, which contained the awful doom of that vile and impious prince; for which he was raised to higher dignity, and made the third ruler in the kingdom. The following night, Babylon was taken, Belshazzar was slain, and all his dominions thrown into the hands of Darius the Mede, by the victorious arms of Cyrus the Persian. Upon this large accession to his empire, Darius found it necessary to make a new arrangement in the departments of state. And in this new arrangement, he took particular notice of the celebrated Daniel, and placed him at the head of an hundred and twenty princes. Here, in spite of all his enemies, he continued to prosper, until Cyrus took the full possession of the Persian monarchy. That auspicious event gave him a free and easy access to Cyrus, and a happy opportunity of gaining a just and honorable influence over that great and amiable prince. In a word, it was the peculiar lot of Daniel to enjoy the favor and confidence of four of the greatest monarchs of the East; and to sustain, with dignity and success, some of the highest offices of state, for more than sixty years, in a constant, uninterrupted succession. Such another instance of long and increasing prosperity, in public life, we presume to say, cannot be found in the whole history of man.

Successful men have always been revered as well as admired. The Greeks and Romans held those in high estimation, who appeared to enjoy the peculiar smiles of the invisible powers. The same sentiment universally prevails in the minds of men. They spontaneously conclude, that those possess some extraordinary excellence, who are uncommonly successful in any important station of life. And if the Supreme Being governs the natural and moral world, according to a previous connexion between causes and effects; there seems to be a just foundation to suppose, that peculiar prosperity is a mark of peculiar merit. Under the impression of this sentiment, it is very natural to inquire what extraordinary qualities Daniel possessed, which mutually conspired to promote his prosperity, in the management of public affairs. Here it may be proper to observe,

First, That this excellent and prosperous ruler possessed superior powers of mind. The Father of Spirits has been pleased to display the same sovereignty in the bestowment of intellectual faculties, as in the bestowment of inferior favors. To some he has given ten talents; to some five; and to some fewer. The minds of different men are differently constructed. In one man, the memory is the superior power; in another, the imagination is the most brilliant talent; in a third, a clear and penetrating judgment is the most prominent faculty; but in Daniel, all these natural powers were equally strong and well proportioned. His quick apprehension and retentive memory were happily united with a strong and penetrating judgment, which formed him a great and noble genius. This appears from the account which we have of his mental improvements. He acquired knowledge with the greatest ease and rapidity; which discovered a sprightly and retentive mind. And he was able to excel in every branch of science, to which he turned his attention; which equally displayed the strength and symmetry of all his intellectual powers. These, perhaps, some may choose to ascribe to the plastic power of education: but taking education in the most extensive latitude, in which Helvetius, or any other author uses the term, it will not account for every mental distinction. It is readily admitted, that all the objects with which a man is surrounded, and all the connexions and circumstances in which he is placed, will either strengthen, or weaken his original powers. But to ascribe these powers to anything exterior to the mind itself, is no less absurd, than to ascribe the attractive power of the magnet to the needle, which only serves to discover that peculiar property. Daniel, like every other man in the morning of life, was unacquainted with the native strength of his own mind; but by repeated mental exertions, in the course of his education, he discovered those superior talents, which qualified him to manage the affairs of government, with great reputation and success. A party spirit, or the favor of friends, or a peculiar concurrence of circumstances, may chance to raise a man to a public station; but if his natural abilities are unequal to his office, he will most certainly fall, to rise no more. But Daniel began to rise, by the dint of merit, and therefore, he continued to rise from office to office, until he reached the next step to imperial power. Like Julius Cesar, he was born to govern, whether he lived in Judea, in Babylon, in Persia, or in any other quarter of the globe.

Secondly. Daniel possessed a large share of general information, which contributed to form him a great and successful politician. Civil government is extremely complicated and extensive, both in theory and in practice. It embraces all the objects in this world, and all the interests and concerns of men, in this life. No species of human knowledge is foreign to the business of a statesman, who needs to be universally acquainted with men and things. This idea was early and deeply impressed on the mind of Daniel. He was born a prince, and received a princely education. Providence directed his first and supreme view to the affairs of state. To be an able and successful politician, was the single object, which engrossed his whole attention, and which guided all his exertions. And no person, perhaps, ever enjoyed more ample means and opportunities of attaining this object. His great capacity; his refined taste; his studious habit; his early acquaintance with the solid branches of learning; and more especially his peculiar situation, prepared him to acquire the largest stock of general knowledge.

Babylon stood on the plains of Shinar, which was the most venerable and most enlightened spot on the face of the earth. There the residue of men first settled after the flood; and there they continued and increased, until their absurd and impious attempt to build the tower of Babel, proved the occasion of a general dispersion. Though this gave a universal shock to human affairs, and naturally checked the progress of knowledge; yet the feeds of science were happily preserved by the children of Ham, who still remained on the plains of Babylon. That city, therefore, was the fountain-head of information. There all the knowledge of both the old and of the new world concentred. There the arts and sciences were first cultivated. And there a literary society was first formed. The Chaldeans, who composed that society, devoted themselves wholly to the improvements of the mind, and made it their whole business to acquire and disseminate every species of rare and useful knowledge. And for this purpose, we may presume, they not only made deep researches into the works of nature, but also collected from every quarter, the most ancient and most valuable discoveries on every important subject. In such a circle of learned men, and in possession of so many means of information, such a man as Daniel, who had a peculiar capacity and taste for learning, must have amassed as large a stock of human literature, as could be derived from all the labors and researches of antiquity.

But I must further observe, that Daniel had the best sources of information in his own hands; I mean the sacred books of divine Inspiration. These acquainted him with the creation and fall of man, and the universal corruption of human nature. These exhibited the Church of God, as the great object, to which all human governments ought to be subservient. These placed before him a form of government, which was absolutely perfect. These presented him with the lives and characters of the greatest and best statesmen, for his constant imitation and encouragement. These reminded him of the awful fate of wicked nations and of wicked rulers. And these inculcated upon his own conscience his solemn obligations to live and act, like a dying and accountable creature. By reading and devoutly studying these sacred volumes, he obtained the best political as well as religious knowledge. Such a variety of books, however, would have been more injurious than beneficial to him, had he read without reflection, or thought without decision. But his strong, capacious, discerning mind could not be overloaded with learning. Like Pericles, he was able “to turn and wind everything to his own purpose,” and to apply every species of knowledge to a political use. The state physician needs an immense fund of political information, in order to prescribe on all occasions, a proper remedy for every political disorder. Such a source of political information Daniel possessed. He carried in his mind the history of the world, and the experience of ages. This enabled him to act with propriety, in every situation, and always to succeed in all his public measures. But,

Thirdly. Daniel’s extraordinary wisdom was no less beneficial, than his great information. Nebuchadnezzar pronounced him, even in his youth, to be ten times better “in all matters of wisdom,” than all the wise men in Babylon. And before he was thirty, his eminent wisdom was universally known and celebrated, not only through the empire, but through all the neighboring nations.

The haughty king of Tyrus had heard of the fame of his wisdom, otherwise he could not have felt the force of that severe reproof of the inspired prophet: “Thou art wiser than Daniel.”

Wisdom is a term of various and extensive meaning. It includes not only invention, but foresight and sagacity. Wisdom certainly implies the power of invention. It enables a man to take a clear and comprehensive view of things; and, under that view, to form the noblest designs, and to adopt the best means to accomplish the best purposes. But after a man has devised a great and complicated scheme, and made choice of the proper measures to carry it into execution, there is still occasion for what is commonly called foresight. This is that part of wisdom, which looks forward to, and provides against, unforeseen contingencies, which may possibly defeat a great and good design. But foresight is founded in sagacity, which is the power of discerning the near and remote connexion of things; of discovering the peculiar dispositions of mankind; and of penetrating their most dark and deep designs.

A large measure of wisdom, in all its branches, is indispensably necessary to form a great and good politician. Civil rulers are obliged, by the nature of their office, to be intimately concerned with every description of men. And unless they are “as wise as serpents and as harmless as doves,” they are in the utmost danger of being betrayed into measures, which will be injurious to themselves as well as to the public. Rehoboam lost the greatest part of his kingdom, by hearkening to the evil advice of young and conceited counselors. Political storms and tempests often rise, in which the ablest statesmen find occasion to exert all their wisdom, to devise the best measures, to prevent the political ship from foundering. Daniel frequently employed his wisdom to great advantage. By his wise and prudent conduct, he secured the favor and assistance of Cyrus, in restoring the Jews to their native land. By his great sagacity, he obtained the liberty of living according to the laws of his own religion. When he preferred his request to the superintendant of the captives, he replied, that he could not grant it, without endangering his head to the king. But Daniel was so perfectly acquainted with every avenue to the human heart, that he brought his benefactor to a cheerful compliance, even at the risk of his life. So, when the king had signed a rash and cruel decree, to destroy all the wise men of Babylon, he had the “wisdom and counsel” to stop the executioner in the discharge of his office, to appease the wrath of the king, and to preserve the lives of many of his most valuable subjects. By virtue of such extraordinary wisdom, he was able to promote his own and the public good; and to succeed in the administration of the most despotic government, that ever existed.

Fourthly. Daniel was a man of invincible firmness. This was but the natural effect of his wisdom. He was able to think for himself; to form his own opinions; and to comprehend the nature and tendency of his own designs. Having, therefore, once deliberately and wisely concerted a measure, he expected to succeed, and eventually to gain the approbation of the public. This well-founded confidence inspired him, with irresistible vigor and fortitude, in the prosecution of all his public measures. If he met with difficulty, or opposition, he steadily pursued his object, and appealed to the end, to justify the propriety of the means. He entreated Melzar to try his proposed expedient, and promised to renounce it, if it did not eventually answer a wise and valuable purpose. So, he besought the king to suspend the execution of his hasty decree, only upon the condition, that his dream should be interpreted, and his wishes completely gratified. Being ever fully persuaded of the wisdom and rectitude of his public conduct, he was always willing to suffer the opposition and clamor of the multitude, until his wisdom and rectitude should have a fair opportunity to triumph over all their prejudice and folly. Such a firmness of mind is the reverse of a vain and foolish obstinancy, which consists in a wilful opposition to the dictates of wisdom. This was the fault of Pharaoh, who ruined himself and his kingdom, by rejecting the advice of Moses. This was the fault of Saul, who disobeyed the voice of Samuel, and forfeited his title to the throne of Israel. And this was the fault of Ahab, who despised the admonition of the prophet, and died as a fool dieth, at Ramoth-Gilead. But Moses, Joshua, and Caleb, displayed a wise and noble firmness, in conducting the children of Israel to the land of promise, notwithstanding all their unreasonable opposition and complaints. If we consult the history of rulers, we shall find firmness of mind to be one of the distinguishing features of every great and prosperous statesman. And how often did God enjoin it upon the rulers of Israel, “to be strong and of a good courage,” in the discharge of their difficult and dangerous duties? There is no one thing, perhaps, more conducive to success in any important and difficult undertaking, than a firm, steady, unremitting spirit. And we have abundant reason to conclude, that this noble spirit had a large share of influence, in promoting the success and prosperity of Daniel, in some of the most critical and hazardous situations of his public life.

Fifthly. This same Daniel, who prospered so much under the most arbitrary princes, was a perfect pattern of inviolable integrity. By this is meant, that he always aimed to do justice, and to treat every man according to the eternal rule of right. As a ruler, he acted upon principle, in guarding the lives, the properties, and the characters of his subjects. Of this, we have incontestable evidence, even the united testimony of his most malicious enemies. “Then the presidents and princes fought to find occasion against Daniel concerning the kingdom; but they could find none occasion nor fault; forasmuch as he was faithful.” It is very remarkable, that the most critical and malignant eyes could discover no blemish in the integrity of Daniel, through the whole course of his public conduct. But we are to remember, that he had derived his moral sentiments from the pure source of divine Inspiration. He had read, with serious attention, the solemn charge, which Moses delivered to the judges of Israel. “Hear the causes between every man and his brother, and the stranger that is with him. Ye shall not respect persons in judgment, but ye shall hear the small as well as the great: ye shall not be afraid of the face of man; the judgment is God’s.” He had felt the force of that divine admonition to every civil officer in every civil department: “That which is altogether just shalt thou follow.” But, perhaps, no text in the Bible had a more steady, powerful, and practical influence upon his mind, than the last words which God put into the mouth of a dying statesman. “The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spoke to me, He that ruleth over men must be just.”

The promotion of justice is the ultimate object of every branch of civil government. This is clearly and forcibly expressed, by an eminent British writer. “We are,” says he, “to look upon all the vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object or purpose but the distribution of justice, or in other words, the support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies, officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy-counselors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of administration.” If the support of justice be the ultimate design of all civil governments, then the exercise of justice must be the indispensable duty of all civil rulers. They are appointed, not so much to promote, as to defend the public interest. Though they have the power of enacting laws; yet they have no right to dissolve the solemn obligation of mutual contracts, nor to require any man to do a single act, which is repugnant to that immutable justice, which is founded in the nature of things. And though they do, in a sense, hold the purse-strings of the people; yet they have no right to dispose of the public property for any other purpose, than the promotion of public justice. If they grant donations to particular corporations, or to particular persons, they ought to do it, not for the sake of those particular corporations, or particular persons, but simply to promote the public good. Indeed, their whole public conduct ought to be regulated, by the infallible standard of immutable justice. It is required of all stewards, whether sacred or civil, that a man be found faithful. Fidelity in civil rulers is, of all other virtues, the most acceptable to the people, who universally feel its happy influence, in every condition of life. Hence mankind have always manifested an uncommon attachment to, and veneration for, those eminent rulers who have given uniform and unequivocal proofs of their moral rectitude. Aristides among the Greeks, Cato among the Romans, and Daniel among the Jews, will be forever celebrated for their incorruptible integrity. This is that sterling excellence in a statesman, which needs no inscription, nor crowned head, to give it a universal currency among all nations of the earth. It was this rare, shining, captivating virtue of integrity, that recommended Daniel to Jews and Babylonians; to Medes and Persians; to Darius and Cyrus; and to every other prince, who employed him in public affairs. But,

Finally, The prosperity of Daniel, amidst all the burdens and dangers of public life, must be principally ascribed to his eminent piety and devotion. Like other men, who stood upon the pinnacle of power, he was continually exposed to the severest strokes of adversity. He came into administration in troublous times; and had a clear prophetic view of the dreadful convulsions, which were just ready to seize an expiring empire. And whilst he sat in the king’s gate, he was a spectator of many of those awful scenes, which were a fulfillment of his own predictions. He saw the haughty king of Babylon shook from his throne, driven from men, and degraded below the beasts that perish. He attended monarch after monarch to the silent mansions of the dead; and felt those heavy shocks, which falling princes never fail to give. And he was personally involved in the horrors of that memorable night, which sunk a mighty empire in perpetual ruin. But none of these things moved him, because his heart was fixed, trusting in the Lord. Those national convulsions and revolutions, which proved so fatal to others, all conspired to promote his personal prosperity and success. He secured the favor and protection of Heaven, by his sincere and exemplary piety. He carried conviction to all around him, that he possessed a truly “divine and excellent spirit.” His religion was neither a glowing enthusiasm, nor a gloomy superstition; but a pure and steady principle of universal benevolence. He gave God the supreme affection of his heart; and was neither afraid nor ashamed to profess the true religion, in the midst of a country and a court, that were involved in the grossest idolatry. He extended his benevolent regards to all the children of men, whether Jews, or Gentiles. He zealously promoted the cause of religion; and spent days and weeks, in humble, fervent, effectual prayers for the prosperity of Zion. He walked within his house with a perfect heart, and every day called upon God, at the head of his family. This he did; not because it was a common and reputable practice; but because it was a plain and important duty, which he owed to God, and to those whom God had committed to his care and instruction. His family devotion was known to his enemies as well as to his friends; and because there was nothing else to take hold of, his enemies took hold of this, as the only possible engine to work his ruin. Accordingly, they conspired together and obtained a royal decree, that “if any person should ask a petition of any God or man for thirty days, except of the king, he should be case into the den of lions.” As soon as he knew the writing was signed, he went to his house, opened his windows, fell upon his knees, and three times a day prayed and gave thanks to God. This threw him into the hands of his enemies, and out of the protection of his prince, who was constrained to expose him to the furious beasts of prey. But his heroic faith and fervent prayers stopped the mouths of lions, defeated the designs of his enemies, and smoothed the path of declining life with signal prosperity. For it is in immediate reference to this astonishing event, that it is emphatically said in the words of our text—“So this Daniel prospered in the reign of Darius, and in the reign of Cyrus the Persian.”

I have now delineated the most prominent features of this great and amiable statesman. His life is a bright assemblage of all the human virtues. And it is a just and beautiful remark, that “the collected virtues of one man, strike the mind much more forcibly and advantageously, that the scattered virtues of many.” Permit me then to hold up the character of Daniel as a mirror, in which all persons, and especially those in places of power and trust, may clearly and sensibly discover both what they are and what they ought to be.

The first thing suggested by this excellent character is, that great and good rulers are worthy of the highest respect. Who can contemplate the pious, virtuous, and useful life of Daniel, without paying him the sincere homage of the heart? Whilst he was acting his noble part on the stage of life, the happy influence of his public and private virtues commanded universal admiration and esteem. The greatest men in his day, honored him beyond the bounds of duty, or even propriety. Nebuchadnezzar prostrated himself at his feet, and payed him the excess of Eastern compliance. Darius gave him the strongest marks of sincere and ardent affection. Nor was he less esteemed in the court of heaven. The supreme Ruler dispatched an envoy extraordinary to assure him, “he was greatly beloved” by his Maker, and by all the principalities and powers above. This was no unmeaning compliment, but a divine testimony to his just desert of universal love and respect. All civil rulers of the same character, are equally objects of the highest veneration and regard. They are ministers of God for good to the people, and the principal instruments of all their temporal prosperity. Though the inventors of arts and sciences, and the promoters of agriculture and commerce, deserve the public esteem; yet wise and faithful rulers have a better claim to universal gratitude and respect. For it is ultimately owing to their exertions, that mankind derive any real benefit from their labors, their studies, or any of their natural advantages. A people may flourish in all the arts of Italy, or abound in all the wealth of the Indies; and yet drag out a poor, miserable life, under the power and oppression of a cruel and rapacious tyrant. But just men, ruling in the fear of God, give a people the full enjoyment of all the blessings of Providence. Those rulers, therefore, who direct all their views to the public good, and exert all their power and influence to promote it, are great benefactors to the world, and de4serve to be universally respected and revered. For this cause, therefore, God expressly commands every soul to be subject to the higher powers, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake; rendering to all in authority their dues; tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honor to whom honor.

The pious and devout life of Daniel, in the next place, loudly admonishes civil rulers how much they are capable of doing, to promote the religious as well as civil interests of the people. The children of Israel were extremely addicted to the worship of idols, from the time they made the golden calf, to the time of their captivity in Babylon. But in that land of idols, the parent of idolatry, they were effectually and finally cured of their national sin. This great and extraordinary reformation, we must conclude, was brought about by the instrumentality of Daniel. The captive tribes were struck with his pious and exemplary conduct, in the midst of the worshippers of idols. They saw him pay a strict and sacred regard to those divine rites and ceremonies, which were designed to separate them, from all the idolatrous nations. They saw him daily and devoutly worship the true God, in his own family. They saw his faith and piety stop the lions’ mouths. They heard, with deep conviction, proclamation after proclamation, published by the great monarchs of Babylon, giving honor to the God of Daniel, and pouring contempt upon every false and inferior deity. They were acquainted with his days of mourning, fasting, and prayer, for the revival of religion, and the prosperity of the Church. In a word, they saw the purest piety constantly displayed in the life of a man, who was seated in the king’s gate, and universally loved and revered. And is it a thing incredible, that the pious example and influence of such a great and renowned ruler should awe the minds of a whole nation, and constrain them to cast all their idols to the moles and to the bats forever? The living example of other religious rulers has had the same transforming influence upon the minds of their subjects. We read, “The people served the Lord all the days of Joshua, and all the days of the Elders that outlived Joshua.”

Among the pious kings of Judah, do we find one, who ever failed to bring about a visible reformation in piety and virtue? And is it not equally true, that pious rulers, by their personal example and influence, have actually formed the moral and religions character of the people in this land? We know, that so long as all the governors, senators, and representatives of this Commonwealth, were public professors and zealous promoters of religion, the Sabbaths were sanctified; the houses of God were filled; divine institutions were attended; family religion and parental authority were maintained; cards, and balls, and theatres were unknown, and all open vice and infidelity were treated with general and just contempt. Whether this was pure superstition, or pure religion, it was certainly owing, in a great measure, to the example of civil rulers, who meant to form the people to virtue and piety. It is to be expected, that rulers should form the character of the people, and not that the people should form the character of rulers. It was never known, that the house of Israel reformed one of their loose, irreligious kings; but it was often known, that one pious, exemplary king reformed the whole nation. If Daniel had fallen into the corruptions of Babylon, there is not the least probability, that his people could have prevented his ruin. But when they had forsaken the paths of virtue and piety, he was able, by his personal example and influence, to bring them back to the worship and service of the God of their fathers. Civil rulers would find no occasion of promoting religion, by their laws, if they would only heartily and unitedly promote it, by their lives. Let them only live religion, and they will do enough to discharge their duty; and I will venture to add, they will do enough to form this people to a virtuous and religious character. For if this effect should not flow from the example of their virtue and piety, it would be a singular instance, and such an one as cannot be found in the history of any nation, from the beginning of the world to this day. If civil rulers carry the power of reformation in their own hands, then their obligation to reform the people, must be equal to that power. Let me, therefore, entreat the man of office, the man of honor, the man of influence, seriously to consider, that “to him that knoweth to do good, and doeth it not, to him it is sin.”

It further appears from the character and conduct of Daniel, that those who sit in the highest seats of government, have no excuse to neglect the profession and practice of vital piety. Real religion is necessary on their own account, as well as on account of those, who live under the influence of their powerful example. It is hard to say, whether the most dignified characters deserve our veneration, more than our tender compassion. They are certainly surrounded with peculiar temptations to forget their Creator, and to neglect the one thing needful. But Daniel has told them by his example, that they are under a great delusion, if they once imagine, their high stations and public employments, will afford them the least excuse for neglecting the duties of piety and devotion. They cannot seriously believe, that they have greater temptations to resist, than Daniel resisted; nor greater difficulties and embarrassments to surmount, than Daniel surmounted. He was born a prince, and spent his whole life in the presence of princes. But whilst he lived with the princes of Judah; whilst he marched with the army of the Chaldeans; and whilst he resided with the gay and dissolute youth, in Babylon, he remembered and obeyed his Creator. When his office seated him in the king’s gate, surrounded by profligate and infidel courtiers, he supported and adorned his religious profession. When an hundred and twenty princes sat at his feet, and the affairs of an hundred and twenty princes lay upon his hands, he found time and opportunity for the performance of every religious duty. And when propriety required him to submit to the most public and pompous parade; to be clothed in the silks of Persia, and adorned with the gold of Ophir; and to receive the incense of public honors; he could silently retire in the close of the day, and humbly prostrate himself, as a poor, guilty worm, before the supreme Majesty of heaven and earth, and devoutly implore his mercy. He very well knew, that though ornaments and honors might dazzle the eyes of unthinking multitudes, and conceal his imperfections from the view of men; yet they could by no means hide his heart, or conceal his criminal defects from the omniscient eye of God, to whom he stood accountable for all his internal feelings and external conduct. If young politicians, if aged statesmen, if the most dignified characters on earth, would seriously survey the pious and devout life of Daniel, they would be fully convinced, that neither the cares, nor honors, nor temptations of public life, can dissolve their obligations to call upon God; to read his word to reverence his sanctuary; and to attend all his holy and sacred institutions. Dignity and devotion have been, and may be united. Rulers over men have been, and may be, the most humble and faithful servants of God. “Be wise now therefore, O ye kings: be instructed, ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear, and rejoice with trembling.” Moreover,

The faith and piety of Daniel reprove the ignorance and presumption of those politicians, who profess and propagate the principles of infidelity. The infidels, in our Savior’s day, were men of superior rank and figure. And it is well known, that infidelity has commonly been first imbibed and propagated, by professed philosophers and politicians. Men of this exalted character have lately spread atheism and infidelity through a great nation; and attempted to diffuse the poison of their irreligious and disorganizing sentiments among the people of America. Such champions of infidelity endeavor to shake our faith in natural and revealed religion, by carrying us back into the dark regions of antiquity. Hume, Voltaire, and Condorcet, represent mankind as being originally involved in ignorance and barbarism. And they pretend to trace the progress of the human mind, in emerging from that primitive savage state, and gradually rising to a nobler state of civilization, learning, and infidelity. But were they better acquainted with the dark regions of antiquity, and with the rise and progress of human improvements, than the pious and learned Daniel? Did they ever live with him on the plains of Shinar? Did they ever search the same records and traditions of antiquity, which he searched? Did they ever converse with the Chaldeans, with whom he conversed? Were they ever personally acquainted, as he was, with the learned Amonians, who, as an incomparable writer has clearly proved, ¹ spread every species of civil, political, and religious knowledge, through Egypt, through Greece, and through every part of the inhabited world? The most learned infidels of the present age, who have ransacked the bowels of the earth, and the dark corners of the globe, to pick up arguments against revealed religion, are but minute philosophers, in comparison with Daniel. Whilst he stood on the plains of Babylon, with the Bible in one hand, and all antiquity in the other, he saw, as clearly as the sun at noonday, the truth and divinity of that holy religion, which came down from heaven, through the medium of divine Inspiration. All his knowledge of the natural, moral, and political world, instead of weakening, confirmed his faith in the scriptures of truth. His strong and cordial belief of divine revelation, therefore, completely demonstrates, what has often been justly asserted, that infidelity is not seated in the head, but in the heart; and flows not from profound knowledge, but from a meaner and more criminal cause. Is it not sufficient to strike any modern infidel entirely dumb, to ask him this plain, pertinent, pointed question, “Art thou wiser than Daniel?”

Another important reflection, naturally suggested by the conduct of this able statesman, is, that civil rulers have no occasion for the use of art or intrigue, in any of their public measures. Those who conduct the intricate affairs of government ought to be wise and prudent; but yet they should never be artful, or designing. There are, however, professed politicians, who recommend this mode of conduct, by precept as well as example. They insinuate, that no man can succeed in political affairs without taking advantage of the weakness, folly, and caprice of human nature, and making use of measures, which are diametrically opposite to every idea of integrity. Some grave writers on moral and political philosophy, plainly inculcate the first principles of injustice and duplicity. They lay it down as a maxim, that politicians may and ought to make utility, or what they conceive to be the general good, the supreme rule of their conduct. But a great and good ruler will adopt and act upon a far more honest and noble principle: “Let justice be done, though the universe should sink.” Daniel found wisdom and integrity abundantly sufficient to answer all his political purposes, without ever stooping to the low arts of intrigue. These he was able to describe, and these he was able to defeat. In drawing the characters of the king of the North and of the king of the South, he gave a lively and striking picture of two profoundly artful and intriguing politicians. “And both these kings’ hearts shall be to do mischief, and they shall speak lies at one table; but it shall not prosper.” Whilst he presided over an hundred and twenty princes, he clearly and sensibly perceived the nature and tendency of that diabolical policy, which they employed to take away his life. But he opposed honesty to dishonesty; justice to injustice; wisdom to cunning; and open integrity to all their dark and deep designs. Nor did he fail of confounding their counsels; and of turning their own artful and malicious devices to their own destruction. Truly wise and upright politicians will never find occasion to employ any other weapon than perfect integrity, in order to defeat the pernicious purposes of their most subtile and malignant enemies, whether at home or abroad. Be it so, that our present connexion with distant nations may expose us to the arts and intrigues of foreign courts; yet those, who have the direction of our national concerns, may rely upon it, that a fair, open, upright conduct will be the best method, to frustrate the art, the duplicity, and unjust policy of five, or of five hundred unprincipled politicians.

This naturally leads me to observe, in the last place, that civil rulers have sufficient encouragement to be faithful, in the discharge of all their public duties. These, I shall not go out of my province to prescribe, nor even to suggest. If public men are but only faithful; there is no ground of anxiety about the wisdom or propriety of their public measures. Faithfulness, however, cannot be too often nor too forcibly inculcated upon those who have many opportunities, and of course many temptations to betray their trusts. But it is happy to reflect, that their encouragement to fidelity, is abundantly sufficient to balance all their unfavorable circumstances. The favor of God, and the esteem of men, are the most animating motives to duty. These had a commanding influence over the views and conduct of one of the most able and upright rulers. Daniel found by happy experience, that honesty was the best policy. For, his faithfulness to the Deity, secured his favor and assistance; and his fidelity to men, secured their sincere and warm attachment to his person and interest. As he constantly persevered and increased in integrity; so he constantly increased in wealth, in honor and outward prosperity. Let who would fall, Daniel stood. Let who would sink, Daniel rose. Let who would be in power, Daniel was their favorite. Let who would combine against him, Daniel always succeeded and prospered.

Is not this example worthy of the notice and imitation of all who sit in the seats of government? And may I not, with great propriety, take 0ccasion from it, to press the duty of fidelity upon the Honorable Legislature of this Commonwealth, which holds the first rank in the United States, for piety and virtue, as well as political importance? This large and religious community, are devoutly wishing and praying for a faithful administration of government. They would shudder at the thought, that their rulers should lift their hands to Heaven, and solemnly engage to administer a government, which they meant to undermine; and to protect a people, whom they meant to destroy. Their minds are alarmed at threatening dangers; and nothing can give them ease, but an unshaken confidence in the fidelity of their rulers. They do not distrust their abilities; but they may entertain some apprehensions respecting their integrity, since their enemies boast of corrupting it. But if those who direct our public affairs, would only display the piety, the integrity, and firmness of Daniel, they would undoubtedly possess the entire affection and confidence of this great and intelligent people. Indeed, some of the first characters in this Legislature, have already merited and secured the esteem and attachment of an enlightened part, and were it not invidious, I would add, of the most enlightened part of this Commonwealth. Notwithstanding the weakness and prejudice of some, we esteem it a favorable circumstance, that his Excellency has heretofore filled a dignified station; in which he had a peculiar opportunity of discovering his uprightness, and at the same time of forgetting the subtilties, and of imbibing the genuine spirit of the laws. This, and all the States in the Union, are much indebted to many eminent civilians, for the knowledge, the wisdom, and the integrity, which they displayed, in framing the Federal Constitution; which is not, and perhaps never will be, inferior to any one of mere human invention. This excellent constitution is the basis of all our national safety and happiness. And it is extremely difficult to conceive, that a single American, who is friendly to any good government, should be unfriendly to his own; and wish to alienate the affections of the people from it. But it is very natural to conclude, that the framers of the Constitution and those who were personally concerned in adopting it, should cherish an uncommon attachment to it, and labor to support it, with distinguished ardor and zeal. Upon this ground, the people have a just right to expect, that His Excellency will never mar the production of his own hands; nor renounce those political principles, which he has publickly and solemnly sanctioned, and which have had their proper influence in raising him to the head of this Commonwealth.

His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, and the principal members of the Council, of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, have not only gained the suffrages, but what is far more honorable and desirable, the confidence of the people, who sincerely esteem them for their able and faithful services. May this operate as a powerful and endearing motive to future fidelity and zeal, in the discharge of their important trusts. The greatest of all the men of the East, was highly gratified and animated, by the sincere affection of his grateful and dutiful subjects. “When I went out to the gate through the city, when I prepared my seat in the street, the young men saw me, and hid themselves; and the aged arose, and stood up. When the ear heard me, then it blessed me; and when the eye saw me, it gave witness to me: Because I delivered the poor that cried, and the fatherless, and him that had none to help him. I put on righteousness, and it clothed me: My judgment was as a robe and diadem. I broke the jaws of the wicked, and plucked the spoil out of his teeth.”

Such, sincerely respected rulers, are the consoling reflections, which naturally flow from fidelity in public life. If, therefore, you have begun to be faithful in your various departments, be not weary in well-doing; but be stedfast, unmoveable, always abounding in the service of God, and of your generation. Cherish a warm attachment to the government, which you are called to administer, and do all the public good, which both the State and Federal Constitutions require and enable you to do. Guide this people in the integrity of your hearts, and by the skillfulness of your hands. Exhibit before them a shining example of piety and virtue; and employ all your honor and influence to promote their spiritual as well as temporal good. This wise and faithful discharge of your public trusts, will finally put you into the full possession of that transporting promise, which is emphatically yours—“They that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament; and they that turn many to righteousness, as the stars forever and ever.” But, if any of you should be conscious to yourselves, that you have been unfaithful, unjust, and unholy; let Daniel’s counsel be acceptable to you, and break off your sins by righteousness, and your iniquities by shewing mercy to the poor, that it may be a lengthening out of your tranquility. For, it is most certainly true, that, if you cast off fear, and restrain prayer before God, and despise all his warnings and admonitions, the day is coming, when that invisible hand, which is now recording all your deeds, will write on the table of your hearts, in a language which will need no interpreter, this final and fearful sentence: “You are weighed in the balances, and are found WANTING.”

¹.Bryant on Ancient Mythology.

Azel Backus (1765-1817) became a Christian after graduating from Yale (1787) and entered the ministry. He was pastor a church in Bethlehem, Connecticut (1791-1812) where he also ran a school. Backus was the first president of Hamilton College in New York in 1812. This sermon was preached in Connecticut on May 10, 1798.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT THE

GENERAL ELECTION,

AT HARTFORD IN THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

May 10th, 1798.

By AZEL BACKUS, A. M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN BETHLEM.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1798.

ORDERED, That the Honorable Heman Swift and Mr. David Leavit, jun. present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Azel Backus, for his Sermon delivered before the General Assembly of the State at the Anniversary Election, on the second Thursday of May, instant, and desire a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined,
By Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

II SAMUEL XV. 4.

–Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto me, and I would do him justice!

THE perfection of a government will not save it from the evils of faction and party spirit. The divine government itself has long had its opposers. Immediately after its introduction on earth, as we learn from the book of Genesis, the chief of those rebellious spirits, who by a restless ambition had raised a war in heaven, visited the new creation, to sow sedition, and divide its happy inhabitants from their allegiance. He chose the serpent for his craftiness and subtlety, as the fittest instrument to scatter the poison of seduction, and to thwart the designs of wisdom. A temptation, most dangerous and alluring to man in his exalted and happy state, was propounded to the most susceptible of the family of paradise. To artful intimations that they were unreasonably abridged in happiness, and held in ignorance by the tyranny of their Creator, were added the enticing promises of increased freedom, the enlargement of knowledge, and sensitive pleasure. The temptation was fatally successful, and a rebellion hence arose against God on earth, that has raged with awful virulence for almost six thousand years. It called forth the strong arm of power in the flood; on Sodom and its neighbouring cities; in Egypt and at the Red Sea, on a leader that arrogantly questioned, “Who is the Lord that I should obey his voice;” and against Korah and his accomplices, who dared to say to Moses and Aaron, the accredited ministers of a polity ordained by God himself. “Ye take too much upon yourselves, and wherefore lift ye up yourselves above the congregation of the Lord.” The same restless and ungovernable spirit, raised the Jews against the prophets, to put them to death; it brought the Saviour of men to the cross, and persecuted his followers, until the divine government, in justice to itself, sent an army to sack Jerusalem, and to disperse a wicked, a stiff-necked, and a gainsaying people to all the winds of heaven. What it has done in later ages, may be learned from the encrimsoned page of history, and seen in every apartment of the mighty Bedlam, the great Lazar-house of man: Of man naturally anarchical, disorganized, and seduced by the promise of the father of lies, “Ye shall be as gods.”

As one object will be kept in viewing the following discourse, it will not be necessary to descant on the excellency of one form of government above another; it is enough for our present purpose, that this truth be acknowledged, that faction is, and has been, the lot of every government. The government of kings and nobles has its evils and dangers, which I need not repeat, as they have been the theme of the friends and foes of real liberty. And enthusiastic theorists alone will assert, that elective governments can be so pure in their principles, and so perfect in their administration, as to be perfectly secure from turbulence and insurrection. “As heaven’s blest beams turn vinegar more sour,” we must acknowledge, however degrading it may be to the human character, that faction has thriven most in the mildest governments; and that republics in particular, have been proverbially stormy and tempestuous.

If it is asserted by respectable authority, that, “It is yet in experiment whether human nature can bear so free a government as our own;” he is not the enemy of liberty and of the people who would meet its difficulties, but he who would sedulously conceal and keep them out of sight.

This is my apology for selecting a passage of holy writ, that may lead to matter so unusual on this anniversary occasion. It is a religious duty that we owe to our good government, to be armed against these wiles of faction, these “depths of Satan;” wiles, grown common by frequent repetition; but so slow of heart are men to understand, that they are until this day little considered by the great body of mankind.

Divine inspiration informs us, that the Jewish nation, during the reign of David, were prosperous and happy. When he died it is recorded of him, “that he died in a good old age, full of days, riches, and honors.” The same truth is also apparent from many passages of the Psalms, in which the glories of Christ’s future kingdom are undoubtedly shadowed forth, in the real prosperity of Israel, under the wise administration of the son of Jesse: “Out of Zion the perfection of beauty hath shone.” It pleased God, however, for a particular sin of David, to send into his family the scourge of domestic discord. An unhappy event took place that awoke, and called into action, the worst of passions, in Absalom the king’s son, the passion of revenge. With a temper soured by an incident, well known to all who read the word of God, he was soon the cause of serious trouble to his father, and the people he governed. When the viler passions are once roused in the human heart, it is with difficulty they are laid. Chagrin, and disappointment, easily agree to acts of desperation. Possessed of personal accomplishments, and the arts of address, young Absalom aspired at no less than dethroning his father, and usurping the government. To obtain these, he went through the usual process of every demagogue, and insinuated himself into the favour of the people. As parade and novelty are pleasing to the great body of mankind, “he prepared him chariots and horses, and fifty men to run before him:” An essay at show, borrowed from the wicked heathen nations, as unusual as it was unlawful in Israel. But a custom being unusual and unlawful, is often alone sufficient to recommend it to a race of creatures, whose “hearts are continually set in them to do evil.” To administer justice between man and man, in a great nation, is an Herculean task. It seems at this time that the judiciary department of his father’s government, was unusually crowded with business, and as it is easier to fault, than to mend the measures of our rulers, this furnished a favorable opportunity to an unprincipled and aspiring young man.—“He rose up early and stood beside the way of the gate, and it was so, that when any man had a controversy, came to the king for judgment, then Absalom called unto him and said, of what city art thou? And he said thy servant is one of the tribes of Israel. And Absalom said unto him, See, thy matters are good and right, but there is no man deputed of the king to hear thee. Absalom said moreover, Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto me, and I would do him justice! And it was so, that when any man came nigh to him to do him obeisance, he put forth his hand and took him and kissed him. And on this manner did Absalom to all Israel that came to the king for judgment. So Absalom stole the hearts of the men of Israel.” The avenues to the human heart are numerous, with which designing men most commonly are pretty thoroughly acquainted. As men have refined in manners, they have refined in villainy. The state of manners with the Jews in this age, was comparatively rude; such open solicitation might now give offence. So bare a hook might now be unsuccessful in the popular stream. But the essentials of matter and manner in this business have ever been similar, and have rarely failed, when adapted to the taste and biases of a people. By “the way of the gate,” we are to understand, either the entrance of the city, or the door of the court where justice was wont to be administered: Here he harangued the litigious, the choicest materials of a demagogue. Told them that his father had become a child and incapable of managing his kingdom; that the judges whom he had appointed were either negligent of their duty or corrupt, and that bribery, and not justice, ruled in their decisions. And, that he might cover his ambition under apparent humanity, he was indiscriminately familiar with all his father’s subjects. If any man had a controversy, let it be just or unjust, he showed himself his patron and friend. On condition they would raise him to office, he not only promised them more liberty, with a regular and impartial administration of justice, and decried the neglects, wickedness, and tyranny of their lawful prince; he could descend farther, when any of the multitude did him obeisance as the king’s son, he proclaimed his equality, and gave them the fraternal kiss. Thus he stole the hearts of the men of Israel, and a more proper metaphor than theft, cannot be applied to those who seek to weaken public confidence in legitimate government, to answer their own vile purposes. For the people were bound to David his father by the constitution, by oaths of allegiance, and by his divine election and anointing as king.—When God in his providence is about to scourge a nation with such characters as Absalom, a train of incidents seems to be laid, to ensure the accomplishment of their purposes. It appears astonishing that a youth should stir up so great a portion of the people, against a king distinguished for religion, the love of his subjects, and the well earned fame of many victories. But it must be considered, that many of the partisans and favorites of Saul his predecessor, were still living, and out of place at court, who had been in the interests of Ish-bosheth, Saul’s son, and who either were fearful of their personal safety, or certainly despaired of being benefited by the present administration.

The haughtiness of Joab, the captain of the king’s hosts, his impunity in atrocious wickedness, and his being suffered to march against his fellow citizens, had lessened the character of David in the eyes of the people. Other public officers probably did not excel in prudence, as a long continuance of power and prosperity, is rarely supported with dignity by the greatest characters. And what was more than all the rest; the sin of the king in the matter of Uriah, was fresh in the minds of his subjects, and had a tendency to make them anxious for their dearest possessions, and their lies. The name and infamy of Bath-sheba, was the topic of her sex, and her power was dreaded.

As an avenging God had laid all these circumstances in a train, the way was prepared for an explosion of the same passions, as were awoke by the conduct of Pisistratus in Athens, and Tarquinius in Rome.

The seeds of rebellion being thus sown in Jerusalem, Absalom, to conceal his designs from his father, could appear religious if occasion required. With apparent filial submission he requested the liberty of going to Hebron, a place about sixteen miles distant from the seat of government, to pay a vow. Meanwhile, his creatures were dispatched to every part of the kingdom, who, upon an agreed signal, were to proclaim him king.

The conspiracy soon grew so strong, that even Ahithophel, the king’s counselor, made “precious confessions” and joined it. When the intelligence arrived, that “the hearts of the men of Israel were after Absalom,” the court and family of the king were filled with consternation. It was resolved to leave the city of Jerusalem, and take refuge in the wilderness. An aged monarch flying with a remnant of his tried friends, before an unprincipled parricide [killer of parents] must have afforded a moving spectacle. As they passed the brook Kidron, it is recorded, “that all the country wept with a loud voice. David went up by the ascent of mount Olivet, and wept as he went up, and had his head covered, and he went up barefoot, and all the people that were with him covered every man his head, and they went up, weeping as they went up.” The good king in his troubles did not give vent to passionate language, or attempt suicide, like an unsuccessful philosopher in modern revolutions. Feeling that this scourge was soft and penitent. He pitied and forgave his enemies, and with the enlarged views of a Christian, looked up through second causes, to God the first cause. When the priests, from attachment to their aged prince, were bearing the Ark of God in his fugitive train, that it might prove his defense, he bid them carry it back into the city, with these dignified sentiments. “If I shall find favor in the eyes of the Lord, he will bring me again and shew me both it, and his habitation. But if he thus say, I have no delight in thee: behold here am I, let him do to me a seemeth good unto him.” On being informed that his friend Ahithophel had joined the conspirators, no terms of reproach escaped from his mouth, but a modest and humble ejaculation, that “the Lord would turn the counsel of Athithophel into foolishness.” The same amiable temper also marked the character of the suffering and afflicted king on his arrival at Bahurim, a village in the tribe of Benjamin. Shimei a descendant of Saul, David’s predecessor, took this occasion to express his family antipathy, by publicly cursing the king, and casting stones and dirt. Those who stood round his royal person, felt as all natural men would feel on such an occasion: they begged the liberty to go and take off his head; “no,” replied the king, “let him curse. Behold my son which came forth of my bowels seeketh my life: how much more now may this Benjamite do it? Let him alone, and let him curse, for the Lord hath bidden him.” During these transactions, Absalom and his accomplices had entered Jerusalem, with the shouts of his accomplices had entered Jerusalem, with the shouts of “God save the King.” But an unprincipled man who is base enough to pay obsequious address to the people, that he may in this way raise himself to places of power and trust, rarely fails either to betray them, or to become licentious in his prosperity. With Ahithophel as his oracle, he immediately did an act, that rendered him despicable in the eyes of all those whose favorite he had been. This counselor, whose wisdom was literally turned into foolishness, told the young usurper, that it was important to establish it in the minds of the people, that the ancient regimen was never to return, and that he and his father were never to be reconciled, and that to accomplish this end, it was politic to maintain a public incestuous intercourse with his father’s wives, and choose a select number of assassins, who might pursue, overtake, and dispatch his father and associates. The first part of the counsel pleased, and was put into execution in the sight of all Israel; and although the latter met his approbation, Absalom was over-persuaded by another designing counselor not to adopt it, but to gather the people, en masse, and pursue his opposers, and wipe them from the face of the earth.

Ahithophel, seeing that his counsel was not taken, with all the factitious dignity of a modern philosopher, who cannot brook contradiction, “arose, saddled his ass, got home to his house, and hanged himself.” As the crisis approached, in which the fate of the kingdom was to be decided in battle, we find our young demagogue rash, precipitate, and parricidal. But on the other hand, the king was cool, deliberate, and affectionate. With all the father in his eye and voice, he bid the commanders of his forces, to “deal gently for his sake with the young man, even with Absalom.” The armies encountered in the wood of Ephraim, and twenty thousand men fell by the sword on the spot, and a still greater number was slaughtered in the retreat of the insurgents. While Absalom on a mule was fleeing from his pursuers, the hair of his head, of which he had a remarkable quantity, caught in the thick boughs of an oak, “And he was taken up between the heavens and the earth, and the mule that was under him went away.”

Intelligence of his situation was brought to Joab, the king’s commander in chief, who took three spears and thrust them through his heart, “while he was yet alive in the midst of the oak.” The trumpet was blown, and the people ceased pursuing. Absolom’s body was taken down from the tree and thrown into a pit, and covered with an huge pile of stones. “And all Israel fled everyone to his tent.” Thus ended the life of an unprincipled and aspiring young man, who stole the hearts of a great people. Similar causes ever have, and ever will, produce similar effects.

The doctrine of human depravity can be proved by the history of every nation, without the aid of the holy scriptures. “A dispassionate view of human events, affords demonstration, that the fiery and destructive passions of enmity and contention, are more congenial to the natural human heart, than the mild and benevolent sentiments of peace and love.” ¹ All are by nature greater lovers of their own dear selves, than of their neighbors, and the public good. And as with this temper, there cannot fail to be different interests, and different tastes and faculties, the latent causes of faction, are the hereditary, and perpetual inheritance of mankind. That a human government should ever be so constructed, as to obtain universal support and suffrage, until God has radically and universally changed the human heart, may be a pleasant dream to a philosopher, but it cannot be a reality. I hope, therefore, that I shall not be severely censured, as trespassing on ground which does not belong to my profession, while I attempt to throw in my mite, to check a spirit of disorder and indiscipline, that like a giant, seems to be bestriding the nations, and laying prostrate their government, religion, and happiness. In doing this, I wish not to be thought an enemy of necessary reform, or as unfriendly to the principles of rational liberty. “There is a time to break down, and a time to build up.” As the former, as it relates to government and religion, is more pleasing to human nature, and the latter more applicable to this country; I have, on mature deliberation, determined to risk the popularity of the following sentiments.

The sacred story to which we have been attending, may naturally lead us to consider the materials, of which factions and conspiracies have usually been composed in free governments—By what methods these materials have been brought into action—And what has been the general issue; With the practical inferences thence arising.

I. The materials of all conspiracies against good government, have always been composed of ignorant, or wicked, subjects or citizens. “It is easy and natural for weak, and uninformed minds, to construe zeal for an efficient government; as evidential of a heart fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of civil liberty.” ²—Hence, much opposition has made its appearance from the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceiving jealousies and fears. But there would be little danger from the ignorant, were they not spurred to action by the ambitious, aspiring, and abandoned. An ignorant man can only be pitied, who is the mere puppet of a fly intriguer, that, like a mountebank, fits behind the screen, and manages him before the spectators for his own emolument.—The wicked, and unprincipled, are much the most formidable class of citizens, which all good governments are in danger of having arrayed against them. While the ignorant may be enlightened and reformed, the unprincipled rarely yield to the force of truth, but are obstinate in error, and will not be persuaded “although one rose from the dead.” The desperate characters, always increase in proportion to the ease with which the means of wealth and luxury, can be obtained, and are the same in all ages and countries. Perhaps a more perfect description cannot be given of them, than that of the Roman Orator, when informing the Roman Senate, what characters had joined Cataline’s conspiracy. Although the description is familiar to the school-boy, it may not be improper to repeat it.

“The first class, consists of those, who having great debts, but still greater possessions, are so passionately fond of the latter, that they cannot bear the thoughts of infringing them. This, in appearance is the most honorable class, for they are rich: but their intention and aim are infamous. The next consists of those, who though oppressed with debt, yet hope for power, and aspire at the chief management of public affairs; imagining they shall obtain those honors by throwing the state into convulsions which they despair of during its tranquility. The third; those who coming to the sudden and unexpected possession of great wealth, have run into all the excesses of luxury and profusion. These, by building find houses, by affluent living, splendid equipages, numerous attendants, and sumptuous entertainments, have plunged themselves so deeply in debt, hat in order to retrieve their affairs, they must recall Sylla from his tomb. The fourth; a mixed, motley, mutinous tribe, who have been long ruined beyond hopes of recovery, and partly through ill management, and extravagance, are persecuted with arrests, judgments, and confiscations. The fifth are parricides, assassins, and ruffians. The last are debauched with city extravagance, such as you see with curled locks, neatly dressed, whose whole labor of life, and industry in watching, are exhausted upon midnight entertainments. Under this class we rank all gamesters, and the lewd and lustful of every denomination. These slim delicate youths, practiced in all the arts of hollow-hearted politeness, not only know to sing and dance, but on occasion can aim the murderous dagger, and administer the poisonous draught.” ³ Such characters, with few exceptions, are the natural enemies of all governments, and readily embrace revolutionary principles. In short—every government that has for its object, “the punishment of evil doers, and the praise of those that do well;” to parody the sentiments of the same author, is a contest of integrity with treachery, of piety with profaneness, of honor with baseness, of moderation with unbridled licentiousness, of sound reason with depraved understanding and frenzy. In a word, it is a struggle of equity, temperance, prudence, and magnanimity, with iniquity, luxury, idleness, and rashness. In a wicked world, the materials are always at hand, to revolutionize for the worse, and with a few frantic or theoretic philosophers, as pioneers, are easily brought to attack the fortresses of public tranquility, of national happiness and security.

II. In the second place as proposed, let us spend a moment in showing how the materials of faction and conspiracy, are, and have been marshaled, against order, and the empire of the laws. And here I would premise, that where the great body of a people are vicious, and there is a weak executive, it is no great achievement to overturn, or check the progress of the best civil constitution. A foolish Greek could burn a spacious temple, in which the highest skill of architecture was displayed, and the wealth and labor of many nations was collected. A very weak hand may throw down that which it requires wisdom and strength to rear, and a very boy, by casting a stick or stone, can stop a piece of mechanism, which it required ages to invent and mature. A French writer boasted that one Voltaire was sufficient to overthrow a system, which it required twelve apostles, and a host of martyrs to establish. To wish bishop Horne replies in the following striking similitude. “When a candle burns, and gives light to a house, many wonderful things contribute to the phenomenon. The fat of an animal is the work of the Creator, or the wax of a bee is made by his teaching, the wick is from the vegetable wool of a singular exotic tree, much labor of man is concerned in the composition, and the elements that inflame it are those by which the world is governed. But after all this apparatus, a child or a fool may put it out, and then boast that the family are left in darkness, and are running one against another. Such is the mighty achievement of Mr. Voltaire; but with this difference that what is real darkness, he would call illumination.” ⁴ The same may be applied to government. In the history of republics in particular, how often have conceit, the ambition, and obstinacy of individuals, who have had credit enough to make their passions and caprices, interesting to mankind. While we peruse their annals, we are ready to exclaim with the Apostle, “behold how great a matter a little fire kindleth!”

The materials of faction and conspiracy, have usually been marshaled against order and the empire of the laws, in one or all of these three ways. By addressing men’s passions, and flattering their prejudices—By misstating and discoloring facts—And by humoring the taste of the age.

1. Ambitious and designing men commonly address men’s passions and flatter their prejudices. This was abundantly the case with the aspiring young man, to whose history we have been attending. In his exile with the king of Geshur, he had learned the stile of a vicious court, and the pomp of royal magnificence. And as the Jews passionately desired a king, like other nations, his first appearance, as heir apparent, was with profusion of chariots and footmen, and his first addresses to the prejudices of the soured, discontented, and litigious. Error always addresses the passions and prejudices; truth scorns such mean intrigue, and only addresses the understanding and the heart. The worst enemies of free governments are scarce discernable, they dip in the same dish, and like a distinguished member of an ancient and innocent family, talk much of the poor, but have their own vile purposes to serve, by this shew of benevolence and humanity. So long as the world exists, there will be an inequality in personal talents, and property, which will be a source of continual envy and jealousy to those who do not possess them. He who on every occasion, seeks to increase this envy, and spread this natural jealousy of the great body of mankind, against talents and wealth, will rarely fail to meet with success. To defend, on every occasion, the supposed privileges of such characters, as were marked by the Roman Orator, to embrace, not only their interests, but adopt their capricious passions, cherish their presumption, indulge their rapacity, gratify their taste for pleasure without expense, and feed their antipathy to all governmental restraints, is one of the grand secrets of revolutionizing. The specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people, is a favorite dress of lurking and dangerous ambition, and the turbulent, and aspiring, always reproach their government. “Such as walk after the flesh,” faith the Apostle, “despise government, presumptuous are they, self-willed, they are not afraid to speak evil of dignities.” “With a shew of humility,” faith the Psalmist, “they lie in wait secretly as a lion in his den; they lie in wait to catch the poor; they crouch and humble themselves, that the poor may fall by their strong ones.”

There are but few recorded in the annals of mankind, who have destroyed liberty, and prostrated free governments, who did not begin their career, in these obsequious arts of demagogy [gaining power by arousing emotions and prejudices], and end in tyranny. The exact point between power and liberty, never was, and perhaps never will be found, in this imperfect state; this is a precious circumstance to the unprincipled, as it affords a plausible pretence for perpetual change.

From the disorders hence arising, that have disgraced republics, the advocates of despotic power, have drawn arguments, not only against republicanism itself, but against the very principles of civil liberty. As instability, injustice, confusion, and foreign influence, introduced into public councils, have been the mortal diseases, under which popular governments have everywhere perished: tyrants have taken heart; and nations, to be more safe, have often been willing to be less free. Such general joy, perhaps, never pervaded Great-Britain, as at the restoration. Charles II. with all his vices, was esteemed a blessing, compared to the tyranny of an unstable parliament, and the lordliness of the Protector.

But, says a writer whose words I have already used, “If liberty is to faction, what air is to fire, an ailment, without which it expires, it would be as foolish to wish to destroy liberty, because it nourishes faction, as it would be to wish the annihilation of air, which is necessary to animal life, because it imparts to fire its destructive agency.” ⁵ Although that liberty, which at present is contended for in Europe, would be better resembled by a tiger, than a goddess, there is yet such a thing as rational liberty, which it is hoped the nations will not be discouraged from attempting, by the madness of the present times; and, that oceans of blood will not be shed in vain. It is one of the curses of the apostasy, that men can never rest satisfied with the mean of all extremes. The most popular writers on government, in this age, have taken almost the directly opposite ground, from those in former ages. Instead of attempting to define the portion of power, necessary for the very existence of government, their whole genius is spent, in inquiring into the possible consequences of power. It is easier to discolor, and disfigure, and by the dexterous arts of political legerdemain, to transform real existences, into hydras and gorgons, than to traverse the wide field of experiment. And, as obscurity, is much oftener in the passions and prejudices of the reasoned, than in the subject, many, through their untoward biases, have become so entangled by words, and names, that, “while they promise liberty, they themselves are the servants of corruption.”

2. Ambitious and designing men, accomplish many of their purposes, by misstating, and discoloring facts. As the government of Israel, was established by God himself, there is little reason to suppose, that the vile suggestions of Absalom, had any more foundation, than those of the first great disorganizer, “the liar from the beginning.” Aspiring men, of all sinners, have the greatest antipathy to light. Their counsels, like those of pandemonium, must be held in that light, which in scripture is called great darkness, to be successful. In the terrible convulsions, that have happened in ancient republics, and kingdoms, the true causes were rarely apparent to the great mass of the people, till after their effects were produced. As a harpooner more easily draws the heart’s blood of the monarch of the deep, by setting him a flouncing at a cork, or buoy, than by an open and direct attack; there have been few instances of successful demagogy, where some cork, or buoy, has not been thrown out, on which the populace might flounce, and spend their rage and strength until they might be taken at pleasure. When Pausanias, of Lacedemon, thought himself too great to remain a subject to his government, he flattered the Helots and the Missinians—slaves that were ever ready to rebel against their masters—and secretly corresponded with the enemies of his country. While he was inviting the assistance of the Persian monarch, to help him enslave his fellow citizens, he was visibly the poor man’s friend, and wept over the evils of aristocracy. The same methods of self-aggrandizement, with little variation, were pursued by Pericles and Alcibiades of Athens; by the Gracchi, Sylla, Marius, Cataline, and Caesar, in Rome; by Oliver Cromwell, in England; by Marat, and that succession of decapitated villains, who, of late, rode on the whirlwind, and directed the storm of a national mob. Some cunningly devised pretence of public good, or some imaginary monster of despotic power, has always been the standard, to rally men from their ordinary occupations, to butcher one another, and wallow in blood.

Taught to view with awe, or admiration, those in public stations; the merit or odium of measures, to which numerous unforeseen causes may have contributed, has ever been imputed to men, and not to circumstances.—“Party spirit,” says an anonymous writer, “rarely rushes to the front of the stage, brandishing his bloody arm over the affrighted crowd, but he wanders behind the scenes, presents his dark lantern, aims the assassinating dagger, cuts the sinews of public confidence, and poisons the fountain of social life.” Under this head may be ranged the forging of private correspondences, the fabricating of offensive anecdotes, and obnoxious innuendoes, mutilating and distorting the measures of the men in authority. Like the cry of Fire! Or, Stop thief! Set up by felons in populous cities, private plunder and emolument, has been the object of those who found an alarm, “that your liberty is menaced,” in countries constitutionally free and happy.

3. Demagogues always humor the taste of the age. The love of pre-eminence is one of the strongest principles in man. And it is curious to trace this love in all its effects. Though the tastes and pursuits of different ages, may be different, we shall always find the original principles in man, the same, and designing men, like bubbles, ever riding on the top of the popular stream. In the ruder ages of the world, the darling pursuit of mankind, was war, military glory, and conquest, and the most successful madman was the idol of the people. When heathenism was swept away by the power of the Christian religion, even the innocent, and meek religion of Jesus, became the instrument to obtain popular applause. The love of pre-eminence, led some to climb mountains, and build towers, on which they might stand, and show their extraordinary devotion. Others shut themselves up in monasteries, and nunneries, to evince their deadness to the world, and the nighness [nearness], in which they lived to God, or went to drive infidels from the holy land. In another age, the same spirit sought a reform, and really altered many abuses, but hastened into the opposite extreme, until even reformation itself wanted reforming. The singular revival of religion, in this country, half a century since, in which, no doubt, the spirit of God was remarkably poured out, and much good accomplished, is also illustrative of the same idea. Men, for pre-eminence sake, were effected in their bodies, as well as their minds, saw extraordinary appearances, cried out in high transports, preached, prayed, and exhorted loud and earnestly, sang through the streets, and were indiscreetly and hastily zealous. But, because the taste and manners of the times, are altered, we are not to suppose, that the spirit, which led in the extravagances of those days, is now asleep. The same love of pre-eminence, that once made zealots, and crusaders, now makes skeptics. Decent irreligion, now assumes to itself, the same airs, and indulges the same rancorous censure. When Absalom would go to Hebron, to pay a vow, religion was made the stalking horse, and sacrifice, the shouting horn, of sedition and usurpation.

But, demagogues are not now to be looked for, in the seats of religion; for this has not now the chief seat in the synagogue. The tide of the world, is not setting this way; and, men whom the sin of Diotrephes, easily besets, always follow the tide. It is not in fashion to kneel before crucifixes, but to worship, and adore human reason, falsely so called; and, the age of relics, is now spending itself on testacia [shelled invertebrate animals], in search of Mammoth bones, making experiments on air, or casting the age of the world from the lava of burning mountains. “Where the carcass is, the eagles will be gathered together.” The paraphernalia of the naturalist and chemist, is now substituted for the cowl, by the modern disciples of Ignatus Loyola. Were the scales of prejudice taken from our eyes, we should see, that this reading of human nature, is just; and that he who once believed in legends, and he who now doubts of self-evident propositions, are the same characters. The taste, and favorite pursuits of every age, have had their uses, but their extremes have been highly vicious. The desire to have our thoughts our own, and to be independent in sentiment, is commendable. But when we carry this desire of independence too far, it is as salacious, as it is dangerous and criminal. There is no such commanding dignity of mind, in a man’s trying to differ from his progenitors, as to government and religion, as some suspect. The unnatural productions of a hard and stupid heart, often lead a man to mistake his own restlessness for activity of genius, and his own capriciousness for sagacity of understanding. The world probably progresses in knowledge; but the analogy between the natural and intellectual systems, evinces that new thoughts are as rare as comets, and other new appearances in nature. A little acquaintance with antiquity may convince us, “that there is no new thing under the sun.” From the days of the school-men, to the present time, a great portion of enthusiasm has mixed itself with science, as well as with religion. Every age has been overstocked with imagined original geniuses, who have scourged mankind with their theories, and blinded them with new discovered light. Had the philosophers amused themselves with their categories, and predicaments, they might have been innocent and harmless lunatics. But now, unfortunately for mankind, they have turned their whole attention to the fabricating of new theories in government, and religion. Being unwilling to learn wisdom from what is past, and like anatomists make experiments on the dead, they seem to demand the world for a museum, and the living for dissection, and like “the restless iron tongue of death, to call for millions at a meal.” Nay more, they seem to be waging the war of the Titan’s, and piling the earth in heaps, to climb to heaven. They will undoubtedly meet with the same success as their fabled predecessors, and be buried by the mountains they have set in motion. In these monstrous efforts, the world has already found that “the little finger” of philosophy, “is thicker than the loins” of superstition; and that the “tender mercies” of modern liberality in religion “are cruelty”.

If Cromwell had to affect experimental religion to accomplish the toils of his ambition, by the imperious taste and manners of his day; from the prevailing taste of this age, we must expect similar characters to boast of their philosophic Christianity, of their deism and atheism; as these are the most prevalent sentiments of the once Christian world. It is not said now, “Stand by thyself and come not near to me, for I am holier than thou;’ but “stand by thyself and come not near to me,” for I know more “than thou.” The infallibility of the Pope, and the divine right of Kings, seems to have translated themselves from the conclave of superstition, to the stoa [Greek covered walkways for public use] of philosophy—From the courts of intriguing despots, to the secret, seif-created societies of modern illuminati.

Having considered the materials of which factions and conspiracies have usually been composed, and the methods by which they have been brought into action: we are guided by the passage of sacred history, to which we have been attending, to inquire the general issue.

III. When Absalom, to human appearance, had nigh accomplished his purpose, a nation afflicted with his daring ambition, and unnatural crimes, roused to oppose him. He was defeated in battle, and in the confusion of his retreat, his hair caught in the branches of an oak, and his mule went from under him, leaving him between the heavens and the earth. He died by the hand of violence, was thrown into pit, and covered with a pile of stones, and his followers, in the true stile of a mob, noisy and turbulent when successful, but mean-spirited and cowardly in defeat, “fled everyone to his tent.” In like manner the great deceiver and disorganizer, who, “from the beginning, abode not in the truth, is to be cast into the bottomless pit, that he may deceive the nations no more.” Although “he hath now great wrath, because he knoweth that his time is short,” blessed be God, his chain hath an end. Those whom he now “leads captive at his will,” shall turn against him, and aggravate his future condemnation. The pride of Korah, and his accomplices, set up the holiness of the congregation of Israel, against its priesthood, and the power of the people against the civil magistrate, although supported by a well authenticated divine commission. The earth opened her mouth and swallowed them up. The Jews refusing to submit to legitimate government, and wasted of the partisans of faction, have ceased to be a nation, are dispersed through the world, and are hated and despised of all men. The history of the Grecian, Roman, and French republics, those Vesuviuses of impassioned man, to which allusions have already been made, might here be read. It is distressing to a benevolent mind, to survey the struggles of parties, the proscriptions, the massacres, and assassinations, that have been guided by popular villains, ever issuing in their own, and their country’s ruin. Not an instance can be found, of one, who flattered and misled the people, but either he perished in the storm he had raised, or ended in the salacious glory of a Caesar. Indeed,

“’Tis in common proof,
That lowliness is young ambition’s ladder,
Whereto the climber upward turns his face:
But when he once attains the upmost round,
He then unto the ladder turns his back,
Looks into the clouds, scorning the base degrees
By which he did ascend.” ⁶

When Absalom got into precarious power, we find him no more the fawning sycophant of the majesty of the people. We hear no more of his kissing and bowing, or tender wishes to redress the wrongs of his injured fellow citizens. He forgot his ladder, grew giddy with its height, and fell. And an instance is challenged, where the leaders of factions and conspiracies, under mild governments, or those simple ones that are led by the magic sounds of visionary liberty, have ever gained anything by change. Both have always lost. Even where a nation has been considerably oppressed, when they have attempted to break their shackles at the instance of popular courtiers, they have ever resembled the man, who took “seven other spirits more wicked than himself;” their last state, has ever been worse than their first. In a word—of demagogues it may be said universally, with Mr. Pope, as of man whose self-love has lost reason’s comparing balance,

They’ve “meteor like,” flam’d “lawless thro’ the void,
“Destroying others; by” themselves “destroy’d.”

Having considered the materials, of which factions and conspiracies have usually been composed, in free governments; by what methods they have been brought to act; and what has been the general issue. Your patience is craved, while a few practical inferences are made from the subject.

1. Personal accomplishments, ad brilliant talents, are no infallible evidences, that a man will make a good ruler. We read nothing of Absalom’s wisdom, virtue, or learning, in the laws of his country, or of any distinguished, disinterested, and patriotic achievement. His first introduction in the sacred memoirs is on this wise; “In all Israel there was none to be so much praised as Absalom for his beauty: from the sole of his foot, even to the crown of his head, there was no blemish in him.” Personal accomplishments, and brilliant talents, have in a few solitary instances, made an happy assemblage with distinguished virtues. But more generally, they have been the scourge of their possessors, and of the world. The moment a man is conscious of them, he is undone; for he immediately thinks himself born to command; walks with fastidious contempt over the ashes of his ancestors; and growing delirious with his own supposed originality, he sees “luminous periods,” and the “splendors of a bright and glorious day,” marching before him.

But, after all, brilliant talents have imposing charms, and will command respect, and this is not one of the lesser evils of elective governments. In giving our suffrages, we insensibly forget, that a sound mind stored by industry and fortified by religious principles, is always the most useful in church and state.

It does not occur that belles-lettres and legislation have little connection, and that popular assemblies have ever suffered more for the want of candid, and dispassionate hearers, than dashing, and imposing speakers. The former, commonly bear the heat and burden of the day, while the latter are rarely seen in their seats, but on subjects, in which they can pronounce their own eulogiums to the gallery, or flatter the prejudices, and humor the taste of the age.

2. And, with equal certainty, we may infer, that those who are most ambitious of preferment, are the least fitted for it; as the best qualified, are the most modest, and self-dissident. The love of honor and preferment, when kept within due bounds, may animate the patriot, and fire the hero. Still, however, more sacred and venerable principles, than the praise of men, claim the chief direction of human conduct. When the respect we pay to the opinions of men, encroaches on that reverence, which we owe to the Deity, to the voice of conscience, and the sense of duty, it becomes criminal, and highly dangerous. The Jewish rulers were charged, not with loving the praise of men; but, that they loved it “more than the praise of God.” When vain glory, usurps the throne of a man’s heart, the eye of his mind is turned from the ends, which it ought, chiefly, to keep in view, and there is no crime which he will not commit, to ensure his own aggrandizement. While such a character, will set himself up for sale, to do evil, virtue and worth will never cry themselves, like courtesans, in market; they blush at the thought of soliciting notice. If the splendor of office, dazzles the unthinking and unprincipled, it has, in itself, few charms to the upright and contemplative. The freedom of retirement, was long sighed for by that faithful servant of the public, who has justly been denominated, “the father of his country.” The pious, and humble, are more anxious to improve the talents they have, than to be credited with more; they connect the retributions of eternity, with the use or abuse of a post of honor. Hence they are ever modest, and dissident, and go into place from a sense of duty, rather than from the thirst of distinction. And, while aspiring thistles are trode down of every wild beast, those choice cedars, cleave to their native soil, and either gloriously keep their station in the storm, or fall with all the leafy honors of the forest at their side.

3. Those who speak of great reforms in governments, already free and happy, are dangerous characters. “While we set under the shade of our own laws,” says a nervous writer,” ⁷ “and feel all the cherishing benignity of our own government, it is fair almost to look with distrust and prejudice, on all prospects of change whatever.” When the caprice of innovation, and the indefinite love of political novelty, gets broad, it always ends in blood. The mildest professions and projects of reform, are, at this time, only the first steps of the scale of destruction, the initiative forms of that towering fabric of mischief, of which they meditate in their hearts. That liberty, which has been the stale pretence of change in free governments, has been subversive of all freedom: as it affords to factious leaders, a language unintelligibly imposing, and rich in the un-ideal terms of raving philosophy. In ties of seditious machinations, let us cleave to our religion, and our constitution, as the refuge of our hopes, as the haven and anchorage of freedom. The present moment calls rather restraints on licentiousness, than control of power. If we are virtuous and firm, little is to be feared from those knots of speculating politicians, who would open the flood-gates of foreign intrigue, and whelm us in the billows of tempestuous liberty.

4. From the striking resemblance between the first author of faction, and his subordinates, among men; we learn that the objections against good human governments and the divine government, are the same, of course, that the interests of pure Christianity, and real civil liberty are intimately blended. The grand object of the seducer is to weaker the confidence of creatures, in the Divine Executive. To make them believe, that “he is an hard and austere master, reaping where he has not sowed, and gathering where he has not strawed.” That he has no right, to do so absolutely, “as he will with his own.”

That, his governing by plan or “fore-ordaining whatsoever comes to pass,” his taking the praise to himself, of their formation to good subjects, and citizens, and not leaving it to the strength of their own natural principles, abridges human liberty. They think they cannot be free, while the head of government, by an exertion of power gives complexion to their habits, and keeps them through confidence in his rectitude unto salvation.

That he errs as to what ought to be supremely loved and worshipped. God declares that as he is the sum of public good, he has the sole and unalienable right to the supreme affection of his creatures, and that it is highly sinful in them to bestow it on themselves. But creatures, mistaking the habits of rebellion, for nature and reason, lay claim to an equal prerogative, and affirm, that “the potter hath” not “power over the lay, to make a vessel” to anything but “honor.” And that they have a natural right, to say “What dost thou? And, Why dost thou thus?” It seems a stretch of power in God, to “give none account of any of his matters.” And it is the united decree of all his discontented subjects; “We will not have” God “to rule over us,” in this imperious and sovereign manner. ⁸ Nay, it is carried without a dissenting voice, by all the partisans of the father of lies, that there shall be “No God:’ ⁹ No supremely perfect, and unalterable law; no penalties of perpetual imprisonment for men’s dong as they please; Hell, like a Bastile of despotism, has public consent to be demolished, or be converted into a penitentiary, and all the lusts are to be manumitted by the majesty of the people. I should not dare treat these grave truths in this manner, did I not feel it to be of importance, to impress this audience with the striking resemblance there is between the objections that are made, against that system of divine government revealed in the scriptures, and good human governments. The popular notions of opposing human governments, although in many instances just, need not pass for anything new, or originally pure in the heart of man. However, I hope none will construe this, as evidencing a heart unfriendly to civil liberty. No, let every tyrant, whatever name or garb he may assume, be brought to the dust, and the oppressed of every nation, hew the chains unnecessarily imposed, “link from link.” But let them take heed how they strike at the prerogative of the Most High. Contending with the Almighty will not “instruct him.” And he that reproveth God, must answer it. That which has been done by wicked men, ever since the apostasy, against the king of heaven, is now doing against good government. Satan, in every shape, still appears “an angel of light,” and would, if it were possible, deceive the very elect. The grand object of that fungous growth of mock patriotism, which is generated and nourished by the sunshine of real liberty, has been to destroy systems of human good, and to arm vice against virtue, confusion against order, and licentiousness against law. To cut the nerves of wholesome restraint, to bring into contempt those, who are “ministers of God for good,” to the righteous, and lead “all the world a wondering after some beast” of human imagination. The materials of opposition, the manner in which they have been brought to act, and the general issue in both instances, as it respects God, and the good ruler, always have, and always will be the same—And although “order will eventually spring out of confusion, and light out of darkness;” these addresses to men’s passions, this flattery of their prejudices, this misstating and discoloring of fact, this humoring the taste of the age, are exclusively those engines of Appollyon, which “brought death into the world and all our woe.” These have made the earth, an Aceldema, and a Golgatha, and portend the torments of the factious and seditious, in a world, where mad, ferocious, and unchecked democracy, will forever reign in all its fiery horrors.

5. If the divine government, and free, benevolent, human institutions, are so connected in principle and practice, if they have the same objects, and the same enemies, infidels in religion, to be consistent with themselves, should they become the enemies of good government; and those who profess Christianity, and oppose such government, ought justly to be numbered with infidels. For, “What concord hath Christ with Belial? Or, What part hath he that believeth, with an infidel?” and vice versa. Those who oppose governments of energy, ground their theories on the innocence, and perfectability of human nature, on the sufficiency of man’s natural light, for the purposes of attaining virtue and happiness, without external aid; and attribute all the ills, that have befallen men, to government and religion. If this be true, government, that has power, is an evil, and religion, that aids such power, is a scourge.

To uphold government, while infidels at heart, and revere religion, only as an engine of civil policy, is a severer censure of human nature, than is given in the scriptures. Although men, in the sacred canon, are called fools in a moral sense, they are never called so in a natural sense. But the infidel, upholding energetic government, and praising religion, only, as its convenient beast of burden, brands the whole race as idiots, of course, saps his own favorite dignity of human nature, and the sufficiency of human light. Indeed, whatever way we turn, there will be a palpable absurdity, between the love of strength in government, and the hatred of religion; and the love of religion, and the hatred of religion; and the love of religion, and the hatred of strength in government. As a sense of moral obligation, must be greatly impaired before men are fitted to oppose such a government of their own making, we hence find all zealous disorganizers, somewhere on that climax of error, that begins, in what is called, modern liberality in religious sentiment, and ends in atheism. And, with very few exceptions, we find all those who understand, and embrace the religion of the fathers, or what have been called the leading doctrines of the Christian church, “obedient to the powers that are,” reverencing good magistrates, loving, and cleaving to their country, “for conscience sake.” Why every infidel does not oppose a government of restraints, must be, that he either does not know its tendency, or is ignorant of his own heart, and what manner of spirit it is that actuates him. He is bewildered, and has lost the company congenial to his soul; or he is a living argument in favor of the worth, and truth of Christianity, by wishing to live under the mild influence of its habits, and principles.

I am called to speak, on this occasion, at an eventful period, and at an eventful crisis, with this country. Although I glory in the character of the state which gave me birth, admire the diffusion of her knowledge, her habits of order, and her blessed institutions, I dare not defy the fascinating charms of innovation. Vice, and irreligion, have earth and hell on their side, and are the mortal foes of that symmetrical edifice, which was reared by the painful labors, and has continued, hitherto, by the prayers of our ancestors. Infidelity, with a zeal that would become a better cause, and with the rigor of St. Dominic, is encompassing sea, and land, to make its proselytes; of whom when made, it may be truly said, as of those converted to a proud and haughty Jewish sect, they are “two fold more the children of hell.”

If the mountains, and uninviting soil of Switzerland, have not been sufficient “walls and bulwarks,” to save her from the rapacity of marauding strangers, let us not boast of safety from an intervening ocean. Satan, intent on mischief, could spread a bridge on chaos, to mar the happiness of paradise, and sow sedition. Were we virtuous, and united, we should, under providence, have nothing to fear. But the shameful secret, that our country has its parricides, is out, and our enemies cast it in our teeth.—A military despotism, under the vile pretence of giving freedom to mankind, has once plundered the world, and may again. If our most intelligent divines, have understood the prophecies, little is to be expected for a century, or more, than “the distress of nations, with perplexity, the sea, and the waves roaring; men’s hearts failing them for fear; as the Lord, in his glory, and majesty, has arisen to shake terribly the earth.” After looking to God, the eyes of good men are next turned to virtuous rulers, the genuine, tried, and approved friends of the government, religion, and happiness of their country.

No lover of his country’s true glory, can turn his eye to yonder empty feat, without exclaiming, “Help Lord, for the godly man ceaseth: for the faithful fail from among the children of men.” While every breeze from Atlantic, bears on its wings the increased rumor of war, and trouble, this state have had to lament, in quick succession, the death of a worthy Governor, an able Chief Justice, and a venerable Father in the gospel ministry.

“Those suns are set; O! rise some other such,
Or all that we have left, is empty talk
Of old achievements, and despair of new.”

But, I trust in God, that he has still left us some faithful helmsmen, who, for a time at least, will steer us from the shores, whitened with human bones, and guide us through the rocks of Syren liberty. Of modern Liberty; that harpy, who, like the fabled daughters of Oceanus and Terra, has hooked claws, and looks pale for plunder; that prophetess of evil, who takes her seat on desolation, tints the viands of social life with her defiling touch; than which, no monster is more fell, no plague, or scourge of gods more cruel, ever issued from the Stygian waves. ¹⁰ But hold! “Michael disputing with the devil, durst not bring against him a railing accusation, but said, the Lord rebuke thee.” While all the horrors of faction and conspiracy, are developed by the sacred story to which we have been attending, we have a counterpart in the conduct of David and his friends. They submitted to the hand, which, in such an awful manner, chastised a nation’s, and its ruler’s sins. They wept aloud, not for fear of man, but through reverence and fear of that God who was visibly punishing them. Their hearts were soft and penitent. They pitied and forgave their enemies, and, with the enlarged views of Christians, looked up to God, “who makes the wrath of man to praise him,” and will suffer it to proceed no farther, than is compatible with his wise and holy counsels. Instead of humoring the thirst of innovation, they clung to their ancient institutions, for political order, and safety.

Submitting to the stones, and dirt, the railing, and slanderous curses of apostate and discontented Shimeis, it behoves both rulers, and ruled, with all modesty, to inquire, wherefore it is, that “the Lord hath bidden” them. Have we not reason to fear, that these are the fruits of secret infidelity, in the desk? And of secret, and open infidelity in the senate? Is it now owing to breaches, plausibly made in our ancient habits, and customs, those walls of our sheepfold, that these wolves are entering? Have we no Joabs, grown haughty, and negligent, by long continuance in office, no negligent, subordinate ministers of justice? I pray God, that the proposed day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, may be devoutly kept. And that all good citizens, for once, with godly sorrow for sin, will bend their knees around the altar of prayer, for their country. If “God is for us who can be against us?”—And if he is against us who can be for us? His protection alone, is a nation’s strength. He is “the God of wisdom,” and the God of battles. Let our honorable Legislators remember, that it is emphatically true of men in high stations, that “one sinner destroyeth much good,” and much depends on them, whether dignity, and influence, are to be given to vice, and irreligion. Although the mouth of discontented ambition can never be stopped and the querulous tongue of licentiousness will never rest, until the grandeur of government shall be unveiled, which will impose silence on all lips, it is important, that you “let not your good be evil spoken of,” and give none “occasion to the enemies of the Lord, to blaspheme.” The cause of Christianity has been more ably argued by recent events in Europe, than it can be by the pen, or tongue of man. While infidelity has been writing its inferences in blood, we must view it as an happy omen, to this and the neighboring States, that so many young rising characters, have been driven from the open and exposed fields of skepticism, to the fastnesses of moral institutions. May their speculative conversion, be followed by a change of heart, and they experience those consolations in the religion of Jesus, which have ever proved a support, a light and a shield to pious rulers, under the honor and dignity, as well as the sufferings and reproaches of office. As the Christian religion is the genius, the life, and spirit of real liberty, and the true foundation of national happiness and greatness, let its ministers glory in their profession. If many of us are straightened in temporalities, and yet reproached as hirelings by the licentious, let us not be discouraged. Patriotism, as well as love to God and men, call us to fidelity in our noble employment. Liberty, exiled from Europe, crossed the Atlantic with our predecessors in office, and under their tutelage, she here erected her standard. Our rulers can frame free constitutions, and enact mild and wholesome laws, but they must apply to us, as instruments in the hands of providence, to make wholesome inhabitants, and form a free people. Sin stains the glory, darkens the luster, and degrades the rank of rational creatures. All men, who know not the glorious “liberty of the sons of God,” are by nature slavish, and will have a master. A knight-errant may strike from the hands and feet of our body, the shackles of despotic power, or the conqueror of Italy can say a nation is free; and yet, they may be bound in chains, which defy the steel of valor to fever, and the united “wisdom of this world” to unloose. The chains of the soul, the fetters of the mind and heart, do not melt at human touch; the Lord hath anointed us alone, to proclaim liberty to such captives, and the opening of the doors to these vassals imprisoned of their sins. “Seeing that many glory after the flesh,” I trust that good men will “bear with us a little in our folly, if we glory also.” ¹¹

Finally, and to close—The whole subject may with propriety be addressed to those who “despise government, and are not afraid to speak evil of dignities.” And of these, I hope, there are few in this numerous assembly. It is to be acknowledged that many plausible things can be said in favor of error, and that man is, by nature, fonder of darkness than light. Still, can you suppose, granting that you can inflate the world with the temporary frenzy of infidel fanaticism, that it will be lasting; or that human nature, will of itself, lay aside a character it has uniformly maintained for six thousand years, of finally “turning and rending,” those who impose on its credulity. There may be countries where nothing would be lost, and everything gained by subverting and palsying the government. But no man whose conscience is not “feared as with a hot iron,” can apply this to our own. If the first great enemy of government, and all who have followed his steps, have lost themselves, and all who have followed his steps, have lost themselves in the mists of enchantment they have raised, it is worthwhile to count the cost, before that, with industrious malignancy, you attempt to raise one in this enlightened State. Should you, as Vreede and Hooffe, those exclusive Dutch patriots, fawn like spaniels at the feet of our oppressors, for troops to strangle your country with liberty: ¹² we are neither a nation vitiated by long continued commerce, nor effeminate Italians. It would be attended with not a little difficulty, to make us, like wretched Venice, the mere cents and Milles of partitioning powers. If you have any possessions that are dear to you, can you expect them to be inviolate, amidst the jarring elements of universal uproar? As you may yet fail, to spring up Tetrarchs and Proconsuls, from the ashes of your humbled and divided country, and the blood of her citizens, leave that low and base thirst of fame, that craves those honors from foreigners, which you are too vicious and too indolent to merit from your own fellow-citizens. Pray be as honorable as ambitious Caesar, who had rather be first in a village, than second in the city of Rome—cast away the bitter leaven of party spirit. “Repent of this thy wickedness” towards thy mother country, on whose lap thou hast been dandled, and from whose breasts thou hast drawn the stamina of lite; “and pray God if perhaps the thought of thine heart may be forgiven thee.”—“Now to the God of peace;”—“to the God of order, and not of confusion”—Be glory forever.

A M E N.

John Mellen (1752-1828) graduated from Harvard in 1770. He was a tutor at Harvard (1780-1783) and pastor of a church in Barnstable, Massachusetts. The follow election sermon was preached by Mellen in Massachusetts on May 31, 1797.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

ORDERED, That Peleg Coffin, Thomas Dawes and Isaac Thompson, Esq’rs. be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Mellen, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Sermon delivered by him, this day, before His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council, and the two Branches of the General Court, and request a copy for the press.

True copy of Record,

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE

His Excellency the GOVERNOR,

AND

The Honourable LEGISLATURE,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNUAL ELECTION.

May 31, 1797.

By JOHN MELLEN, JUN.
ONE OF THE MINISTERS OF Barnstable.

ELECTION SERMON.

1st PETER, 2d.—xv.
“FOR SO IS THE WILL OF GOD, THAT WITH WELL DOING YE MAY PUT TO SILENCE THE IGNORANCE OF FOOLISH MEN.”

This declaration of the apostle, directed to Christians, and designed, to instruct and caution them, while under the government of heathen rulers, may, it is presumed, without impropriety, be recommended to the consideration both of rulers and ruled, now that Christianity is their common religion. As the circumstance no longer exists, which directed the observations and counsels of the apostles, relative to civil government, principally to subjects and their duties; and as being misrepresented by ignorance, and slandered by folly are evils to which subjects are by no means exposed alone, may I not well be justified in giving to the text such a latitude of application, as has been suggested?

A view of the words in their connexion, may lead to some previous observations on the ORIGIN and DESIGN OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT, and the aspect of CHRISTIANITY upon it.

“Submit yourselves, saith the apostle, to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake: whether it be to the king as supreme; or unto governours, as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of God, that with well doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men.”

It is of little importance whether we allow, to the first quoted words, the construction which our translation gives them, or, with some learned divines, instead of every ordinance of man, read every human creature; that is, every person in authority; civil rulers of every rank and description. If civil government be considered by this apostle, as an ordinance of man, he does not in thus representing it, contradict another apostle, who says, “the powers that be are ordained of God.” He has ordained them, because they are agreeable to the constitution of the world, which he has established. It is evidently his will that civil government should exist, because he is a God of order and not of confusion; because the nature of mankind, their social disposition, their wants, their passions, their irregularities and their vices clearly indicate its expediency and importance. We are by no means obliged to conclude, from a command, to be in subjection to the existing powers, because they are ordained of God: or to submit to every person in civil authority, of whatever name, rank or degree of power, for the Lord’s sake, that all rulers derive their authority immediately from God. We may not infer that he has so pointed out the particular manner in which we should be governed, or the degree of power which every ruler ought to possess, that civil government, as to its form, and mode of administration, may not be properly styled an ordinance of man.

Government has its remote origin in the nature of mankind: Or, the ruler’s power is indirectly derived from HIM who is the author of that nature. Its immediate origin, as relative to particular nations and communities of men, has been far from uniform. The only proper source of the ruler’s power, at least, when extended farther than that of a parent over his family, is, under God, the people or community, who are the subjects of his government. We believe that the people only have the right to determine the nature and form of their political constitution. But we readily allow that facts are, in many instances, at variance with right; and that the theory which supposes the obligation to civil obedience derived from an original social compact, is not universally, or in general, supported by the history of nations. Many, if not most of the governments now existing in the world, probably originated in conquest. Or, however their foundations were at first laid, they have, through various changes, been matured to what they now are. And it is far from true, that their present forms are the result of a general compact among the people, or are a just expression of their will, unless their submission to them be considered as implicit consent. The instance of a numerous people, unawed by any foreign power, uncontrolled by any internal oppressor, calmly collecting the wisdom and the will of the whole community; coolly examining first principles; freely discussing and declaring their natural rights, and on such a firm and rational basis, deliberately erecting a constitution of government for themselves, is a spectacle not less singular than august, even in modern, more enlightened times. Nor will it, I trust, be considered as favouring of national pride, rather than as expressive of just gratitude to heaven, if I add, that to no instance among the few which modern times have exhibited, claiming any title to the above description, is it so fully applicable, as to that of our own highly favoured country.

As to the design or final cause of government, we feel no more doubt than with regard to its legitimate origin, or the proper source of the ruler’s power. That is the general good of the people, as this is their general will. I should blush for my country, or for myself, did I hesitate to say, that we are agreed in exploding the absurd idea of the many being made for the few; and of rulers, as such, not living for the people, rather than the people for them: or did I suppose that it could be felt as any disparagement by the latter, to be styled the servants of the public. Their usefulness is their honour; and they are great in proportion as they minister to the general good. This, however, does by no means suggest that a consciousness of their being benefactors, ought to be their only reward.—While acting in character, they merit not only the esteem and respect of the people, but have a right to find their own interests promoted by their exertions for the benefit of others. If they are servants, they are by no means slaves. They are not bound to give their labors to the public, without an honourable compensation; though in common with others, they ought to be under the influence of those sublime principles of patriotism and religion, which may induce them, when peculiar occasion calls, to make such sacrifices for their country’s welfare, as nothing but the gratitude and affection of their country can repay.

This representation of the design of government and the ruler’s power is not less agreeable to scripture, than it is to enlightened reason; and is indeed, suggested by the apostle in the words preceding the text. He speaks of governors as sent “for the punishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well.” The office of the ruler or magistrate is not less honorable or necessary because a part, and no small part, of the good which it produces is of the negative kind, or consists in preventing evil. And if the punishing or preventing of evil seem, according to the apostle’s representation, to be the object of government and its laws, rather than recompencing such as do well: or we be ready to ask why praise is the only recompense allotted to well-doing, while punishment is the portion of those who do evil; we shall nevertheless find his manner of expression sufficiently accurate, if we consider that well-doing, in the sense here made use of, is its own reward. He who carefully observes the laws of society; who is just, faithful, sober and temperate, and wisely pursues the path of honest industry, finds his advantage in so doing, without any direct reward from the government under which he lives. Virtue tends to happiness. Such is the constitution of heaven. This tendency, indeed, is often counteracted by the follies and vices of men. A virtuous individual might be happy in the state of nature; at least he might be free from those evils and injuries against which government is calculated to protect him, if all around were as innocent and virtuous as he. The primary design of government, therefore is, not so much to render the subjects of it positively happy, as to prevent their being rendered miserable by the violence, injustice, fraud or negligence of their fellow men. This appears to be in perfect conformity to the apostle Paul’s ideas, when he exhorts that “supplications, prayers, intercessions and giving of thanks be made for all men; for kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty.”

It is to be observed, however, that all laws are not of the penal kind, or designed to deter from the commission of crimes. Some propose rewards. Their immediate object is to encourage exertions, in a particular line, calculated to promote the general good. And many others, though neither directly penal, nor of the kind last mentioned, are professedly designed to increase the public emolument, strength and prosperity, while they secure the peace and liberty of virtuous individuals. In a word, civil government, when wisely and faithfully administered, is as really calculated as it is designed to improve the condition of mankind, and to widen the sphere of their enjoyments, as well as to regulate and protect them. A very extensive sense may, therefore, be justly given to the Apostle’s expression, when speaking of the civil ruler: “He is the minister of God to thee for good.”

No man who impartially reads the exhortations of St. Peter in the context, with those of St. Paul in his epistle to the Romans, and in his charge to Titus, relative to civil obedience and subjection; and recollects the language of our Saviour, on which his conduct was so just a comment, with reference to the same subject, can refuse to acknowledge that the Christian religion sufficiently inculcates submission to government, and looks with a very friendly aspect on civil order and subordination.

Indeed, so strongly and with so little limitation has Christianity enjoined submission to the ruling powers, as to give some degree of plausibility to the charge of its being unfriendly to the liberty of the subject, and the unalienable rights of men. The doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, so favourable to the selfish views and ambition of tyrants, and so degrading to the human character in general, has presumed to derive its origin from this religion, or at least, with confidence appealed to it for support. It is presumed, however, that the expressions in the New Testament, which seem most to favour the beloved doctrine of tyrants, may be fairly explained and accounted for, in such a manner that they will appear to give no real countenance to such a doctrine; and further, that upon an impartial view of the Christian religion, we shall find abundant reason to acknowledge that it is most friendly to rational liberty, and that the spirit of it is most congenial to that of free governments.

There is good reason for supposing that the exhortations of the Apostles, recommending quiet submission to the ruling powers, were occasioned, especially by, and had a particular reference to a prejudice which then existed in the minds of the Gentiles, and was taken advantage of by the Jews, against the Christians, as though they were enemies to all government, and thought themselves on account of their relation to Christ, freed from all subjection to any earthly power. This prejudice probably arose from confounding Christians with Jews; and knowing that principles of a very seditious nature, criminal to the Romans, and indeed to all civil government, were really held by a sect among the latter, originated by Judas of Galilee, and on that account, called, Galileans, a name which, by the Heathens, was indiscriminately given to the Christians, in the early days of our religion.

As the principle attributed, though unjustly, to the Christians, or at least to Christianity, was so subversive of all order and government, it was of great importance that they should carefully guard against everything in their language and conduct, which might tend, in the least to justify their enemies in fixing it upon them. This may well account for the Apostle’s urging obedience to the ruling powers, in terms so strong and absolute; and explains their giving the following or a similar reason for their thus pressing it upon their Christian brethren,–“That the word of God be not blasphemed.” It shews also, that their object was not to define the limits of submission, but to evince the obligation to submission in general. Can it then be fairly inferred from anything which they have written, that our religion may be justly charged with being unfriendly to liberty, or giving any countenance to oppressive and tyrannical government? Would the charge be just, though we should allow that it was the design of the Apostles to recommend to their Christian brethren, in existing circumstances, an unreserved obedience to the ruling powers; not merely to such as were good and just, but to all without exception, to the rulers of that day, who, it is well known, were sufficiently despotic and oppressive? Certain it is, that had they undertaken to qualify the obedience of the subject, the end of their exhortations would have been frustrated; for they would by no means have vindicated themselves, in the eyes of the government, from the scandal to which they were exposed.

I am sensible that our religion has been thought sufficiently defensible against the imputation of teaching the slavish doctrine of unlimited obedience and passive submission, upon the idea that the sacred writers, when they inculcate subjection, in the strongest and most unqualified terms, still discover, by the arguments which they make use of to enforce it, that they consider government and ruling powers as what they ought to be, not regarding what they really were: That they urge obedience upon the principle that the civil magistrate is the minister of God for good, unto the people, and therefore that their obligation to obedience cannot be inferred, when he ceases to maintain this character, and becomes their scourge and oppressor. But if this construction of the apostolic writings, and particularly of St. Paul’s reasoning in the 13th chapter of Romans, be just, which, however, is not undisputed, there appears to be no occasion for having recourse to it.

Nevertheless, though it is allowed that Christianity does not profess to define the respective powers and rights of rulers and subjects, it is still contended that the spirit of it is most congenial to that of free governments, and evidently favourable to rational liberty.

We readily assent to our Saviour’s declaration, when he said, “my kingdom is not of this world.” His immediate object was to improve the hearts, and mend the morals of mankind: To reconcile them to the Deity, and thus train them up as subjects of a spiritual and eternal kingdom. This object however, is in perfect consistency with that of rendering them wiser, better and happier, in every earthly relation, and of promoting the present welfare, both of individuals and societies. It is manifestly, the tendency, and we need not hesitate to consider it as the design, of his religion, to render men better citizens of the world as well as to make them meet for an heavenly inheritance; to give them more just ideas of, and dispose them more faithfully to discharge, their respective duties, whatever their rank, station or condition in life. It is, doubtless, agreeable to his will, and in perfect conformity to the design of his spiritual kingdom, that mankind should avail themselves of every instruction which may be deduced from his religion, for securing liberty, peace and prosperity, and enhancing those advantages which are derived from civil government, and the laws of society.

The spirit of Christianity ought to be carried into the administration of every kind of government, and to regulate the conduct of all classes of men, from the highest to the lowest, but it does not thence follow that genius and principles of some kinds of government are not more nearly allied to the spirit of this religion than others; or that it does not point to the election of one form, rather than another. And if there be any one form on which it looks with peculiar approbation, can we hesitate to say, it is the Republican.

When our Saviour said to his disciples, “All ye are brethren,” did he not recognize or clearly countenance that fundamental principle of republicanism, the natural equality of men. I mean an equality with regard to certain natural and inherent rights; the only one which reason can successfully undertake to defend, and which is in perfect consistency with that difference and almost endless variety which is found among them, with respect to original capacity, aptitude to govern, education, riches, and influence derived from any of these sources, or from all combined.

It was not necessary that the author of our religion should more fully avow that important maxim of all free government, that rulers are invested with power not principally, for their own sakes, but for the good of the community; or that he should more clearly discountenance the idea of hereditary power, and greatness derived from titles and distinctions, not founded on merit, than he did, when he said to his followers, “Ye know that the princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over them, and they that are great exercise authority upon them; but so it shall not be among you: But whosoever would be great among you, let him be your minister, and whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant.”

He did not say, reject those kinds of government which cherish sentiments tending to depress, and hold in vassalage the great mass of the people; in which numbers of the community live in idleness and luxury, upon the labours of the rest, and enjoy privileges and exemptions, greatly oppressive to the degraded multitude: But he said by his Apostles, “Be ye, all of you subject one to another—Bear ye one another’s burdens—And, serve one another in love.” And he discovered in a striking manner, an impartial concern for all his brethren, when represented as saying, “Inasmuch as ye did it to the least of these, ye did it unto me.”

He has not said that governments, in order to their being free, must be elective; that all the members of the community are entitled to a voice, mediately or immediately, in choosing their rulers, and making the laws by which they are governed; or to a degree of weight in the general scale. But he has, by his Apostle, commanded us to honour all men; and has compared the Christian society to the human body; representing all the members of it as connected with, and mutually dependent on each other; so that “the eye cannot say to the hand, I have no need of thee; nor, again, the head to the feet, I have no need of you.” We are taught that “God hath tempered the body together, so that there should be no schism therein, but that the members should have the same care one of another; and whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it.”

The apostle enjoins obedience and fidelity to their own masters, on all in a state of servitude; but adds, “if thou mayest be free, choose it rather,” that we might not be left in doubt, which of those two states had the preference in his mind.

If it be thought of peculiar importance, in order to determine what kind of government is most agreeable to the spirit and principles of Christianity, to enquire what form the Author of it instituted in his church; may I be permitted, without seeming to wander too far from the present occasion, or to enter too deeply into a disputed question, to observe, concisely—that if we except what may be called Theocratic in this government, particularly the appointment of its first officers, by Christ himself, and the extraordinary powers with which these officers were invested, for the purpose of successfully propagating a religion, so strongly opposed by the lusts, passions and prejudices of the world: If we attend to the direct evidence which we have from the New Testament, that one species of officers was elected by the brethren: If we consider that the Apostles do not appear to have had any proper successors, the end of their office being answered in the witness which they gave to the resurrection of Christ, and the foundation which they laid for transmitting his religion to future generations: If we recollect that, by Apostolic direction, censure was to be inflicted on an offending brother, in an assembly of the whole church; that no brother was forbidden to speak and exhort in their religious assemblies; and, to mention no more, that there was, for a time, a community of goods, among the early Christians—the conclusion appears to be just and obvious, that, so far as Christ has instituted any particular kind of lasting government for his church; and so far as this is pointed out to us, by the authority or example of the New Testament writers, it partakes largely and most strongly of the Republican and Elective form.

I only add, that the friendly aspect of our religion on the cause of liberty in general, and of consequence, on the most free governments, is clearly visible in the whole tenor and tendency of its precepts, which is to promote, not only the divine, but all the benevolent and social virtues; to cherish that charity which worketh no ill to his neighbour, and to deter men from every act of injustice, treachery or unkindness, whereby the rights and liberties of any of their brethren might be violated; in the exhortations which are given to Christians, to stand fast in the liberty wherewith they are made free; not to be the servants of men; not to call any man master on earth; not to affect being called Rabbi, and not to exercise lordly dominion over each other.

Perhaps I ought to apologize for dwelling so long upon a point, on which this respectable audience may be supposed to have felt themselves previously agreed. It is hoped, however, that an attempt to illustrate the indirect testimony which the best of religions furnishes, in favour of our own constitutions of government, will not be deemed an improper one, by the friends, either of republicanism or Christianity.

What has been already said, is I trust, more than sufficient to explain the occasion of the apostles words, in the text, and their meaning as they relate to that occasion. This appears to be, that it was the will of God, with respect to the Christians to whom he wrote, that they should with due subjection to the civil powers, silence the ignorance of foolish men; or the objections and complaints of all, who, through prejudice, or want of acquaintance with them, and their religion, accused them of principles or practices unfriendly to government. Such subjection, we have reason to conclude, was the well doing especially intended. But taking the words in a more general sense, though still as relating to government, and the duties connected with it, may they not, with propriety, be recommended to the attention both of rulers and subjects, especially at a time when party spirit is so prevalent, that not a few of both find themselves exposed to censures which they ought not to deserve, and which they must naturally wish to silence?

But it may be asked, will not ignorance and folly be forever clamorous? Must not he who attempts to silence them, undertake an helpless task? Can it be the will of God that we should perform impossibilities? Is it not enough that we should be required to prevent or silence the complaints of the candid and judicious? To the following construction, which is presumed to be the true one, there can be no difficulty in assenting: That it is the duty of all to endeavour, by well doing, in their respective stations and relations, to prevent every just ground of complaint against them; and to conduct in such a manner as will have the most probable tendency to put to silence even the ignorant and foolish.

Permit me now to suggest, that if rulers would conform to the will of God, and the spirit of what is recommended in the text, they will feel themselves obliged, practically to remember the origin of government, and the source of their authority and power. If they duly consider that civil government is the ordinance of God, they will view themselves as his ministers, and charged with an important commission from him who “standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the Gods.” They will feel an elevation calculated, not to foster pride, but to inspire noble sentiments, and the most generous and laudable kind of ambition; and cherish that self respect which will render them cautious and circumspect in their deportment, and fearful of sinking the dignity of the ruler in the vices or follies of the man. They will remember the character of him whose ministers and representatives they are; they will take heed that they do not, by unfaithfulness, negligence, selfishness, or any baseness of behavior, misrepresent and dishonor HIM who has put such honor upon them; and carefully endeavour to manifest unto all who witness their administration, that they know him who exerciseth loving kindness, and judgment and righteousness, in the earth. They will not forget that being raised above their brethren, in authority, does not render them less accountable to HIM who is the judge of all the earth; but rather, will be seriously impressed with the interesting importance of that divine maxim, unto whom much is given, of him will much be required.

Remembering also that their power is not derived immediately from God, but through the intervention of those, over whom their power is extended, they will feel the propriety and importance of respecting the people, as well as themselves. This caution is usually applicable to rulers, in all kinds of government, even the most despotic: For, in all “the physical strength resides in the governed; and this strength wants only to be felt and roused, to lay prostrate the most ancient and confirmed dominion.” But especially may it be recommended to republican rulers, whose authority, while in common with that of others it derives its support from public opinion, is more sensibly and immediately dependent on the suffrages and general will of the governed. We reprobate the inconsistent idea of power, delegated to the rulers, remaining, at the same time, in the hands of the people: Yet, in governments like ours, where all delegated power may be said, by means of frequent elections, to return, after short intervals, to those who gave it; and their right to change even the constitution, when the public good may require, is clearly acknowledged, there appears to be a peculiar propriety in rulers treating the general opinion, and feelings of the people, with delicacy and respect. And this, not merely for their own advantage, and with a view to the more certain enjoyment of the public confidence and affection, but also from a patriotic regard to the general welfare and tranquility; that the people may not be furnished with a plea for attempting, or wishing, frequently, to shake foundations, and make injudicious or dangerous changes in the constitution.

It is a dictate of sound policy, as well as of Christian morality, that we should, not only endeavor to do that which is right and good, but, if possible, to do it in such a manner that our good may not be evil spoken of. It is, by no means, inconsistent with that firmness, and resolute adherence to what appears to be right, which characterizes a good ruler, to aim, habitually, at providing things honest in the sight of men; and to strive by manifestation of the truth, to commend himself to every man’s conscience, in the sight of God.

Again, if rulers do what is in their power to put to silence the ignorance of foolish men, they will practically remember the DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT, or the end for which they are invested with authority. In the whole of their administration, they will direct their aim, and point their endeavours to the general good. Whatever sphere they move in the system of government, this will be the centre towards which their views and actions will tend. They will divest themselves, as much as possible of selfish, of local, and of party prejudices. If they are legislators, they will, in making laws, every consult the good of the whole community. And though it may be often proper to make such, as are designed to benefit, more immediately, a part, yet they will consent to none, which, in their view, will operate injuriously with respect to the whole. And if their office be to execute the laws, they will be guided by the same principle. They will view all classes and conditions of men with an equal eye. They will not employ their power and influence to oppress the poor, in judgment; or screen the guilty from deserved punishment, on account of their riches or honors. They will not bear the sword in vain, by neglecting the duties required of them; or from sinister motives, overlooking crimes which they ought to punish; but in such a manner as to be a terror to evil doers, while they are a praise to them who do well.

Further, if rulers would, as much as possible, secure themselves from censure, by conforming to the will of God, it highly concerns them to consider the influence of religion upon the present happiness of mankind. Upon the acknowledged principle, that religion, if not absolutely necessary to the existence, is greatly conducive to the order, peace and welfare of civil society, they will feel themselves bound to make all that provision for disseminating the knowledge, and enforcing the practice of it, among the people, which is consistent with the rights of conscience; rights which they will ever hold sacred, and never presume to violate, even with a view to promoting what they may esteem the greatest good of the community; sensible that they, equally with others, are bound by the prohibition, not to do evil that good may come. They will, upon the same principle, and under the conviction, that it does not appertain to them to decree articles of faith or modes of worship, protect all denominations in the peaceable exercise of their religion, and in worshipping God according to the dictates of their consciences. Consistently, however, with the above mentioned conviction; and that such protection may be effectually granted, they will, not only feel themselves at liberty, but under obligation to restrain the licentiousness of those, who, regardless of all religious institutions, would throw down the barriers, designed to separate from others, that day which is peculiarly devoted to the public worship of God.

The ruler’s respect for religion may, and ought to be discovered also by distinguishing those who appear to reverence its laws, in the distribution of public offices; so far, at least, as a due regard to other qualifications will permit. If they would silence the ignorance of the foolish, or give no occasion to the judicious and well disposed to censure their conduct, they will follow the direction given to the Israelites, respecting the choice of their rulers and judges—provide such as fear God, as well as able men, and haters of covetousness. Their eyes will be upon the faithful of the land, to honor and promote them; nor will they suffer considerations of friendship, affinity, or self interest to outweigh those of personal character.

But there is yet another way in which their regard for religion may be most effectually expressed, and this is, exhibiting in their own characters, that which it is their duty to honour in others. It is possible that men may respect religion in others, who do not habitually feel its influence themselves; at least, they may occasionally distinguish and honor it, when their own authority, interest, or favorite schemes may be promoted by so doing. It would, however, be with faint hopes of success, should we recommend to men destitute of religious principle, the making of such principle an object in the appointment of others to places of power and trust. And indeed, with respect to their own fidelity, and uniform attention to the duties of their office, we cannot feel that confidence in men, who profess not to be governed by higher motives than those of honour, civil virtue or regard to reputation, which we cheerfully repose in such as give us the additional security, which is derived from those sublime principles by which religion, and especially the Christian religion, awes, controls, directs and animates its votaries.

In connexion with what has been now said, it is natural to observe, that if rulers would hope to avoid, not merely the clamours of ignorance and folly, but the frowns of knowledge and virtue, they must be exemplary in their own respect for, and obedience to those laws by which they are instrumental in binding their brethren. If they treat their own institutions with practical contempt, they will be justly chargeable with the absurdity of pulling down with one hand, what they build with the other. It is of as real importance that they should govern, as that the ministers of religion should instruct and persuade, by example.

The inquiry, how the subjects of government ought to conduct, that they may comply with the spirit of the instruction given in the text, now demands our attention. The sum of the answer we may find in the words immediately following. “As free, and not using your liberty as a cloke of maliciousness, but as the servants of God.”

As HIS servants, it becometh them to remember that submission to government is a duty, than which scarcely anyone appears to be more clearly enjoined by HIM. Reason teaches us that whatever tends to promote the happiness of mankind, is agreeable to the benevolent author of our beings. For the necessity, importance and salutary tendency of government, of laws and magistrates, to be a terror to evil doers, and a protection, as well as praise to them that do well, we need not appeal merely to the feelings of those who have suffered in their persons, their property or their connexions, by the audacious wickedness of the high-way robber, or the insidious, and even more alarming villainy of the midnight thief, incendiary and assassin. On this point general experience abundantly confirms the decision of reason. The conclusion is obvious. The voice of revelation, also, is clear and decisive upon our obligation to civil obedience: So clear, that we may safely pronounce real enemies to government, to civil order and subordination, practical enemies, at least, to our holy religion. Whatever they may be in name, they are not Christians in spirit and in truth. To declare anyone, an enemy to government in general, is therefore a high and grievous charge. It may be, and, no doubt, often is misapplied. This may be the language of ignorance, of folly, of prejudice or malice, as well as the complaints which are too often uttered against those by whom government is administered. Nothing which sober reason dictates, or which Christ, or his apostles have taught, on this subject, furnishes any just ground for the pretence, that resistance to the ruling powers is, in all cases, contrary to the will of God, and the spirit of our religion: Much less, that all disapprobation of, or speaking against the measures of those in authority, is criminal. We have not so learned Christ, nor the principles of civil subjection. In this respect we may, and ought to conduct as free. But if we would do what we ought to prevent or silence complaints, with regard to the use which we make of our liberty, we must consider the ill consequences of a groundless diminution of the public confidence, in our civil rulers. We must remember that although they may not introduce more of mystery into their administration, than particular circumstances, or the general nature of government may require, yet we are not capable of knowing, in all cases, at least, immediately, the motives which influence their conduct. Their means of information are more perfect, and their field of vision more extensive than those of private individuals. These considerations will dictate candour and tenderness, in the judgments which we form of their public conduct, in those instances which appear most doubtful, or liable to suspicion; and are calculated to produce a habit of manly and generous, though not of blind and implicit confidence, in the uprightness of their views, and the wisdom of their measures. The same considerations, should also inspire us with the truly patriotic resolution, of standing forth in the defence of our rulers, when we conceive them to have done well, and their measures to be unjustly attacked; and induce us, by enlightening, according to our ability, the ignorant, to silence, if possible, their groundless complaints. Permit me to observe, that such a kind of confidence, as has been recommended, may, with peculiar justice, be expected of the subjects of such a government as our own, in which all the rulers are, either directly or indirectly, appointed by the people: Since, in censuring them we do, in some measure, cast a reflection on our own, or at least, the public wisdom or integrity.

While we hold fast the liberty of private judgment, and assert our right to investigate and discuss the measures of government, if we would give no just occasion of offence, we shall exercise this right with prudence and decency. We shall appeal to dispassionate reason and argument; and not have recourse to reviling, scurrility and abuse. Those do but injure a good cause, while they render a doubtful one, still more suspicious. Need I add, that falsehood and deception, however they may be viewed by the optics of corrupt policy, or violent party zeal, are a kind of weapons which will be rejected with abhorrence, by every true friend of liberty, of government, and his country.

The man to whom this character belongs, whatever his sentiments may be on disputed political questions, will, we may expect, quietly yield up private opinion to that of the public, as expressed by the constituted organs of the general voice; so far at least, as to submit, without difficulty or opposition, to its established effects. He will rejoice in the prosperity of his country, whether it were produced by the means which he preferred, or not. And with respect to measures which involve only the question of expediency, not that of justice and right, will feel willing that events should determine their wisdom or impropriety.

I only observe further, that a due regard to the will of God, and the peace, order and welfare of society, will deter him from imputing to those who differ from him, in some of their sentiments, on public measures, worse motives and intentions than their conduct clearly indicates; and from exasperating the spirit of party, when already too violent for the health of the political body.

From what has been said of the friendly aspect of the Christian religion on civil liberty, and the congeniality of its spirit to that of the most free governments, we may infer, that as conformity to its principles and obedience to its precepts prevail, the rights of men will be more thoroughly understood, and more sacredly regarded.

And may we not view it, at least, as probable, that the extension of republican principles and forms of government will accompany that spreading of the gospel, in its power and purity, which the scripture prophecies represent as constituting the glory of the latter days? The surprising changes and revolutions which have taken, and are taking place in Europe, loudly pronounce the present an eventful period. Whether they be not the wheels, in the grand machinery of providence, which are to have a distinguished efficiency in hastening the fulfillment of ancient predictions, relative to the downfall of anti-christian and tyrannical power, and thus introducing the reign of truth, of peace, and equal liberty, is an inquiry which may well arrest the attention of every serious and enlightened believer in revelation.

Nor am I deterred from offering the above suggestion, by reflecting that the great and formidable Republic, which makes so conspicuous a figure on the bloody theatre, has, in the midst of revolutionary violence, and their zeal for destroying the corrupt appendages of the Christian religion, made war upon Christianity itself: Nor by a review of those attendant enormities, from which humanity ever must, and, as we have reason to hope, that nation among whom they were perpetrated now generally does, turn away with abhorrence: Nor by anything which may be justly thought equivocal, or alarming in their present designs or conduct, relative to us, or to surrounding nations.

To the prevalence of infidelity, and an unparalleled prostration of Christian principles and institutions, may be justly attributed, in no small degree, those shocking evils which tarnished the glory of their wonderful revolution. Nor let us hastily conclude that the strange and impious attempts to banish Christianity, in the days of anarchy and confusion, will prove effectual to hold it in lasting exile;–or prevent its return, in an improved and more rational form, to bless the reign of order, peace and settled government. Besides, we acknowledge that the power and wisdom of the Deity are often exercised in bringing good out of evil. He disappointeth the devices of the crafty, carrieth headlong the counsel of the forward, and bringeth about the most important events, by the means which they make use of to defeat them. We remember how the enemies of Christ flattered themselves that they had effectually crushed his power and cause, when they accomplished his death, though that very event was the corner stone on which his kingdom was erected. We recollect that the Assyrian monarch is called the rod of God’s anger; and that the righteous designs of the Almighty Ruler were carried into effect through his instrumentality, though he meant no so, neither did his heart think so; but it was in his heart to destroy and cut off nations, not a few. And we assent to the scripture declaration: “Surely the wrath of man shall praise thee; the remainder of wrath shalt thou restrain.”

Reflecting on the legitimate origin, and design of civil government, what abundant reason have we to felicitate ourselves on being the inhabitants of a country, in which the former is so clearly, and practically recognized, and the latter so rationally and happily pursued! It is our happy lot to live under civil constitutions “which unite, and by their union establish, liberty with order;” the latter of which is not less essential to our permanent welfare, than liberty itself. We are citizens not merely of a single Commonwealth, but also, of a Federal Republic, which unites, for general defence, and many important purposes, under one common head, a number of distinct States, possessed of qualified sovereignty, spread over an extensive country; and thus, without endangering freedom, or giving up anything essential to the republican form of government, in a great measure, if not entirely, obviates the often repeated objection against this form, as being compatible only to a small extent of territory.

Nor are our religious rights less firmly secured to us than our civil. Not by legal establishments. Not by any other alliance between the church and state, than what consists in that rational respect which each entertains for the other, founded on a conviction of the importance, both of religion and government, to the happiness of society. While religion, and the Christian religion is countenanced, if not directly patronized by the ruling powers, every man is at liberty to worship God in the manner which his conscience dictates to be right. The citizens of the United States are highly favoured, in as much as they are not shackled in their inquiries, by the baneful influence of a powerful and bigoted hierarchy, on the one hand; nor, with pleasing confidence, I add, taught by general infidelity and irreligion, in their civil rulers, to flight the institutions of Christianity, or to neglect the support, or despise the instructions of their spiritual teachers, on the other.

That the great body of the people are possessed of an uncommon degree of valuable knowledge, compared with most, if not all other nations, with whom we are acquainted; that the arts and sciences are flourishing; that the means of education are improving, as well as increasing, and that religion is generally respected, amongst us, are considerations which tend to confirm the pleasing hope, that the Temple of Liberty which has been erected in this Western world, will be as renowned for its duration, as it is for the harmony of its proportions, and the simple elegance of its structure.

Were we to take a review, (which however, the time will not permit,) of the various scenes through which we have passed, in our progress from a state of dependence on a distant power, whose impolitic measures for securing, more firmly, our subjection, were the means of losing it entirely, to our present state of independence, prosperity, wealth and respectability, the recollection might well excite a throng of emotions in our breasts, among which, gratitude to heaven would justly claim the preeminence. For it was not our own arm that saved us; but the right hand of the Lord, and his arm, and the light of his countenance. This pious affection, however by no means forbids, and, I trust, will not exclude the gratitude so justly due to those patriotic warriors and statesmen, whom heaven has honoured, in making them important instruments of our political salvation and national prosperity. Among this band of worthies, it would be unnatural and unjust, not to distinguish the late illustrious President of the United States. Viewing him both in his military and civil character, and tracing him through the whole course of his patriotic and benevolent labours, who will deny that he has well done, and deserved most highly of his country? May that retirement, to which he has been followed by an unparalleled share of the public applause, esteem and gratitude, be as happy as it is dignified; and the evening of his life as peaceful and serene, as its day has been active and useful! ¹

While we cheerfully pay this tribute of respect to the distinguished merits of the retired President, we disclaim the idea, of our political salvation or prosperity depending on the name or the virtues of a single citizen, however illustrious. Let the well known abilities, the extensive political knowledge, the integrity and patriotism of that highly respectable character, who now fills the first seat in our national government, be our justification in so doing. And let the general satisfaction with which the result of a late interesting election was received; and the confidence, and spirit of conciliation with which both the first and second in command, appear to be viewed by the people at large, suffice to falsify the gloomy predictions, and disappoint the fears and hopes of such as have, either kindly trembled for our safety, or viewed with a jealous eye, our rising greatness and respectability.

Among the public causes of joy and gratitude, it is far from the least, that we have been enabled to realize the invaluable blessing of peace, while other nations, with whom we are connected, have so severely experienced the calamities of war. Our joy has, however, lately felt a check, and a cloud has, in a degree, obscured the face of our national prosperity, in consequence of the misunderstanding which has taken place, between our government and the Republic of France. Nevertheless, we trust that those ties which bind the two nations to each other, will not be lightly broken by either; and that both understand their honour and interest too well, to widen, rather than attempt healing the unhappy breach. With respect to our own government, we feel full confidence that, from a conviction of the undiminished value of peace, and a due regard to the dictates of general benevolence, they will be induced, before an appeal is made to the sword, to pursue the expedient of negotiation, as far as national dignity will permit: Farther than this, it is presumed, no citizen of independent America will wish them to go; or patiently bear the humiliating idea of being controuled, or dictated to, by any foreign nation whatever.

The aged and venerable chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, now that he is retiring from the chair of government, to which he has been repeatedly raised by his fellow-citizens, who have thus clearly expressed their grateful sense of his past exertions, in the cause of freedom and his country, will be pleased to accept our warmest wishes for his health and happiness; That peace my crown his latter days; that he may live to see, and rejoice in the increasing prosperity of his country, and finally realize the blessedness promised to the faithful disciples of Christ.

When we extend our views forward, to a successor, in this high and honorable office, it is with much satisfaction that we observe the prevailing suffrages of the people pointing us to a Character,² in whom we can feel so strong confidence, that he will faithfully and uniformly endeavour to promote the true interest of this Commonwealth, in connexion, and consistency with that of the United States.

His Honor, the Lieutenant Governor, ³ will accept our congratulations, on the renewed testimony which he has received of the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. By still exerting himself to serve them, in that honorable station, to which their so general suffrages have called him, may he enhance their esteem and approbation, as well as the final rewards of fidelity.

May the Honourable Senate, and House of Representatives, in the elections of this day, and all their future deliberations and decisions, be actuated by the purest of motives; a regard to the honour of God, and the happiness of those who have placed confidence in their wisdom and integrity. We trust they will not forget the salutary influence of religion, on the welfare of civil society, nor the peculiar importance of the general diffusion of knowledge, in a Republic. We therefore anticipate their solicitous, and unremitted concern, not only for our University, and Academies, but for those smaller and more common seminaries of learning, on which our dependence, for the general dissemination of the most useful knowledge, and a great part of the benefit of public religious instruction, must ultimately rest. Happy will it be for the people, and healthier still, in the end, for themselves, if they conscientiously pursue the way of well-doing: If, by their laws, their influence and example, they endeavour to discourage vice, and honour and promote that righteousness which exalteth a nation, while it lays the only sure foundation of happiness to individuals, both temporal and eternal. For, if to the character of good rulers, they join that of good men, though they should not be able, at all times, to silence the ignorant and foolish, they will secure the approbation of the wise and candid; and above all, they will be glorious in the eyes of the Lord.

This whole assembly is reminded of the obligation which lies upon them to do well, not merely by subjection to government, and giving honour, to all among their fellow-men, to whom honour is due, but by uniform submission to the will, and impartial respect to all the commandments of the SUPREME RULER of the world. Let us rejoice that we are called unto liberty, and that our submission to government is so rational a service. But let us take heed that we do not use our liberty either civil or religious, as a cloke of maliciousness. Let us not show ourselves unworthy of the former, either by unreasonable and groundless complaints of our rulers on the one hand, or blind and servile confidence in them on the other: By neglecting or abusing the important privilege of election, which we so freely enjoy; nor by losing sight of the principles and spirit of those excellent constitutions of government, under which we live. And let us not abuse the latter, by injustice, fraud and falsehood; by luxury, intemperance and corrupting dissipation; nor by infidelity, profaneness, and contemptuous disregard of religious institutions. But duly appreciating the merits, both of the government and the religion with which we are blessed, let it be our great concern, to crown the virtues of the citizen with those of the Christian: Thus firmly laying the foundation of a joyful hope, that when the solemn period shall arrive, which will level all distinctions, but those of the moral kind, we may find a place among the just made perfect; and with all those, who, by patient continuance in well doing, have fought glory, honour, immortality, enter on the enjoyment of eternal life.

END.

¹. His Excellency Samuel Adams, Esq.

². His Excellency Increase Sumner, Esq.

³. His Honor Moses Gill, Esq.

Aaron Bancroft (1755-1839) was a minute-man who served during the Revolution, fighting at Lexington and Bunker Hill. He graduated from Harvard in 1778 and was a missionary in Yarmouth, Nova Scotia for 3 years. Bancroft served as pastor of the Congregational Church in Worcester, MA (1785-1839). The following election sermon was preached in 801 in Massachusetts by Rev. Bancroft.

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, Esq. Governour,

THE HONOURABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 27, 1801,

THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By AARON BANCROFT,
MINISTER OF THE SECOND CHURCH IN WORCESTER.

In SENATE, May 27, 1801.

ORDERED, That the hon. Elijah Brigham and John Treadwell, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Bancroft, and in the name of the Senate, thank him for the Sermon this day delivered by him, before his Excellency the Governor, the Hon. Council, and the two Branches of the General Court, and request of him a copy for the press.

GEORGE E. VAUGHAN, Clerk.

ELECTION SERMON.

ISAIAH LX. 21, 22.

Thy people shall be all righteous: they shall inherit the land forever; the branch of my planting, the work of my hands, that I may be glorified.
A little one shall become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation. I the Lord will hasten it in his time.

These verses contain a prophetic description of the influence and the effects of Christianity upon a community. They need not be exclusively applied to any one nation. It is the appointment of God—it is order of nature, that a course of good moral practice shall promote the strength and happiness of a nation. We see this truth illustrated in the pages of sacred and profane history: Our nation must furnish one more example to illustrate and enforce the divine maxim.

The passage before us I have chosen with a design to review the principles and habits, under the influence of which this Commonwealth has attained to its present state of population and strength, wealth and dignity; and to enforce the necessity of their preservation to our future welfare and prosperity.

The review will not be thought impertinent to the occasion, on which we are assembled. The commencement of a new century is an era, which invites to retrospection. We cannot too often recur to first principles. In the review, rulers will find the lines of their duty, and subjects the means of their happiness.

The settlement of America by Europeans is an event interesting to the man of piety and the philosopher. It was one of the boldest enterprises, which ever entered the human mind; and was prosecuted with an effort and constancy honorable to man. It originated neither in the lust of conquest nor the desire of gain. It was the love of civil and religious liberty, which animated our venerable ancestors to attempt the American colonization. They preferred freedom to ease, and the liberty to worship their God agreeably to the dictates of their consciences, to the affluence and splendor of the old world. They fled not from the wholesome restraints of government, but indignantly left a country, which denied them the exercise of the rights of Christians and of men.

The first emigrants to our shores were venerable for endowments, excellent in the human character, and conducive to the well-being of a community. Many of them possessed the essential attainments of solid literature: They lived under habitual impressions of a presiding Deity, and cherished a sacred regard to moral obligations. Their religion was an effectual principle of good practice through all the transactions of social and civil life. They felt the spirit of patriotism, and laid the foundation for a great and happy nation. They adopted the best measures to render their posterity the safe repository of the invaluable privileges, which, with infinite labour and hazard, they were enabled to transmit. While their security against the assault of their Indian neighbours, and the supply of their daily bread, were objects, on which to exercise all the energies of their minds, they opened temples for the worship of God; founded seminaries of literature; and established schools for the education of children.

The wisdom of their system was unfolded in the progress of their settlement. In families children received a religious education, and saw examples of piety and order. The surest principles of virtuous practice were impressed upon the infant mind, which grew with its growth, and were strengthened with its strength. With the incorporation of towns, schools were established upon a plan new to the world; supported at the public expense, they were alike open to the rich and the poor. Here the American youth were initiated into the elements of useful learning, were fitted for the business of society, and were prepared to support an independent and useful character. The general employment was the business originally assigned to man, the tillage of the ground, the natural exciter of sober habits.

Attendance upon the public institutions of the Sabbath was universal; and the adoration of divine perfections, the supplication of divine blessings, which formed the addresses to the throne of Deity; the unchangeable truths and duties of a religious and moral nature, which were explained and enforced in every sermon, tended, by their very reiteration, to keep alive deep impressions of the superintendence of God, a reverence for the divine character, and a view to the final issue of human action. These impressions were carried into all the transactions of the world.

The general influence of the above system was salutary to all the interests of society. The public opinion was formed to a sense of propriety of character and conduct. All orders felt the importance of a pure example. Irreligion and immorality were holden in universal disgrace; or, if the force of religion was not felt, deference to public sentiment constrained to decency of exterior behavior. The votaries of infidelity, impiety and vice dreaded the light of day, and sought darkness and concealment for their unhallowed communion. The evidence of these principles and practices in individuals was a bar to the attainment of every object of popularity and ambition. In this state of society, the love of applause, the desire of distinction, and every similar principle, combined their influence with motives of religion to preserve purity of general practice.

Elections to office by popular suffrage were conducted with purity and delicacy. Every imposition and interference were resented. The attempt of an individual to solicit suffrage was sure to defeat his ambitious wishes. A good moral character was considered an essential qualification in a candidate. Men of exemplary life were alone thought worthy of confidence.

A decent respect was paid to rulers, as the means to facilitate the object of their appointment. The public mind was not poisoned with groundless suspicions of evil designs in those, who managed their concerns. The traduction of public reputation was deemed a malignant vice. The watchful waited until trust was violated, and treacherous measures were adopted, before the confidence of people in their officers was attempted, by artful insinuations, to be destroyed, or the passions of the populace excited in opposition to the measures of government.

The business of government was a plain path, and led to the general good: It was easy, because it was managed without intrigue, upon system, and by uniform principles. The administrators of it were rewarded for their patriotic endeavours by the approbation and gratitude of their constituents.

The excellent judicial arrangements of the parent State were happily accommodated to our circumstances; and by our courts of justice, life, liberty, and property were secured. The execution of government in all its branches was aided by general opinions, customs, and manners favourable to the operation of wholesome laws; and by the sanction, which time always gives, in virtuous minds, to measures of wisdom and expedience.

The clergy of our country were denied that power, which ever inspires ambition, and excites, in eccesiasticks entrusted with it, the attempt to exercise spiritual domination over their fellow men. Those emoluments were not annexed to their offices, which furnish a temptation to luxury and dissipation: confined strictly to their profession, their influence was great and salutary.

A just apprehension of the encroachment of the parent government upon our colonial rights, kept in exercise a vigilant care of public liberty. The danger from the Indian tribes nourished a martial spirit, and habits of industry and sobriety gave nerve to the American character. If our countrymen possessed not the manners of a refined state of society, they were free from its dissimulation: If they were destitute of the blandishments of polished life, they were happily ignorant of the corruptions of old countries.

The American picture doubtless had its shade. With the purest piety, the spirit of religion in some instances, was intolerant; and a greater stress was often laid upon forms and ceremonies, than their nature and design will justify: but intolerance was the weakness of the age; and superstition is less dangerous than indifference to the concerns of religion. Our ancestors, religious in their principles, and chaste in their opinions, simple in their manners, and sober in their practices, rise to our view in the dignity of the human character. The good effects of their principles and habits appeared in the progress of our country from infancy to national manhood. Under the hand of her hardy sons, the wilderness blossomed as the rose; and the desert became a fruitful field. Her resources were increased with the exigencies that required them: She furnished characters to manage her important concerns; and numbered her proportion of men of science and wisdom in the roll of fame. Her growth was like the vigorous expansion of the human frame: The heart was found, and the head was healthy. There was no schism in the body. The head said not to the limbs of immediate action, I have no need of you; nor these to the head, we have no need of you; but whether one member suffered, all the members suffered with it; or one member were honoured, all the members rejoiced with it.

The strength of our countrymen was not to be estimated by their numbers; their principles and habits gave them a force superior to the physical powers of a despotick government. The influence of these was fully displayed, when our country assumed her place among the sovereign and independent nations of the earth. She was prepared in her genius and manners for a free, a republican form of government. Her patriots, educated in her own schools, discovered an acquaintance with political science, which had never been exceeded in the old world: they exhibited an acumen and energy of mind equal to the arduous post they were called to fill.

The habit of order was so effectually interwoven into the national character, that, in the suspension of the administration of justice, between the death of the colonial government, and the life of independence, great evils did not ensue. Our streets were not infested with robbers, nor our houses assaulted by thieves. When the publick mind was agitated by the hazard of objects the most interesting to man; when fear was awake to every impression of danger; when enthusiasm was excited as a necessary stimulus to endure the conflict; although suspicion was pointed against numbers among ourselves as hostile to the interests of the community, yet no individual through our Commonwealth, during the contest, lost his life by an act of popular violence. The men of our country, feeling the dignity of freemen, the lords of the soil, understood the worth of the rights, for which they contended; they were consistent in the measures of defence, and by their energies rose superior to the exertions of a kingdom powerful in the means of annoyance.

Independence acknowledged, we were enabled by the collected wisdom of the country to form, and on the result of due deliberation to adopt, “constitutions of government which combine liberty with order,” and the security of individual right with the necessary energy of the ruling power. The quiet and manly exercise of the highest freedom, which before had never been exercised by any people.

The united influence of the above causes has ripened a state of social order and happiness as near perfection, as the world has known. In our country, the prophetic description of our text has been verified. Our people have been righteous; by the benediction of God they have inherited the land, and risen superior to the thousand difficulties, which rendered the undertaking doubtful even to the sanguine mind. The branch planted by heaven, has been watered by streams of divine munificence; and our God, by it, has been glorified. A little number has become millions; and a weak band a strong nation: The Lord has accomplished it in his time.

Must the period that is now passed, in future, be remembered as the golden age of America? In a conformity to the customs, and in the imitation of the examples of our ancestors, we, their descendants, shall secure our social order and happiness. But is there no appearance, which darkens the prospect of the future glory and prosperity of our country? Is there no danger lest prosperity will intoxicate us? Have not too many fallen off from the principles and habits of their ancestors? Is not publick opinion in a degree corrupted? Are we not threatened with the loss of that spirit of religion, purity, and order, which thus far has been our union and strength, our honour and happiness? Is merit a security of reputation? Is patriotism sure of its reward in the approbation and gratitude of the community? Is not every candidate for public office made, through the virulence of party, the object of calumny and abuse? In the struggle of party for superiority, are there not given false representations of facts and measures? Under artful pretensions of patriotism, are not groundless insinuations brought into view, of dispositions and designs hostile to publick liberty and publick good? Must not every man, who consents to serve his country in publick life, expect that his character will be tortured upon the rack of jealousy; and even his good name be made to pass through the ordeal of slander and detraction?

Another dark appearance in our political horizon, is a system of philosophy, which, under the spurious pretence of raising man to his perfectibility, destroys the fine feelings and ingenuous sensibilities of the human heart; which, while it dazzles the undiscerning mind with views of philanthropy, that have no distinct object, removes every restraint from the dissocial passions of human nature, and undermines every security of individual right. It degrades man from his rank, makes him the being of the moment, the sport of accident, and the absolute victim of death. The apostles of this philosophy disregard the wisest maxims of experience, and endeavour to introduce a national administration in politicks and morality, upon abstract principles. With the love of country and of man on their lips, they discover a disposition to demolish those pillars of society, which the world has holden sacred, and time proved to be necessary.

These sophists are not merely the growth of the present day; under other forms they have existed in past ages; and were ever found to be the enemies of the general order and social happiness. In the Roman story we find an order of the Senate to banish this class of men from the city of Rome, one hundred and sixty years before the birth of Christ. The reason assigned for their banishment gives a true character of the brethren of the order in modern times: “Because,” says the historian, “they were looked upon as dangerous talkers; who, while they reasoned on virtue, sapped its foundations, and were capable, by their own sophisms, of corrupting the simplicity of ancient morals, and of spreading among young people, opinions dangerous to their country.” ¹ The revival of this philosophy in the present age, has been in the old world; but the corrupt passions of men render every country a soil too fertile in its growth: Wherever it spreads, it must prove destructive to the peace and happiness of human nature, and to the order and welfare of society.

Infidels of the last age generally acknowledged the moral government of the Deity, the immortality of the soul of man, and a future state of retribution. Although they aimed to deprive us of the more animating motives, and the superior hopes of revelation, they left us our God: they left us the system of moral obligation; natural religion was allowed its force. While men acted under the eye of Deity, and with a view to his approbation, we had some security for their probity and general good conduct; but, in the present age, Infidelity has assumed a more daring attitude, and uttered her blasphemies in a bolder tone. She has called in question the government and being of God. She has represented the whole universe, with all its orders of being, in all the variety of its works and harmony of its laws, as existing without an intelligent cause, or a moral end. These positions enervate all the principles, which bind society together, form the security of every valuable right, raise man to the dignity of his character, and direct his exertions to objects worthy the pursuit of a rational and accountable being. The disciples of the system have felt the spirit of proselytism; they have multiplied publications of a skeptical and blasphemous nature, which have too generally circulated in our land.

Experience will correct the error of sophists; but the evils, which operate this correction, may be incalculable. The work of mischief is much easier than that of good. The axe soon prostrates the tree, which time and nature have reared. The brand in a moment consumes the edifice, which years of labour and experience have erected. It is the same in the moral world. The insidious arts of the profligate may soon corrupt the pure mind of the youth, whose moral principles and sober habits were the result of the unwearied attention of a solicitous parent. The evil pens and contagious examples of some few characters of splendid talents and captivating address, may weaken the moral principles and corrupt the manners of a community, which required ages to establish, and which have formed the characters of successive generations of men. The publick opinion once corrupted, and the religious and moral habits of the people destroyed, the strong band of society is broken, and civil liberty is no more. We shall experience the decrepitude of national age, before, in the order of nature, we shall have attained to the full strength of national age, before, in the order of nature, we shall have attained to the full strength of national manhood. The forms of our government may remain, but its spirit will be fled; and some aspiring individual, like the artful Augustus, may adopt our forms to subserve his own ambition. Our nation will be rent by party, or we shall lie in the stupor of despotism. By our vices we shall forfeit the blessings of our God; our own doings will beset us about, and we shall suffer the miseries of impiety and wickedness, of faction and anarchy, of tyranny and oppression.

Had the founders of the Commonwealth established the plan of society upon a different basis, should we have attained our present state of respectability? Would not their successors have suffered by the weakness of the foundation, on which the superstructure was to be erected? Subsequent wisdom might have been insufficient to correct the errour of the first settlement. The future efforts of patriotism would have been ineffectual to raise the Commonwealth to its present state and dignity.

Try the supposition by the experience of those of our sister states, which were formed on different principles. We conceive, that we have maintained a superiority over them on many points of national importance; and we laudably wish to preserve our preeminence. In the above review we find the causes, and they are still operating, although, I fear, with weakened force. To the general information, the religious principles, the industrious and orderly habits, the sober and manly character of our people, we must attribute every superior excellence in our national features and condition. If we part with these for the worst of the maxims and practices of those states, whose social order has been less perfect, we shall sink below their level of worth and dignity.

It cannot be denied, that our whole system of religion and education has been attacked. When this is endangered, we may tremble, as the Israelites trembled when the ark of God was on the field of battle, or in the hands of the enemy. It is the palladium of our liberty, the security of our publick prosperity, and the foundations of our individual happiness.

Christianity assumes no other authority over the affairs of the world, than that, which arises from the influence of its doctrines and precepts upon the lives of men. Its connection with civil society results from its tendency to enrich the heart with every virtue which adorns human nature, or increases social happiness; and to enforce the duties of rulers and subjects by sanctions, which the occurrences of this world cannot weaken. This influence is infinitely important.

The experiment of conducting the concerns of civil government without the aid of religion, has recently been made in the old world, and reason is abashed, and humanity blushes at the scenes of oppression and cruelty that ensued. Religion legitimates every subordinate principle of action: It ennobles ambition, by directing it to its proper object: It renders the love of same safe and laudable, by making it the motive of salutary conduct: It gives to benevolence its active force, by the assurance of its ultimate reward. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn. Religion, in all its aspects, is favourable to liberty: It restrains the turbulent passions of men, renders them submissive to good laws, and, in the disposition of their minds, prepares them for the utmost extent of freedom. But when moral restraints are removed; when dissocial passions have uncontrolled license; when the spirit of party and faction is prevalent, energy of government becomes necessary. Unable to govern itself, such a people requires severity in the ruling power, and in some form it will arise.

The situation of the United States is daily changing. Commerce has opened all her sources of wealth to our enterprising merchants; and the luxuries, which the increase of riches has introduced, threaten to contaminate our purity and enervate our strength. The political state of Europe has flung many foreigners among us, whose genius and habits will not amalgamate with the American character. With this unhallowed mixture, our national manners and character are in danger of being corrupted.

The resources of our country are abundant, if the minds of our people can be kept fixed to their interests, and their patriotism and virtue be preserved. With these guards upon our nation, we need not fear foreign powers. If we fall, it will be by our own vices. If we must run the race of impiety and folly, of party and faction, of dissipation and vice, in which all Republicks have preceded us, let the wise and good unite their energies to procrastinate the catastrophe, and to the utmost, continue the reign of virtue and happiness.

In this view, a sacred and important duty devolves upon men in conspicuous stations, and of influential characters, by their example to encourage attention to institutions, which have proved salutary to our country. The force of example is great. The example of those, who move in elevated spheres, and possess commanding talents, has superior influence. Men of this description possess high means of publick good; motives of religion and patriotism conspire to induce their exercise. They may exert themselves free of the prejudice, which often attaches itself to characters, whose professional business is moral instruction and persuasion. They will not be suspected of interested motives in the support of a system of religion, by which they gain their bread, and acquire an influence over the minds of their fellow-men. Their endeavours will probably have effect upon many, who are prejudiced against the common methods of instruction and improvement. These will certainly be effectual with all, who are governed by the fashion of the day, and implicitly follow the direction given by the great and splendid.

The association of distinguished persons in England, to discountenance infidelity, irreligion, and immorality; and to encourage the observance of the Christian Sabbath, attention to the institutions of the gospel, and the general practices of piety and virtue, is worthy the imitation of similar characters in our country.

The political opinions of the speaker will be discovered by the tenour of his observations: But he addresses himself to no party. He disavows the spirit. Of the evils which menace our peace, all complain: In the preservation of the principles and habits recommended, all discerning patriots will be united. He has not the presumption to dictate to the rulers of the Commonwealth, the measures of their publick conduct: Yet they will permit him to suggest the importance of an adherence to a system which has been productive of so much publick good. Religion, as a transaction between God and the souls of men, is too sacred for human regulation. Civil government may not intermeddle with this holy subject. But it clearly falls within the province of a Christian legislature, to support institutions, which facilitate the instruction of people in the truths and duties of religion, which are the means to give efficacy to the precepts of the gospel, and are calculated to instill the spirit of morality and order into the minds of the community. The oath of office makes this the duty of our Legislature, by the third article of the Bill of Rights. The denial of the being or government of God, blasphemy, and the derision of moral obligation, destroys the solemnity and use of oaths, and weakens the principles, on which the administration of justice and the peace and order of society are suspended; laws, therefore, against these crimes, the freest governments have conceived to be within their powers, and have enacted. To regulate the dissocial affections, to restrain the licentious passions of human nature, and to render “man mild and sociable to man,” is one essential end of civil government. Errours of speculation, which sap not the foundation of society, must be left, for their correction, to the natural force of truth. Many errours in practice we must leave to the operation of moral causes; suffer their endurance until a remedy shall be found in their consequences; until the misery they produce shall correct them. If profligate publications cannot be prevented, their deleterious influence may be counteracted by habits of wise reflection and sober practice. As the means of this important end, government will extend its patronage to our university, colleges, and schools. On these institutions are dependant our prospects for characters to fill the publick stations of society, and to defend our country from the insidious attacks of the disciples of infidelity and vice.

The general education of youth is a subject of as high importance as can occupy the mind of the patriot or the Christian. To render them the worthy heirs of the invaluable inheritance, which we hope to transmit, they must understand the nature of a free government; distinguish social order from anarchy; liberty from licentiousness; the freedom of law from the unrestrained freedom of the savage. They should be inspired with moral principles, as a security against the seductions of a country, rapidly increasing in the means of dissipation and voluptuousness: by habits of piety and virtue, their minds should be armed to repel the assaults of infidelity and libertinism.

The speaker wishes, with deference to suggest, whether some plan might not be grafted into our general system of education, to disseminate the political information necessary to a republican government; and to secure the rising generation from that spirit of innovation, and rage for change, which endanger the primary principles of good order. Care will be taken, that our youth fall not into the hands of instructors of profligate characters, and abandoned principles. The purity of elections will be guarded, and encouragement given to the wise and faithful exercise of the rights of suffrage; that our government may not become corrupt in its first operation. By measures directed to these important objects, our civil rulers will be the nursing fathers of the Christian church, and the guardians of the manners and habits of the community.

The large majority, by which his Excellency is re-elected to the chief seat of government, evidences the approbation of the Commonwealth, of his past services, in this elevated and responsible office. Unanimity, at this day, was not an object of expectation. It is an honourable testimonial of personal merit, that his support has been the greatest where his private character was best known. The unanimous suffrage of those, who were conversant with his walks in social life, must be grateful to the feelings of his Excellency. Confident, that he will lend the united force of his authority and example, to support the institutions of religion, and to preserve the purity of publick morals; that he will execute his trust in righteousness, and with an impartial view to the general good, we wish him the guidance of heaven. May the measures of his administration be applauded by the wise, and approved by the just: May he possess the increasing confidence of his country, and obtain the reward of his God!

The present state of politicks renders the publick service of the two Branches of the Legislature arduous and difficult. They will be watched with critical attention. Their best designs may be attributed to impure motives, and their wisest measures censured. Under these circumstances, worldly principles of action would fail; but the man, who looks within himself for the rule of his publick conduct, will never want support. In the testimony of his heart to the purity of his intentions and the rectitude of his actions, he will find a reward. He will be strengthened to persevere in the path of patriotism and virtue, from a regard to the approbation of Him, who is higher than the highest, whose eyes survey the children of men, and who requires that which is altogether just. Although they now fit as gods, they will reflect, that they must die as men, and give account like one of the people. May wisdom direct their deliberations, and the benediction of heaven render the measures of their adoption beneficial to their country!

To pass unnoticed, on this occasion, the general government of the United States, might be deemed critical omission.

It has been our happiness, that the men placed at the head of the government, were distinguished as well for their piety, as for their political wisdom. Its administration has accorded with the characteristic maxims of our own Commonwealth. Never was a people under higher obligations to a government, than we are to that of the Union. At its organization, the country was embarrassed in every national operation. In each department, the administration was without a precedent: It had new paths to explore, and first principles to adopt. The state of Europe rendered its connexions with foreign nations critical and hazardous. The convulsions of that country soon reached us: We were annoyed by the maritime force of the powers at war: We were the objects of their diplomatick artifice and intrigue: The honest prejudices of our own countrymen aided the interested designs of one of the belligerent powers, and made the business of our rulers the more delicate and laborious. War, like a portentous cloud, hung over our land, and threatened us with all its evils. Under these perplexing circumstances, the administration firmly took the ground of neutrality, and with moderation exercised its rights. It sacredly preserved publick faith; impartially executed national justice and in this way secured us the blessings of peace and tranquility. While the stablest pillars of old governments, and the long established order of society were convulsed, under the auspices of the general government, the resources of our country were called into action; publick credit was established; individual right secured; and the property of the nation doubled. As the price of these blessings, we have paid but one direct tax. Is not a debt of gratitude due to those, who, under God, have been the instruments of this unexampled prosperity? That no mistakes have been committed in the management of our national concerns, is not presumed. Infallibility is not the portion of man: But experience, the best test of the wisdom of publick measures, has given its sanction to those of the federal administration.

Our own venerable patriot, who has now retired to private life, to enjoy dignity with ease, demands the grateful acknowledgements of his signal services. He was among the first to vindicate the invaded rights of his country. He was a primary agent in the establishment of independence; and the confidential minister of the publick during the revolutionary war. By his diplomatick negotiations, he conciliated the friendship of some respectable nations in Europe to our infant Republick, and obtained a loan of money, when our exigencies were the greatest. Under his auspices, as the federal head, our country has probably passed the crisis of danger from the commotions of Europe. His active life has been devoted to publick employment, and through all his stations of trust and responsibility, his integrity and patriotism have been without a stain. Difference of opinion on questions of high national moment, may, for the present, prevent his worth from being duly appreciated; but the impartial historian will do justice to his merits: In future time, the State which gave him birth will derive a lustre from his name.

The return of this anniversary is calculated to animate the minds of all, who attend upon it. The human heart must be enobled by the reflection, that our governours and legislators are raised to office by our own suffrages. To behold them assembled in a body, by their united wisdom, to consult the welfare, and transact the business, of the Commonwealth, is a sight to give joy to every lover of liberty and of country. What impressions would this sight make on the reflecting minds of those, who groan in the chains of despotism? To behold this venerable body around the altar of God, to implore divine wisdom in their deliberations, and the blessing of Heaven upon the measures of their future adoption, must raise every soul in devout gratitude to the original author of all mercies.

Happy America, didst thou know thine happiness! Would to God, that all nations of the earth might annually pass in review before thee, to teach thee the excellence of thy situation, and to inspire thee with a conduct necessary to perpetuate thine advantages! Search the globe, and where can be found, a people, among whom, civil and religious privileges are more perfectly enjoyed? What people of the earth may more justly be attached to their country, than those of Columbia? Where may the spirit of patriotism be cherished with brighter prospects? O! that I could speak with an energy to reach the hearts, and animate the practices, of all the citizens of the United States. Our governments, with all their attendant blessings, are bottomed on the broad basis of publick opinion; and in their support, require the individual exertions of our countrymen.

Can prosperity never content the human mind? Having obtained the highest object of freedom, do we desire a change? From a jealousy that our rulers may do us evil, shall we deprive them of the means to do us good? Shall we leave the protecting arm of Deity, to become the sport of atheistical chance and accident? Shall we turn from the light of revelation to follow the blind guides of infidelity, that we may be left in dark and desolate regions, where there is no path to direct our steps, no object to reward our labours? Shall we give up the enobling hope of immortality, to become like the brute, the victim of perpetual sleep? Shall we part with the maxims of our venerable ancestors, which time has proved to be wise, for a spirit of innovation, which nothing sacred or profane can restrain? Shall we part with the certain blessings of civil freedom and social order, for the fanaticism of ideal liberty and equality, which the nature of man, and his condition of action make it impossible to realize?

God grant, that the spirit of our text may possess the hearts and regulate the lives of our countrymen. Our people being all righteous, the work of righteousness will be peace; and the effect of righteousness, quietness and security forever. Our rulers being just, ruling in the fear of God, they will be to us like the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.

Under this spirit, the general and state governments will operate on each other like the laws of cohesion and attraction, in nature; like the heavenly bodies, they will revolve in harmony, and from their combined influence we shall derive national prosperity and individual security. We, the branch which God has planted, shall inherit the land to His glory. With the steady progress of time, we shall advance towards national perfection, for our God will bless us.

Endnotes

¹ Suctonius in his book of Rhetoricians.

Benjamin Trumbull (1735-1820) graduated from Yale in 1759. He was the preacher for a church in North Haven, beginning in 1760, for almost 60 years. Trumbull served as volunteer and chaplain during the Revolutionary War. This sermon was preached by him in Connecticut on May 14, 1801.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT HARTFORD, IN CONNECTICUT,

MAY 14, 1801.

By BENJAMIN TRUMBULL, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN NORTH-HAVEN.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1801.

ORDERED, That the Honorable David Daggett, and Mr. Joseph Doolittle, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Benjamin Trumbull, D. D. for his Sermon delivered before them at the General Election on the fourteenth instant, and request a copy thereof for the Press.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

I KINGS ii. 2, 3.

I go the way of all the earth: be thou strong therefore, and shew thyself a man. And keep the charge of the Lord Thy God, to walk in his ways, to keep his statutes, and his commandments, and his judgments, and his testimonies as it is written in the Law of Moses, that thou mayest prosper in all that thou dost, and whithersoever thou turnest thyself.

MEN of the most distinguished fame, piety and usefulness, after a few years of faithful services, must quit the stage, and retire into darkness and silence. Kings, who, like David, have filled the throne with honor, must exchange their robes of royalty, the scepter and the crown, for the shroud and the tomb.

To this solemn and momentous period, David, that eminently pious and magnanimous ruler, was now advanced. And how august, how instructive and interesting is the scene, which his example, as exhibited in the text, presents to our view? We behold a renowned and mighty prince, after achieving wonders in the field, and rendering the most essential services to the church of God, taking leave of the world, resigning his government, and giving his final charge to Solomon, who was to reign after him upon the throne of Israel. I go, says he, the way of all the earth. “Exhausted with years and public labors, I suffer the common lot of man, and must sleep with my fathers. I have done with courts, government and life itself. I am bidding a long adieu to them, to you and to all mankind. You are now to accede to the government of a numerous and mighty nation, the people and heritage of the God of Jacob. Upon this great occasion, in these tender and solemn moments, I therefore entreat and charge you, by the affections of an aged, dying father, by all my desires and prayers for your honor and prosperity, and for the welfare of Israel, God’s chosen people, that you be strong and show yourself a man: That you act up to the dignity and glory of your nature. This your exalted station, as the ruler of God’s people, and the immense interests committed to your care will constantly demand. To you, and to them it will be of incalculable importance.”

The words import, that there is great worth and dignity in man: That to conduct himself agreeably to them is to act an useful, wise and glorious part. They comprise everything which a wise, magnanimous and dying father could wish for a favorite son: Everything which a pious prince, who preferred Jerusalem to his chief joy, could desire to see in him, who was to bear rule over the heritage of the Lord. Indeed in this short sentence, David compriseth distinguishing piety and righteousness, whatever is enjoined in the subsequent verses, relative to keeping the charge of the Lord and walking in all his commandments. It also imports that civil government is an arduous work, equal to the utmost strength of human capacity, challenging all the dignity and powers of the greatest men; and that it is of the highest importance that civil rulers be men, displaying that piety, knowledge, prudence, fortitude and magnanimity which are the glory of man.

In this view of our text it will be natural, for its further illustration, to give some sketches of the dignity of man: To show how this is displayed in civil government, or what it is for rulers to show themselves to be men: And lastly how important it is that they should act in character, agreeably to the dignity and excellency of human nature.

I. It will be natural to give a sketch of the dignity and capacity of man.

To show the dignity and awful weight of government, it is necessary to exhibit the dignity and worth of the creatures governed, and the immense value of their interests. This only can show the magnitude of the trust committed to the civil magistrate and the dignity and importance of his office.

But man, who is a subject of divine and human government, is a creature of vast dignity, worth and interests. This is expressed in the text, in the terms, be strong and quit yourselves like men. Be of good courage, and let us play the men for our people, and for the cities of our God. Man is capable of the most signal usefulness and enjoyment in time and in eternity. In a variety of respects, his Creator hath exalted him, and put a matchless dignity upon him. Though by his apostasy he hath lost the moral image of God, and in that respect the crown is fallen from his head, the gold is changed, and the most fine gold is become dim, yet he still retains resemblances of his natural image, and in many respects is a glorious creature. He is a master-piece of divine workmanship; fearfully and wonderfully made. The erectness of his stature, the convenience and usefulness of his members, the wisdom with which they are all placed, the beauty and majesty of his countenance, the gift of language, and harmony of his voice are endowments by which he is distinguished and exalted above all creatures in this lower system of worlds. But his intelligent soul more especially gives him his dignity and inestimable worth. This is a bright resemblance of the natural perfections of his common father. He is a spirit, so is the soul of man. He is all intelligence and activity, and so is the human mind. Man is the living image of the living God. In him is displayed more of the image and glory of the Deity than in all his other works below the sun.

The worth and dignity of man appear in his capacity, in the great and noble achievements and works which he hath done and is capable of doing. He is capable of thought, reflection, reasoning, consciousness, volition and extensive knowledge:–Of contemplating himself, the heavens, the earth and seas, the variety of creatures and things which they contain, with their natures and usefulness:–Of speaking of trees, from the Cedar that is in Lebanon, even unto the Hyssop that springeth out of the wall: ¹ of discovering their various uses, whether for food or physic, for navigation or commerce, for personal or national emolument: And of employing all creatures, elements, trees, plants, herbs and shrubs of every country and climate for his own profit, convenience and pleasure.

He is capable of rising instantaneously, in his contemplations, from earth to the heavens; of traveling among stars and planets; of measuring their distances and magnitudes; and of making vast discoveries in philosophy and astronomy:–Of rising still higher, from the contemplations of nature, to the far more important and pleasing contemplations of nature’s God. He can plan and effect wonderful works; erect cities and kingdoms, found and govern empires. If we look back to the effects of ancient times, in the land of Shinar, Egypt and Palestine, what glorious works there presented themselves, where Babel, Babylon, Nineveh, and the Pyramids, which have been the wonder of the world, were erected! Where stood Jerusalem, the holy temple, and all the magnificent works of Solomon! If we survey the kingdoms of Europe, what super works attract our view and fill us with astonishment!

How great and useful have been the writings of men, in every learned profession! What thanks do the world owe to Hypocrates, Boerhaave, and to several modern writers, for their discoveries and communications in the healing art? To Hale, Cook, Littleton, Montesquieu and others, for the light which they have thrown upon the laws of nature and nations, and upon jurisprudence in general? How have Lock, Sir Isaac Newton, Franklin, and other logicians and philosophers, enlarged the boundaries of human knowledge? With what admiration do we view the works of theologians? Of Pool, Owen, Perkins, Twiss and others? What changes have they effected? Paul propagated and established Christianity through the heathen world; and the pens and eloquence of Luther and Calvin wrought the glorious protestant revolution.

To come nearer to our own times, and to our own country, how great and extensively useful have been the works of our pious and venerable ancestors, in crossing the Atlantic, in planting Christianity in North America, in turning a wilderness, a land not sown, into gardens, orchards and fruitful fields? And in converting thousands of heathen to the knowledge, love and fear of God? Especially, in forming such free, civil and religious constitutions, at a time when the light of liberty was but just dawning upon mankind; and in founding colleges and schools, and making such provision for the general diffusion of knowledge among their descendants, as has rendered us, under the divine smiles, the most free, intelligent and happy people upon whom the fun hath ever shone?

May I not with equal propriety mention the more modern, but not less signal and important works, the American revolution, affected by the energies of the sword and pen of a Washington, aided by the other sages and heroes of America? The peace negotiated by those renowned men, Adams, Franklin and Jay? The constitution of the United States, the counsels and labors by which, in the course of a few years, they have been elevated to such a distinguished point of power, respectability, opulence and prosperity? Do not all these proclaim the capacity, the dignity and worth of man.

But nothing has yet been said of that in which his chief importance appears. He is immortal, capable of more happiness than all the creatures of God, whether angels or men have yet enjoyed, or will enjoy to the consummation of all things. The lives and happiness of the whole intellectual system, collected into one life and sum of happiness, would be a mere nothing, like a drop to the ocean, or spark to the sun, in comparison with immortality, and that far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory and blessedness which one soul is capable of enjoying. The pains and sorrows of all men on earth and of the damned in hell, from the creation to the judgment day, are nothing, when contrasted with that eternity of sufferings which an immortal spirit may endure. As redeemed creatures may be progressing in knowledge, usefulness and bliss, during their immortality, it is not improbable, that the knowledge, usefulness and happiness of every individual saved from among men, will exceed those of all creatures from the day of their creation to the end of time. In this view how does language fail to describe, or imagination to conceive the dignity, capacity and worth of man?

Again, if we consider all the counsels of God from eternity, and all his works in time employed for his recovery; the Son of God dying, rising, interceding and reigning forever for his salvation, how does it aggrandize our ideas of the dignity and worth of man? Saith Dr. Young, In heaven’s great and constant effort for our welfare is capitally written the dignity of man. In what beautiful and striking language does he represent his incalculable worth?

“Know’st thou the worth of an immortal soul?
Behold this midnight glory: worlds on worlds,
Amazing pomp! Redouble this amaze;
Ten thousand add, and twice ten thousand more;
Then weigh the whole: one soul outweighs them all.

A greater than he hath said, What shall it profit a man if he shall gain the whole world and lose his own soul? Or what shall a man give in exchange for his soul?

II. I proceed to show how this dignity is displayed in civil government, or what it is for rulers to show themselves to be men; especially in the sense of our text.

In general it may be observed, that since the dignity and importance of men are of such incalculable magnitude, they must, to show themselves men, at a wise, honorable, magnanimous and glorious part. Their conduct must be in some measure proportionate to their dignity, their high stations and immense interests, and to their capacity, and advantages. They must first seek and promote the greatest and best interests; the highest happiness of themselves and others, and harmoniously treat all objects and interests according to their nature, worth and importance. For men of great dignity and consideration, to act dishonorably, unrighteously, meanly, or wickedly; to neglect great and lasting interests, and employ themselves about those which are trifling and momentary; to prefer private to public good, the honors, wealth and pleasures of time, to those of eternity, are totally inconsistent with the reason and dignity of man.

These observations will apply, in their full force and utmost latitude, to civil rulers. As they stand in the first rank among men, as to their management are committed vast and complicated interests, and as they are distinguished for abilities and advantages for public usefulness; so they should act with views proportionably great, wise, public spirited and magnanimous. Everything selfish, narrow, partial, unrighteous and wicked in them, will appear in a peculiar manner inglorious and inconsistent with human dignity, and especially with that of a civil ruler.

From these general observations it clearly appears that the dignity of man is strongly exhibited, in good government. It will however appear, in a stronger point of view, from a consideration of the immense interests committed to their care, and of the persons for whom they are to legislate and judge. If one immortal creature be of such incalculable worth, how much more valuable must be thousands and millions of them, with all their interests civil and religious? In a Christian state or nation there are many of the sons of God, princes of heaven who shall reign in life by Jesus Christ forever. There are men of whom the world is not worthy; men who shall judge angels, nay judge the world, ² even the judges and potentates of the earth. So precious are they that God hath said, He that toucheth you toucheth the apple of his eye. ³ In presiding over such beings and interests, the highest dignity is manifested. The greater the trust is, which is committed to men, the greater are the honor and dignity put upon them.

Especially is the case, when they are called to it of God, as are all civil rulers, whatever may be their forms of government, or whatever instrumentality men h=may have in their advancement. For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south. But God is the judge: he putteth down one, and setteth up another. ⁴ For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. ⁵

They are termed by the high and awful name of Gods, ⁶ and judge and act for God. They are his ministers, for good to the people. ⁷ By the very nature and design of their office, they are God’s deputies not for themselves, but for the people, to do them good and nothing but good. Their whole authority, powers and influence should be employed to keep and promote the public peace and happiness; to maintain all the natural, civil and religious rights of their subjects, to suppress all immorality, and to countenance and support everything which is useful, virtuous and praise-worthy. They are represented as the very pillars of the earth, which support it, and prevent its dissolution. ⁸ In what can the dignity of man be possibly more displayed than in sustaining these high and momentous offices, and in a zealous, wise and faithful discharge of them? Does it not imply everything in which human nature can appear great and good?

Particularly, civil rulers, to show themselves men, must be truly and eminently religious. This is fully implied in the text. Solomon was directed to show himself a man by courageously keeping the charge of the Lord his God, by walking in all his ways, and commandments, and testimonies, as they were written in the law of Moses. The words import that no person can be a man, acting consistently with his rational nature, without it. The same idea is suggested by the prophet Isaiah, who calls upon the Israelites to show themselves men, by renouncing their idols, and acknowledging and submitting to God, as their portion and happiness. ⁹ David insisted on this in his address to Solomon, not only as absolutely necessary, that he might show himself a man, but that he might be happy either in his person or government. That thou mightiest prosper in all that thou doest, and whithersoever thou turnest thyself. His remarkable words, I Chron. xxviii. 9. Are exceedingly expressive of these truths. And thou, Solomon my son, know thou the God of thy father and serve him with a perfect heart and with a willing mind: for the Lord searcheth all hearts, and understandeth all the imaginations of the thoughts: if thou seek him, he will be found of thee; but if thou forsake him, he will cast thee off forever. Thus did the man after God’s own heart, one of the greatest, most experienced and renowned princes, press religion upon his son, that he might be happy in his person and kingdom, and not be totally and forever rejected by God. Indeed he gives it, as the first and most essential part of the character of a good ruler, that he must be truly pious and righteous. The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God. ¹⁰

Those great commands, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself; Whether therefore ye eat or drink, or whatever ye do, do all to the glory of God, are not less binding on the prince than on the peasant, on the ruler than on the subject. These precepts, and the high office which rulers bear, as ministers of God, oblige them to imitate him in his goodness, in the purity of their principles and aims, of their constitutions, laws, judgments, and whole legislative and executive conduct. They should bear true allegiance to him, act with the same benevolent principles, and seek the same ends which he seeks, the public happiness and the glory of his name. But without religion consisting in the love and fear of God, in the love and practice of righteousness and universal goodness, there can be no allegiance to him, nor a single principle or view under the influence of which they ought to act.

In a word, the consideration of their dignity and worth, that as individuals they have interests to secure far superior to everything temporal, and that the many thousands of their subjects have interests equally momentous, and that magistrates are called to their high offices, to subserve these complicated and immense interests, furnisheth the most energetic motives to religion and virtue. A celebrated writer observes, “He who thinks of his dignity, necessarily thinks of God; and he who values his dignity as necessarily worships and obeys him.”

Further, they must, to show themselves men, possess great knowledge and wisdom, an enlarged understanding, comprehensive of the various interests of the people and of the means of promoting them.

Civil Government is arduous, and requires the knowledge of a great variety of things, with a singular prudence in the management of public affairs. The civil magistrate should have an intimate acquaintance with the genius, laws, customs, manners, dangers, resources and whole state of the people whom he governs. He ought also to know the genius, laws, customs, commerce, wants and advantages of the sister states; their peculiar prejudices and prepossessions, that he may avail himself of all these circumstances, to do good to the people over whom he presides, and to the several states in the union: and that by his extensive knowledge, and the impartiality and integrity of his government, he may subserve the general interests of the nation. Indeed he should have a general acquaintance with the religion, genius, navigation, commerce, general laws and state of nations and of the whole world; that from this comprehensive view he may govern himself and the affairs of the commonwealth, with respect to all their extensive and numerous interests and relations, in such a manner as shall most effectually promote the peace and emolument of the subjects of his own immediate government, and the peace and mutual advantage of all their relations. In this way he may be useful and do good to all men. As far as possible, he should be versed in the whole art of jurisprudence, finance and government.

The knowledge of men is also of high consideration to civil rulers. However wise they may be, in other respects, and however excellent their constitutions and laws, and with whatever extent of wisdom and foresight measures may be adopted for the general happiness, yet if the men appointed to execute them are too weak, irresolute or wicked to perform the duties of their respective offices, the designs of the legislature will be frustrated, and the people will be deprived of the happy effects of their wisdom, and of those advantages to which they have a just claim by their constitutions and laws. That rulers may therefore be happy in their government, they must know men, and have fortitude to reject the weak, intriguing and wicked, and to employ the wise, faithful and good, in the executive departments of the government.

As the human mind is capable of endless improvement, and as knowledge is so important for the purposes of good government, how laboriously should rulers study these points, that they may be men in knowledge and wisdom?

The affairs of government are high, above the reach of vulgar minds, though they may be good, and have the best designs towards the community. Moses therefore commanded, Take ye wise men, and understanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you. ¹¹ Solomon, sensible of the necessity of wisdom in the government of a great people, asked it of God. The petition was highly acceptable, and he gave him wisdom and understanding exceeding much, and largeness of heart, even as the sand that is on the sea shore. ¹²

Civil rulers, to show themselves men, must also possess high paternal feelings, be of a public, noble spirit, deeply impressed with a sense of the vast worth of the interests, the liberties, lives, property, order, peace and prosperity of a commonwealth and nation. They should be strongly inclined to sacrifice all private interests for the public good, and to employ their honors, talents, opportunities and advantages wholly for its advancement. God commands that all rulers should be men fearing God and hating covetousness. ¹³ As they are his ministers for good, they ought, as far as possible, like him to be good and do good unto all. Like the light of the morning sun, rising without clouds, and gladdening a thousand regions, and like the clear shining after rain, which warms and fertilizes the gardens, the orchards and fields, and with countless fruits and plenteous harvests, enriches whole nations, and administers food and gladness to all men, they should, by extending the righteous, benign and peaceful influences of their government to small as well as great, to the fatherless and widow, to the humble cottage as well as the spacious dome, to thousands, to millions, to all, diffuse universal safety, comfort and joy. While, with these feelings, they act the man, they will appreciate the civil, temporal order, peace and happiness of the community; the liberties, lives and fortunes of the thousands who have entrusted to them their invaluable interests. They will appreciate their immense religious concerns, and not forget their own.

They will realize the importance and necessity of religion and Christian morals, that a people may be free and happy. They will not be insensible of the mutual influence, which government and religion have upon each other. All the measures of government, and even the examples of rulers, will encourage, or injure religion. It cannot be unaffected with the government and example of those in authority. Religion in like manner hath incalculable influence on the government, liberties and happiness of a people. In proportion as men are really conscientious and influenced by genuine principles of the gospel, they will be self-governed. Crimes will be prevented even in secret, and it will give to individuals and to the community at large, such security, peace and order, as mere law can never afford. Where men feel the influence of religion, mild laws will be sufficient for the purposes of government, and but few restraints on the natural rights of the people will be necessary. But when conscience is lost, and moral motives have no influence, a people can be governed by severe laws and punishments only; by Newgates, swords and cannon. In just such proportion as the influence of moral principles and motives are annihilated, the restraints of law must be increased, and the natural rights and liberties of the subjects be diminished. At the same time, property, character, life, and all public and private interests will be less secure. What state of society can be more wretched, than that described by the prophets, when judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off? Truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter? ¹⁴—When every brother will utterly supplant, and every neighbour will walk with slanders? ¹⁵—When the best of them is a brier, and the most upright is sharper than a thorn hedge? ¹⁶—What order, honor or safety, what liberty or happiness can there be among such a people? It is doubtless the greatest quackery in politics, to imagine, that free government and liberty can be maintained without religion and morals.

While rulers taste the pleasures of religion, and act under the influence of wisdom, they will also appreciate the interests of literature, encourage colleges and schools, and advocate all proper means for the general diffusion of knowledge among the people. This is of high consideration both in a civil and religious view; especially in a republican government. If the people are sufficiently illuminated, they will ordinarily, under a wise and good government, be peaceable, steady and joyful. Whatever factious and designing men may insinuate, they will know their true interests, and faithfully support a wise and righteous government. Faction will have but little influence, and ordinarily will be but of short duration. This lays the foundation for eminence in all the learned professions, and is the hand-maid of religion. This has been one grand mean of the civil and religious liberty, peace and happiness of this and the New-England States. This indeed was a leading step in securing the liberty and happiness of America. Men must understand the great principles of rational liberty, that they may contend for, and maintain them. Religion and literature will therefore be encouraged while legislators display the dignity of man.

Further, that they may show themselves to be men, they must possess uncommon magnanimity and fortitude. It is commanded in the text, Be thou strong and show thyself a man: and the Lord commanded Joshua, Be thou strong and very courageous, that thou mayest observe to do according to all the law, which Moses my servant commanded thee. ¹⁷

Men of all characters have need even of supernatural strength, that they may overcome the world, their lusts and spiritual enemies. For who is he that overcometh the world, but he that is born of God? Is not this the victory that overcometh the world even our faith? ¹⁸ Rulers, and all men in high life, are in peculiar danger from the riches, pleasures, honors, applause and flattery of the world. Worldly cares, company and a multiplicity of business are calculated to fill the mind and leave no place for God and religion. Hence it is written, Not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble are called. ¹⁹ Great courage and magnanimity therefore are necessary for men in public stations that they may war with firmness and resolution against the lusts of their own hearts, and the snares and allurements of the world: That they may bear a firm testimony against vice, scatter the wicked with their eye, and not bear the sword in vain: That they may be proof against the subtlety and arts of intriguing men, and the flattery and bribes of those who, in these crooked ways, would court their favor, and tempt them to partiality and respect of persons. They have often to steer in a rough sea. Sometimes faction rears its baleful head within, and wars rage without. Liberty, property, religion and life are at stake. What fortitude, at such times, is necessary, that their hearts may not melt and be shaken with fear, either from the attacks of foreign or domestic, open or secret enemies? The ruler should stand like a rock in the sea, which keeps its place though the storms arise, the billows roll and dash themselves upon it with the greatest violence. Especially, is this necessary in popular governments; that rulers may act impartially, do justice and judgment, faithfully pursue their own opinions and the public good, though popular prejudices and the popular breath should sometimes be against them. When party spirit runs high, and rulers, notwithstanding their most able, upright and faithful services, are misrepresented and vilified, a peculiar nobleness and magnanimity are necessary, to rise superior to calumny and abuse, and to treat all parties with candor, impartiality and goodness. This displays the dignity of man.

Indeed, integrity, faithfulness, diligence, sobriety, and all the social virtues, are necessary that Christian magistrates may show themselves men. They should be examples of everything which a wise and good ruler would wish to have the people to be, to make them great, honorable and happy. The good example of rulers puts great dignity upon them, endears them to their constituents, and has a most salutary influence on individual and public happiness.

In a word, that any of us may show ourselves to be men, we must act up to the dignity of our nature. We must know the Lord our God, be strong to keep his charge, and to walk in his ways, and exhibit all those virtues which may make us good citizens, useful in society, and qualified for a blessed immortality!

III. I proceed to show how important it is that rulers should act in character, agreeable to the dignity of human nature.

The observations which have been made, and passages of scripture which have been adduced, set this in a strong point of light. The address of David to his beloved Solomon, in our text, imports its high necessity and transcendent moment.

The express commands of God, that rulers, from the ruler of thousands even to the ruler of tens, should be able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; just, ruling in the fear of God, are expressive of its high importance. The divine requisitions are of the highest consideration. They are absolutely indispensible.

Further this appears from a consideration of the immense interests committed to the management of rulers, and of the influence which the manner of their government will necessarily have upon them. They rule over men, over thousands, it may be over millions, everyone of whom is worth more than a world. They enact and support the laws by which they are to be protracted in their names, persons, estates and all their civil and religious interests; nay, by which they are to live or die. They are guardians of everything dear to them. The many thousands over whom they bear rule will rejoice or mourn according to the manner in which they govern. It will have influence on the religion, morals, present and endless happiness of innumerable multitudes of the human race. Individuals, families, the present age, and generations to come may be exceedingly effected by their government and example. Is it possible then to calculate of what importance it is that they should show themselves to be men?

Further, in what a forcible and engaging point of light will this appear from the happy effects of a wise and righteous government? How are these attested by scripture and all experience? Blessed art thou, O land, when thy king is the son of nobles, and thy princes eat in due season, for strength and not for drunkenness. ²² When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice. ²¹ Their influence is represented as cheering as the light of the morning, and like the genial effects of the sun and rain, which clothe nature in all her beauties and produce fruits and harvests of every kind. And he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain. ²²

How happy and honorable was the nation of Israel under the government of David and Solomon? How did the kingdom of Judah prosper in the reigns of Asa, Jehoshaphat, and other wise and pious kings? How have other nations and communities flourished under wise and good government? How great and happy have been the effects of it in New-England, and especially in Connecticut? How wise and free are her constitutions? How mild and salutary her system of laws, and the genius of her government? Where is liberty so amply enjoyed? Where is such provision made for schooling? And where is knowledge so generally diffused among the people? What commonwealth was ever governed with less expense, or to more general satisfaction? Where is the community upon earth which rivals her in these respects?

The distraction and misery to which a people are reduced, by a weak and wicked government, may add further light and energy to the point under consideration. The mouth of the Lord hath spoken, Woe unto thee, O land, when thy king is a child, and thy princes eat in the morning. ²³ When the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn. ²⁴ God denounceth it as one of the heaviest curses upon his own people, That he would give children to be their princes, and that babes should rule over them. ²⁵

Facts and the experience of mankind, in every age and country, give us the same ideas of a weak and wicked government. How did the folly of rehoboam at once divide the kingdom of Israel, and deprive it of all that wealth, dignity and prosperity, to which the preceding reigns of his illustrious ancestors, David and Solomon, had raised it? How fatal and lasting were the effects of the wicked reigns of Jeroboam and his successors, on the throne of Israel; and of Ahaz, Manasseh, Amon and Zedekiah upon the throne of Judah? They have been the same in other nations in every period of the world! How have the impious and wicked governments of Europe, within the course of a few years, brought incalculable miseries on the people and astonished the world with new crimes? In what a strong and affecting point of light do these considerations evince how highly necessary and important it is that rulers show themselves to be men?

The consideration, that the blessing of God will attend a wise and pious government, and no other, is also of great consideration, to engage rulers to be strong and keep the charge of the Lord. That thou mayest prosper, says David, to his beloved Solomon, in all that thou doest, and whithersoever thou turnest thyself. The words import that there is no prosperity to be expected for rulers themselves, nor their subjects, unless they show themselves strong, to keep the charge of the Lord, and to walk in his ways. At the same time, they contain an implication or promise, that if they will do these they shall prosper in all their measures, and be most happy in their government. The blessing of God will attend them and the people, and righteousness will exalt the nation.

In a word, that civil rulers, and all others, in the various departments and conditions of life, should act in character, as men, is of infinite moment to themselves. All are indispensibly bound to pay the first and principal attention to religion. Our Saviour and Judge has commanded, Seek first the kingdom of God. ²⁶ Labour not for the meat which perisheth, but for that meat which endureth unto everlasting life. ²⁷ If we are disobedient to these high commands, we shall deprive ourselves of the transcendent dignity and happiness of men. We shall destroy interests more valuable than the whole material system, and whatever our circumstances may have been in the present state, we shall mourn at last without pity or end. Our responsibility will be high and solemn, in proportion to the interests entrusted to us; and to our capacities, honors and opportunities. For unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall much be required: and to whom men have committed much, of him will they ask the more. ²⁸

On a review of our subject it is natural to remark on the infinite ingratitude, horrible nature and criminality of sin. What language can describe the ingratitude of treason against him who has given such dignity and worth to man? How ineffable the criminality of destroying such a creature? How sorrowful would it be? How dreadful the crime to destroy the cities, the wealth and happiness of empires, to quench the sun and stars and obliterate the whole material system? But still more sorrowful and tremendous is it to ruin an immortal soul! To destroy one’s self! Well has the poet said,

“Not all these luminaries quench’d at once,
Were half so sad, as one benighted mind,
Which gropes for happiness, and meets despair.”

It is natural further to remark the necessity not only of rulers being men of prayer, constantly asking wisdom, and the high qualifications for good government, but that the people should pray for, and by all means encourage and support them. Proper views of the vast interests committed to their management, and of their high responsibility to God and men, cannot fail to awake in them, as it did in king Solomon, an impressive sense of the necessity of wisdom and aid from heaven, and of their diligently employing all means and opportunities to furnish themselves for public usefulness, and to call into exertion their whole capacity for the common weal.

At the same time, these views will strongly impress on the minds of good people, a sense of the duty of making supplications, prayers and intercessions for kings, and for all that are in authority; that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty. ²⁹ Under the same views and impressions, they will obey magistrates, and be in subjection, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. ³⁰ They will render tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor. ³¹ They will be candid in judging and modest in speaking of men in authority, and of the public measures. They will be peaceable, contented, industrious and thankful under a good administration of government. With their lives and fortunes, they will support their constitutions and laws. They will abhor faction, discountenance public clamor and insurrection; and be far from the character of those who despise dominion and speak evil of dignities, and of those things which they know not. ³²

Further, justice cannot be done to this subject without observing, that it furnisheth motives of the highest consideration to cultivate the mind, and to summon into exertion all the powers of man. Is it possible to describe, or even to conceive the weight of the arguments which his dignity, immortality and capacity for endless improvement and usefulness, for happiness or misery, furnish to persuade every man to be wise and good? Who can seriously contemplate them and not be all life and diligence in the service of God and his generation?

In this state, and at this eventful period, there are peculiar incentives, for all to show themselves men, and to be strong to keep the charge of the Lord our God: especially for the legislature. The good sense and order of our citizens; the encouragement and support, which, for more than a hundred and sixty years, they have uniformly given to the government; their steady conduct in electing men, who have been distinguished for wisdom and patriotism; and when they have once chosen them, in giving them their suffrages annually, during the period of life, or until, by reason of age, they have been incapacitated for public usefulness, is of great consideration, to encourage them to give themselves to the study of government and jurisprudence, and to possess themselves of every qualification which may render them publicly and most extensively useful. The expression of the general esteem of their fellow-citizens in annually placing them in the chair of state, cannot but conciliate their warmest affections, elevate their patriotism, and stimulate their exertions for the common weal. This, while it animates them, is of essential advantage to the citizens, as it gives them rulers rich in experience as well as knowledge. Experience in government is like experiment in philosophy; it teacheth that which nothing else can teach, and is to be depended on. These circumstances create mutual confidence between the ruler and subject, and greatly subserve the general peace and happiness.

On these auspicious circumstances, on the general health and plenty; on the preservation of the lives of his Excellency the Governor and Council, of the Judges of the Superior Court and of our citizens in general, with heartfelt joy, I beg leave to congratulate your Excellency, and this honorable General Assembly. That since the last general election there has been but one breach among the judges of our courts, and but two among two hundred of the clergy, ³³ certainly demands our public notice and grateful acknowledgements. The flourishing state of our college and schools is matter of congratulation. These all exhibit motives to piety and usefulness. With the utmost deference, I wish to suggest to your excellency, and this honorable legislature, that you will appreciate and feel their influence. The examples of former governors and magistrates, which have shone with the most distinguishing luster, the happy and lasting effects of their government, the honor and pleasure of continuing and increasing the public happiness, and of important and extensive usefulness to the American States, and to the world of mankind, will not certainly escape your wise observation, nor be without their influence. The eventful period, in which you are called to public action, the uncommon field which presents itself for the display of all the greatness and goodness of man will not be without your notice.

Was there ever call for such a number of great and good men, and for the display of talents in the various departments of the national government, and in those of the government of the particular states, as there is as present? While our citizens are making settlements in every part of the United States; while they are settling a new and extensive government; while they are traversing the ocean, appearing in the East and West-Indies, and in almost every port in the habitable earth, what infinite service might be done to the cause of God and men, by training them to good government, to wisdom, piety, righteousness and the various social virtues? Who can calculate the good effects which it might have not only on the affairs of this state, but of the sister states in general? What happy influence it might have on the morals, civil and religious interests of the new settlements? How far it might extend its influence to future ages and to the four quarters of the earth?

To govern with views, and in a manner most subservient to these noble ends, will be, in the true import of our text, to show yourselves men.

The dangers attending government call for vigilance, manly wisdom and exertion. To maintain and cultivate the peace of America, amidst the animosities of Europe, and the conflicts and jealousies of numerous nations, to conciliate parties and preserve internal peace, to guard against the intrigue, perfidy and demoralization which have made Europe a field of blood, and spread unprecedented misery among a great proportion of the human race, are works becoming the dignity of man. Objects and motives of such magnitude, it is presumed, will arrest your attention, and call into exertion all your powers for the general prosperity and happiness. May you be strong nd show yourselves men, and so keep the charge of the Lord our God, that you may prosper in all that you do, and whithersoever you shall turn yourselves. May you by great and noble actions, the most extensive benevolence and usefulness, embalm your names to the latest posterity. Thus may you prepare for the closing scene of life, when, like David, you shall go the way of all the earth, and stand before him who is higher than the highest and judgeth among the Gods. Then may you meet his all-gracious approbation, and be forever as distinguished for dignity and blessedness among the sons of God, as you have been for exaltation and usefulness among men.

The dignity and worth of man call for universal exertion for his salvation. Especially do they challenge our exertions, my Reverend brethren, who are appointed to watch for souls, as those who must give account. ³⁴ We have interests of our own more valuable than empires, and beside these, how many others of equal importance, are committed to our care? How solemn, how wonderful the trust? How extensive is the field of usefulness, which opens before us? How grand are the objects, how weighty the motives which call us to action. What immense good, by the blessing of God, may we, at such a period, effect by our spirited and faithful labors? By ably defending Christianity? By a zealous and faithful preaching of the doctrines of the cross? By an assiduous inculcation of Christian morals? By supporting government, and training up young men for usefulness in church and commonwealth? By diffusing the knowledge of Christ among the new and extensive settlements on our borders, and by communicating the blessings of salvation to the perishing Heathen of the American continent?

The union and correspondence we have formed with the Presbyterian churches in America, and a similar one with the ministers and churches of Vermont, afford advantages for the most extensive usefulness. The countenance which this honorable legislature have been pleased to give our charitable designs, the liberality with which our good citizens have supported them, and especially, the revival of God’s work in many of our congregations and in the new settlements, challenge our religious acknowledgements. At the same time, they afford engaging motives to perseverance and still greater exertions in our work. Shall we not then brace up with a kind of invincible and immortal vigor and heroism, and spring forward, with united hearts and exertions, to the divine employment to which we are called? Let us rise superior to this vain world, to all its allurements, reproach and persecution. Like the great apostle, warmed with the love of God and men, and fixing our eye upon the goal of glory, let none of these things move us, neither let us count our lives dear to us, that we may finish our course with joy; and the ministry we have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace of God. ³⁵

To conclude, since man is far greater than can be conceived, let all my hearers show themselves to be men. Contemplate, I beseech you, the transcendent worth and dignity of your natures. Know that you have interests of your own, an empire within, to govern, more valuable than Alexander’s or Caesar’s. You have to subdue your lusts and govern yourselves: To vanquish Satan and the world, or you can never be happy. You run not for corruptible and mortal, but for incorruptible and immortal crowns. You may be kings and priests, and reign with your Redeemer and his redeemed people forever. Deprive not yourselves of heavenly priesthood and royalty. Be not guilty of the infinite crime of destroying yourselves, nor of destroying others. Know that you have families to train to virtue and glory: That you are called to seek the peace, and promote the interests of the churches, societies and corporations to which you respectively belong: To support, build, make honorable and happy this commonwealth; this young, but extensive and growing nation. In proportion as you awake to these duties you will show yourselves to be men. Whatever you design to do, do it immediately; for soon, yes, very soon, like David, you will go the way of all the earth. Work therefore while the day lasteth; for the night cometh when no man can work. This will make you honorable and useful in life and happy in death. This will qualify you to rejoice in the gladness of God’s nation, and to glory with his inheritance forever. Amen.

Endnotes

1. I Kings, iv. 33.

2. I Cor. vi. 2, 3.

3. Zechariah ii. 8.

4. Psalm lxxv. 6, 7.

5. Rom. xiii. 1.

6. Psalm lxxxii. 6.

7. Rom. xiii. 4.

8. I Sam. ii. 8 and Psalm lxxv. 3.

9. Isaiah xlvi. 8.

10. 2 Samuel xxiii. 3.

11. Exodus xviii. 21 and Deut. i. 13.

12. I Kings iii. 9, 10, 11, 12, and chapter iv. 20.

13. Exodus xviii. 21.

14. Isaiah lix. 14.

15. Jer. ix. 4.

16. Micah vii. 4.

17. John I 7.

18. I John v. 4, 5.

19. I Cor. i. 26.

20. Eccles. X. 17.

21. Prov. xxix. 2.

22. 2 Sam. xxiii. 4.

23. Eccles. x. 16.

24. Prov. xxix. 2.

25. Isaiah iii. 4, 5.

26. Matt. vi. 33.

27. John vi. 27.

28. Luke 12. 48.

29. I Tim. ii. 1, 2.

30. Rom. xiii. 5.

31. Verse 7.

32. Jude 8.

33. Joseph Hopkins, Esquire; one of the judges of the Court for the County of New-Haven, the Rev. Nathaniel Taylor, one of the fellows of Yale-College, and the Rev. Timothy Langdon have deceased since the last election.

34. Heb. xiii. 17.

35. Acts xx. 24.

A

SERMON

Preached
Before The

Honorable
The Council,

And The

Honorable The Senate,

And

House of Representatives

Of The

Commonwealth
of Massachusetts,

May 18,
1800,

Being
The Day Of

GENERAL ELECTION.

By Joseph
McKeen, A.M.

Pastor of the
First Church in Beverly.

Ordered- That Moses Brown and James Burnham,
Esquires, and Mr. John Stephens, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. McKeen,
of Beverly, and in the name of the House, to thank him for his Discourse this
day delivered before the Hon. Council and the two Branches of the Legislature,
and to request a copy thereof for the Press.

Matthew 5- Latter part of the Verse.

A city that is
set on a hill, cannot be hid.

The divine author of our holy religion addressing his immediate disciples, suggested to them the distinguished part they should be called to act in erecting his kingdom of righteousness and truth in the world.

He well knew that many would estimate the character and worth of his religion by its visible influence on their conduct. If they imbibed its genuine spirit, and exhibited in their deportment a just specimen of its purity, they would recommend it to the consciences of men. But should they, on the contrary, practically disregard its doctrines and precepts, they would incur the suspicion of propagating a cunningly devised fable for selfish purposes, unfriendly to the general interest and happiness of mankind.

That they might act their part with dignity and fidelity, with honor to themselves, and advantage to their fellow men, it was necessary that their minds should be impressed with a deep sense of the importance of the work assigned them, and of their high responsibility. Their every word and action would acquire new importance from their office, and would invite the critical attention of friends and foes. The former would be likely to defend and imitate even their foibles, and the latter to exaggerate them into crimes of magnitude to the disadvantage of them and their cause. It behooved them therefore to remember that all eyes were upon them, and that, to
guard their own reputation, and promote the best interest of mankind, their whole conduct should be governed by wisdom and integrity. A City that is set on a hill cannot be hid.

The same observations are in a degree applicable to all men, who fill important offices in the Commonwealth.

Many will always form their opinion of a government from what they know of the characters of the men who administer it. They are better judges of the private characters of men, with whom they are conversant, than they are of the constitutionality, propriety, or tendency of their political measures. When a government is administered by men of acknowledged wisdom and rectitude, it will have the confidence, attachment and support of good men. When it is administered by men, whose characters are vile or contemptible, it will be abhorred or despised.

That rulers therefore may in the best manner answer the end of their elevation, it is desirable that their private as well their official conduct should command the respect of every beholder. To do this, brilliancy of talents is by no means the most essential requisite. It is far from being necessary, for instance, that every member of a deliberative assembly should be qualified to shine as a public speaker. A sound judgment, and a general knowledge of the public interest, are necessary to the discharge of the duties of their places with reputation to themselves, and advantage to the community; but these endowments and qualifications for usefulness will not ensure them the respect and confidence of an enlightened and free people, unless they are reputed men of virtue. The greater their abilities and knowledge are, if they are believed to be destitute of moral principle, the more they will be objects of fear and distrust. The servile and corrupt will seek their favor, and expect to gain it by their readiness to co-operate in the execution of base designs; but good men, alarmed and discouraged, will retire into the shade, accounting in such a state of things a private station the most honorable post. It is obviously, then, of great importance that men in places of public trust, authority and honor, should be not only truly virtuous, but unsuspected. It is conceived to be more necessary in a free, than to a despotic government. In the latter, force is the instrument that is principally relied on to preserve the public tranquility; but in the former, much is to be done by instruction, persuasion and example. The influence of these will be felt by the well-disposed, who will be gently drawn into a combination in favor of the order and happiness of society, which will extend its_.benign influence over others less informed and less virtuous. In a design so laudable and patriotic, it may be reasonably expected that virtuous rulers will lead the way. The happiness of society is an object, which they will always keep in view. And it is
believed that in many cases their example will contribute not less efficaciously than their statutes to the real respectability and permanent prosperity of the State.

It has pleased God in his gracious providence to grant us the singular privilege of deliberately framing, and freely adopting, constitutions of government, for the express purpose of securing our freedom, and promoting our welfare. Their importance and excellence are, and ought to be, gratefully acknowledged. But, if the real freedom of a country depends as much on the character and habits of the people as on a written constitution, our civil fathers will give us leave to solicit the weight of their example, authority and influence in opposition to the mistaken notions and vices which threaten our liberty, and in favor of the principles and virtues, which are indispensable to our freedom and happiness.

It is not thought necessary to attempt on this occasion a formal proof of the power of example. It has been seen and felt and acknowledged in every age. It is equally obvious that the example of men in places of authority and honor is more influential, and more likely to be imitated than that of persons in the lower walks of life, especially in an elective free republic, where there are no hereditary distinctions of rank to prevent a free intercourse between the people and their rulers. Their elevation renders them conspicuous, like a city on a hill, and naturally attracts the public attention. Besides there is a general disposition in people to imitate the conduct of their superiors: And, unfortunately, they learn more easily to imitate their vices than_. their virtues. For this reason men, who are clothed with power, or raised by their wealth above their neighbors, ought to feel themselves in a degree responsible for the behavior of those around them. The happy tendency of good example deserves to be seriously considered by every virtuous ruler, and every real friend of his country. Blessed be God, we have had a Washington, whose unrivalled fame may silence the suggestions of a false shame, and dissipate the fears of timid virtue, which dreads the charge of singularity in goodness.

Good example acts with the greater effect, because it reproves without upbraiding, and teaches us to correct our faults without giving us the mortification of knowing that any but ourselves, have ever observed them. We feel the force of counsel or persuasion much more sensibly, when we see that one does what he advises or requires us to do. But the best counsel from one, who obeys not his own precepts, nor practices upon the principles of his own advice, will generally be little regarded. We do not believe a man to be in earnest, who advises one thing, and does the contrary.

To resist the progress of irreligion, injustice, luxury, selfishness, and an impatience of legal restraint, is a duty imposed by patriotism. And I hope my much respected hearers feel their obligation to recommend by their own example piety, justice, economy, public spirit, an attachment to our constitutions, and a cheerful submission to the laws, as essential to our political happiness. The influence of their ex ample is the more necessary at the present day, because an attachment to old opinions and old customs, which once exercised an almost boundless sway over the human mind, has lost great part of its power, and has given place to a passion for innovation, which rejects whatever is old fashioned, with as little reason and as little examination as prejudice formerly retained it. This passion indulged would prostrate the religious, moral and political principles, which are the bulwarks of our freedom.

It has been thought by many, and still is by some, that government is the only foe to liberty; that the people of any or every country might at once become free and happy, if such a spirit of opposition to their oppressors could be excited as would enable them to cast off their old chains. But experience is correcting this error.

When we cast off the British yoke, we generally apprehended the greatest danger to our liberties from the power which must be delegated to our rulers. Accordingly, our principal guards were placed on that side. Power was granted with great caution. Barriers were erected against its abuse. Its duration was made short. Its exercise has been watched with the eyes of jealousy, and the right of censure exercised with great freedom. But is there not equal or greater danger on the other side? The constitution of this Commonwealth has not indeed left us unguarded against our vices; but the importance of these guards has not in general been duly appreciated. We have been less afraid of our vices than our rulers.

The love of liberty we inherit from our fathers; it is so “interwoven with the ligaments of our hearts, that there can be little doubt of our enjoying it, and little danger of its being wrested from us so long as we are capable and worthy of it. But a capacity for enjoying it depends on a sound and healthful state of the body politic.

The more freedom we have, the more necessary is the aid of religious and moral principles to the maintenance of order and tranquility. When these are lost, or very much relaxed, severe restraints, which cannot always admit of those legal forms, that are essential to the security of liberty, become necessary; yet the people may retain a love of liberty, or rather an impatience of restraint, as the sensualist retains a passion for pleasure, after his constitution is so much impaired by excess, that indulgence would be fatal to him. Liberty, like the pleasures of sense, must be enjoyed with temperance and moderation, lest degenerating into licentiousness it prove destructive.

There are none, it may be presumed, who will openly avow that political liberty is, or ought to be, a license for every one to do what is right in his own eyes; yet where the love of liberty is strong, and its nature not distinctly understood, there is too often a disposition to look with an indulgent eye on licentiousness, as only the extreme of a good thing, and therefore pardonable. But the difference between them is greater than some imagine: They are indeed so different, as to be incompatible in society. When one has an excess of liberty, he invades the rights of his neighbor, who is thereby deprived of a portion of the liberty which a free constitution promises him. Liberty in that case becomes exclusively the possession of the strong, the unprincipled, the artful, who makes a prey of the innocent, weak and unsuspicious. A state of things like this is a real despotism, and of the worst kind. It is a poor consolation to the plundered, abused sufferer to be told, that he must not complain; for his oppressor is not an hereditary monarch, acting by a pretended divine right, but only a fellow citizen, acting in the name of “liberty and equality.”

He might answer, “If I must be deprived of my liberty or property at the will of another, let me have an hereditary master, who, secure in the possession of his power, will oppress according to certain rules, which long usage has sanctioned, and long experience has proved to be not incompatible with the existence of the community. But deliver me from the tyrant of a day, who knows no bounds to his rapacity: Deliver me from anarchy, which rages like a fire that cannot be quenched. Established despotism, dreadful as it is, is systematical, its operations are in some measure subjects of calculation; but anarchy, like the hurricane, spreads horror and devastation, and seems to rejoice in its triumph over every thing that wears the semblance of order or utility.

To some, who do not distinguish between social and personal freedom, it may still seem a paradox that restraint should be necessary to the being of liberty. In their view a free government and a weak government mean the same thing. But scarce any mathematical truth admits of a more conclusive demonstration than this, that laws wisely framed, impartially interpreted, and faithfully executed, are essential to the liberty of a community. Liberty cannot be long enjoyed under a government that has not sufficient energy to be a terror to evil doers. The law is not made for the righteous, it is not made to restrain the honest, peaceable, sober and industrious members of society, who are a law to themselves; but it is made for the lawless and disobedient, murderers, men- stealers, liars, perjured persons, and others, who can be restrained only by the strong arm of power. That love of liberty, therefore, which prompts men to resist the laws, and to overturn or weaken the government established for the common good, is a spurious passion, which every well informed friend to real liberty will feel himself in duty bound to discountenance. It is not less necessary that we should understand and practice our duties, than that we should understand and assert our rights. The prevalence of sound virtue therefore would afford the best security to our liberty. It is admitted, I believe, by all political writers, that morality is absolutely necessary to the happiness of a free State. And there is if I mistake not a growing conviction in reflecting minds that religion is the only sure support of morality. It is with peculiar pleasure, that we read in the valedictory address of the late illustrious president of the United States, the following sentiments, which can never be too deeply impressed on our minds. “Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, religion and
morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who would labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice. And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded of the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles.”

The constitution of this Commonwealth recognizes the same important principle, and expressly declares that the happiness of a people, and the good order and preservation of civil government, essentially depend upon piety, religion, and morality. It requires that any person chosen Governor, Lieutenant- Governor, Counselor, Senator, or Representative, and accepting the trust, shall make a declaration that he believes the Christian religion, and has a firm persuasion of its truth. Charity therefore forbids us to believe, without strong evidence of the fact, that any of them will ever endeavor to destroy the foundation of our happiness and best hopes, and thus incur the reproach which justly belongs to the hypocrite.

And the same charity teaches us to indulge the pleasing expectation that our honored civil fathers will lend the influence of their example to support the institutions of Christianity, and to attract a general attention to “public instructions in piety, religion, and morality.” The excellence of Christianity, and the good effects of which it may be productive to society, must be acknowledged by all who seriously and impartially consider the purity of its precepts, the tendency of its doctrines, and the power of its motives. Yet no person, who is acquainted with the true genius of the gospel, will be likely to suspect that it is merely a political institution; or that its highest object is the preservation of civil order. Its great aim is to assimilate us to the moral image of our Maker, and to make us happy in eternity. But such is the constitution of things under the government of our benevolent Creator, that the same temper and conduct which lead to happiness in another world, have a tendency to make us happy in this. The spirit of genuine Christianity universally, or even generally, imbibed, would meliorate the condition of mankind in a higher degree, than can ever be expected from the wisest and best institutions of a merely civil nature. Its chief energy is leveled at the heart; its first aim is to purify the fountain of human actions, that the stream may be pure also. By its influence on private character it makes good rulers and good citizens, and disposes them to fulfill the obligations, that result from the various relations, in which they respectively stand. It is the vigorous root, which supports and nourishes all those virtues, that constitute the dignity of human nature, and the strength and glory of a state.

The gospel of Jesus Christ has not prescribed any particular form of civil government to be adopted by the nations of the world. And it is conceived that one very good reason may be given why it has not, which is, that the kind of government the most suitable for one, might be the most improper for another. But as it forbids all injustice and oppression, as it inculcates every personal, social, and divine virtue, and teaches us to respect the rights of others, as well as to stand fast in our own liberty; it has certainly a friendly aspect on the cause of freedom and of free governments. The nature of the religion of Christ, therefore, and its tendency to promote the happiness of society, and to make us meet for a heavenly inheritance, give it a just claim to our most cordial affection. And a recommendation of it by the example of our civil fathers will justly entitle them to double honor.

Justice is a virtue enjoined by every government, human and divine: And, being reputable in all countries and in all ages, every man would be thought to practice it, yet to enforce the practice of it, and to prevent injustice, may be considered as the chief end of government. It cannot confer rewards on all its quiet and obedient subjects. Its business is to protect them against the violence and injustice of others, that they may enjoy the fruits of their industry in security and peace. This being the end for which civil government was instituted, it is of vast importance that those, who administer it, should act in strict conformity to the rules of justice, both in their public and their private capacities. With how much dignity does a ruler appear, when he can say with Job, “I put on righteousness, and it clothed me: My judgment was as a robe and a diadem!” His character commands respect, overawes the wicked, and makes him a terror to evil doers. It adds authority to his office, and enables him to answer the end of his elevation much more effectually, than if he were of a different character. Even good men may sometimes find it difficult to pay due honor and respect to an office, when they must despise him who holds it.

A scrupulous adherence to the principles of justice is necessary to procure for a government that respect and confidence, without which it cannot in the best manner effect the design of its institution. When a government defrauds individuals, it may be naturally expected that they will retaliate when they have opportunity: And they will do it with the less compunction or remorse, because it may seem the only practicable mode of obtaining redress. The government in this way contributes to the corruption of the public morals, and strengthens a pernicious opinion entertained by too many, that there is a real opposition between the interest of the government and that of the people. Injustice on the part of government deprives it of its best support, the confidence of good men. It provokes a spirit of hostility, which is followed by a series of oppressions and frauds, producing and reproducing each other, that too plainly indicate a disease in the body politic, which must terminate in convulsion or dissolution.

The constitution of this Commonwealth declares that “industry, temperance and frugality, are absolutely necessary, to preserve the advantages of liberty, and to maintain a free government. The same doctrine is maintained by the most judicious historians, philosophers and politicians. Patriotism enjoins it therefore as a duty upon all men in public stations to make these virtues reputable by their example, and to resist the progress of the opposite vices, luxury, extravagance and an inordinate love of pleasure, which, as one justly observes, “enervate the soul, make fools of the wise, and cowards of the brave.”

The rapid increase of wealth in our country for a number of years is a subject of congratulation among the friends of our prosperity; but at the same time it has excited some painful apprehensions. Its usual concomitant luxury has kept pace with it.

Is there no reason to fear that our habits of patient industry and economy will be impaired, and that we shall feel little disposition to return to them, when they shall become as necessary, as they have been in any former period? It cannot be expected that our career of prosperity will be perpetual. It may meet a severe and sudden check. In any case the demands of luxury increase more rapidly than the means of satisfying them. She is one of the daughters of the horse- leech, which says not, It is enough. Luxury and extravagance have a certain and direct tendency to subject individuals to embarrassments, which are a dangerous snare to integrity, and a fruitful source of discontent and faction in the State. They have a tendency also to produce a speculating, adventurous spirit, which cannot contribute to the general prosperity. It is in the nature of things impossible that every man should make a fortune by games of chance; but it is possible that many by indulging such a spirit may involve themselves and a multitude of innocent persons with them in want and wretchedness.

Patient industry and economy are the only certain sources of private and, public prosperity, and they are indispensable to the preservation of good morals. They interest men in the support of order, law and government, without which they have no security for the possession and enjoyment of the fruits of their own labors. While the speaker solicits the example of men in public stations to recommend every virtue that leads to political prosperity, he does not presume to instruct them in their official duties. He would however in this connection beg leave to express a wish that, when money is to be procured for any useful purpose, recourse may be had as seldom as possible to lotteries. They not only operate as a heavy tax upon the poorer class of people; but they beget fantastic hopes and expectations, which cannot he realized, they foster a rage
for gaming which tends to the destruction of every virtuous and manly principle, and they undermine the basis of private and public prosperity.

The importance of economy in the public expenditures cannot have escaped the notice of any one. It begets a confidence in the government, it encourages the people to submit to heavy burdens when they are necessary, and it enables the State to meet the extraordinary demands, which providing for the public safety may at any time occasion. It saves the government from much embarrassment in case of war or invasion by means of its credit; and prevents a temptation to have recourse to such expedients as are at once dishonorable, and ruinous. It is however a very different thing from parsimony. It shrinks from no burden, which the independence, liberty, safety and honor of the community impose. It does not estimate the value of these things by a pecuniary scale. It does not require men to devote their time and talents to the public service without an adequate compensation. It does not withhold the encouragement that is necessary to the progress of science, and the improvement of useful arts. Parsimony, on the contrary, produces many of the same evils as profusion. It begets no confidence. It regards not the worth of objects, but inquires how much they will cost. It holds out a constant temptation to fraud. It not unfrequently defeats its own intentions, and by a solicitude to save trifles incurs the necessity of making large sacrifices.

A generous public spirit is indispensable to the happiness of a free people.

When a mercenary, selfish disposition pervades a community, the love of country becomes a pretence; a regard to the general welfare is professed for the purpose of deception, public employments are sought only as the means of accumulating wealth and a wide door is open for the practice of corruption, which in process of time may become so general, and be so well understood, that it shall cease to be offensive. When such is the character of a people, their degradation is far advanced, and ruin by rapid strides is hastening on them. It is important therefore that a generous regard to the public welfare be assiduously cultivated. In this, as in every other view, the spirit of Christianity is highly favorable to national respectability. This spirit imbibed by a people disposes them to be just and benevolent, to do to others as they would have others do to them, and to look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of others. It prevents their entertaining a mean wish that their representatives should so far forget the dignity of their office, as to govern their public conduct by local attachments and interests, or to as the part of mere attorneys for their respective districts, or to do in their public capacity, what a man of probity and honor would blush to do in private.

The same spirit actuating legislators gives a liberal complexion to their conduct. They feel and act as guardians of the Commonwealth, and invariably aim to do justice
to all, and to promote the general welfare. They do not confine their views to the short period of their political existence; but consider the tendency of every public measure to promote the future prosperity of their country.

Were the Commonwealth a company or partnership to be dissolved with the present legislative body, after which each individual, detached from every other, were to shift for himself, patriotism would not impose such, duties on our rulers, as it now does. It would not require them to project or mature plans for the benefit of posterity, nor even of this generation beyond the present year. They might act on the maxim of the epicure, “Let us eat and drink; for tomorrow we die.” Agriculture, commerce, manufactures, public credit, and institutions for the promotion of science, religion and morality, would have no claim to their support or patronage. But as the social compact is not formed for a year or an age, but to be of the same duration with humanity itself, the public- spirited and virtuous guardians of the Commonwealth will consult the interest of unborn generations. In this respect the wisdom, piety, and patriotism of the first planters of- New- England can never be too much admired. At a period, when an invincible fortitude was necessary to surmount the difficulties at tending a new settlement in a savage wilderness, and when their dangers and hardships might have been thought a sufficient apology for applying all their resources to the purpose of feeding, clothing, and defending themselves, they established schools, provided for the religious instruction of the people, and founded a college. Their aim was not merely to people a country: their more noble and sublime object was to make it a seat of piety, virtue and freedom. To their enlightened and patriotic exertions, under God, the present generation is indebted for many of its most precious blessings, and this Commonwealth for the very respectable rank she holds in the union. May their example in this respect belong imitated, and their descendants prove themselves worthy of such ancestors by cherishing their wise institutions, and inquiring, as they did, into the remote, as well as immediate, influence of public measures on the character and happiness of the community. Again,

An attachment to our constitutions of government in opposition to a spirit of innovation, is necessary to the permanency of our political prosperity. Any man, who will take the trouble to reflect, and every man in a public station ought to reflect, because he has to think for others as well as himself, will he convinced that innovation and reformation are not synonymous terms.

You will do the speaker the justice to believe that he is not the advocate of unreasonable and groundless prejudice; but he frankly confesses that it appears to him less dangerous than a blind, impetuous passion for changing. The evils produced by the former are capable of being estimated: the deleterious consequences of the latter bid defiance to calculation. It is justly remarked by a learned British writer, now in America, that “human nature, with the various interests and connections of men in a state of society, is so complex a subject, that nothing can be safely concluded a priori with respect to it. It is extremely hazardous, he adds, to introduce any material change into an established form of government. No human sagacity can foresee what inconvenience might arise from it.” If these observations are true, and their truth will hardly be controverted by any man of reflection, considerable changes should be the effect of necessity only. Forms of government, and modes of administration, that have been found to answer the end of their institution, should not be hastily changed because some imperfections are discoverable in their theory. When experience has shown the necessity of alterations, and they can be made without hazard to public peace and order, let them be made. A prudent man will not set fire to his house, and thereby endanger the lives of his family, because some parts are not so perfectly convenient, or some of its proportions not so agreeable to the eye, as they might be made in a new edifice.

Even necessary alterations should not be precipitated. It is not sufficient that the necessity be perceived by a few men of superior discernment, skilled in the science of government. Let them wait till the conviction becomes general: and. a general conviction must be  the effect of feeling, rather than the result of reasoning. If, previous to this, any material alteration be attempted, though it should be with good intentions, the example will have most of the bad consequences of innovation. It will tend to loosen the bands of society, excite a political tempest, and give opportunity to some unprincipled, ambitious, and as yet unknown adventurer to mount the storm, and direct its vengeance against our wisest and best men, whose very, wisdom and goodness will in his view be crimes, which nothing but their blood can expiate. Our honored fathers will join with all good men in earnest prayers to the supreme Arbiter of nations, that the day may be far distant, when so sad a catastrophe shall be realized, when the people, after being made the instruments of their own degradation, shall pass from the hands of one master to those of another, with as little ceremony, as if they were- beasts of burden. And we feel a confidence that the legislature of Massachusetts will set an example of attachment to her own and the federal constitutions worthy of the imitation of other legislatures; as well as her own citizens. Lastly, a cheerful submission to the laws is indispensable to our political happiness.

In a government like ours the rulers can make no law that does not affect themselves equally with their constituents. This affords a high degree of security that all our laws will be dictated by a regard to the general good, and that no restraint will be laid upon individuals, which does not conduce in a greater degree to the public happiness. Interest therefore as well as duty enjoins a prompt obedience.

But as there are many, and perhaps always will be, in a large community, who do not perceive that they gain more by the restraints laid on others, than they lose by those laid on themselves, it is of great importance that rulers set an example of cheerful obedience to the laws. If they do not, they will be suspected of having had improper views in enacting them: And the laws will be hated or despised. It is justly required of the ministers of religion that they teach by example: It is not less necessary in a free State that rulers should govern in the same way.

Their personal examples and influence may do more than their statutes to discountenance impiety and vice, to promote a religious observance of the Christian Sabbath, to check the progress of infidelity and licentiousness, and to make us a virtuous and a happy people.

Addresses of congratulation to the first and second Magistrates in the Commonwealth have been usual on this anniversary. But it has pleased the all- wise GOD, whose counsels and ways are incomprehensible by us, to remove both of them by death in the last political year.

Soon after its commencement we were called to mourn the loss of our amiable and worthy Governor Sumner, whose spirit of government, happily tempered with moderation, and guided by wisdom and integrity, eminently qualified him for the exalted station, to which for several successive years he was invited by the general suffrages of his fellow- citizens. We had indulged the pleasing hope of long tranquility under his government; but his death afforded an affecting illustration of the propriety of that scriptural admonition, “Put not your trust in princes, nor in the son of man, in whom there is no help. His breath goeth forth, he returneth to his earth; in that very day his thoughts perish.”

By a recent stroke his Honor Lieutenant- Governor Gill is also numbered with the dead, after having discharged for nearly a year the duties of the first Magistrate with zeal and fidelity, and after having received the approbation of his constituents, expressed by their almost unanimous reelection of him to fill the station, which he had holden for a number of years.

It would have been peculiarly pleasing to see the people of this large and respectable Commonwealth happily united in the choice of a first Magistrate to succeed his late Excellency Governor Sumner. But in a free elective government it cannot be thought strange that the eyes of the people should be turned towards different persons to fill so important an office. We indulge however the expectation that there will be a general and cordial acquiescence in the will of the majority; as we doubt not a great part of the majority have full confidence, that the Character, to whom the prevailing suffrages have been given, will ably and faithfully discharge the duties of his office.

Honored Fathers of the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives,

Many of you have had repeated assurances of the confidence of your fellow- citizens, who believe that you love your country, and that you will labor to promote its prosperity.

They have a right to expect that you will aim in all your acts and deliberations at the public welfare, and particularly that you will exert the powers, with which you are constitutionally vested, to preserve the union of the States, and to support the general government, which is indispensable to our liberty and happiness. We are happy in the confidence that these just and reasonable expectations of your constituents will not be disappointed.

You have many motives to fidelity; but none that ought so deeply to impress your minds as this, that you are accountable for all your conduct to the King of kings, and Lord of lords, who standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods. Your public and private conduct now will have an important influence on your future state. You will consider therefore, that, though you are rulers over men, you are God’s servants, and his approbation is of more importance than all other interests.

Though ye are all called gods on earth, ye shall die like men.

What painful demonstrations of this solemn truth have we had in the past year! Alas! Washington, whom we loved, and delighted to honor, is no more. The father of his country sleeps in dust. How long shall our tears continue to flow at the recollection of his dear name! But it is for ourselves, not for him we are to weep. Having finished the work, which has Master in heaven had assigned him, he has been called from the field of his labors to receive, as we trust, his reward, and to hear, “Well done, good and faithful servant, enter into the joy of thy Lord.”

Though removed from our world, his virtues live in our remembrance. And may the affection we had for him in his life, and the sorrow we felt at his death, engage us to honor his memory by an imitation of his pious and virtuous example! By this may he long continue to bless his country!

Imagine, honored fathers, that ye hear him, though dead, yet speaking to you. And is not his language to this effect? “Remember that you are not elevated to your present places for your personal emolument, but for the good of your fellow mortals, whose happiness in life depends much on your conduct.

“Rejoice in the honor conferred on you by your fellow- citizens, chiefly because you are thereby enabled to be more useful to them during the short period of your continuance on earth. Bear in mind that however eminent your talents and usefulness, or however great the affection of your country may be, you must soon fall by the hand of death, and your heads be laid low in the dust. Seek therefore the honor that cometh from God. Let his fear rule in your hearts; embrace and obey the gospel of his Son, fulfill the duties of your respective stations with fidelity, and then you will be prepared to resign your earthly honors without regret, and enter into possession of glory and immortality.”

Fellow- citizens of this assembly,

If, as has been said, the real freedom of a people depends very much on their character and habits, every member of the community by setting a good example may contribute to the preservation of our liberty and happiness. Every man, who lives under the influence of Christian principles, who leads a sober, righteous and godly life, is a benefactor to his country, and he shall not lose his reward. When all terrestrial kingdoms and states shall be dissolved, and the fashion of this world shall pass away, he shall be glorious in the eyes of the Lord his God, and shall shine as the firmament, and as a star forever and ever.

FINIS

John Smalley (1734-1820) graduated from Yale in 1756. He was the preacher for a church in New Britain, Connecticut (1758-1798). This sermon was preached by Smalley in Connecticut on May 8, 1800.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT HARTFORD, IN CONNECTICUT,

MAY 8, 1800.

By JOHN SMALLEY, A. M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN BERLIN.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, one thousand eight hundred—

ORDERED, That the Honorable Thomas Seymour and Selah Heart, Esquire, present the thanks of this Assembly, to the Reverend JOHN SMALLEY, for his Sermon, delivered on the Anniversary Election, on the eighth of May instant, and to request a copy thereof for publication.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by
SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

ISAIAH iii. 4, 5.

And I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them. And the people shall be oppressed, everyone by another, and everyone by his neighbour: the child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable.

When we read and hear such threatening predictions as this; and see our judges as at the first, and our counselors and governors as at the beginning—equally wise and good; we are ready to bless ourselves, and to say in our hearts, These things shall come upon us. That the whole of what is here foretold, has not yet come upon us, we have certainly great reason to bless God, and to congratulate one another. But it should be remembered, that neither past mercies, nor present happy circumstances, are any security against evils to come. Surprising changes in this fallen world, have ever been frequent, and are still to be expected. Prosperity and adversity, like sunshine and storms, are wont to follow each other, almost in constant rotation. Communities, as well as individuals, that have been remarkably raised up, are often as wonderfully cast down, in the providence of God, when most exalted. “He blesseth them also,” it is said, ¹ “so that they are multiplied greatly, and suffereth not their cattle to decrease. Again they are minished, and brought low, through oppression, affliction and sorrow.”

Of such vicissitudes, the chosen people threatened in our text, was a striking and an instructive example. This nation had long been favored, in regard to government, as well as religion, far beyond any other then on the earth. From its earliest infancy, it had been under the peculiar guardianship of heaven. “When Israel was a child,” says the most High in Hosea, ²“then I loved him, and called my son out of Egypt:–I taught Ephraim also to go, taking them by their arms: I drew them with cords of a man, with bands of love; and I was to them as they that take off the yoke.”

They had been liberated from powerful oppressors, and cruel task-masters, by the out-stretched arm of the Almighty. They had been led like a flock, through the Red Sea, and forty years in a most perilous, howling wilderness, by the hand of Moses and Aaron. Under Joshua, their great and beloved general, they had vanquished mighty armies; and had obtained a peaceful settlement as a free and an independent people, in a land flowing with milk and honey.

Here, when they forgot God their Saviour, who had done such great things for them, and so many wonderous works before their eyes, he sometimes left them to have no guide, overseer or ruler; and suffered the Heathen around them, to make terrible inroads on their borders. Nevertheless, as often as they cried unto the Lord in their distresses, he raised them up judges—valiant, righteous men, to deliver them out of the hand of their enemies, and to administer justice among them. Afterwards, because of their uneasiness, and the hardness of their hearts, God gave them kings; and these, several of them, were very eminent for wisdom and virtue. Nor was their happiness, in this respect, yet at an end; for Isaiah prophesied no later than the reign of Hezekiah; one of the most amiable and best of princes.

But, from the days of their fathers, they had gone away from God’s ordinances; and now, it seems, the measure of their iniquities was almost full. A very awful decree of the holy One of Israel against them is therefore here announced. See the preceding context. “For, behold, the Lord, the Lord of hosts, doth take away from Jerusalem, and from Judah, the stay and the staff; the whole stay of bread, and the whole stay of water; the mighty man, and the man of war; the judge, and the prophet, and the prudent, and the ancient; the captain of fifty, and the honorable man, and the counselor, and the cunning artificer, and the eloquent orator. And I will give children to be their princes,” &c.

From my text, thus connected, the doctrine deducible, which will be our present subject, is this:

That to be under a weak government, is one of the greatest calamities, ever sent upon a people.

This, you observe, is here threatened together with drought and famine in the extreme—a total want of bread and of water; as well as being bereaved of the most eminent men, in every necessary employment: and it is mentioned last, and most enlarged upon, as the consummation of misery.

But, after explaining the calamity designed, and some of the principal causes of it, I shall attend, more particularly, to the proof and illustration of this doctrine.

There are two senses, in which government is said to be weak: when it is unwise; and when it wants energy. The latter is the more extensive signification of the phrase; and it comprehends the former: this, therefore, is the sense now to be considered. By a weak government will be meant, one that wants energy; whether through the weakness of those by whom it is administered, or by any other means.

To mention, with a little enlargement, some of the most common causes of so great an evil, will not be foreign to the design of this anniversary.

1. That the government of a nation or state has not proper energy, may be the fault of its constitution. A form of government may be such, that, unless the administration of it be arbitrary, it will necessarily be weak.

To give rulers all that power, and reserve to the subjects all that liberty, which is best for the people, is a nice point; very difficult, I imagine, to be exactly hit, by the wisest of men, and men the most disinterested. There is a danger of erring, undoubtedly, on either hand; of abridging freedom, as well as of limiting authority, more than is for the greatest general good—of adopting a constitution too despotic, as well as one too feeble. But when it is left to the people at large, what government it is left to the people at large, what government they will be under, the error most to be apprehended, I believe, is on the side of inefficiency.

The love of liberty is natural to all mankind; and even to birds, and four-footed animals, and creeping things. Of this celebrated virtue, we lost nothing by the fall of our first parents. Everyone, however depraved in other respects, wishes to be free—unboundedly free; to have none above him; to be his own subject, his own governor, his own judge. And when, for obtaining the advantages of social union, individuals give up to the community, or to any constituted authorities, a power over their words and actions, their property and lives; they do it with great reluctance, and as sparingly as possible.

To observe the extreme reluctance of some, on such occasions—to see how strenuously they will dispute every inch of power, vested anywhere, which might possibly be abused, or turned against themselves; is apt to remind one of the cautious policy of certain ancient Pagans, described by Jeremiah, in regard to their gods. Not only would they have gods of their own making, and made of such materials that they must needs be born, because they could not go; but, as wooden gods could fall and might happen to fall upon the makers of them, or on their children, or valuable furniture; for full security, they fastened them with nails and with hammers. “Be not afraid of them,” says the prophet; “for they cannot do evil, neither also is it in them to do good.”

Checks, unquestionably, there ought to be, on every department of a free government: But if such checks be laid upon rulers, that the ruled are under no check at all, harmless, indeed, will such rulers be; but altogether insignificant. These servants of the people, must have more power than the child, and the base, who proudly so call them; unless we would have them miserable gods, or ministers of God to us for good—their scripture titles. They must have authority to punish treasonable lies against themselves, as well as slanders against the meanest of their subjects; otherwise, who will be afraid of them? Or what protection can they afford?

2. That the government of a people is too weak, may be the fault of those betrusted with its administration. It may be owing to their weakness; or to their indolence, or flowness in doing business; or to their excessive lenity; or to their not being of a virtuous character, or not paying a due attention to the strict regularity of their own lives. These particulars, suffer me cursorily to go over.

When the rulers of a land are children; whether in understanding, or in firmness and stability of mind, we are not certainly to expect that the reins of government will be guided with discretion, and held with sufficient force. To govern well, at least in the higher and more difficult offices, considerable theoretic knowledge, some experience, and more than common natural powers, are altogether necessary. And so is that degree of courage and inflexibility, which will enable a man to maintain his post, and to persevere in what appears to him the plain path of duty; unmoved by noisy opposition—undaunted by popular clamor—undismayed by imminent danger.

To support an efficient government, rulers must likewise be men of vigilance and activity. “He that ruleth,” says an Apostle,³ “with diligence.” And of Jeroboam it was said, ⁴ “Solomon, seeing the young man that he was industrious, he made him ruler over all the charge of the house of Joseph.” A commonwealth, under the superintendency of indolent men, will resemble the field of the slothful which we read of, that was “all grown over with thorns; the face of it covered with nettles, and the stone wall thereof broken down.” Or, though rulers be not “slothful in business;” they may be so slow in transacting it, and in bringing anything to a termination, as very much to lower the tone, and defeat the salutary designs, of civil government. When courts of justice are so dilatory in their decisions, and such endless evasions, and reviews, are admitted; that a man had better lose almost any debt or damage, than commence a legal process for a recovery, the protection of law must be lamentably weak.

Excessive lenity, will have a similar effect. Mercy, is indeed an amiable attribute; to pass over a transgression, is said to be the glory of a man; and being ready to forgive, is a duty much inculcated in the word of God: But in one who sustains any place of authority, whether that of a parent or master, or civil magistrate; lenity and indulgence may be carried farther than is the glory or duty of a man; unless it be his duty and glory to have no government. Should rulers remit crimes, or pass them over without condemnation, when the public good, or righting an injured individual, requires their punishment; merciful they might be, but not as our Father in Heaven is merciful.

Liberality to the poor, out of one’s own proper goods, is a capital Christian virtue; but of the property of other people, judges and law-givers, may possibly be over liberal. The persons even of the poor are not to be respected in judgment. Making provision by law, for supporting such as are unable to support themselves, is doubtless very commendable; but why those who happen to be the creditors of the poor; who have helped them much already, and suffered much by their slackness and breach of promise, should be still obliged to lose ten times more for their relief, or for the relief of their families, than others equally able, it is not easy to conceive. And should courts of law, or courts of equity, cancel the debts of men, whenever they please a present incapacity to pay them, whether such clemency might not too much weaken government, as a security to everyone in his rightful claims, may be a question. Indeed, in any case, to give an insolvent debtor a final discharge from all he owes, without the consent of his creditors, looks like giving him a license to be an unrighteous man. For can it ever be right, or can any court under heaven make it right, for a man not to pay his promised debts, for value received, when now he has money enough, because once, the payment of them was not in the power of his hands.

Thus to exonerate of a heavy load of old debts, one deeply insolvent, is necessary, it will be said; as without this he could have no courage to commence business anew. And, no doubt, such expected exoneration, will be a mighty encouragement to extravagant adventurers, who have nothing to lose, since, by running the greatest hazards, with the slenderest chance of immense gain, they risk only the property of others. If successful, the profit is their own; if unsuccessful, the loss is their neighbour’s. But if the tendency of being thus merciful, were much better than it is; or the urgency for it far greater; would it not be doing evil that good may come. “He that ruleth over men must be just” ⁵ The laws of truth and righteousness, are not noses of wax; to be bent anyway, as will suit present convenience. It is dangerous to break down, or break over, the fixed barrier of eternal justice, on any pretence of temporary necessity.

One way more was hinted, in which those who govern, may weaken government; and that is, by being men of a vicious character; or by not paying a due attention to the strict regularity of their own lives. Indeed, “a wicked ruler” is often strong, and fierce, and active, as “a roaring lion and a ranging bear;” but rarely for the benefit of “the poor people.” He will not be eager to pluck the spoil out of the mouth of the fraudulent villain, or the violent oppressor; unless that he may get it into his own. Nor will authority, in the hands of libertine men, however it may terrify, be much revered. When the makers or judges of laws, are themselves notorious breakers of them, or of the laws of heaven, government will necessarily fall into contempt. It is also to be observed, that advancing to posts of honor, men of loose principles and morals, gives reputation to licentiousness, and stamps it as the current fashion. Their example will encourage evil doers, more than all the punishments they are likely to inflict, will be a terror to them. “The wicked walk on every side when the vilest men are exalted.” ⁶

But rulers may be far from being the vilest men, they may be very good men; and yet, by an incautious conformity to common practices, supposed to be innocent, they may too much countenance some things which are of very hurtful tendency. Permit me to instance in one particular. “It is not for kings,” we read, “to drink wine, nor for princes strong drink.”⁷ And certainly, it is not for the lower classes to drink so much of these as many of them do, if they regard their health, or competence, or peace. I select this instance, because it is directly pertinent to the main subject in hand. Nothing is a greater weakener of government—nothing makes the multitude more heady and high minded—nothing raises oftener or louder, the cry of liberty and equality—nothing more emboldens and enflames that little member, which boasteth great things, and setteth on fire the whole course of nature—nothing, in a word, makes men more incapable of governing themselves, or of being governed, than strong drink. Now, if rulers drink, though not to drunkenness; no so as quite to “forget the law,” or greatly to “pervert the judgment of any;” if they only drink as much as is very universally customary, in polite circles, on great occasions; though they do not hurt themselves, they may too much sanction that which will hurt their inferiors. That divine injunction, “Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil,”⁸ lies with peculiar weight on civil rulers, as well as religious teachers. They, more than others, are under obligation to lead the multitude, in whatsoever things are sober, wise and good. They, of all men, are bound in duty to abstain from all appearance of anything, which, improved upon by bungling eager imitators, might grow into a practice pernicious to society. Nor should it be forgotten, that every deviation from rectitude of conduct, lessens the dignity, and lowers the authority of great men. “Dead flies cause the ointment of the apothecary to send forth a stinking favor: so doth a little folly, him that is in reputation for wisdom and honor.” ⁹ But,

3. That weakness of government which is a calamity to any people, is often principally the fault of the people themselves. It may be owing to their negligence, or to their caprice and folly, in the choice of their rulers; or it may be owing to their ill-treatment of them when chosen. A government most excellent in its constitution, and most wise, just and firm, in its administration, may be enervated, or rendered inadequate, by the ungovernableness of the people: By their revilings and slanders—their haughtiness and insolence—their factions and tumults. David once said, “I am this day weak, though anointed king; and these men, the sons of Zeruiah, are too hard for me.” ¹⁰

Nor must it be omitted, that, besides the immediate natural causes of a weak government, the irreligion, or general wickedness of a people, may be its procuring cause, as a judgment of heaven. “The most High ruleth in the” nations of men; “and giveth” the dominion over them, “to whomsoever he will.” ¹¹ “For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south; but God is the judge; he putteth down one, and setteth up another.” ¹² When the ways of a people please the Lord—when they fear Him, and work righteousness; among other blessings, he gives them good governors, under whose able and equitable administration, they lead quiet and peaceable lives. On the contrary, when they forget Him, neglect his worship, and disregard his word; among other modes of punishment, he takes away their wise and faithful magistrates, and gives them weak or wicked ones in their stead; or leaves them to trample all authority under foot. This was the cause of the calamities threatened in our text and context. See the eighth verse, which concludes the paragraph. “For Jerusalem is ruined, and Judah is fallen; because their tongue and their doings are against the Lord, to provoke the eyes of his glory.”

Let us now attend, as was proposed, to the proof and illustration of the doctrine laid down: That, of all the calamities ever sent upon a people, being under a weak government, is one of the most deplorable.

It is said, ¹³ “Woe to thee, O land, when thy king is a child.” It is also asked, ¹⁴ “If the foundations be destroyed, what can the righteous do?” And if we consider the matter, it may easily be seen, that the people of all characters, and not merely the righteous among them, must be in a very wretched condition, should government be overturned, or have no coercive force.

First; an exposedness to all manner of mutual injuries, without redress, is one obvious evil thence arising. The people shall be oppressed, everyone by another, and every one by his neighbor.

“Surely oppression maketh a wise man mad,” is an observation of the royal preacher.¹⁵ And many are the accounts in history, of oppression’s having had this effect on a multitude of men, the wise among the foolish. How often have whole nations raved and raged, like the fiercest of animals, under the operation of the hydrophobia, at only a distant oppression of this terrible evil?

I am sensible, it is the dread of oppression from government, and not of being oppressed one by another, through the want or weakness of it, that usually occasions this rage, and these ravings. The people are ten times more apt to be afraid of having heavy burdens and grievous restraints laid upon them, by the best men in power, than of anything they might be in danger of suffering from their equals, however wicked, and however unrestrained. But what can be the reason of this? Is it because there is not really as much mischief to be feared, from individual, as from public oppression? From the oppressions of the many, as of the few? From the unrighteousness of millions, let loose, as from that of one man, or a small number of men?

This, certainly, is not the case; this cannot be the reason. When there is no law, and everyone does what he thinks fit, without fear of punishment, the people, I believe, have ever been and are ever likely to be, much more unhappy than even under a very despotic and oppressive government.

What then is the reason? Why are the people, whose voice is said to be the voice of God, so much more ready to sound and take an alarm, when threatened with the latter, than with the former of these evils? Why are they so loud and tumultuous, when their liberties are thought to be in any danger; and so quiet and easy, when government is rudely attacked, and ready to be overthrown? Why is the shock of terror so much greater and more universal, at the remotest prospect of tyranny, than at the nearest, and most evident approximation to total anarchy?—There may be several reasons.

One, probably, is; when the people are oppressed by each other, their sufferings are separately felt: Whereas, oppression from the higher powers falls upon all in a body. In the former case, everyone bears his own different burdens; and divided complaints, though bitter, make but a confused and feeble murmur: in the latter case, all feel or fear the same; all voices, therefore, are united in one tremendous cry.

Another reason may be; under oppression from government, often no other way of relief is seen, than popular combinations and insurrections; but when injuries are done us by individuals, because there is no government to restrain them, a remedy is always near and obvious. If everyone is oppressed, everyone can be an oppressor. If a man’s neighbours all bite and devour him, he can bite and devour all his neighbours. Hence, a dissolution of government, instead of being universally deprecated, appears to many, “A consummation devoutly to be wished.”

But there is another cause of the wonderful phenomenon I am accounting for, more influential perhaps with the most, than both the forementioned. It is owing to charity. A kind of charity, not the exclusive glory of modern times; but entirely peculiar to fallen creatures. A kind of charity, which covers a multitude of our own sins, from our own sight. A kind of charity which always begins, and ends, at home; though often extensive in its circuits. From this boasted charity, we are ever inclined to hope all things, and believe all things, in favour of any number, or class, or order of beings, in which we ourselves are included. Thus men, naturally think of mankind, more highly than they ought to think. Frenchmen, of the French: Britons, of the British: Americans, of the people of America: Those of every state and town, of their own state’s men and town’s men; and men of every calling, of their brethren of the same occupation, collectively considered. In like manner, the common people, think the common people exceedingly honest, harmless, and virtuous; while of those in power, though of their own choosing, and just chosen out of all the people, they have not near so favorable an opinion. That the people should have too much liberty, therefore, they are not at all afraid: that rulers will not have checks enough upon them, is all their fear.

This beam of selfish liberality of sentiment, it ay be impossible for us to cast wholly out of our eye: But that, round the edges of it, we may get some glimpse of real human nature; I know of no better way than to look upon mankind one by one; or in circles not including ourselves. Let us then think of other nations; other states; other towns, and neighbourhoods; or of particular persons among our nearest neighbours. In this separate view, let us search and look; let us impartially examine characters.—Where do we find a great predominance of the innocent inoffensive people? Where do we find a nation, or state, or town, or society, except our own, so very virtuous? Where do we find many individuals, besides ourselves, so just and true, temperate and chaste, meek and merciful; so free from covetousness, pride, envy, revenge, and every unfriendly passion, that we could live safely among them, were they at full liberty from all the restraints of law and government?

Indeed, how great an alteration this would make, in the apparent characters of most men, it is difficult to conceive, without the trial. A very partial trial of it, for a short time, some of us have once seen; when it was made lawful to discharge pecuniary obligations, at the rate of a tenth, a twentieth, and even a fiftieth, of the real value justly due. We then had a convincing evidence, that the external justice of our common honest people, is owing to the expected compulsion of civil law, much more than to uprightness of heart, or feelings of conscience, or any dread of a higher tribunal. From this specimen, and from the sacred story of the behavior of the men of Benjamin, relative to the Levite from mount Ephraim, when “there was no king in Israel; and everyone did that which was right in his own eyes;” we may have some faint idea of the horrid scenes of unrighteousness, lewdness and cruelty, that would everywhere be acted, were it not for the fear of temporal punishment. From all that we have read of the destruction of mankind by one another, whenever they are at liberty; and from recent indisputable information of the shocking state of things, where government has been overturned; we may well believe that the scripture accounts of the depravity of men, are no exaggeration. Not even the following: “Their throat is an open sepulcher; with their tongues they have used deceit; the poison of asps is under their lips; whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness; their feet are swift to shed blood. Destruction and misery are in their ways, and the way of peace have they not known.” ¹⁶

But if this be a true portrait of fallen men, when left to themselves, how much are we indebted to the restraint laid upon them, for the little peace we enjoy? And may we not well be convinced, that all the terror of the civil sword, in the most faithful and skillful hands, will not be more than enough to restrain from iniquity, such a race of beings, so that they may dwell together, not in unity, as brethren, but with any tolerable safety? Especially if, as is added to finish the above picture, “There is no fear of God before their eyes?” And that this last trait, is still a part of the character of many, is abundantly evident, both from their avowed principles and open practices. Now this being the case, that while the hearts of men are fully set in them to do evil, they have no fear of the God of heaven to restrain them; were it not for the dread of gods on earth, our civil rulers, what security should we have, for our names, or property, or lives? If we had no other evil to apprehend, from weakness of government, than only this, of lying open to all manner of mutual oppressions, slander, frauds and violences; it would, even then, be evidently one of the greatest calamities that could befall a people.

But a second evil, somewhat distinct, and worthy of some notice, is suggested in our text: No one in a subordinate station would keep his proper place, or treat his superiors with suitable respect. The child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable.

Solomon says, “There is an evil which I have seen under the sun, as an error that proceedeth from the ruler: Folly is set in great dignity, and the rich in low place. I have seen servants riding upon horses, and princes walking as servants upon the earth.” ¹⁷ When authority fails, or is obstructed, at the fountain head, its remotest streams must, in a little time, run low. If parents will not obey magistrates, children will be disobedient to parents; if masters refuse subjection to the higher powers, their servants and apprentices will soon pay as little regard to their injunctions. Thus this evil proceedeth from the ruler; or from his not being able to rule. And a serious evil it certainly is. By superiors, in every degree, it will soon be very sensibly felt. They will have none to fear them, none to honor them, none over whom they can have any command. Inferiors, of the very lowest grade, may exult, for awhile, in such areas of freedom; and think them glorious times. But even to these—to the child and the base, this turning of things upside down, generally proves fatal in the end. Being under no control, they spend their time in idleness; waste their substance, if they have any, in riotous living; have recourse to pilfering, gambling, and every hazardous expedient, to support their extravagances, and by various foolish and hurtful practices, soon plunge themselves into irrecoverable wretchedness and ruin.

There is yet a third capital evil, arising from too weak a government, which, though not mentioned in our text, should be briefly noticed, when treating of this subject at large. A community in such a situation, will be able to make little defense against a foreign enemy. Like the people of Laish, who had no magistrate in the land to put them to shame in anything; they will be an easy prey to any handful of enterprising invaders. No resources can be drawn forth—no navies furnished—no armies raised and supplied—no fortifications erected and garrisoned, without energy in government. What Solomon says of a man that has no rule over his own spirit, holds equally true of an ungoverned nation: it “is as a city that is broken down, and without walls.”

The doctrine, I conceive, needs no farther illustration or proof. It only remains, that I endeavor to point out some useful inferences from it, applicable to our own times, and to the present occasion.

1. The Holy Scriptures may hence be vindicated, in their being so much on the side of government; and no more favorable to the insurrection of inferiors.

On these topics, it must be acknowledged, the spirit of the gospel, as well as of the Old Testament, is somewhat different from the spirit that worketh in the children of disobedience, among whom we have all had our conversation. Our Saviour “went about doing good, and healing all that were oppressed of the devil;” but under the political oppressions of the Jews, his countrymen, he seemed not much to sympathize with them. When it hurt their consciences to pay tribute to a foreign power, and they asked him whether it were lawful; his answer was, “Render to Caesar, the things that are Caesar’s, and to God, the things that are God’s.” He constantly preached peace, meekness, humility and submission. His apostles in like manner, taught children to obey and honor their parents: and servants to be “subject to their own masters, with all fear; not only to the good and gentle, but also to the forward.” And, instead of animating their numerous proselytes, at Crete, at Rome, and all over the world, to rise in arms against these rulers of the earth who were their unrighteous and unmerciful persecutors; they would have them “put in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates:” ¹⁸ they exhorted them to “submit themselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake;” ¹⁹ and told them, “Whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation.” ²⁰

At this distance of time, and after so many revolutions, such passages as these may seem hard sayings, to some good soldiers, even of Jesus Christ. No wonder that the inculcators of so much poverty of spirit, should be rejected with scorn, and treated with scurrility, in this “age of reason.” We are not to wonder, were there no other cause, that infidelity should exceedingly increase, in these times of “illumination.”

To the spiritually minded Christian, however, it will readily occur, in favour of the author and finisher of our faith, and his first ministers, that the great objet they had in view, was to save the souls of men; and that, teaching them to be meek and lowly in heart, poor in spirit, and contented in whatsoever state they were, was better adapted to this design; than filling the heads of inferiors with exalted notions of the equal “rights of man;” inflaming their hearts with pride and angry passions; and throwing families into envying and strife, and nations into the convulsions of civil war; till everyone can be as free as the freest, and as high as the highest.

But, leaving things eternal out of the question; according to the subject to which we have now been attending, if the preachers and penmen of the New-Testament had aimed only to promote the temporal happiness, of only the lower classes of mankind, they would have done wisely in writing and preaching, on the duties of subordination, exactly as they did. Never can there be peace on earth, or any safety among men, while children are allowed to rise up against their parents, servants against their masters, and subjects against their civil rulers, whenever they think differently from them, or dislike their government. Thus to make the child, the governor of his governors, and the base, the judge of his judges, is the certain way to endless confusion, in all human societies.

2. If the doctrine insisted on be true, it follows, that a ready submission to all those burdens which are necessary for the support of good government, and for national defence, is the wisdom, as well as duty of any people.

The apostle to the Romans, having said, “The powers that be are ordained of God;” having observed that the benevolent end of their ordination was the good of the people; and, on these grounds, having enjoined subjection to them, he adds; “For this cause pay ye tribute also: for they are God’s ministers, attending continually upon this very thing.”

Public expenses are apt to appear to many, excessively high: but, perhaps, they do not well consider the real occasion there is for great expenditures, in a nation or state of any magnitude.

In order to the support of good government, many rulers, of high and low degree, are absolutely necessary. And it is necessary that those who occupy the higher offices, should be men of superior knowledge, and uncommon natural abilities: such knowledge as is not easily acquired, and such abilities as might procure them a plentiful income in other occupations. If the bramble, or the shrub oak, were adequate to rule over the trees, a cheap government might be expected; but if the vine, the fig-tree, and the olive-tree, must be promoted; we are not to think that these will leave their rich fruits; their sweetness, and fatness, without a suitable compensation.—Besides, rulers of high rank, must be at no inconsiderable expense, to support the proper dignity of their stations. It is also to be taken into the account, that the duties of those who rule well, and attend continually upon this very thing, are not only exceedingly laborious, but that some parts of the essential services they have to render must be very disagreeable; if they have any compassionate sensibility. The execution of deserved vengeance, is said to be God’s strange work; as being, in itself, most opposite to One whose nature is love, and who delighteth in mercy. And, doubtless, that punishment of evil doers, for which earthly rulers re appointed, and which the public good requires, must be rally painful to the feelings of humanity; more painful, in many cases, than the amputation of limbs, and other high operations in surgery, for which, on that account, as well as because of the superior skill and great care requisite, an ample fee to the operator is thought reasonable. Moreover; those who stand in elevated stations, are the marks of obloquy, and exposed to many dangers, much more than men on the level ground of private life. All these things well weighed, the equitable reward of governors, and the necessary cost of supporting good government, must be no inconsiderable burden on the people.

In order to national defense, against hostilities from abroad, still heavier expenses are often indispensible. In perilous times, there must be armies and fleets, forts and garrisons. At the first outset, more especially, when all these things are to be new-created, to a people unused to such vast expenditures, they will naturally appear enormous; and very easily may a popular clamor be raised against them. It is possible, indeed, that more may be laid out in these ways, many times, than the public exigencies require; but of this, few of the complainers are competent to judge. A nation that has an extended coast, and an extensive commerce to defend, had better be at immense charges for the security of these, than lie open to those spoliations and invasions, to which, without arming, when all the world is at war, they might inevitably be exposed.

To provide both for the internal and external safety of a numerous people, the burdens laid upon them must often be heavy. These are evils to be lamented; but in the present state of mankind, they are necessary for the prevention of far greater evils; and should therefore be submitted to, without murmuring.

3. The preceding observations may suggest to us, some peculiar advantages of a republican form of government. ²¹

Under every form, there must be orders and degrees; some must bear rule, and others be subject to tribute. Under every form, there will be duties, imposts, excises, and perhaps direct taxation. All forms of government, however, are not equal. Much advantage hath the republican, many ways.

One advantage is, that the people may always have good rulers, unless it be their own fault. Under a monarchy, or an aristocracy, let the body of the people be ever so virtuous, and ever so vigilant, they may have children for their princes, and babes to rule over them. When power is hereditary, in kings or nobles, not only is there a risk of having the highest seats of government filled by minors; but, if this should not happen, the hazard is great, that those who inherit the first offices of government, will frequently be men of not much knowledge, or of not much virtue. But in elective governments, where the people at large are the electors, and especially where the elections are frequent, they may always have wise and faithful men in all places of authority; if such are to be found, and if such they choose.

It may next be observed; that in republican governments, there is the least occasion for illegal associations, or popular tumults, to obtain a redress of grievances. If there be any mal-administration, or any fault in the constitution, a remedy is provided, without disturbing the public pace.

Another advantage must not be forgotten, which is very great: under this free form of government, the interests of rulers and subjects are so blended—so the same, that the former cannot oppress the latter, without equally oppressing themselves. In an absolute monarchy, the king; and in an aristocracy, the nobles, may “bind heavy burdens, and lay them on men’s shoulders,” without being obliged to “touch them themselves with one of their fingers:” but in democracies, the highest magistrates are subject to the same laws, the same duties, the same taxes, which they impose upon others. At least, those who this year bear rule, the next election may be under law, under tribute. This is a great security against their decreeing unrighteous decrees, and writing grievous things.

Lastly; representative rulers feel themselves so dependent on the people, for their continuance in office, that they are not likely to grow haughty and unreasonably over-bearing, as those naturally will, who have no such dependence.

These are some of the peculiar advantages of a republican government. But then, it is to be well remembered, that the best things may become the worst for us, be being abused. To render democratic governments stable and happy, it is highly necessary that the people should be wise, virtuous, peaceable, and easily governed. For want of these requisites, republics have often been, like “man that is born of a woman, of few days, and full of trouble.”

4. In the more particular application of our subject, we are naturally led to a view and conviction, of our own mercies, and privileges, and prospects, and duties.

That the past mercies of Heaven towards this country, have been singularly great, every pious observer will be ready devoutly to acknowledge. I have reference, chiefly, to political mercies; or those which relate to civil liberty and government. Hardly another instance can be found, I believe, in all history, of a people’s enjoying both these blessings jointly, in so high a degree, for so great a length of time, as they have been enjoyed by several of these united states; and by this state, in particular. The people of Connecticut, from the beginning, have invariably chosen their chief magistrates, and general assembly; and they have had a succession of good governors far beyond the common lot of mankind. Our “officers have been peace, and our exactors righteousness,” with as few exceptions, perhaps, as ever were known in any part of the world.

Or, if we confine the retrospect, within the compass of the last five and twenty years; and extend it to the whole union, how wonderful have been the salvations granted us! In this period, we have passed through the Red Sea of a revolutionary war; in which our then friends and coadjutors, assaying to follow us, as most who ever attempted it before us, have been drowned. Here, quite contrary to what usually happens, on such occasions, we had guides eminent for prudence, stability, coolness, and unconquerable perseverance. And one, super-eminent for all those; by the integrity of whose heart, and the skillfulness of whose hands, we were led like a flock, in safety, far surpassing all rational expectation. We have also passed, afterwards, thro the howling wilderness of an almost national anarchy: where were pits, and scorpions, and fiery flying serpents. Here again, our great men, with the greatest of all at their head, in a general convention, formed and recommended our present admirable constitution. And our wisest counselors and most eloquent orators, in every state, straining every nerve, procured its adoption; whereby we were saved, when on the brink of dissolution. That such men were raised up, and put forward, in these times of need; and their way made prosperous; was certainly “the Lord’s doing, and ought to be marvelous in our eyes.” In either of these perils, “it was of the Lord’s mercies that we were not consumed.”

And as past mercies, so our present privileges, are singular, and such as deserve a very grateful acknowledgment. While many other nations are suffering the ravages of a most furious war, still likely to be carried on with redoubled rage; we enjoy the inestimable blessings of peace. While most other nations are under the dominion of hereditary kings and nobles, such as they happen to be born and educated, whether virtuous or vicious, wise men or fools; we have rulers from the highest to the lowest, of our own election. While one other nation, great and highly civilized, after swimming in seas of blood for eight years, and after nearly as many revolutions, in a violent contest for liberty and equality, has at last, nothing more of either than the empty name, we possess the reality of both, as far as is consistent with any order or safety.

Our national expenses are necessarily great: but the burden of them is laid, as much as possible, on those most able to bear it; among whom, the imposers, being of the richer class, has taken a large proportion on themselves. In the nation, and in this state, the policy of government, certainly, is not to “grind the face of the poor.” The mildness and gentleness of our administration, it appears to me, is generally very great; and, in regard to its wisdom and firmness, considering the times, I think it deserving of much applause. Respecting rulers, certainly our condition, hitherto, is far different from that described and threatened in our text.

Such have been our mercies; such are our privileges. What then are our prospects?—Not altogether fair and promising, after all. As in the blessings of heaven, and the abuse of these blessings, there is a striking resemblance between us, and the land of Judah and inhabitants of Jerusalem, at the time of this prophecy, to which we have been attending; so, in the sequel, it is possible there may be a similitude. Our mountain is not yet so strong, that we have reason, from any quarter, to say in our prosperity, we shall never be moved.

Some may flatter themselves, that, although other republics have frequently been tumultuous, and of short continuance; ours will be peaceful and permanent, because of the greater knowledge and virtue of the people.

It is true, in this part of the union at least, “We know that we all have knowledge.” But, I doubt, we have more of the “knowledge which puffeth up,” than of that knowledge which promises “stability of times.” It is true, we have the light of the gospel; and were we disposed to be guided by this light, we need not fear the fate of ancient republics, that were bewildered in Pagan darkness. But, in matters relative to government and subordination; too many choose to take their instructions from Heathen philosophy, rather than from the oracles of God. And as the knowledge, so the virtue, of even this happy country, exceedingly wants to be Christianized. It is true, our “charity aboundeth:” but I am afraid we have not much of that charity which is “the bond of perfectness, or the bond of peace.”

Perhaps some good people are ready to think, we may safely “trust in God; who hath delivered, and doth deliver, that he will yet deliver us.” And had we rendered according to the benefits done us, indeed, we might thus securely trust. But has this been the case? On the contrary, have we not sinned more and more, since the almost miraculous deliverances granted us? Has not the worship of God been neglected; his day and name been profaned, his laws transgressed, and his gospel despised and rejected, of late years, more than ever? Have not infidelity, and all manner of loose principles, and immoral practices, abounded in all parts of the land, since the revolution, and our happy independence, more than at any former period?—Shall we then “lean upon the Lord, and say, Is not the Lord among us? No evil can come upon us?” ²² Or shall we think, “Because we are innocent, surely his anger shall turn from us?” His ancient covenant people thus leaned, and thus said, in times of their greatest degeneracy; but what were the answers of God to them? ²³ “You only have I known, of all the families of the earth; therefore will I punish you for all your iniquities.” And, “shall I not visit for these things? Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?”

When we read such solemn divine admonitions as these, and consider our own ways and doings, can we confidently expect the continued smiles and protection of the holy governor of the world? Instead of this, may not our flesh well tremble for fear of him? Have we not reason to be afraid of his avenging judgments?

And has he not already begun to testify his righteous displeasure against us, in some terrible instances? For several years past, our capital towns and cities have been sorely visited with a wasting pestilence; little, if at all known before, in these parts. And now, very lately, a most awful breach has been made upon us; and of the very same kind threatened in our context to Jerusalem and Judah. For, behold, the Lord, the Lord of hosts, hath taken away from America, the stay and the staff:–the mighty man, and the man of war. The judge, and the prudent, and the ancient: The captain of all our armies, and our most honorable man. All these, in one; by a sudden and surprising stroke, hath the Lord taken away. The man who “fought for us, and adventured his life for, and delivered us.” The man who gave system to our distracted affairs; united our broken confederacy; and long guided our difficult course, between the whirlpools of European wars. The man, but for whom, very possibly, we should now have been wretched, conquered, rebel colonies; instead of triumphant, free, independent states; and but for whom, afterwards, we might have been as a rope of sand, instead of a strong united nation:–The man to whom we are thus indebted—on whom we were thus dependent, is no more.

What farther public calamities the sudden decease of this great Saviour of his country may portend, God only knows. We have reason to apprehend, that as he was ever prosperous in life, so his death, for him, was favorably timed; that he was taken out of the way of evils to come; great evils coming on a land most dear to him; which he could only have seen, to his inexpressible sorrow of heart, without being able to prevent. This lesson, however, we are plainly and most impressively taught, by a Providence which has clothed a continent in mourning; that Gods on earth must die like men.²⁴ That o man hath power over the spirit, to retain the spirit; neither hath he power in the day of death; and there is no discharge in that war.” We have many great and good men, yet spared to us; nor are we without one, at the head of our national government, who, I presume, has the high veneration of the best judges, and their cordial prayers that he may long live; and long fill the important station which he now possesses. But his breath is in his nostrils; and so is the breath of every other man, most accounted of; in the nation, or in the state. Nor is natural death, the only way whereby our remaining firm pillars, may be removed.

And if we consider the spirit that now worketh, well may we be apprehensive of unhappy changes; and of all the evils threatened in our text. Some of these, we already experience. Though God hath not given children to be our princes, nor many bad men, we hope, to rule over us; yet the people are oppressed one by another, in a degree, I believe, beyond what has been usual heretofore. And certainly it is a remarkable day, for the child’s behaving himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable. Nor is this to be wondered at. Of such scenes as we have lately passed through, it is the natural consequence. In revolutionary times, all expressions of respect are wont to be laid aside, or the application of them reversed. The great lessons inculcated on youth, instead of modesty, dutifulness and subordination; are boldness, self-sufficiency, and self-importance. Children, too young to read the Bible, or to be taught their catechism, are mounted on the stage, to act the orator, the patriot and politician: while the parents, the aged and the wise, fit or stand around in low place, wonder and applaud. Brutus and Cassius, (not Jesus nor Paul, Peter nor John,) are the great models and instructors, of the rising generation of Christians. Such things as these, we have seen; and the effects of them, we still sadly feel. Habits of subordination, always painful to human pride; when once effaced, or much weakened, are not easily restored. On the other hand, habits of haughtiness and disobedience, always congenial to the human heart; when once imbibed, naturally increase to more ungovernableness. One point of freedom gained, another is struggled for with the greater ardor. Licentiousness, like the rave, never says, “It is enough.”

In this state, though not near so free as some, great liberties are enjoyed. We have liberty to do everything that we ought; and a great many things that we ought not. In matters of religion, our liberties are almost unbounded. We may sell, buy and read, what books we please: the best, or the most atheistical and blasphemous. We may worship what god we choose: a just God, or one who has no justice for men to fear. Every creature, has equal liberty to preach the gospel: and to preach what gospel he thinks proper. Those who persuade men by the terrors of the Lord, to stand in awe, and not sin; and those who embolden men in all manner of iniquity, by assurances of no wrath to come, have equal encouragement. Any people may make the firmest legal contract for the support of what minister they will; and any number, or all of them, may break it when they will.—In civil matters, our liberty is a little more circumscribed; yet, in these, we have a good deal of elbow-room, to do wrong, as well as right. We may honor all men, or defame the most dignified and worthy characters. We may speak the truth, or assert and propagate falsehoods. Man may fulfill their promises, or not fulfill them; pay their debts, or never pay them, without any restraint, or much danger of compulsion. All these liberties, and a thousand others, if not explicitly by law allowed; are taken, very freely by many, in their worst latitude; and taken with impunity, in a multitude of instances.

Yet, with all this, numbers among ourselves, and much greater numbers in the freer states, it is said, are not satisfied; but are striving, by calumnies, and by intrigues, for new revolutions still further to weaken government. That some men might wish to have their own hands and tongues at greater liberty, provided their neighbours and enemies could be kept fast bound, may easily be conceived: but how any man, on the least sober reflection, should be willing that all others should be under less restraint than they now are, appears almost inconceivable. One would have thought, that the tragedy so long exhibited on the great European theatre of confusion, and especially the last scene; must have opened the eyes of the most blind; and obliged them to see, that overturning and overturning, with a view to break all bonds of society asunder, is not the way to public happiness, or personal safety. Nevertheless, this seems not to have been the case. A majority of the people, however, it may be presumed, are convinced, that our greatest immediate danger, is of having too little government, not too little liberty.

Nor are our duties, if we have this conviction, hard to be understood. Were we in earnest disposed, to stand in the ways, and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way? And would we walk therein, rest might be found; and the threatened evils now spoken of, be prevented.

If we would not have the child behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable, greater attention should be paid to the schooling and government of the rising generation. Some attempt towards a reform in this matter has already been made, under the auspices of the general assembly: and, as far as I have had opportunity to observe, it has been attended with encouraging effects. It is necessary that those just weaned from the breast, should have line upon line, and precept upon precept; and it is of importance what those lines and precepts are. Little ones should be learnt their letters, at least; if not a few lines of the New-Testament, before they are learnt to be Grecian and Roman orators and patriots. They should be learnt a little modesty, and a little manners, before they are learnt to govern the nation. They should be made good children, before we attempt to make them great men.

If our legislators would prevent our being oppressed every one by another, the old and good way is, to have a code of laws, as short and plain as possible, and suitably enforced. Obsolete laws; and laws the only tendency of which is to evade, or needlessly delay, the operation of justice; I should think, ought to be repealed. And certainly great care should be taken, by the appointment of capable and faithful judiciary and informing officers, that the laws unrepealed be duly executed.

If our judges of courts, would keep us from oppressing, or being oppressed, they should cause “judgment to run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream.” They should see that the old complaint in Isaiah;²⁵ “Judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off; truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter,” be not applicable to ourselves. They should see, if possible, that their judgment seats be not environed with so high piles of voluminous fortifications, and such numerous garrisons, armed at all points, and able to defend anything, that right can hardly be obtained, in the plainest cause, without a siege, as long, and as costly, as the siege of Troy.

If the freemen—the fountain of power, would strengthen government, or guard against its being farther weakened; they should be very punctual in attending their legal meetings, and very careful for whom they give in their suffrages, as members of Assembly, or of Congress. They should see that they do not vote for weak men, however honest; nor for vicious men, however capable; nor for intriguing men, who are crowding themselves forward, by every popular artifice: who understand perfectly all the duties and faults of their superiors, but see no beam in their own eye, and never mind their own business. Men of real abilities, are generally unassuming and self-dissident. Men sensible of the difficulties and responsibility of important posts of trust, are generally backward to undertake them. Men restless where they are, and troublesome to those above them, are generally haughty and overbearing, if advanced to higher stations. Nor should the freemen be too much given to change; unless they mean to weaken government. Bad men, if in office, cannot be too soon turned out; but those who have ruled well, ought not to be dropped, merely that every man may have his turn; nor merely to show the great power of the people, and to keep their servants, who govern them, more in fear of them.

The ministers of the gospel, are thought to have no concern with the temporal happiness of mankind: doubtless, the good way for them, whether the old way or not, is to confine themselves very much to their spiritual vocation. Doubtless their principal business is, to save the souls of those who hear them. But in order to this, they must warn all, of that “wrath of God which is reveled from heaven, against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men.” They must “convert sinners from the error of their ways,” or they cannot “save their souls from death.” They must teach their converts to “observe all things whatsoever Christ hath commanded,” by himself or his Apostles; or they cannot make them “meet to be partakers of the inheritance of the saints in light.” And among these instructions, teaching them to “obey those who have the rule over them, and to be cautious how they speak evil of dignities, must not be omitted. Ministers must not “shun to declare all the counsel of God,” both to rulers and subjects, if they would be “pure from the blood of all men.” In a word, they must do what in them lies to make all their hearers good Christians; for without this they can never get them to heaven; and they need do no more, to make them peaceable and orderly members of society on earth. Thus far, and in this manner, Aaron may still support the hand of Moses, in ministering to the temporal good of men, even in a consistency with the modern line of separation drawn between them.

Lastly; all of every order, if they would do their part to prevent all the evils threatened in our text and context, from coming upon us, as the righteous judgments of Heaven, must see that their tongues and their doings are not against the Lord. Never can we rationally hope that God will be at peace with us, unless we treat his laws and ordinances with greater attention and respect. Unless we cease to do evil, and learn to do well; unless some check be put to those loose principles, and licentious practices, which have over-flowed all our cities, and towns, and villages.

The old paths, then, and the good way, to which we must return, and in which we must walk, would we find rest, are plain before us.

But, it is to be feared, the voice of a majority may now be, as it was in the days of Jeremiah: We will not walk therein. Both from the signs of the times, and from several predictions of scripture, I think the probability is, that things are not about to alter for the better, but for the worse. Mankind seem yet combining, and “taking counsel together, against the Lord, and against his anointed, saying, Let us break their bands asunder, and cast away their cords from us;” and God seems remarkably leaving them to strong delusions, to believe strange lies. He seems determined to let them go on, and try the boasted experiment of liberty and revolutions, to the uttermost: designing, it may be supposed, to have a more convictive discovery exhibited, than has ever yet been given, of the madness in the heart of the sons of men, before the general regeneration of the world. The unclean spirits, predicted to come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet, as represented in the vision of John; appear evidently to have gone forth over all the earth, and to have been exceedingly busy and successful, in raising and training up their forces for the battle of that great day of God Almighty; ²⁶ which, according to the common calculation of expositors, is now only commencing. Whether we turn our eyes to the word of prophecy, or to the aspects of providence, we have reason to be very apprehensive, that “this darkness” is yet for a while, to “cover the earth, and gross darkness the people,” ²⁷ in a greater and greater degree, before the expected reign of light and truth, righteousness and peace.

Nevertheless, let not good men despond: nor let them relax their exertions to repel, as long and as extensively as they can, the prevalence of error, irreligion and wretchedness. Mightier is He that is with them, than all that are against them. When it is asked in the eleventh Psalm: “If the foundations be destroyed, what can the righteous do?” the answer is short, but very emphatical and abundantly sufficient: “The Lord is in his holy temple; the Lord’s throne is in heaven. Elsewhere, the Psalmist, adoring the power and wisdom of the Most High, says, “Surely the wrath of man shall praise thee; the remainder of the wrath shalt thou restrain.” ²⁸ It is often said, “Christ is able to support his own church and ministers, without the aid of human laws.” This is doubtless true, it is also true, that Christ is able to take care of his church, and to bring the many sons given him to glory, without any ministers at all. And equally true is it, that God is able to govern the nations, without the help of earthly rulers. But, from these premises, the consequence will not follow, without hard drawing, that men may innocently and safely neglect exerting the power they have, for the support, either of good government, or of uncorrupted Christianity. “Those that walk in pride, God is able to abase;” but is there therefore nothing hazardous, nor wrong, in thus walking? A curse was once denounced, on them who “came not to the help of the Lord, against the mighty; though the Lord helped himself, without their assistance. But the foregoing truths, however they may have been perverted to the countenancing of human negligence in the cause of God or Christ, are matter of just consolation to the pious and good, when they walk in darkness and have no light: when they see little probability that their utmost efforts for the support of order, or of undefiled religion, will have any effect.

There will always be some, and some that ought to be leaders and teachers, whose policy it is, to turn with the times; to swim with the tide, and swing with the vibrating pendulum of popular opinion. Who will trim their way to seek love; and “become all things to all men, if by all means they may save” themselves. But a steadfast adherence to truth and duty, however great the apparent danger, is the only way of real safety. He who thus “loses his life, shall save it;” and he shall lose his life who would save it,” by deserting his post, or hiding himself under refuges of falsehood, when evil is forseen. “The fearful and unbelieving, shall have their part” at last, in the same lake with bolder transgressors. “The fear of man bringeth a snare; but whoso putteth his trust in the Lord shall be safe.”²⁹ For the encouragement of good men, in perilous times, and particularly of good rulers, it is written: “He that walketh righteously, and speaketh uprightly; he that despiseth the gain of oppressions, that shaketh his hands from holding of bribes, that stoppeth his ears from hearing of blood, and shutteth his eyes from seeing evil; he shall dwell on high; his place of defence shall be the munitions of rocks: bread shall be given him, his waters shall be sure.” ³⁰ On these grounds is the exhortation in Isaiah, a few chapters after our text, ³¹ with which I shall conclude. “Say ye not, A confederacy, to all them to whom this people shall say, A confederacy: neither fear ye their fear, nor be afraid. Sanctify the Lord of hosts himself; and let him be your fear, and let Him be your dread.”

Endnotes

¹. Psalm cvii. 38, 39.

². Chap. xi. 1-4.

³. Rom xii. 8.

⁴. I Kings xi. 28.

⁵. 2 Sam. xxiii. 3.

⁶. Psalm xii. 8.

⁷. Prov. xxxi. 4.

⁸. Exod. xxiii. 2.

⁹. Eccl. x. 1.

¹⁰. 2 Sam. iii. 39.

¹¹. Dan. iv. 32.

¹². Psal. lxxv. 6, 7.

¹³. Eccl. x. 16.

¹⁴. Psal. xi. 3.

¹⁵. Eccl. vii. 7.

¹⁶. Rom. iii. 13-17.

¹⁷. Eccl. x. 5, 6, 7.

¹⁸. Tit. iii. 1.

¹⁹. 1 Pet. ii. 13.

²⁰. Rom. xiii. 2.

²¹. This inference was passed over in the delivery.

²². Micah iii. 11. Jer. ii. 25.

²³. Amos iii. 2. Jer. v. 9.

²⁴. Psal. lxxxii. 6, 7. Eccl. viii. 8.

²⁵. Chap. lix. 14.

²⁶. Rev. xvi. 13, 14.

²⁷. Isa. ix. 2.

²⁸. Psal. lxxvi. 10.

²⁹. Prov. xxix. 25.

³⁰. Isa. xxxiii. 15, 16.

³¹. Chap. viii. 12, 13.

Cyprian Strong (1743-1811) graduated from Yale in 1763. He served as a town clerk in Farmington, Connecticut (1766) before becoming pastor of a church at Chatham, CT (1767-1811). Strong preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 9, 1799.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT

HARTFORD,

ON THE DAY OF THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

May 9, 1799.

By CYPRIAN STRONG, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN CHATHAM.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday, of May, A.D. 1799.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Thomas Seymour, and Mr. Hezekiah Goodrich present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Cyprian Strong, for his Sermon delivered before them, at the General Election, on the 9th of Inst. May, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

I CHRONICLES xxix. 11.

–Thine is the Kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as Head above all.

In the passage which has now been read, we have the devout acknowledgment of king David, who was the first magistrate, in the most respectable kingdom, which, at that time, existed. He was as remarkable for piety and religion, as for eminence and distinction, in the Jewish nation.

It was not an inconsiderable evidence, of the fervor of his piety, that he maintained the most exalted and reverential conceptions of God, in the height of earthly magnificence, amid the splendor and pomp of a Court, which so commonly dazzle the eyes of mankind, and plunge them into scenes of voluptuousness.

Nebuchadnezzar, who was at the head of the Chaldean Empire, was so intoxicated, with the splendors of royalty, that “his heart was lifted up and his mind hardened in pride,” so that he did not know and consider, “That the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men.” And, fact and experience afford the most convincing evidence, that worldly distinctions and honors, through the native corruption of the human heart, have a most powerful tendency to render men unmindful of Him, by whom “kings reign and princes decree justice.” But, this was very far from being exemplified in David. Although, from a shepherd, he was raised to a throne, and exalted as the head of a respectable and truly great nation, which always reverenced his authority; yet, he did not, through pride of heart, so rate his dignity and worldly consequence, as to think it beneath him, devoutly to acknowledge God, as the Supreme Ruler of the universe. He was sensible, that his elevated station and worldly magnificence, were the fruit and effect, of God’s sovereign disposal. In the text, he most devoutly ascribes everything to Him. “Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all.” And, in the succeeding words, “Both riches and honors come of thee—in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all.”

It may be further observed, that king David was not only ready, most solemnly to acknowledge, the existence of God; but he viewed and reverenced him “as head above all.” Not as the prophet Elijah sarcastically described Baal, as an idle talker, or as pursuing a journey, or as sleeping; or, in a word, as being an idle and unconcerned spectator of the world; but as being particularly concerned in the government and control of the universe.—“Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all.”

The text will naturally direct our attention, to the two following things.

I. The nature of that kingdom, which is said, in the text, to be the Lord’s.

II. In what sense the kingdom may be said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all.

It is hoped, that in the prosecution of what has now been proposed, such observations and remarks will be made, as will render the discourse both seasonable, and pertinent to this public anniversary.

I. It is proposed, to attend to the nature of that kingdom, which, in the text, is said to be the Lord’s.

The inhabitants of this world, are divided into many kingdoms and governments, which, in the sacred scriptures, are called “the kingdom of men.” But that kingdom which is said, in the text, to be the Lord’s, has not a respect to any one of those kingdoms, in exclusion of the rest.

The time has been, indeed, when God took upon himself the government of the Hebrews; and, in his dispensations, a very special respect was paid them. His administrations were particularly directed, to the establishment of that favorite people; yet God was, at the same time, as truly at the head of other nations, and did dispose of and superintend all their affairs, in the same manner that he did the affairs and concerns of the Jews. God had purposes to answer, relative to the Jewish nation, which he had not respecting other nations; for they were a chosen people. Although the allotments of God, to other nations, were subordinated to the advancement of the Hebrews, yet, events were allotted out to the former, in as immediate and efficient a manner as they were to the latter. The purposes of God, respecting different nations, have been different; yet God has not at the present time, nor ever had in time past, a more immediate disposal of the affairs of one nation than of another. The kingdom, which in the text is called the Lord’s, is not limited by or confined to any earthly kingdom.

But, the kingdom which is the Lord’s does, in a sense, embrace the universe; consisting of all ranks and grades of creatures, throughout all worlds. The government of God extends to all things, both animate and inanimate. All the worlds and creatures which God hath made, constitute one system. The various orders of existences, from the archangel to the most inconsiderable insect, constitute the links of a perfect chain, and are like wheels which are necessary to complete a perfect machine. They are all necessary to form a perfect system. And, as the Lord is “exalted as head above all,” so all things which exist, are comprehended in his kingdom. God manages every part of the universe, in such a manner, as shall best answer the purposes which he had in view, when he brought them into being.

The sacred scriptures teach us, thus to consider the extent of the kingdom which is the Lord’s. In them, God is said to rule among the nations—to build them up or pluck them down at what instant he pleases. Famine, pestilence and the sword are said to be under his control. It is God who balances the clouds, and gives the former and the latter rain in their season. And it is further asserted, that the superintending care and disposing hand of God are concerned, even in the falling of the sparrow to the ground. The kingdom which is the Lord’s, therefore, comprehends the universe. Hence, in the text, God is said to be “exalted as Head above all,”—above everything which exists.

Again; to our having proper apprehensions of the kingdom which is the Lord’s, it is necessary to bring into view not only its extent, but the object or end of it.

God does not exercise a control over the universe, and concern himself with the affairs of all ranks of creatures, as a mere amusement; he has an important object in view, in all his administrations; and, that is to raise up and establish a kingdom of holiness and righteousness.

The government of God does consist, summarily, in so conducting and arranging events, as shall, eventually, advance the spiritual and moral good of the universe, or establish a holy and spiritual kingdom. All the plans, institutions and operations of God are directed to that end. The end of the natural is the moral world. As all the ranks and orders of existencies are to be considered, as so many links of a perfect chain, so all the events which take place, and all God’s appointments and institutions are to be viewed, as so many means to advance the moral and spiritual good, or the holiness and happiness of intelligent beings; and so to establish and perfect a kingdom of holiness and righteousness. And, all being united, do form a perfect system of means and events, for the security of so important an object.—As the advancement and establishment of a kingdom of righteousness require, God builds up or pulls down earthly kingdoms. The great Monarchies of the world, which have been raised up and again tumbled into ruin, have been subordinated to this interesting design. The constitution and laws of the natural world, when they cease to contribute to the establishment of such a kingdom, will be abolished; yea, the whole natural world, when it shall have accomplished everything of that nature which it can answer, will be consigned over to destruction. Events will roll on until a holy and spiritual kingdom shall be established and become triumphant. Then, the rotation of events, like the present, shall cease. Earthly kingdoms and empires shall sink into ruin—the sun shall shine no more, the various parts of the natural world shall be unhinged—a universal conflagration will take place, and former things shall be remembered no more.

That this representation, of the object of God’s government, is real and not imaginary, appears from many considerations, which can be but very briefly mentioned, at this time.

It appears, very particularly, from the design of the incarnation and sacrifice of Jesus Christ; or the introduction of the mediatorial plan.

This great event is considered, in the sacred writings, as above all others calculated, to answer the purposes, which God had in view, in the whole work of creation and the government of the world. And, the end which God had in view in that astonishing event was, indubitably, the establishment of a kingdom of holiness. Hence it is said, that he “gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works.” ¹ And the church is said to be redeemed by his blood, “to the intent, that now unto the principalities and powers, in heavenly places might be known, by the Church, the manifold wisdom of God; according to the eternal purpose which he purposed in Christ Jesus our Lord.” ² And, Jesus Christ is now exalted at the head of all principalities and powers, and will reign until all enemies are brought at his footstool. And the issue of this great affair is summed up in this, that God shall “reconcile all things to himself, by him, whether they be things in earth or things in heaven.” From these passages of scripture, as well as from the declarations and prophecies concerning the increase, progress and issue of the kingdom of Christ, which is founded in his blood, it is extremely evident, that the end God had in view, in the incarnation, death and sufferings of Jesus Christ, and in the whole work of redemption, was the advancement and establishment of a kingdom of holiness and righteousness. And, from thence we may certainly infer, that this is the great object, which God has in view in his whole government.

The same conclusion becomes further evident, from the end, which God has in view, in the religious institutions he hath made. The end proposed in institutions of a religious nature, is, unquestionably, to render mankind holy and spiritual.

Again; that the end of God has in view, and that the object of his government is, the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness is evident, from the great and fundamental laws of his kingdom; or, from what he chiefly requires, of his intelligent creatures. God’s requirements are all summed up in holiness and righteousness—in universal love and good will. This clearly indicates what that is, at which God is aiming in his government; and, particularly, that it is the advancement of a kingdom of righteousness.

That the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness, is the great object of the government of God, appears, not only, from the end proposed in the work of redemption, in all religious institutions, and from the requirement of the laws he has established; but, it is also evident, from the design of civil government.

Civil government was not instituted, merely to amuse men; nor, to lift up some over the heads of others, without proposing an important object. And, although it is an institution, which is peculiar to this world, and may seem more immediately designed to protect men from injury and violence; yet, is it not certain, that like the other institutions of God, it is ultimately designed for and to be administered, with a view to the advancement and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom?

I am not insensible, that some are fond of making, a total separation between civil government and the protection or establishment of religion, or advancement of a spiritual kingdom; and do even consider the former as having nothing to do with the latter. But, I beg leave to inquire, whether the prosperity and advancement of a kingdom of holiness and righteousness among men, be not the great object of civil government? And, whether every civil constitution, which is not ultimately calculated to nourish and cherish true religion, and so to advance a spiritual and holy kingdom, be not, in the view of God, whatever it be in the view of man, not merely censurable, but absolutely abominable? Take a retrospect of the ancient dispensations of God, and you will see, how God views civil governments and administrations in this respect. Is it not evident, from the past dispensations of God, that he approved or censured civil governments, according to the respect or disrespect paid by them, to his church and the advancement of a kingdom of holiness? This was certainly the case, respecting the administrations of the kings of Israel. This was also the case, respecting the Chaldean monarchy. It is the very reason offered, why God brought ruin on that mighty empire. It was because it rejoiced in the ruin, and was instrumental in destroying the heritage of God. The vengeance of God was, also, denounced upon the Ammonites, upon Moab and Seir, upon Tyre and Egypt for their opposition to and derision of church of God. We are, also, assured, that it will always be thus, that God will pull down kingdoms and utterly destroy them, when they stand in the way to the prosperity and advancement of his church, or a kingdom of righteousness.

It may here be said, that there are none, who suppose, that civil government and administrations are to oppose, the advancement of a spiritual kingdom, or the progress of religion; all which is contended for is, that civil government should be neutral. But, in answer, it may be asked, whether it be possible that civil government should take such a position? Our Saviour asserts, “He that is not with me is against me: and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad.” ³ There is according to these words of Christ, no such thing s neutrality. And this is as true, respecting civil government, as respecting an individual. A mere neglect to countenance and support religion, or a kingdom of righteousness, in a civil administration, will operate against it. It was always supposed of old, that the conduct of rulers, or their administrations, had a very great influence on the religious state and character of the Jews. It is impossible, therefore, that civil government should take a neutral position, respecting religion or a kingdom of holiness. It must aid and countenance it, or it will discourage and bring it into contempt.

Without attempting, particularly, to point out what aid or support civil government may and ought to give, to religion or the Church of Christ, I would only further observe, that the sacred scriptures do teach, in a very direct manner, that civil government is designed by God, ultimately, as a mean and expedient to advance religion, or a kingdom of righteousness among men. It is not directly and positively asserted, by the prophet Isaiah, that in a future period, when civil government shall be rightly applied and faithfully administered, “Kings shall be nursing fathers and their Queens nursing mothers,” to the Church of God? And, does not the apostle Paul most expressly teach us, what the end of civil government and magistracy is?⁴ “Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same, for he is the minister of God to thee for good. He beareth not the sword in vain; for he is the minister of God—a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil.” Does not this account of the design of civil government and magistracy, clearly teach, that they were designed to encourage and support a kingdom of righteousness among men? And, the same apostle direct, “that prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made—for kings and for all that are in authority, that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty.”⁵ It must be clear, from what is said concerning the design of civil government, in the sacred scriptures, that it was instituted as a mean, to advance and support a kingdom of holiness and righteousness: And, therefore, it is one thing which serves to point us, to the great object which God has in view in his government; or the nature and design of his kingdom.

Again; the use and improvement, which God requires us to make of the various allotments of his providence, farther point out the end of his government, or the nature of his kingdom; and that it is a kingdom of righteousness.

The improvement God requires us to make of providence is this, that we grow in righteousness and holiness. The goodness of God is to lead us to repentance. Under adversities, we are to “learn righteousness.” Or, to adopt the language of an apostle, when speaking of trials and adversities, he says they are sent “that we may be partakers of his holiness.” Now if our holiness, be the end of divine allotments, it becomes evident, that the advancement of a kingdom of holiness, is the end of God’s administrations.

The same truth will appear with additional clearness, if we turn our attention, to the particular designs of God, and his providential dispensations, as they are stated in the sacred scriptures.

If we take a view of events under the former dispensation, we must see, that the establishment of a holy and spiritual kingdom was, uniformly, the object which God had in view in all his allotments. It is evident, that his Church was kept constantly in view, as the chief object of attention. God set up the Church as his great object. This appears, incontrovertibly true, not only relative to those administrations, which respected the Jews in particular; but the affairs of all other nations, were subordinated to the prosperity and advancement of the Church. Whole nations were exterminated and utterly destroyed, as the prosperity of the Church demanded. God conducted and disposed, not only, of the affairs of the Jews, but of all the nations around them, with a direct and immediate reference, to the enlargement and prosperity of his Church. Of this, no one can doubt, who has attended to the history of God’s proceedings, as they are stated in his word. Which point us directly to a kingdom of righteousness, as the object of God’s government.

Furthermore, the declarations and prophecies contained in the sacred scriptures, relative to the future dispensations of God, point us to the same object.—They are all aimed at the advancement of a kingdom of righteousness, as the great object which God has in view.

God has actually decreed that all other kingdoms shall come to an utter end—That his spiritual kingdom “shall break in pieces and consume all other kingdoms, and it shall stand forever.” And that, as the great Monarchies which have already existed, have, one after another, been utterly destroyed, to make way for the enlargement of his Church, and the advancement of his spiritual kingdom, so it shall be hereafter. Although God may suffer the powers of this world, to trample on his Church, for a season; yet He assures us, that “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it”—That he will suffer the wrath and madness of men to proceed no further, than shall be necessary, to prepare the way for its establishment. “The wrath of man shall praise thee, the remainder of wrath wilt thou restrain.” And, we are further assured, that such will be the allotments of providence, and that the affairs of all nations shall be so over-ruled, as that, eventually, “The earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord”—That the corrupt passions of men, which are naturally so violent and overbearing, shall be softened down, so that nothing shall hurt or destroy, in all God’s holy mountain—That all shall know him “from the least to the greatest.”

Hence it appears, that the great object, which God has kept in view, in former dispensations, and which he will keep constantly in view in his future, is the advancement and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom.

But one consideration more will be suggested, to show that the end of the kingdom, which is the Lord’s, is the establishment of a kingdom, of holiness and righteousness, and that is the result and final issue of his administrations.

In what the administrations of God, or the various dispensations of providence will end, we have full information in the sacred scriptures: and information can be derived from no other source. We are clearly informed, by the word of God, that one event after another shall roll on, ‘till all God’s designs are completed—that in the end of the world, the whole number of the righteous shall be gathered together, into one society—that the wicked shall be separated from them, with everyone that “loveth and maketh a lie.” So that the righteous will form, a perfectly holy and pure society.—We are further informed, from the oracles of God, that when all the righteous shall be gathered in, from out of every nation under heaven, the ends and the purposes of God, in all preceding dispensations, will be attained—that there will be no further employment for the kingdoms and nations of this world—that the wicked, although they have been improved as instruments to accomplish the purposes of God, will be improved no longer; but will be turned down into destruction, from which they will never be recovered—and, the material world, the earth with all its apparatus, which has served as a theatre on which the affairs of God’s kingdom, while in an infantile state, have been transacted, (when the righteous are all gathered in,) will be of no further use; and, therefore, will be subjected to absolute destruction.—“The heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll,” and “shall pass away with a great noise: and the elements shall melt with fervent heat.”—National distinctions shall be known no more—the scepters of kings and the swords of magistrates shall be laid aside—the sun shall withdraw its shining, and the moon will be turned into darkness—“the earth and the works that are therein shall be burnt up;” and there will be no more remembrance of former things. The grand drama will then be closed.—From a consideration of the final result of things we learn, with the utmost certainty, that the object which God ever had in view was, the establishment of a kingdom of holiness.

Thus the design of Christ’s incarnation of religious and civil institutions—the requirements made in the law of God, of moral and intelligent beings—the improvement to be made of providential dispensations;–together with the final result or conclusion of things, when a holy and pure society shall be formed and rendered triumphant; all these various considerations unite, in pointing out to us, that the great object of God’s government is, the formation and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom.

Although so much has already been said, concerning the kingdom which is the Lord’s, one observation more must be added, which is, that the important ends and purposes of that kingdom, are to be secured, through the medium of the mediatorial plan, and under the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king.

An illustration of this truth I shall only observe, that the sacred scriptures very expressly teach us, that in consequence of Christ’s faithfulness, in executing the work of redemption, God did invest him with kingly authority, and empowered him to call in and train up for glory, all those that were given him. And the affairs of angels as well as of men were committed into his hands. Accordingly we read, that when Christ was raised from the dead, God “set him at his own right hand, in the heavenly places, far above all principality, and power, and might and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come: and hath put all things under his feet, and gave him to be head over all things to the church.” ⁶ And, in another place, concerning Christ it is said, “Who is gone into heaven, and is on the right hand of God, angels, authorities and powers being made subject to him.”⁷ We are further assured, that in the course of his government, he will “reconcile all things to himself, whether they be things in earth or things in heaven.” Which imports, that Christ will unite, in one society, the sinless angels and elect men. The apostle Paul expressly asserts, that his kingdom will not be delivered up, ‘till “he shall have put down all rule, and all authority and power: for he must reign till he hath put all enemies under his feet.—And, when all things shall be subdued unto him, then shall the son be also subject unto him, that put all things under him, that God may be all in all.”

Without any comment on these passages, thus much must be evidently taught in them, that the great purposes of God in his universal government, in erecting and establishing a kingdom of righteousness, will be accomplished, under the reign and by the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king; or through the medium of the Christian system.

From the foregoing observations it appears, that the kingdom which is the Lord’s, is one which is universal—extending to all things throughout all worlds. The end of it is, to raise up and establish a kingdom of perfect holiness and happiness—the great object is to be secured, under the reign and through the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king. I now proceed,

II. To consider, in what sense the kingdom may be said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all.

As great brevity will be observed, in attending to this inquiry, as its importance will admit.

1. It may be proper to observe, that such ascriptions and acknowledgments, as those contained in our text, very frequently occur in the sacred scriptures.

The pious psalmist says, “The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice, and the multitude of isles be glad.” Our Saviour, in that form of prayer which he gave his disciples, taught them always to pray, “Thy kingdom come:” and to conclude in this manner; “For thine is the kingdom, the power and the glory.” And he enjoined it on his disciples, to live in a firm belief of the agency of God, as being concerned in the most minute events—that a sparrow does not fall to the ground, without their heavenly Father.

2. The propriety of its being said in the text, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, appears from his being the maker, and so the original owner and proprietor of all things.

The universe, comprehending all worlds and creatures, owes its existence to God. The highest archangel is as dependent on God, for being, as the meanest insect. This being the case, the kingdom is the Lord’s. All the kingdoms of the earth are the Lord’s, as he raised them up. Kings and magistrates, and all who are in authority are the Lord’s, as he has invested them with all that power and authority which they possess.

3. It is with propriety, that the kingdom is said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, as He is, most certainly the rightful ruler and governor of the universe.

The Lord, who made and upholds all things, has, certainly, an original right to dispose of them, according to his good pleasure. He must have a right to do what he will with his own. He must have an original and exclusive right, to turn every wheel in government, and to ascertain every event, so as to accomplish his own purposes.

4. I shall only observe further, That the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, not only as he is the maker and proprietor of all, and so has an original and independent right to reign; but as he does, in fact, exercise a government over the whole universe, comprehending all creatures and all events.

Indeed, if God did not constantly exercise his Almighty power and superintending care over the universe, it would immediately cease to exist. That same power which created can, alone, uphold the things which are made. The absolute and constant dependence of all things on God, renders it certain, that he must be “exalted as head above all”—that he must rule over the whole universe.

Some have, indeed, represented it as too trifling a business, for the Supreme Being, to concern himself with the affairs of creatures; and, had rather consider God, only as an unconcerned and uninterested spectator of the affairs of the world.

But such may be asked, Why God did not consider the creation of the universe as too trifling a business for him to undertake! If it be now beneath his notice and care, it was beneath him to exercise his wisdom in contriving, and his power in giving it existence.

We can hardly conceive it to be possible, that God should bring such a universe into being—that he should construct such a complicated machine as the natural world; and introduce into existence, intelligent and moral beings, with capacities for immortal happiness, without proposing some important end in it. If God had an important end originally in view, we may be assured, that he will concern himself, so far, in the affairs of the universe, as to order and arrange events, in such a manner, as to secure it. Either God had or he had not an important end, in creating the universe. If he had not some important object in view, Why did he make the worlds which now exist? Was it for mere diversion and amusement! But, if he had a sufficient end for creating there certainly must be a sufficient reason, for his exercising a constant government over the created universe.

That there is so much apparent evil—so much seeming confusion—so many jarring and mysterious events extant in the world, has sometimes been considered, as a forcible objection to the supposition, that God is at the head of all things, and exercises a universal government.—But it ought to be considered, that short-sighted men, who are full of sinful biases and prepossessions, are very miserable judges, as to the events which are necessary to take place; so as to secure the welfare of a kingdom, which is as extensive as the universe, and as durable as eternity itself. The little concerns and exigencies of an earthly kingdom, or a petty state, yea of a family or an individual, often confound the wisdom of men. The most dark and mysterious events are often found to be pregnant with the highest good. The little occurrence of Joseph’s brethren selling him into Egypt, was a dark and gloomy event, and foreboded great evil, in the view of Jacob; yet, eventually, it proved to be of the utmost importance.

But, whatever the ignorance, pride or vanity of man may suggest, the sacred scriptures do assure us, that God does reign, and is particularly concerned in the production of all events—that cold and heat—summer and winter, rain and drought, seed-time and harvest—health and sickness—war and peace—good and evil; yea, all the affairs of the natural and moral world, are under the government and control of God—that he raises up empires and pulls them down—creates king and magistrates and deposes them, according to his sovereign pleasure.

We are taught very particularly, in the sacred scriptures, as appears from what has been said, that God disposes of nations and arranges all events, with a view to one object; and that is, The establishment of a kingdom of righteousness; and that he will continue to do so, till that kingdom shall be established and rendered triumphant. Then his purposes will be answered—the drama will be finished, and God will be all in all.

It now only remains, to point out the use and improvement that may be made of the subject, which we have considered, in a few particular inferences and remarks.

1. As the kingdom is the Lord’s, and He is exalted as head above all, obligations to obedience and subjection to God, must be universal.

It must be the incumbent duty, not only of those, who are ranked in the lowest class of men, and are busied in the most humble employments, to yield a universal obedience to the will of God; but obligations of the same nature, are incumbent on those, who are exalted to places of the highest dignity and honor among men. They are equally under the government of God, and their obligations to reverence and obey him, are, in kind, the same. Yea, the obligations on those, who are in the higher walks of life are, in some respects, peculiarly enhanced. Their example will have a peculiar influence, on the conduct and morals of those, who are in more humble stations. Hence that demand of the prophet, “O heads ,i>of Jacob, and ye princes of the house of Israel; Is it not for you to know Judgment.” Hence, also, that direction of the psalmist, “Be wise now, therefore, O ye kings, be instructed, O ye judges of the earth; serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the son lest he be angry and ye perish from the way.”

2. Is this kingdom the Lord’s, and is He “exalted as Head above all, We see, that we have a stable and unfailing source of comfort, in the most dark and gloomy times, and amidst the changes and revolutions which take place, in the rotation of events, respecting the present world.

If clouds and darkness surround our nation—if foreign powers threaten us from without—if convulsions and civil dissentions do exist within—if vice, immorality and the most outrageous wickedness do prevail, far and wide in the earth; yet the consideration, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, affords the most ample support, and lays a foundation for the most substantial peace. God is both able and fully determined, to establish his kingdom.

We live in a day of mighty revolutions. Great events are rolling on in quick succession, and presage some great and interesting changes in the state of this world. The prophet Jeremiah demands, in the language of surprise, “Hath a nation changed their Gods, which are yet no Gods!” as if it were an unheard of affair, that a nation had laid aside its false Gods. But we live in a day, when a powerful nation, which had ranked itself among those, who acknowledge the true and living God, has absolutely rejected and disowned Him, and even proceeded to abolish the ordinances of heaven! “The mystery of iniquity,” as the apostle expresses it, “doth already work.” A deep concerted plan to spread infidelity far and wide—to subvert religion and undermine government—to give to the lusts and passions of men full scope, has been propagated among the nations of Europe, with surprising success. Its bitter consequences and baneful influence have already produced, “distress of nations, with perplexity,” and even in America, the leaven has begun to ferment, and is, most probably, the source of the opposition which has been, to the administration of our national government—but we have a substantial and unfailing source of consolation, under all those gloomy appearances—the kingdom is the Lord’s.

Indeed, were we to have our views directed by the prophetic declarations, contained in the sacred scriptures, we should be led to expect, instead of being surprised to see such events. Amidst the confusion, and infidelity of the present day, we see, that the man of sin is in a measure destroyed; and that the papal hierarchy is crumbling into pieces. Nor are we to expect that the scenes of distress, which are now experienced in Europe, will terminate, till something still more important is produced. The clouds appear to be gathering and preparations are making, for scenes far more extensively distressing, than those which have been, as yet, realized.—But God reigns—the kingdom is his. He will take are of it. Neither earth nor hell can prevail against Him—the wrath of man shall praise him, the remainder of wrath will he restrain.

3. From the observations which have been made, we are led to see the important nature of the institution of civil government.

The kingdom is the Lord’s; and all the institutions which God has made, as well as all the events which take place, have a reference to the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness—are designed, by God, as means of accomplishing and perfecting so important a purpose. I do not say, that this is the object which mankind have had in view, in forming civil constitutions and qualifying governments. Nothing, perhaps, has been further out of view. They have, probably, for the most part been dictated by worldly views and motives. But God has instituted it, as one mean and expedient, to advance the progress of a spiritual kingdom. This gives the institution of civil government, an aspect of great consequence. It teaches us, that it was not contrived, merely to exalt some men over the heads of others; or to secure to the members of society an equal enjoyment of privileges of a worldly nature; or, merely, to protect life and property; but it has a further reach and more important design. It is nothing less, than one of the expedients which the Supreme Governor of the world has adopted, to forward the great and important purposes of establishing a spiritual kingdom. Viewed in any other point of light, it dwindles into nothing, in point of consequence and importance.

I am not insensible, that writers on civil government, have generally considered it, as a mean to secure the peace and welfare of society in this world; and as having no concern with or reference to a spiritual kingdom. But can it be so, that in the institution of civil government, which has such prodigious influence on the state of this world, the Supreme Being has forgotten the great object he has in view in his government! Must civil government be considered, as a solitary exception, as to its design, from all the works and other institutions of God! Can we suppose, that God would build up and pull down kingdoms, on account of their influence and tendency, to build up or obstruct the progress of religion, and the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness, if civil government were not designed as a mean to advance and promote them?

Were it not for the treaty of peace which God is now carrying on, through Jesus Christ, civil government and earthly kingdoms would be utterly abolished: and the whole material world would be destroyed. The advancement and progress of that treaty, is the end of all God’s administrations. Hence we find, that when civil government is rightly applied and administered, kings will be nursing fathers and their queens will be nursing mothers to the Church of God. In this view of the design of civil government, it appears to be an institution of great consequence.

4. We are naturally to conclude, from what has been said, that such men as have fixed moral and religious principles, are the only characters which can, with any propriety, be elected into offices of trust, to direct the affairs and concerns of civil government.

This inference is fairly deducible, from the design of civil government. If civil government be designed, as an hand-maid to religion—as a mean to advance and forward a kingdom of righteousness, it must be important, that those, who are elected into civil office, and especially into the principal offices of government, should be friends to the cause; and so, men of fixed and established moral and religious principles. Yea, may we not proceed so far as to say, that they should be firm believers in Christianity? For the kingdom which God is raising up among men, is founded on the Christian system; and is to be advanced, under the reign of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king. That such characters alone are to be fought and elected into places of trust, in a civil government, is not only dictated by the design of the institution; but is enjoined by God. “Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness,” &c. men of no other description are friendly, to the real end of civil government.

The liberalizing spirit of the present day (which looks with indifferency and patience, on everything, excepting strict religion and fervent piety,) I am aware, inculcates a different doctrine. Such as are under its influence will tell us, that moral and religious principles are of no importance; yea, it is a discovery made by the modern Illuminati, that both religion and government are enemies to the happiness of mankind. Hence it is, that extensive combinations have been formed, and unwearied efforts made, to overturn religious and moral systems, as well as to unhinge and subvert civil constitutions and governments. But, it happens fortunately, that what may be expected, from a government administered by men, who are void of moral principles, and are plunged deep into infidelity, has been so openly exemplified. When moral feelings and religious restraints are eradicated, and God is not acknowledged and reverenced, the barriers against the most atrocious wickedness are removed, and the lusts of the human heart will be unrestrained. With men of such a character at the head of government, we could hardly expect anything else, than that the rights of men should be trampled on—the laws of humanity be sported with, and an ambition prevail, which knows no bounds.—All this we see exemplified in Europe, at the present time. No more striking picture can be given, of the baleful influence and effects of infidelity, when dictating the measures of government, than are exhibited in the rise and progress of the revolution in France. When we review the various measures which have been adopted—what rivers of blood have been spilt—with what coolness and deliberation the lives of the old, the young and the innocent babe have been despoiled—the property of subjects seized—the boundless ambition and insatiable thirst for domination which has prevailed—the piracies which have been committed on the seas—and the insidious and wicked policy which has been practiced, respecting other nations; or to sum up the whole in a word, when we behold a nation, once famous for its civility and polished manners, changed into a nation of barbarians; I say, when we see these things actually existing, and can be accounted for in no way, unless from the influence of infidelity, Can we need anything further, to teach us the importance of placing men of fixed moral and religious sentiments, at the head of government? The Supreme Governor of the world, has designedly given the nations of the earth, a striking picture and example of the baneful influence and ruining tendency of infidelity. And, no nation which, after this solemn warning and admonition, shall act the same part, by committing the management of the concerns of society, into the hands of infidels, or of men whose feelings are loose and unhinged, respecting religion and morality, can expect less, than to share, in a higher or lower degree, in the same plagues.

There can hardly be a greater inconsistency, than for a Christian people, to appoint such men, as the guardians of their rights, and as nurses to the Church of God, who have not fixed moral and religious principles; and, who are nearly afloat respecting Christianity in every view of it.

5. The subject, which we have been considering and illustrating, is of use, and may be particularly improved, by civil rulers and legislators.

Although they are placed at the head of government, and have authority to enact laws, to regulate the community over which they are placed; yet, they are to consider, that there is a higher power, which presides over and controls the affairs of men. The kingdom is the Lord’s and He is exalted as Head above all. Civil rulers and legislators are but servants or ministers of God. Their work is assigned them by Him. They are servants, raised up by God, to forward the great object of his government, in forming and establishing a kingdom of righteousness. At the same time therefore, they are framing laws, for the security of the lives and properties of their constituents, and for the equal administration of justice, they are not only to be cautious, that they do no harm to religion and the Church of God, but to be careful to do everything, in their power, to countenance and support them.

It is not pretended, that civil rulers and legislators have a right, absolutely and authoritatively to impose creeds and confessions of faith; yet, most certainly, it must be incumbent on them, in all the measures they adopt, to manifest a governing regard for God and the interests of his kingdom. It must be their indispensible duty, to adopt such measures, as will, most directly, encourage and promote, the progress of that treaty of peace and reconciliation, which God is carrying on with men.

It is in the power of civil rulers, in many respects, to prepare the way, for an advantageous tender of salvation to mankind. They may set up their banners against vice—encourage men of religion and virtue, and support the institutions of Christianity.—Many of the subordinate officers of government are appointed, by the legislature. If men of virtue, who are professed friends to the Christian system, as well as of good government, were distinguished as objects of particular favor; and if, on the contrary, the profane—the despisers of religion and fervent piety, and those who neglect religious institutions were rejected, it would, certainly, be a worthy testimony of regard to the kingdom of God; and an encouragement to men to do well.

Dissoluteness of manners, if not a contempt of Christianity has been, within a few years, greatly increasing. It would be very unhappy, indeed, if those, who are distinguished as rulers and legislators, should be wanting, in their exertions, to stem their progress; but above all so, if they, by their example, should countenance them.—The influence of rulers is great and extensive; although they are often the objects, at which the shafts of envy and malice are leveled. Their station respecting religion and virtue cannot be neutral. Their transactions and examples will, necessarily, have an extensive influence.

The people, in this state, have reason to be very thankful that the Supreme Ruler of the world has given them such a succession of rulers, as have, not only been firm friends to their civil rights, but have been disposed to encourage the cause of religion and virtue.—And it is no small occasion of joy to the friends of Zion, that the late legislature of this state, while the zealous advocates for religion, in England and Scotland, have provided missionaries, to found the glad tidings of salvation in Africa, in the East-Indies and in the islands of the Pacific ocean, have adopted measures, to make provision, for the preaching of the gospel among the new settlements, in this country; and, if possible, to Christianize the heathen nations.

As the kingdom is the Lord’s, we may assure ourselves, that he will take care of it; whether earthly powers nourish and cherish, or neglect and abandon it. It will certainly flourish and finally triumph. Yet, let it be remembered, that those who are raised to places of trust and influence, as well as those in private life, must, finally, give up a most solemn account to Him, who is exalted as head above all.

6. The subject which we have had under consideration, may be improved, to animate and encourage the ministers of the gospel.

The ministers of Christ are officers in the kingdom of the Lord; and their direct business is, to be “workers together with him.” They are sent out, purposely, to explain the nature of God’s kingdom—to plead its cause among men, and to persuade them to enlist as subjects in it. The kingdoms of this world are to be managed by other hands. Ministers are, by office, to exert themselves, in endeavouring to build up and establish a spiritual kingdom. And, since God is at the head of it, what encouragements have ministers to be zealous and active? Did success depend, merely on their strength and efforts; and had they not reason to expect the interposition of no higher power, they might well be discouraged. But the kingdom is the Lord’s. He will succeed and prosper its advancement. He is, at this time, most evidently disposing of the affairs of earthly kingdoms, so as to prepare the way for the establishment of his own kingdom. He has given the most absolute assurance in his word, that all the evils which are extant—the distress and revolution of nations, shall conspire to advance a kingdom of righteousness; however gloomy it may appear to short-sighted men—that one event shall roll on after another, till all God’s designs are accomplished. However weak and depressed this kingdom may now appear, the time is coming, and probably is not far distant, when “it shall break in pieces and consume all” other “kingdoms and it shall stand forever.”

There is, therefore, from the nature and importance of the kingdom; and, especially from the determinations and power of Him, whose is the kingdom, the most abundant encouragement, for the ministers of Christ to be active and zealous. Besides, their only encouragement of sharing in the triumphs and glory, which await the kingdom of God, does arise from their being “faithful unto death.” ⁸

LET us rejoice in the goodness of Him, who is exalted as Head above all, that we, according to the invariable practice of our ancestors, are permitted to celebrate the religious solemnities of this anniversary, with so few things to interrupt our religious joy. Although disease and death have, the year past, spread desolation in some of our capitals, yet the heads of our tribes have been preserved, and we are permitted to meet them, this day, in the house of God. ⁹—Although we have been threatened with war, by a nation, which is neither bound by the ties of honor or justice, yet, He, who ruleth among the nations, has, as yet, preserved us so deplorable a calamity.

Our nation, which has been considered as divided, has been led to unite in adopting spirited measures for our national defence.

We enjoy privileges and blessings, which are not realized by any other nation on earth. Let us unite, in a firm and manly support of our national government and constitution. Be careful to guard against the intrigues of designing men. Let infidelity and modern liberality find no countenance, nor have any hand in the administration of government. Avoid them, as you would avoid that plague, which has already interrupted the peace—unhinged the government—destroyed the order—and bathed the plains of almost all Europe with human blood.

Be careful, to enroll your names among the subjects and citizens of the kingdom of God. Be assured, that this kingdom will prosper, for it is the Lord’s; and He is the head of it. The time for securing a part in its triumphs is short and uncertain. But a short delay may be fatal.

May the Supreme King and Lord of the universe, engage all our hearts and feelings in his cause and kingdom; and dispose us to spend and be spent in his service. That, at the time, when earthly kingdoms and empires shall be destroyed, and the whole material world shall be dissolved, we may be safe in the kingdom of God, and unite in his praise forever and ever. Amen.

Endnotes

¹. Titus ii. 14.

². Ephes. Iii. 10, 11.

³. Matth. xii. 30.

⁴. Romans xiii. 3-5.

⁵. I Tim. ii. 1, 2.

⁶. Ephes. i. 20-22.

⁷. I Peter iii. 22.

⁸. Since the last anniversary election, there has been but two instances of mortality, among the pastors of the Churches in Connecticut; viz. The Re. Nathan Fenn of Worthington. The former was advanced in age; the latter was in the prime of life and usefulness.

⁹. Although God has been pleased to preserve the lives of those, who were acting in the first offices in this state, through the last year; yet he has removed by death, His Excellency Matthew Griswold, Esquire, formerly a Governor of the State; whose faithful services and persevering integrity, through life, entitle him to the most grateful remembrance of all its citizens.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE DAY OF THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT

HARTFORD

IN THE STATE OF

CONNECTICUT,

May 9th, 1805.

BY ASAHEL HOOKER, A.M.

PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN GOSHEN.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1805-

Ordered, That the Honorable Aaron Austin and Adino Hale, Esquire, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend ASAHEL HOOKER, for his Sermon preached at the General Election, on the ninth of May instant, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

That there is a God, is demonstrated, by the works of creation and Providence. “The Heavens declare His glory, and the firmament sheweth His handy work.” [Psalm 19:1] Yea, “the invisible things of Him, from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood by the things which are made, even His eternal power and God-head;” [Romans 1:20] so that those, who do not worship and glorify Him, “are without excuse.” [Romans 1:20] But much less is demonstrable, from the light of nature, respecting the ultimate destination of man. In this view, it is even doubtful, whether he shall exit beyond the grave; and of course, whether he shall be called to account, hereafter, or the deeds done in the body. For the needful answer to inquiries of this sort, and others of equal difficulty and importance to men, we are supremely indebted to a revelation from Heaven. By this revelation we are taught, that the resent life is the mere dawn of or existence; that it will be perpetuated, to interminable ages; and be happy or miserable, according to the works performed in its life. We are, therefore, taught in the text, and elsewhere in the same purpose, in the Scriptures of truth, that God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil.

This argument is used, by the royal preacher, to enforce the exhortation, in the preceding verse; “Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter, Fear God, and keep His commandments, for this is the whole duty of man.” [Ecclesiastes 12:13] We are here taught the importance of man’s knowing, and practically acknowledging their accountableness to God, as becometh creatures, whose obligations to Him are infinite, and whose future destiny must be eternally decided, according to their present works. In a view of that awful tribunal, at which all must appear, the wise man admonishes those, “who walk in the way of their own hearts, and in the sight of their own eyes, that for all these things, God will bring them into judgment.” [Ecclesiastes 11:9]

It will be natural, therefore, to attempt such a view of this doctrine, as shall serve to illustrate is moral tendency. From this we may not only judge of its moral agreement with sound reason and the word of God; but may apprehend the true importance of it to mankind; and thence realize the importance of its being believed with all the heart and allowed its full influence in the present state.

It is therefore proposed, I. To notice several things implied in the declaration of the text; and II. To illustrate the moral tendency of it by a view of its practical influence upon men. It is hoped, that the subject will not be found unsuitable to the solemn and momentous occasion, on which we are now assembled.

The first thing of importance, implied in the general doctrine of the text, is, that mankind are subjects of a divine moral government. It is essential to such a government, that laws be enacted, for regulating the hearts and lives of men. It is farther essential, that such laws be sanctioned by divine authority, and enforced by adequate promises and threatenings – promises of due reward to the obedient, and threatenings of just punishment to such as disobey. When God shall bring every work into judgment, there must be some rule, for trying man’s actions, that is may thence appear, whether they ought to be approved, or condemned. Where no law is, there can neither be transgression, nor obedience. Where there is neither promise, nor penalty, there can be not intelligible standard, for deciding, either the good, which would result from obedience, or the evil, which must be the consequence of disobeying. If there were no such standard, the grounds of an equitable decision could not be seen. But as the day of reckoning is ordained of God for revealing His righteous judgments in the impartial distribution of rewards and punishments to men, it is essential, that He should have instituted a government which shall take cognizance of all human actions. Such a government He hath instituted. His laws clearly define and inculcate the whole duty of man. The promise is that the man, who doth the things therein written, shall surely live; but the soul that sinneth it shall die.

But the present administration of the divine government, towards mankind, involves in it a dispensation of mercy. This divine dispensation, as offering infinite blessings, and conferring new and unspeakable obligations upon men is so incorporated with the present operations of God’s moral government as to be fully implied, in the doctrine of a future judgment, as taught by His word. To those who embrace the offers of divine mercy the penalties of disobedience are forever remitted. To such Jesus Christ is the end of the law for justification and life. Those, therefore, who have remained under the law, and consequently under the curse, must endure the penalty annexed to transgression by the law. To this must be super-added the most fearful weight of punishment, which is justly incurred, by condemning the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ, and thereby rejecting the infinite grace of the Gospel.

When, therefore, God shall bring every work into judgment, all men will receive according to that they have done, in this life. For this purpose, a trial will be instituted, at which the secrets of all hearts will be revealed. Saith the Judge of quick and dead, “I am He that searcheth the heart, and trieth the reins, that I may render to every man, according to his ways, and according to the fruit of his doings.” [Jeremiah 17:10] In the final sentence all will be partakers, according to their respective characters. These will be manifested, to the view of Heaven and earth, by an impartial disclosure of their works.

This momentous trial will therefore issue, in the gracious acquittal of some, and the final condemnation of others. The force of the argument, to fear God and keep His commandments, from the consideration of his bringing every work to judgment, depends on this, not merely that such are acquitted, shall receive a gracious and infinite reward; but, that such as are found guilty, shall inevitably suffer the due punishment of their deeds. If this be thought inconclusive, from the plain impart of the text, it may be put out of question, by a farther appeal to the oracles of God. These assure us, that when the Judge “shall be revealed from heaven, with His mighty angels, in flaming fire,” to complete the redemption of His chosen, “He will take vengeance on those, who have not obeyed the gospel, who shall be punished, with everlasting destruction, from the preference of the Lord, and from the glory of his power.” [2 Thessalonians 1:7-9]

When, therefore, God shall bring every work into judgment, He will vindicate His perfections and ways, against all the hard thoughts and speeches, of His rebellious creatures. Their rejecting the divine Mediator, and with Him, the infinite mercy offered in the Gospel, is the most palpable impeachment of the divine wisdom and benevolence, as displayed in the cross of Jesus. “Behold the Lord cometh with ten thousand of His saints, to execute judgment upon all, and to convince all, who are ungodly among men, of all the hard speeches, which ungodly sinners have spoken against Him.” [Judges 1:14-15] He will then exhibit an awful demonstration, to intelligent beings of all characters, “that righteousness and judgment are the habitation of His throne.” [Psalm 97:2] In taking the needful steps, that He may render to men, according to their works, His own will appear honorable and glorious, from the beginning. In that day, “every mouth will be stopped.” [Romans 3:19] Saints and angels will offer their united tribute of adoration and praise, saying, “Great and marvelous are thy works, Lord God Almighty; just and true are Thy ways, thou King of saints: who shall not fear Thee, O Lord, and give glory to Thy name, for Thy judgments are made manifest.” [Revelation 15:3-4]

The general doctrine of the text accordingly implies the purpose of God, to support His holy government forever. When instituted by the diving Legislator, and Sovereign of the universe, it was doubtless with design, that it should be eternally maintained. It would be madness to admit the possibility that He should recede from His purpose. His law, which is holy, just and good, must be respected. On this depends the eternal happiness of his vast kingdom. If trampled on, the penalty must be executed; unless dispensed with in a way, equally declarative of his indignation against sin, and of His holy purpose, that the law shall be forever magnified and made honorable. And as men reject the gospel, no less than the law, it is essential, the atonement of Christ notwithstanding, that the Most High should still vindicate his government, by punishing the incorrigible despisers of His mercy. His purpose to do this is made known, by the appointment of a day, in which all men shall appear before Him, that they may receive the fruit of their doings. God will hence take effectual measures, to establish His kingdom, and secure its eternal glory and blessedness. Thus the purpose of God, respecting His government, will be displayed, in the eyes of the universe, in a manner, which will command the supreme confidence, adoration, and joy, of all holy minds; but will overwhelm his incorrigible enemies, with everlasting confusion and despair.

II. It is next proposed, to illustrate the moral tendency of this doctrine, by a view of its practical influence upon mankind.

In attempting this, the subject will be first considered, in application to those, who have approving belief of the foregoing sentiments. And how will their hearts and lives be influenced, by such a belief? In proportion to the strength of it, will they no habitually feel, and act, as becometh creatures, who stand accountable to the holy Searcher of hearts, and Judge of the world? Believing this, respecting all their moral actions, and all the motives of them, and glorying in the perfections of God, and displayed in the process, and the issue of the final judgment, will not their treatment of him be respectful, submissive, and holy? Can it fail to be their supreme concern, not through the influence of slavish fear, but “of love, and a sound mind,” [2 Timothy 1:7] to do those things, which are pleasing in his sight? Will they not, therefore, confide implicitly in the wisdom and rectitude of his all-disposing providence, and rest their whole salvation at His mercy, through faith in a Mediator? Of all this there can be no doubt. They will hence acknowledge their dependence on God, as creatures, and as sinners, by “continuing instant in prayer;” [Romans 12:12] and manifest their respect unto all His commandments, by keeping them. In a word, the dominion of holiness being established in their hearts, it will daily operate, to keep them “unspotted in the world,” [James 1:27] and to render them “fruitful, in every good work.”[Colossians 1:10]

It is accordingly certain, that those who embrace the foregoing sentiments, with sincere approbation of them, will demean themselves answerably, towards their fellow men. Their habitual treatment of them will be the genuine expression of integrity, benevolence, and due compassion. Of this they cannot fail, if to a full assent of the understanding to the truth, they unite a supreme complacency, in the character of Judge, and thence approve His purpose, respecting the distribution of rewards and punishments, and His manner of proceeding in it, as predicted in His word. This being true, they will assuredly act, as in the fear of the Lord, in all their intercourse with men. They will “render all their dues;” [Romans 13:7] and in doing this, will regard the divine rule, as infinitely binding; “As ye would, that men should do to you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law and the prophets.” [Matthew 7:12] Such is the moral tendency, and such the unfailing influence of the doctrine asserted in the text, on all, who embrace it with the heart.

We shall next consider this doctrine, in relation to those, who neither believe, nor approve it. It is apparent, that on such, it must be wholly void of influence. Beyond the life which now is, they have nothing to hope, nor to fear, from their present doings. If these, as they presume, shall not be brought into account hereafter, they can neither be rewarded, nor punished. As to any thing, therefore, beyond the present state, they have nothing to hope from well-doing, not any thing to fear from evil-doing. But what must we expect of men, who do not believe in “a judgment to come,” [Revelation 14:7] and a state of eternal retribution? And who, of course, do not feel themselves accountable to “the Judge of the quick, and the dead.” [2 Timothy 4:1] Being confident with their own opinions, all their motives of conduct, whether towards God, or men, must be furnished, exclusively, by the circumstances and interests of the present life. Motives of this sort may doubtless be so presented, as to operate a partial restraint, and produce many apparently good actions; but their influence must be feeble, at best, and always precarious. Can it bear a moment’s comparison, with the influence of those sublime and infinite motives, which are brought home to the heart, in the certain and awful expectation of standing at the tribunal of omniscience, and infinite purity, and of thence receiving and irreversible doom?—Great part of those, who disbelieve their accountability to a sin-hating God, are hence liberated from a sense of moral obligation, and of consequence, indulge in that riotous and unholy living, at which they would be otherwise dismayed. It is accordingly true that vice and irreligion prevail in society, as the natural offspring of a prevailing belief, that “He who sitteth in the heavens,” [Psalm 2:4] will not be strict to “mark iniquity.” [Psalm 130:3] Through individuals, who have been accustomed, by education, to sobriety of manners, may not lose their sober habits, so as to become thorough profligates, at once; still it is demonstrated, by observation and experience, that as a disbelief of the scripture doctrine of retribution prevails among men, it is followed, by a nearly answerable corruption of morals.

Thus the unchangeable tendency of becoming hopeless of good, and fearless of evil, as the final reward of man’s present doings, is clearly illustrated, by a life of practical atheism. In point of moral tendency, there is little to choose, between the creed of the full-grown atheist, and of the deist, who discards the scripture doctrine of accountableness to Jehovah. By deistical writers of the first eminence, the Most High is admitted, rather as an idle spectator, in His own dominions, than as the rightful lawgiver, and Judge of the world, who will reward the righteous, and punish the wicked, without respect to persons. Indeed they deny the evidence of His moral perfections, and righteous government, so as to defeat the best ends of believing, rather than denying “the God who is above.” [Job 31:28]

The love of existence, and of happiness is common to all sensitive and moral beings. Few things, therefore, can be more shocking to a rational mind, than the thought of forever ceasing to exist. But this notwithstanding, such are the imitations of a divine moral government, to which men are accountable, even where the doctrines of revelation are exploded, that those, who are resolved to wallow through life, in the gratification of their lusts, are dismayed, at the thought of a hereafter. They tremble, lest the moment of their exit from this world should bring with it a day of reckoning and an eternity of woe. They are hence driven to seek a respite, from the stings of conscience, and their guilty fears of wrath to come, in the gloomy doctrine of annihilation, and a forlorn hope, that “death will be an eternal sleep.” Established in this refuge of lies, multitudes in this age of madness, called reason, feel themselves emancipated from all restraint, arising from the belief of a God, and a judgment to come. They are accordingly prepared, for a warfare of impiety and lust, against all religion, and sound morality. This is the ultimate tendency of rebelling against the light, and discarding the government of One, who shall bring every work into judgment, and award to men a righteous and eternal retribution. Such is the result of experiment on the modern theory of human “perfectibility;”—an experiment, which is made, “by following nature,” and exploding the religion and morals of the gospel, under the stigmatizing names of prejudice, bigotry, and superstition. Such is the experiment now in operation for translating men out of marvelous light, into Egyptian darkness; yea, for transforming them into beasts, and devils incarnate, and this superceding a judgment to come, by anticipating a hell upon earth. Hence the grievous cry, which is raised against priestcraft, hypocrisy, and delusion – a cry, which is intended to drown the voice on conscience, and, like the savage war-whoop, inspire the assailants, with fresh courage, for invading the throne of God, and of the Lamb. Finally, let the principles of modern infidelity prevail universally, and all the features of fallen human nature would be recognized, as long since exhibited to the life, by the unerring pencil of inspiration: “There is none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after God. They are all gone out of the way; they are together become unprofitable; there is none that doth good, no not one. Their throat is an open sepulcher; with their tongues they have used deceit, the poison of asps is under their lips; their feet are swift to shed blood; destruction and misery are in their ways, and the way of peace they have not known; there is no fear of God before their eyes.” [Romans 3:11-18]

The moral tendency and importance of the doctrine before us, may be farther illustrated, by an application of it to men, invested is with civil authority. Such of those, as believe themselves accountable to a righteous God, for all their official, as well as private conduct, and unfeignedly approve of being so, will doubtless act accordingly. They will remember, with devout and humble submission, that they are God’s ministers, invested with power and authority, derived from him; and that they are bound, by an immense obligation, to be “nursing fathers” to his church, to the whole community of their fellow-citizens. Legislators, of this character, will endeavor, in framing laws, to harmonize, so far as possible, in the spirit of them, and in all he objects, for which they are enacted, with the perfect laws of heaven. Judges, in like manner, who fear God, and rejoice in being accountable at his bar, will carefully avoid occasion for any to say, “I beheld the place of judgment, and wickedness was there; and the place of righteousness, and iniquity was there.” [Ecclesiastes 3:16] Magistrates of every denomination, feeling themselves responsible to the Sovereign of all worlds, instead of being fearless of Him, or of aiming chiefly to please men, will be able to say with the conscious rectitude of an Apostle, “It is a very small thing, that we should be judged of you, or of man’s judgment; for He who judgeth us, is the Lord.” [1 Corinthians 4:3-4]

But the reverse of all this must be expected of rulers, who regard their authority, as derived exclusively from men, and do not recognize the tribunal of Heaven, as that to which they are amenable, for the faithful discharge of their official trust. Influenced alone by the temporary and interested motives of the present state, what madness to expect, that they should act, as seeing an invisible God; – that as legislators, they should be duly concerned, to frame equal laws; or as judges, to administer justice, without partiality! It is vain, even to hope, that those who “fear not God,” will “regard man” [Luke 18:4] beyond the sordid tastes of private interest. When it is believes, that this can be promoted by the means, there are no motives to restrain them, from the foulest iniquity. They are prepared, both by the spirit which they are of, and by the opinions, which they embrace, to practice on the monstrous theory, that “the end will sanctify the means.” Hence, when it will apparently conduce to their own views of promotion, of continuance in power, and of personal aggrandizement, they will not hesitate, to humor the vilest passions of men, and thus become a praise to evil-doers, but a terror and scourge, to such as do well. All this is not inferred, conclusively, from the preceding view of this subject, but is confirmed by a solemn appeal to facts. It is proved, by similar evidence, that men of this character will betray the same dereliction of all honorable and upright principle, in their official conduct, as in purifying the honors and emoluments of office. Those, therefore, who do not anticipate a reckoning, with a holy God, for their use of authority and power, act in perfect accord with their true characters, when they seek preferment, by the most profound reverence for “the people;”—when they feignedly tender them their most lowly homage, and thus become the cringing sycophants of those, whom they regard, with sovereign contempt.

The practical importance of the doctrine under consideration may be farther seen and felt by a view of its influence on the citizens of a free state, in the choice of its rulers. When called to exercise the invaluable right of suffrage, those who expect to account with God, for every action of their lives, and are pleased with such expectation, will remember the oath of God, by which they have sworn fidelity to public interest. This oath, together with a corresponding frame of heart, will lead them to invest those with civil authority, who, in the judgment of their consciences, agree best to the character of a good ruler, as given by the inspiration of the Almighty. They will, therefore, be most scrupulous, to choose men of wisdom, ability, and integrity, who practically acknowledge the God, who is above. The regard, which they habitually feel for him, as well as for the happiness of the community, will not suffer them to aid, in advancing the unprincipled and immoral, to bear rule, and thus to add the guilt of perjury, to that of treachery and unfaithfulness to the state.

But men, who in their hearts, discard the moral government of God, and take for granted, that He will not render to them their due recompense, at last, will doubtless proceed accordingly, in their choice of men to rule over them. They will naturally prefer rulers of their own stamp. While the licentious opinions and conduct of such rulers are regarded, as a cloak for the fins of others, they will not fail to be commended, as vastly ingenious, liberal, and worthy of imitation. Nor is it the most arduous attainment for human nature, to become so liberal, and enlightened, as to with for rulers, who will practically disclaim the government of the Holy One. When arrived at this, men can easily find arguments to prove, that the rankest infidelity, so far from being injurious, may be of excellent use, in those who are invested, with the highest prerogatives of magistracy. Such men are considered by many, as enjoying the happiest freedom from the influence of superstition, and illiberal prejudices. It can be shown, with wonderful ease, that the are the peculiar “friends of liberty and the rights of conscience;” that as such, they will never interfere in matters of religion; but will guarantee to every man the precious liberty, not only of having no religion, but of contributing to the support of none. Hence the decision of multitudes in favor of men, the most licentious in principle, and the most abandoned in practice, as best qualified, to stand as guardians, to the dearest interests of the community.

We see in this, as one instructive view of the subject, the influence of religion, on the political and social happiness of a nation. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked bear rule, they mourn.” [Proverbs 29:2] Not, however, that they are pleased, or displeased, according as they have good or bad men to rule over them; but according to this, as a general maxim, they are comparatively happy, or miserable. Virtuous and able rulers are “the ministers of God for good.” [Romans 13:4] They are raised up, and designed for a public blessing. In their love of righteousness, and hatred of iniquity, and in the fullness of their regard to God, and the well being of their fellow men, they will take care to frame such laws as shall guard the rights of individuals and of the state; and make provision that the same shall be faithfully executed. Their personal and official influence will conduce mightily, to the preservation of social order, of pure morality, and of prosperity to the single and undivided interests of the commonwealth. Thus they will be, “as the light of the morning, when the sun ariseth; even as a morning without clouds.” [2 Samuel 23:4] In the hands of such rulers, civil governments is a blessing, which cannot be told. But in those of opposite character, it is often a scourge, even a whip of scorpions. The evils, which may be expected from the government, in the hands of unprincipled men, “who feel power, and forget right,” and who view themselves accountable to none, but those they govern, are more than can be numbered. In framing laws, they will consult the public good no farther is this dictated by a supreme regard to their own. If necessary for compassing this, they will not hesitate at doing it, by “legalizing corruption and iniquity.” The united influence of their examples and authority, will be like that of “Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” [1 Kings 22:52; 2 Kings 3:3; 2 Kings 10:29; 2 Kings 13:2,11; 2 Kings 14:24; 2 Kings 15:9,18,24, 28; 2 Kings 23:15] Hence the fulfillment of what is written, that “The wicked walk on every side, when the vilest men are exalted.” [Psalm 12:8] When a preference is given of such rulers, to men of sound understanding, of pure morals, and tried integrity, it is the most alarming evidence of the general spread of corruption – that the people have become infatuated, and blind to their true interest – that the anger of God is beginning to smoke against them, and his voice to be heard saying, “Shall I not visit for these things? Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?” [Jeremiah 5:9,29; Jeremiah 9:9]

Again, when men can say, with approving hearts, “The Lord is out Lawgiver, the Lord is our Judge,” [Isaiah 33:22] they will demean themselves accordingly, as citizens, and subjects of civil government. They will duly respect the laws of society—will “take heed to obey magistrates,” and be subject to men in authority, “not only for wrath, but for conscience’ sake.” [Romans 13:5] They will therefore be ready to every good work – will strengthen the hands of their rulers, and aid them, in the support of government – yea will endeavor, so far as it lieth in them, to discountenance impiety, iniquity, and disorder, in all the forms of them, as offensive to God, and destructive of the well being of man. From the same motives, they will seek the public peace and harmony. To this end, they will keep in sacred remembrance, the exhortation, which is written; “Now I beseech you, brethren, mark them who cause divisions and offences, contrary to doctrine, which ye have learned, and avoid them; for they that are such, serve not out Lord Jesus Christ, but their own belly; and by good words and fair speeches, deceive the hearts of the simple.” [Romans 13:17-18] They will never forget, that “one of the six things, which the Lord hateth, yea one of the seven which are an abomination to him, is sowing disorder among brethren;” [Proverbs 6:16, 19] and, that the man, who foments divisions and animosities, commences an open warfare against the peace of society, and proclaims himself its implacable enemy.

But men, who fear God, and can honestly appeal to him, for the purity of their intentions, will be peace-makers. They will not seek their own interest and exaltation, by exciting a spirit of distrust of public men and measures, when both these are entitled to the public confidence and support. The will not prostitute the liberty of the press, to the cause of licentiousness, and this pervert a primary means of diffusing useful knowledge, and of cementing the bonds of society, that they may undermine its strong foundation, and prostrate its stately pillars in the dust. Nor will they seek great things for themselves, by turning the world upside down, and cover their unhallowed purposes, under a profusion of smooth words, and fair profession of regard to “the rights and liberties of the people.” And let it be remembered, that, whether in posts of honor, or in private stations, they will not attempt to stir up a spirit of bitter envying and strife, among Christians of different denominations, that the religion of Jesus may be disgraced, the foundation of morals be subverted, and the public felicity be sacrificed, to the triumphs of dissolutions and impiety. No, my fellow citizens, men who endure, as feeling Him, who is invisible, will not do such things as these. Nor will men of this character oppose the religion and government of their country, under color of opposing “a union of church and state.” It is true, religion may exist, and even flourish, without the aid of government; for as God is true, “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.” [Matthew 16:18] But woe to that government, which discards the aid of religion; and woe to that people, who wage war against religion, under pretense of saving it from a destructive alliance with the political interest of their country. Are not the leading opposers of such a union of religion with civil government, as has always existed in this state, fairly suspected of hostility to both, and of being impatient under the restraints of either? Do they reverence and obey the laws of Christ? And are they conscientiously afraid, that the divine beauty of his religion will be marred, by asserting its awful claims on the hearts of rulers, and of ruled; and because it is protected, from persecution and violence, by the laws of society? Are they not those rather, who practically avow their desire, to be “without law to God,” [1 Corinthians 9:21] and to men, and to see a favorite doctrine established, that those have the first claim to the confidence of their fellow men, who show the least regard to God and religion? “But whether it be right, in the sight of God, to hearken to these, more than unto God, judge ye.” [Acts 4:19]

1. On a review of this subject, we may learn how to distinguish between real and pretended patriots. Te regard, which the former of these have, to the happiness of their country, is founded in that love, which is the fulfilling of God’s law; and is cherished by a habitual sense of His presence and glory. It is not only consistent with piety towards God but proceeds from the same source and hence derives its peculiar excellence. Real patriots are those, therefore, whose philanthropy is proved, first of all, by a practical acknowledgement of God, as the supreme good, and the rightful Sovereign of the world. The spirit by which they are actuated appears farther, from their seeking the public happiness, by the proper means – by making themselves examples of piety, benevolence, and well-doing – by endeavoring, in all suitable ways, to support the credibility, and to promote the universal diffusion and influence, of that divine religion, which is full of mercy and good fruits. Such patriots were Moses, Joshua, Samuel, Hezekiah, Josiah, Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, and many others recorded in divine history. Such were many of our pious and venerable ancestors, to whom, under God, this state, not only owes her political existence, but a larger share of public and private happiness, than has been almost ever allotted, to a like portion of the human race.

Pretended patriots differ greatly from real ones. They are “heady, high minded, are lovers of pleasures, more than lovers of God.” [2 Timothy 3:4] If “in words they profess to know God, in works they deny him.” [Titus 1:16] They deal largely in professions of disinterested and public spirit. They even seem to have lost sight of all interest of heir own, in the glowing ardor of their concern, for the more important interests of the community. Hence the “good words, and fair speeches,” [Romans 16:18] by which they are signalized, and distinguished from all other men. But their professions, disinterested, and full of benevolence as they seem, are hollow and deceitful, as the source. From which they proceed. “The best of them is a brier, the most upright of them is sharper than a thorn-hedge.” [Micah 7:4] Patriots of the stamp were the renowned Absalom, Ahithophel, and Jereboam the son of Nebat, whose names, covered with the infamy of their deeds, were registered, by the command of heaven, for the admonition of the following ages. Their friendship to mankind was enmity against God and religion, and in league with iniquity, sensuality, and the grossest impiety. Such patriots of our own day, are the perfidious, and the dissolute, with those “scoffers, who walk after their own lusts,” [2 Peter 3:3] and “deny the Lord, who bought them.” [2 Peter 2:1] These, “knowing the judgment of God, that they who commit such things, are worthy of death, not only do the same, but have pleasure in those who do them.” [Romans 1:32] Such, in a word, is the magnitude of their concern, for the public weal, that, for the bare consideration of so much honor, and riches, and dominion, as are at the disposal of their fellow-citizens, “they promise them liberty, but “alas!” are themselves the servants of corruption.” [2 Peter 2:19]

2. We also learn, from the doctrine, which has been considered, he high importance of Christianity, and the happiness of society. For these purposes, the promotion of pure morals would be of vast importance, if death were the end of human existence. But as human nature is, desperately inclined to evil, no scheme can be devised, for keeping the morals of mankind, in any degree pure, without the aid of motives, derived from the belief of a God, and a judgment day. No laws can have force, without penalties. Human laws always prove weak and inefficient unless aided, in some form or other, by religion. Nor will the motives presented, by the most pure system of religion, have the necessary influence, unless aided by the high authority of divine sanctions. No scheme of religion can, however, exist, with laws thus sanctioned, which does not make men accountable to an omniscient Judge, and call to its aid those awful motives, which are drawn from a slate of future rewards and punishments. But aside from the Holy Scriptures, no arguments have been found, to demonstrate the doctrine of a future existence; much less of a judgment day, and an eternal recompense, to the righteous and the wicked. It is true, the religion of the gospel, from the perpetual warfare, which it wages with the selfish interests and passions of men, as always met with the most determined opposition, from a rebellious world. For this reason, its influence on the hearts and lives of men, has hitherto been very partial and limited. But this is no argument against it, as a necessary means of restrain, to mans unholy appetites, and of promoting their present and eternal well-being. Nay, its importance depends on the very reason, why it is hated, and set at naught by many – its arraying the terrors of the Almighty, against their evil deeds. The opposition, which it exhibits to these, is the more formidable, and answerably more offensive, according to the clearness, with which it establishes the throne of God, and makes all men accountable to him. It is this, above all, which renders the religion of Jesus, the abhorrence of those, who fight for the liberty, which is enjoyed, by the wild beasts of the desert. Such are those adepts in wickedness, and the arts of seduction, who roam about, “with eyes full of adultery, and that cannot cease from sin;” [2 Peter 2:14] to whom the sacred vows of marriage are an occasion of sinning, with more greediness and aggravation; “who creep into houses,” [2 Timothy 3:6] in quest of their prey, and regard no destruction of social bands, or of domestic happiness, as an adequate motive, for retraining their unbridled passions. Though prepared to embrace the dregs of pollution, as fuel to their unhallowed flame, they riot, with chief delight, on the spoils of “betrayed innocence.” In a view of their crimes, and of that bitter cup, which now passes over, from their hands, to wretched thousands, we may estimate the flood of woes, which must whelm the abodes of domestic peace and joy, and swallow up millions, in temporal and eternal perdition, should the same pernicious ways be followed, by the great mass of society. The unbounded spread of licentiousness, and the utter destruction of virtuous attachment, and of mutual confidence, between the sexes, would be succeeded, by a parallel diffusion of jealousy, distrust, malignity, envy, and wretchedness. The forlorn offspring of such an extended commerce, in pollution and guilt, would soon people the present habitations of peace, of order, and social happiness, with a race of savages, in whom the virtues and blessings, of all preceding ages, would be lost forever. But the foregoing view of this subject, it appears, that it mankind would universally believe the doctrines, and obey the laws of Christianity, it would purify them from all iniquity, and make them “a peculiar people, zealous of good works.” [Titus 2:14] They would, therefore, be “that happy people, whose God is the Lord.” [Psalm 144:15] “Joy and gladness would be found in their dwellings, thanksgiving and the voice of melody.” [Jeremiah 33:11] Every society of men were present a heaven in miniature, and each family, a “paradise regained.” The unnumbered myriads of the human race, incomparably more happy than ever, since their apostasy, would be meetened [rendered fit] for the inconceivable glories of immortality.

3. The preceding view of this subject naturally suggests the great importance of fidelity to the rising generation. Children are the growing materials, which must soon form the character, and decide on the happiness of society. It is apparent, that this must be happy, or miserable, according to the foundation of these materials. This sentiment accords with the direction, which God gave to Israel, by Moses. Deut. xxxii. 46, 47. “And he said unto them, set your hearts unto all he words, which I testify among you this day, which ye shall command your children to observe, to do all the words of this law. For it is not a vain thing for you, because it is our life; and through this thing shall ye prolong your days, in the land, whither ye go over to Jordan to posses it.” When it is said, “It is not a vain think for you, because it is your life, and through this thing shall ye prolong your days,” it plainly refers to the direction, for teaching the words of God’s law to their children. By this more than by all other means, a foundation would be laid for perpetuating their national existence and transmitting their distinguished privileges to succeeding generations. This shows in what sense we must understand the promise annexed to the fifth commandment, to “honor thy father, and thy mother, that thy days may be long, upon the land, which the Lord thy God giveth thee.” [Exodus 20:12] We must not receive this, as a promise of long life to individuals, as the certain reward of filial obedience; but that God would, in this way, accomplish his gracious purpose, respecting the tribes of Israel, to preserve them a great and happy nation.

The foundation of civil government, no less than that of religion and morals, which are its main pillars, must be laid, in that domestic government, which God has instituted, and that religious education of children, which is solemnly enjoined in his word. If, instead of training up children, “for glory and immortality,” [Romans 2:7] beyond the grave, the primary object were to render them happy, in this life, and by their means, to promote the public happiness, it would be immensely important, that they should be faithfully taught their relation to God, as accountable beings, and all their duties, which belong to them, in this relation. By this means, with the divine blessing, a more perfect state of society might be realized, than has ever existed, since man forsook his Maker. But this depends on the faithfulness of parents, of guardians, and other instructors. When these are not influenced by pious and benevolent motives, nor awed, by that sense of responsibility to God, which religion teaches, they will be negligent, and more than negligent, of the moral and religious education of children. So far from teaching them, that “the fear of the Lord is the fountain of life,” [Proverbs 14:27] and the only sure departure from the snares of death, they will often poison their minds, with the early and deep impression of false opinions, and their whole characters, with the destroying influence of licentious and impious behavior. Such is the alarming fate of many, at the present day, even in our own country. Here many are born and educated, in the school of anarchy, misrule, and irreligion. Of these they will soon be examples, and powerful advocates. Let them sustain a preponderancy of numbers, and of influence, and the feeds of public distress and perplexity will be so widely diffused, and so deeply rooted, as to admit of no remedy. And when this evil, which already assumes a portentous and lowering aspect, has befallen our once happy country, the foundations will be literally destroyed. In that day, nothing better will await us, as a nation, than the dire catastrophe of the house built on he sand; “And the rains descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon the house, and it fell, and great was the fall of it.” [Matthew 7:27]

4. We readily see, in this connection, why the states and empires, which wave risen in past ages, have successively mouldered at the foundation, and eventually tumbled into ruins. They wanted that divine cement, the religion of Jesus, which unites man to man, and men to God. This would have been a living spring of that public and social virtue, and of that piety towards God, without which the most flourishing state must become “like a city, which is broken down, and without walls.” [Proverbs 25:28] When men have no just apprehensions of the Being, “WHOSE KINGDOM RULETH OVER ALL,” and find no motives, for cultivating that “fear of the Lord, which is the beginning of wisdom,” [Psalm 11:10; Psalm 9:10] the fountain of public life and health becomes corrupt, will the whole mass is polluted. The gratification of their lists, unrestrained by the love or fear of the Almighty, gradually engenders effeminacy, weakness, and “unbridled sensuality,” in all classes of people, from the palace to the cottage. By such means, the most flourishing states and kingdoms, recorded in sacred and profane history have fallen no less a prey to themselves and one another than to the overwhelming judgments of a sin-avenging God. But for the fatal cause ere assigned, the illustrious empires of antiquity might, not only have been preserved from desolation and oblivion, but have increased in numbers, in strength, in prosperity, in glory, and in happiness, till this day; yea, have flourished on, “till time shall be no longer.” [Revelation 10:6] But as they did not like even “to retain God in their knowledge,” [Romans 1:28] He gave them up to their own lusts, till they should “eat the fruit of their own ways, and be filled with their own devices.” [Proverbs 1:31] Under this tremendous anathema, the nations of the earth have not only made war, one upon another, but have preyed upon their own blood, and eaten their own flesh, till wasted away, and there was none to deliver.

5. We are further taught, by the light of this subject, the gross mistake of modern philosophers and reformers, who are professedly seeking o promote liberty, and the happiness of man, by exterminating religion, and committing the whole human race, to the guidance of reason, and the light of nature. The liberty thus promoted is mere licentiousness. The war of contending passions and interests, which is enkindled by it, is the deadly bane of rational liberty, and must one day close the reign of anarchy and confusion, with the triumphs of despotic domination. Such is the result of experiment, exhibited by the philosophizing and theoretical reformers, of modern times, in Europe. There is the liberty, which is founded in the prostration of all the principals of piety and social virtue, has had its day, and now as its night. We have there seen the abolition of all religion ¹ producing its genuine fruits, an almost universal corruption of morals; with an immensity of the most atrocious crimes, both in public, and in private. We have thus seen the mad theories of atheistical reformers producing a flood of wrongs, unparalleled in the history of nations. We have also seen this same licentious liberty, turning one of the fairest portions of Europe, and of the whole world, into a “golgotha;” and filling its deluded inhabitants, with the very dregs of the cup of tears, of humiliation, and woe. After many millions of people have wallowed in these, through a series of revolutions, in the vain hope of establishing their liberties, we have seen them tamely submitting, to a larger stretch of despotic power, than is endured, by any other nation on earth. Of this sort is the harvest of bitter fruits, which must always be expected to spring up, from that liberty, which is founded in the extirpation of the religion and morals, which are taught by the word of God.

6. We here see also, my fellow-citizens, what we are to expect, as the sure consequences of embracing that vain and impious philosophy, which “changes the truth of God into a lie,” [Romans 1:25] and teaches men, “to worship and serve the creature, more than the CREATOR, WHO IS GOD OVER ALL.” [Romans 1:25] We might expect to see the general triumph of impiety and lust, succeeded by a state of anarchy, frightful as the horrors of chaos. This anarchy would probably be rendered doubly frightful, by the more sullen horrors of a civil war. In the disastrous and bloody train of such a war, (which may heaven prevent,) a despotism would doubtless follow, with iron teeth, to break in pieces and devour; and would erect his throne, on the spot where and the day when, the liberties and glory of America were shrouded together, in one common grave. This fair inheritance, which was purchased by the bold and enterprising spirit, the piety, the prayers, the tears, the sufferings, he invincible fortitude, and even the blood of our pious ancestors, would be despoiled of its essential glory, and become, like mystical Babylon, a habitation of dragons, and a hold of every foul spirit. All this, according exactly with facts, which stare us in the face, is fairly expected, as the most natural consequence of becoming hopeless of future good, and fearless of evil, from he hands of God, as the just rewarder of our doings. To us, therefore, in this land, and even to this state, there is nothing which portends so much evil, or which so palpably threatens our political and eternal destruction, as the prevalence of hose “demoralizing principles,” which are daily insinuated into the vitals of the community. The abettors and friends of those principles, whoever they are, would doubtless glory in seeing he religion from the son of God, prostrated in the dust, his Sabbaths and ordinances abolished, his ministers despoiled, or exiled, and his temples smoking in ruins. Oh my soul, come not thou into their secret, unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united”! ! ! [Genesis 49:6]

Those of my audience, who sustain the honorable distinction of Magistrates and Rulers will feel themselves addressed by this subject, not only with the importance of their official duties, but of a practical and sincere acknowledgement of Jehovah, and his righteous government, in a life of holiness and good works. Suffer me to remind you, my honored fellow citizens, that to Him you stand accountable, no less that those, in humbler stations, to whom you are constituted his ministers for good – and that with them you must appear and be judged, at the same divine tribunal, from which there is no appeal. Remember, therefore, what God hath spoken; “He who ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of the Lord:” [2 Samuel 23:3] and that He hath said again; “Him who honoreth me, I will honor; but he that despiseth me, shall be lightly esteemed;” [1 Samuel 2:30] yea, “Whosoever shall be ashamed of me, and of my words, in this adulterous, and sinful generation; of him shall the Son of man be ashamed, when he shall come in he glory of his Father, with the hold angels.” [Luke 9:26]

You, gentlemen, are constituted guardians of the public happiness. For this, let me pray you to watch, “as those who must give account.” [Hebrews 13:17] As one means of inspiring you with due benevolence, fortitude, and perseverance, in attempting this, often contemplate those venerable and excellent rulers, whose examples are recorded for your instruction, imitation, and delight, in the sacred pages. Add to these, and for the same purpose, the long list of worthies, who have gone before you, and been the ornament and praise of this state, no less than the instruments of her stability, glory, and happiness. With the examples of such rulers before you, to aid the influence of those sublime motives, which are exhibited in the word of God, may you “go and do likewise.” [Luke 10:37] It mist be apparent to you all, that religion, as taught be the Divine Word and Spirit, is the corner-stone, and only sure foundation of the individual and social happiness of man. In this view, and aside from that infinite weight of motives, by which it is commended, as giving life unto the soul, of what immeasurable importance is it, to yourselves and fellow-citizens, that you manifest a serious and unequivocal regard to the religion of Emmanuel, and know indeed, that He is the very “Christ of God;” yea, that He is “King of Kings and Lord of Lords.” [Revelation 19:16] Regarding Him as your appointed Judge, and only Savior, and acting from the pure and disinterested motives of His religion, you will have that “wise and understanding heart,” [1 Kings 3:12] which is needful to guide you, in all the duties of your public trust, and the consolations of heaven to support you, under the ponderous weight of public cares. Though your names should be cast out as evil, and though envy should assail you, with her “forked tongue,” you will enjoy the testimony of a good conscience, with the prayers and the confidence of good men, and finally meet the plaudit of an infinite Judge.

From the preceding discourse, the ministers of religion may apprehend the nature, and high importance of the duties incumbent on them. The religion of Jesus, of which we profess to be subjects and ministers, is distinguished from all others, as one which is commended to every man’s conscience, in the sight of God; and as making all men accountable to Him. Preaching this religion, with effect, implies that men are taught their relation to God, as subjects of his moral government, and their obligations to glorify His name – to repent, and believe the Gospel, and to do works meet for repentance. Nor can we hope to promote the political interests of mankind any farther than we are honored, as instruments of advancing the kingdom of righteousness and peace. It is, therefore, the great business of our high calling, as it reflects the honor of God our Savior, and the happiness of our fellow-men, for both worlds, that we be instrumental of their embracing the truth, as it is in Jesus, and of building them up, in faith and holiness, to eternal glory. Important as the whole of this, together with the salvation of our own souls, is the faithful discharge of our duty, as watchmen to theirs. In a view of this numerous and respectable assembly, and of the foregoing sentiments, we are all reminded of that “great and dreadful day,” [Malachi 4:5] where we must meet an assembled universe, “at the judgment-seat of Christ.” [Romans 14:10] In a certain and awful prospect of the account, which we must then render to the Judge of hearts, it becometh us to realize our immense obligations to be holy, and without blame. The God “with whom we have to do,” [Hebrews 4:13] is no respecter of persons. He is “a God of truth, and without iniquity.” [Deuteronomy 32:4] “He will, therefore, render to every man, according to his works.” [Romans 2:6] “To them who seek for glory, honor, and immortality, by patient continuance, in well-doing, he will render eternal life. But to such as are contentious, and do not obey the truth, but obey unrighteousness,” [Romans 2:7-8] He will as surely render “indignation and wrath, tribulation and anguish.” [Romans 2:8-9] In this serious and impressive view of our relation to God, as our rightful Sovereign, and final Judge, may we all be quickened to serve Him and to serve our generation according to His will that when He shall come in His glory, we may be glad, with exceeding joy.

But finally, do any of you, in this assembly, disbelieve the Gospel of Christ, and not expect to be judged, at last, according to your perfect doings? Is your unbelief the result of conviction? And is this conviction the result of a fair and impartial examination of the evidences, by which the divine claims of Christianity are supported? Let us suppose, for once, that yours is “the condemnation, to have loved darkness, rather than light, because your deeds are evil;” [John 3:19] and that hence, you have made lies your refuge. Let us further suppose your mistake to be detected, by the light of eternity, when its consequences must be infinitely too dreadful, to be endured. Shall you, in this fearful extremity, be consoled by the testimony of conscience, that you had decided on the point in question, with all that faithful investigation, that scrupulous care, and that singleness of heart, [Jeremiah 32:39] which all the incomparable weight of the subject demanded! Till this be done, you may well take heed, “lest that come upon you, which is written, behold ye despisers, and wonder and perish;” [Acts 13:40-41] – lest you find to your infinite cost, that “the stone, which the builders rejected, is the come the Head of the corner;” [Psalm 118:22] and that, “on whomsoever it shall fall, it will grind him to powder.” [Matthew 21:44; Luke 20:18]

Endnotes

1. Christianity, as it existed in France, previous to the revolution, retained but few traces of its native simplicity, and divine purity; not can those, who have been praying, for the downfall of the antichrist, consistently rejoice, in his re-establishment, in that country. That temporary abolition of popery, which was attended with such a deluge of tears and blood, is not to be regarded, as the destruction of true religion. But it is well know, by all who have read the history of Europe, for the last twenty years, that the seeds of revolution in France, were sown by men, who had conspired for the universal and indiscriminate destruction of every thing, bearing the name of Christianity. The spirit, therefore, which overturned the existing forms of religion, in France, is no less hostile, and appears, by the exertions which it is making in this, and in other countries, to be no less hostile, to the truth, as it is in Jesus. This is a sufficient ground of that just and universal abhorrence, in which the principals of atheistical reformers are holden, and must always be holden by wise and good men. The influence of these principles, in that rapid and terrible progress of demoralization and wretchedness, which uniformly attends them, clearly demonstrates their horrible tendency. It hence shows what must be their tremendous effects, whenever they become generally prevalent, in society. It is true there is not the remotest danger, that infidelity can destroy the religion and kingdom of Christ. This kingdom, supported by the oath of God, and guarded against its enemies, by the wisdom and strength of omnipotence, will finally break in pieces, and subdue, all opposing kingdoms and interests, and stand forever. But this is no reason, why the friends of religion, and of human happiness, should be indifferent to the spread of those principles, which are everywhere disseminated, with a view of subverting the religion of Jesus. Though his subversion be impossible, as it is impossible, that God should lie, or hat omnipotence should become weak, and unable to accomplish the divine purposes; still it is a truth, which needs no proof, aside from an appeal to facts, that infidelity is more terrible, and more to be avoided, because it is infinitely more hostile to human happiness, than the pestilence, which walketh in darkness. The latter can destroy only the body; but the former, having first infused wormwood and gall into every cup of human enjoyment, must afterwards destroy both soul and body in hell.

Samuel Kendal preached this election sermon in Boston on May 30, 1804.

ILLUSTRATED IN A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency CALEB STRONG, Esq.

GOVERNOR,

His Honor EDWARD H. ROBBINS, Esq.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR,

The Honorable the COUNCIL, SENATE, AND HOUSE
Of REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

May 30, 1804,

THE DAY OF GENERAL ELECTION.

By SAMUEL KENDAL, A. M.

MINISTER OF THE CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY IN WESTON.

BOSTON:

PRINTED FOR YOUNG & MINNS, PRINTERS TO THE STATE

1804.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

Ordered, That Laban Wheaton, Abiel Smith, and Nathaniel Goodwin, Esqrs. Be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Kendal, and in the name of the House to thank him for his discourse this day delivered before his Excellency the Governor, his Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, the Hon. Council and the two Branches of the Legislature, and to request a copy thereof for the press.

ELECTION SERMON.

DEUTERONOMY, XXXII. 46, 47.

SET YOUR HEARTS UNTO ALL THE WORDS WHICH I TESTIFY AMONG YOU THIS DAY; WHICH YE SHALL COMMAND YOUR CHILDREN TO OBSERVE AND DO, ALL THE WORDS OF THIS LAW.
FOR IS NOT A VAIN THING FOR YOU; BECAUSE IT IS YOUR LIFE; AND THROUGH THIS THING YE SHALL PROLONG YOUR DAYS IN THE LAND WHITHER YE GO OVER JORDAN TO POSSESS IT.

This important advice was given by the Jewish Legislator, just before his death, to the whole congregation of Israel. Moses had exhibited to his nation unequivocal proof of his attachment to their interest, freedom and happiness. Although acknowledged as the son of Pharaoh’s daughter, educated at Egypt’s court, and assured of the honors and offices which commonly gratify the ambition of men, he disclaimed kindred and alliance with the oppressors of his people, and boldly demanded their release from servitude. By a series of wonders, wrought in the name of Jehovah, he effected their emancipation, and conducted them to the land promised to their fathers.

To form and carry into operation a system of government, and habituate a newly emancipated people to rule and order were important objects to be accomplished. In these, as in the deliverance of the Hebrews, Moses was under the immediate supernatural direction of Heaven. The government was a theocracy; religion the basis on which the whole structure rested. Their institutions, civil and religious, happily combined to improve the nation, and to guard it against being corrupted by admitting strangers to an equal participation of all its privileges. In its advancement from bondage to an independent rank among the nations of the earth, the people were led by the hand of Moses and Aaron; by the civil magistrate and the minister of religion. Each was a chosen instrument to carry on the merciful designs of Providence in respect to ancient Israel; and each the world hath ever found necessary to promote the peace, order and improvement of society.

Arrived at the borders of the promised land, and apprized that he should not be permitted to pass Jordan, Moses gave the people a new edition of the law in the book before us; and, to aid their memory, rehearsed the mercies and judgments of God, and the duties and dangers of Israel, in a divine song; in which, with an eloquence worthy of his subject, he celebrated the praises of Jehovah, and warned the nation against departing from the statutes he had appointed unto them.

Having concluded his song, the prophet said to the congregation, assembled to hear his last instruction, “Set your hearts unto all the words which I testify among you this day; which ye shall command your children to observe and do, all the words of this law.”

The two great commandments in this law, on which all the rest depend, according to our Savior, are to love the Lord our God with all the heart, and our neighbor as ourselves. It therefore related to religious, moral and social duty. In this view of it the people were directed by their great deliverer, whose character and achievements, situation and prospects, gave weight to his counsel, sincerely to regard its rules and precepts, and to teach and command their children to observe them. The reason assigned for the injunction we have in these words: “For it is not a vain thing for you; because it is your life; and through this thing ye shall prolong your days in the land whither ye go over Jordan to possess it.”

By the life of a community we understand its political existence, independence, freedom and happiness. In the preservation, or loss, of these, whatever may be ascribed to natural causes, we often observe the powerful effect of moral causes. To show the influence of these upon national freedom and prosperity is more particularly the duty of the ministers of religion. To this the subject directs our attention. The importance of the injunction in the text will appear from the truth and weight of the reason by which it is enforced. Our main object, therefore, will be to illustrate this general truth, viz.

That religion, and the moral and social virtues, of which that is the great spring, are, under God, the life and security of a free people.

In attempting this, the speaker must rely on the candor of our civil fathers, and of this numerous and respectable assembly. What he proposes is, briefly to hint at the necessity and end of civil government; then show that religion is the only sure basis of good government; that its influence upon communities is salutary; that it is the only rational ground of mutual confidence; and that the Christian system is most favorable to liberty and social order.

The necessity, or at least the expediency, of civil government might be inferred from the universal adoption of it among all nations whose history is known. But we perceive for ourselves that it is impossible for society to exist without it; and conclude, as man is a social being, the Creator designed he should be a subject of law and government.

The end of government is the protection, improvement and happiness of the community. To accomplish this end, as in the natural, so in the political body, there must be a head, or governing power, which shall direct the operations of the members, combine their strength for the common defence, and unite their exertions for the public good.

That is the best government which most effectually restrains the dissocial passions, prevents crimes, and, with the least restriction of natural liberty, preserves order, dispenses justice, and procures to the whole the greatest happiness. To these ends the fundamental principles of every government, and all the laws of the state, should be adapted. The government, whose object or tendency is any other than the public good, or whose administration is guided by other motives than the general interest, neither comports with the design of Heaven, nor merits the esteem and confidence of men.

But such is the imperfection of man, that nothing depending on human authority only is adequate to the proposed end of civil government. The language of experience is, that to control the passions, and habituate men to the love of order, and to act for the public good, some higher authority than that which is merely human must influence their minds. Their views are often too limited to comprehend the reasonableness of yielding private interest and inclination to public utility, or the connexion between surrendering a portion of their natural liberty, and enjoying civil liberty, under the protection of law. The institution of government many seem to imagine designed, not for their own, but the benefit of a chosen few; and though they may dread the sanctions of the law, and the power of the magistrate; yet, feeling no moral obligation to obey, and hoping to evade legal justice, they have but slender motives to obedience while unrestrained passion, or personal interest, impels them to counteract the established system of rule and order; or, if they have correct notions of the general design and tendency of good government, yet viewing it merely as an ordinance of man, and reflecting on the imperfection of legislators, they have but a feeble sense of obligation to observe laws, which oppose their immediate advantage. Fond of self government, they reluctantly delegate the necessary power to others; and when they have consented to it, a jealousy of their rulers often renders them hostile to their administration. Some higher and better established principle of action, than a view to public interest and convenience, must operate on the minds of most men, to render them good members of a civil community.

But what must this higher principle be? The ideas of some seem to have been that there must be a system of political morality established, whose object shall be to fix certain rules of social duty, to the observance of which all shall be obliged by the authority of the state. But if such system is to rest solely on the authority of human laws, and to be the result of human wisdom only, its fitness will be always liable to doubts, and a violation of its principles and rules thought no great crime. It being, as I think it must be, conceded that morality is essential to the support and due administration of government, let it be considered whether the laws of morality must not have some higher origin than the consent of political bodies, and be enforced by other authority than that to whose aid they are deemed necessary. Nothing is gained if they are not supposed to proceed from some superior power, to which human beings are amenable. This can be no other than God. Religious faith, or sentiment, must then be called in to the support of that morality, which is essential to the order and well-being of society; and is, therefore, the basis on which good government ultimately rests.

Belief in the being and providence of God, and that he hath given to men a perfect law, the transgression of which is an offence against him, will furnish motives to virtue suggested by no other consideration. Exclude the thought of a God, of a providence, and of future retribution, and we sap the foundation of morality and social order, and brutalize the human character.

All nations, however ignorant of the true God, and of the worship most acceptable to him, have practically acknowledged the importance of religious sentiment. Sensible that it was the support of virtue, the sages of antiquity inculcated reverence for the imaginary deities of their country; and deemed it hazardous to we4aken the influence of religious opinions; though many could not but perceive that the objects of adoration were really no gods.

As everything in the natural world evinces the existence of a supreme intelligent Agent, so every faculty of the human soul indicates that man was formed for the exercises of religion. If not sufficiently enlightened for that which is pure and rational, he adopts that which is wild and extravagant. Perceiving this universal propensity to some religion, and despairing, probably, of leading the world, by the bare light of philosophy, to a discovery of the divine perfections, the wisest and best men were careful to improve the general sentiment as a motive to every moral and social virtue. Among the Romans, before they had learned to contemn the gods, an oath was a greater security for the faithful performance of a trust, than any bond that could be entered into by the more corrupted and atheistic Greeks. Their idea was, that men will not be induced to perform the duties which result from their social relations, unless they suppose themselves under the inspection of some invisible powerful agent, to whom they are responsible.

Absurd opinions in religion, it is true, were embraced, and gods of different characters adored; and each walked in the name of his god; but in all nations some things have been deemed virtuous, and others vicious; and their religion had a tendency to encourage the one, and to repress the other. Their morals received support, and their government aid, when they were most free, from their religious opinions; and it is more than probable that, notwithstanding all their darkness and pagan superstition, tradition had scattered some rays of the true light, which were the principal cause of their brightest virtues.

Some moderns, contrary to the sentiments of the best men in all ages, have impiously asserted, that the idea of a God is subversive of free governments, and tends to support tyrannic rule; and more than intimated that it hath degraded human beings, kept most nations enslaved, and concealed from them the true liberty, dignity and perfectability of man. But judging from the visible disastrous effects of these principles, the conclusion is, that so far as their advocates, according to their ideas, have disencumbered the public mind of religious sentiments, and freed the passions from their restraining influence, they have prepared the way for cruelty and crimes of every description. The experiment has been made in Europe. Heaven forbid that it should be repeated in America!

As the body politic, like the natural body, consists of many members, it is certain all cannot hold the same place, and perform the same functions; but will have parts assigned according to their relative situations and connexion with the body; and the grand desideratum is, to infuse into the whole some general principle of action, which, preserving the unity of the body, shall induce each to perform the duties of his station. What beside religious sentiment will uniformly have this effect? Will a principle of honor, or regard to public opinion, supposing it to be enlightened and correct? However these might prevail with a few of a refined taste, enlarged understanding, and superior education, early habituated to respect the precepts of virtue, they have been always found insufficient to regulate the generality of mankind. The idea of a God, and the hopes and fears connected with it, are indispensably necessary to secure the practice of that virtue, which is requisite to the preservation, order and happiness of society. Impress on the public mind a full belief in an all-seeing God, whose law and government are perfect, whose honor is concerned in the obedience of his creatures, and who will render a just recompense to all; and it will be a steady motive to those virtues which are the ornament and life of society, and the glory of man. Add to this general sentiment a persuasion that we have a clear expression of the divine will in the sacred Scriptures, and it must have a happy influence upon public manners, and be a source of individual consolation and hope. The great, rich and honorable, it will teach moderation, humility and condescension; the poor and lowly, it will elevate to dignity of thought, design and action; and present to each a prospect of that state of equality in which they shall appear before their righteous Judge.

In the present world there is neither a real nor apparent equality in the conditions of men. Different abilities, success, power, station and influence, are visible in every community. This arrangement is not an human invention; it is the work of Providence; and an attempt to change the present order of things and reduce all to perfect equality, would be to wage war with Heaven, and exalt the wisdom of man above that of the Creator. The natural rights of men are equal; but their actual advantages and improvement are unequal, and lead to different stations; in which religion teaches them to be content, and faithfully perform their part, as members of the same body, having like care one for another.

Rulers are the constituted head. Their elevation is honorable, their office important, and their characters dignified with the title of gods, and ministers of God. But being men of like passions with other men, in proportion to the importance of their trust, and to their burdens and temptations, they need the influence, support and direction of religious principle. This is equally necessary to secure their fidelity, and to enable them to bear the trials incident to their stations. Realizing that they are subjects of the divine government, elevated to rule over their brethren, as God’s vicegerents, and entrusted with authority, for the exercise of which they are responsible to that Being, who “standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods,” they will make the divine character, law and government, as far as possible, the model of their own. The same principle that induces the ruler to be faithful will incline the people to honor and obey him, as one who exercises “the powers that are ordained of God,” and under his wise administration to “lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.”

Let it be added; religion is the only rational ground of mutual confidence. Every person has some governing principle of action; either a supreme regard to the Deity, or to himself. If the former, as God is immutable and his law perfect, he will be just whose conduct is regulated by such a standard. His sense of accountability at a tribunal where no artifice can disguise the truth, no subtilty evade a righteous decision, preserves his integrity. But, destitute of this, the predominant passion, or private interest, will determine the conduct of a man; and as it is impossible to foresee what these will be at a given period, because liable to vary with situations and circumstances, there can be no reasonable confidence that he will observe any fixed rule of duty. Public opinion may have considerable influence upon him; and were this never affected by the same passions and prejudices, or by the same want of information, that occasion the errors of individuals, it would merit all the respect it ever received. But it is variable; and sometimes takes its complexion from designing men, who allege its authority in support of measures justifiable on no other ground. It cannot, then, be a fixed standard of right conduct in all cases; because, according to its own concession, it is sometimes misguided; in which case, he who is governed by it may act in opposition to what he perceives the laws of justice and the public good require. But a religious or moral principle leads to the discharge of duty, without considering how the performance of it may affect a man’s popularity; and is the only security that men will, at all times, be faithful in their stations.

The dependence of government upon religious sentiment is recognized in the legal administration of an oath, the solemnity and obligation of which will be diminished as the influence of that sentiment shall be destroyed. Impress it more deeply, and its effect will be more evident and salutary. If the great principles of religion were to actuate the whole political body, we should soon see society advancing to its highest perfection.

Christianity is designed to give these principles their full effect. It presents a clear view of the divine character, and of the duty and destiny of man; and furnishes the strongest motives to virtue by inspiring new and more sublime hopes than the light of nature ever imparted. Not in the least diminishing the grandeur of the thought which surrounding phenomena suggest of a God, it introduces to the mind the idea of goodness, or grace, as the connecting link between men and their Creator; by which they may rise to a resemblance of the great standard of moral excellence; to the dignity and privileges of sons of God. It represents our liberty and happiness to be objects of the divine care, exhibits astonishing examples of benevolence, and requires in us the same heavenly temper. It offers a remedy for our moral disorders, and support under natural evils. It enforces every precept of virtue by the consideration that present behavior will affect our future condition; that God is the witness, and will be the judge of our conduct; that no distinctions, however honorable here, will avail us in the day of final audit; that truth and faithfulness lead to glory, vice and folly to shame and confusion. It forbids the indulgence of the selfish passions, and encourages a generous philanthropy. In its great Founder we behold a perfect pattern of all righteousness; its doctrines enlighten the mind and improve the heart; and its whole spirit is that of harmony and love, which has a benign aspect upon the state of civil society.

It is objected that Christianity hath been the occasion of cruel wars and bloodshed. But until it can be shown that these are the natural effects of Christian principles, or agreeable to the spirit and precepts of the gospel, the objection proves no more than that the best gift of Heaven is capable of being perverted by ignorant or designing men. With equal truth and justice might it be affirmed that patriotism is not a virtue, because under its name scenes of disorder have been introduced, and states enslaved; or that liberty has nothing in it lovely, because the excess of it leads to anarchy and despotism, as that Christianity is unfriendly to the peace and improvement of society, because some have assumed it as a mask for their enormities. The most ingenuous among its enemies have conceded that such objections cannot be fairly urged against the system.

The maxims, as well as the general spirit of this religion, are equally favorable to rational liberty, and to good government. Christianity, indeed, authorizes no particular form of civil government in preference to another; but it speaks of government in general as an ordinance of God, points out its design, and enjoins submission to it, “not only for wrath, but also for conscience’ sake.” It teaches us to consider rulers as the “ministers of God, sent for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well.” It forbids us, though “free, to use our liberty for a cloak of maliciousness;” and commands us to “render to Caesar the things which are Caesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s;” and not, like the Pharisees, under pretence of religion, to stir up sedition, or, like the Herodians, make a compliment of our religion to Caesar, that we may be in favor with him. By placing all the moral and social virtues on their proper basis, urging them by the highest motives, and introducing charity as the great bond of perfectness, it provides against the evils which result from defect in all human institutions. Under its governing influence, the magistrate will ever keep in view the design of his appointment; the people, the reasons for their submission; and both a nobler motive to their respective duties than ever actuated an unbeliever.

True piety and pure morals, it is maintained by many, would preserve the freedom and happiness of a nation to the latest period of time. Not to say anything of the divine promises, facts seem to justify the supposition. Corruption of morals and manners has always preceded the fall of states, kingdoms and empires; and with its usual attendants, lust of power, party spirit, intrigue and faction, sanctified by the specious name of patriotism, or disguised under the flattering pretence of liberty, has been the visible cause of their loss of freedom and independence, or of their entire ruin. But should it be admitted that the political body, like the natural, has its f=infancy, youth and manhood, and must at length sink under the inevitable infirmities of age; that like all earthly things it is subject to decay; still it may be true that religion and virtue, as a suitable regimen and sober habits preserve natural life, will prolong the term of its health, prosperity and glory. But, as certain vices destroy the human constitution, and bring men to an early grave; so impiety and general corruption of manners hurry on the decline of political bodies, especially of free republics, or, by inducing some violent disorder, cut them off in the meridian of their splendor.

These truths admitted, the following inferences will be natural.

The first is, that genuine patriotism, as well as personal considerations of infinite moment, requires a strict adherence to the advice given to Israel. Indifference to religion, or to the means of extending and perpetuating the knowledge and influence of its principles and duties, is totally incompatible with enlightened zeal for the freedom and best interest of our country. General information, reverence for the worship of God, and its necessary institutions, and virtuous habits, in a political view, are of the highest importance. Without these it will be impossible long to maintain our free constitutions. Ignorance, or corruption of morals, will have an immediate effect upon the government whose powers emanate from the people, and whose administration is guided by the public will. Through want of information a virtuous people may be induced, under the idea of amendments, to co-operate in schemes subversive of the principles of their government; but when freed from the salutary restraints of religion and virtue, they are in danger of being hurried through the turbid sea of licentious liberty to the rugged and inhospitable shores of despotism. Deceived and demoralized, they will be prepared to second the views of ambition, and to aid any aspiring genius that may grasp at unlimited power. To remain free, a people must be enlightened and virtuous; and in order to this, they must cherish institutions calculated to promote knowledge and virtue. These, in free states, are the sources of political life, and claim our high consideration and respect.

It is worthy of observation, that one part of the law to which our text refers was designed to secure the nation from the corrupting influence of “aliens from the commonwealth of Israel,” who, though permitted to enjoy certain privileges, were not allowed to exercise all the rights of citizens; and that Israel seldom failed to suffer by departing from the law in this respect. This provision the wisdom of God ordained for the safety of his chosen people; and it merits consideration in every age and nation.

Natural as well as moral causes operate the destruction of republics. The Roman commonwealth, fallen indeed from her republican virtues, was at length crushed by her own weight. Extending her territorial possessions, she lost her freedom. This might have been expected; for the central force in all cases must be proportionate to the extent of its intended operation, and to the repelling power to be overcome. In free republics it is limited, that liberty may be more secure; but extending the space over which it must operate induces the necessity of increasing the momentum; which may effect a radical change in the government, more or less injurious to liberty, introduce monarchy, a more to be dreaded aristocracy, or, which is commonly a disastrous event, lead to the division of a large into a number of small rival states.

But it belongs rather to the politician than to the minister of religion to contemplate and guard against such dangers. They are increased by neglect to improve the public mind in knowledge, virtue and religion, and to strengthen the general attachment to the principles of the government, and aversion to frequent innovations. As ours is a vastly extended republic, composed in some measure of jarring materials, of the bond and of the free, the feelings of every true patriot and friend of republican government, must be deeply interested in preserving pure the sources and vehicles of information, and in extending, among the bond as well as the free, the means of religious and moral instruction.

The example of our venerable ancestors is recommended by the success of their exertions. In their view everything possible was to be attempted to disseminate knowledge, and fix in the public mind the principles of religion and virtue. As soon as the desert became so far a fruitful field, as to afford sustenance to a few families, they formed into little societies, whose most prominent feature was reverence for the institutions of religion, and care of the education of the youth. Heaven smiled upon their laudable efforts; and we feel an honest pride in paying a tribute of respect to their memory, and in acknowledging the advantages we have derived from their attention to these things; the effect of which upon the present state of society in New-England, compared with what it is in those sections of our country where the same views did not actuate the first settlers, is as happy as it is visible. Our fathers have transmitted to us a fair inheritance; and through the efficacy of the same means, if as generally adopted, we may hope to hand it down to posterity.

We next infer, secondly, that lessening the influence of religious sentiment, to which neglect, or contempt of sacred institutions tends, is extremely hazardous to the public weal. Persuade men that they are under no law to God, that his existence and providence are doubtful, their accountability and a future state uncertain, and they will be prepared, if passion or interest urge, to trample on the authority of all law and government. To secure order and justice, the arm of the magistrate must be strengthened, and liberty abridged, in proportion as the influence of religion is diminished.

To effect designs, the execution of which required the unrestrained indulgence of the worst passions of the heart, their authors have used means to pervert or destroy this influence. If atheism do not best comport with their purpose, they will, if possible, pervert the sentiment, and make religion consist, not in rational piety and humble obedience, but in passion and blind devotion; and render it subservient to their views by infusing into the mind the unhallowed fire of enthusiasm, or the gloomy severity of bigoted superstition; either of which detracts from the credit of religion in general; through less disastrous in its effects than the total annihilation of religious principle.

To prevent a return of the revolted tribes to the house of Judah, Jeroboam “set up golden calves, and made priests of the lowest of the people;” thus corrupting religion to secure his reign over Israel; the melancholy consequences of which are seen in almost every page of their history. For a purpose not very dissimilar, in later times, a still bolder step hath been taken, and an attempt made to establish absolute atheism; the success of which, though partial, hath blackened the character and multiplied the miseries of man.

Eradicate all sense of accountability to the moral Governor of the world, and what security could there be that iniquity will not be framed and established by law? Oaths of office, or of evidence, will not bind men to be faithful, or true. The streams of justice will be polluted, or turned from their course, and passion, interest, or prejudice, decide the fate of innocence. The judge, it is true, who neither fears God, nor regards man, who has no sense of religious or moral obligation, to avoid the inconvenience of importunity, may avenge a poor widow; but will never do justice from a higher motive. As it may best accord with his convenience, he will neglect the oppressed, or aid the oppressor. There is nothing in his conscience to ensure the faithful administration of justice. Life, everything dear in life, or valuable in society, depending on him, is at hazard. Place in the several departments like characters, and what confidence can there be in government? Would not civil commotions and scenes of violence soon commence, and continue till someone, more artful, ambitious and successful than the rest, elevate himself upon the ruins of liberty and republican virtue?

Convinced of the salutary influence of Christianity upon the state of civil society, and of its tendency to preserve a free government, suspicion justly attaches to the political principles and views of its avowed enemies and revilers. Enlightened friends of the people, and of equal laws, can never wish to bring into discredit and contempt, the benign religion of the gospel. By doing this among a people educated in the belief of it, they destroy the influence of religious sentiment in general; because the mind has been in the habit of associating the doctrines of revelation with the first principles of religion, and of supposing the existence and providence of God no more certain than the divine mission and authority of Jesus Christ. Though some are able to distinguish between natural and revealed religion, and, rejecting the latter, profess to embrace the former; yet it will be found, with many at least, that speculative deism and practical atheism are nearly allied. The prevalence of either will excite concern in the virtuous patriot, not for the ark of God only; but for the honor, freedom and safety of his country. Under this impression, the injunction of the Jewish lawgiver will command his attention, religion and its institutions his reverence and support, as the best means of improving society, giving stability to a free government, and permanency to every social enjoyment.

Religion and virtue, we infer, thirdly, will be a prominent feature in the character of wise and good rulers. These are important qualifications for their stations. To concede the general utility of such a principle of action, and yet suppose it unnecessary that rulers should be under its influence, is too great an inconsistency to be seriously maintained. The piety and virtue requisite for the preservation of the body politic ought to be visible in the head. If this be sick, the whole heart will be faint. Void of religious principle, or sense of moral obligation, can we believe that civil rulers will be the ministers of God for good? May we not rather apprehend that they will be an encouragement to evil doers, and a terror to these who do well? But a steady eye to a presiding Deity, with humble reliance on the wisdom of his providence, will direct, animate and support them in all the duties of their office, make them faithful, and render them superior to the trials that may await them.

Moses provided able men, such as feared God, men of truth, hating covetousness, to be rulers of thousands, of hundreds, of fifties, and of tens; a clear indication that in every department men should be placed, who will act in the fear of God. Destitute of this, their influence and example will tend to subvert the foundations of social order, to weaken the springs of political life, and to corrupt the whole system.

But must our civil rulers be Christians? It certainly cannot be less important to the general interest that they should be, than that other members of the community should be under the influence of this religion; and the constitution of this commonwealth requires of them, previous to their entering on the duties of their office, a declaration of their belief in the Christian religion, and full persuasion of its truth. As that does not contemplate evasion, an unbeliever, whatever he might be tempted to affirm, would not possess the qualification which the constitution makes requisite. As an expression of the public sentiment this provision has merit; but religious tests are feeble barriers against unprincipled men. They take no hold on the conscience of one who mentally consigns himself to an everlasting sleep, and never acts with reference to a judgment to come. It ought, however, to be presumed, unless there should be decisive proof to the contrary, that no man will ever hazard his reputation for veracity, and the confidence of his fellow-men, so much, as to make the declaration in opposition to his inward conviction, and common profession. We may feel assured, at least, that he would not, after such a declaration, place himself in the ranks of the avowed enemies of Christianity. Should this happen, what ground of confidence would be left? The speaker feels almost constrained to apologize for a suggestion so dishonorable to human nature. A possible case only is supposed. Should it ever exist, no apology would be due.

If Christianity tend to enrich the heart with every amiable and beneficial virtue, and highly to improve the present condition of man, it is of vast importance that rulers should feel its influence, and reflect the light of it on every beholder.

We infer, fourthly, that wise and good rulers will guard and promote the interests of religion and literature. One is the parent, the other the handmaid of virtue. To extend the knowledge and influence of those truths, on the observance of which the freedom and happiness of the state depend, merits and will command their attention. Like Moses, they will endeavor to make the people know the statutes of God, and his law. Tending to the public good, this is one end of their appointment. They will regard the immutable laws of justice in the structure of all the laws of the State, which must result from the divine law, applied to the circumstances of the people. When made, the wise and virtuous ruler, by a punctual observance of them, will add to their dignity and authority in the view of the community.

To prevent is more noble than to punish crimes. The means, therefore, to improve the understanding, mend the heart, restrain the dissocial passions, and call into exercise the benevolent affections, will receive countenance and support from the faithful ruler. On the side of religion and virtue he will give the whole weight of his example and influence. As these have a powerful effect in forming the public sentiment and manners, he will respect the law of God, honor the Savior, reverence the institutions of religion, encourage attendance upon them, and discountenance every practice that would defeat their design.

The opinion of some, that government ought to take no notice of religion, that it is the exclusive concern of the Deity to preserve the worship of himself in the world, and that it would be presumption in legislators to enact any laws relating to it, is not correct, nor consistent with the practice under the freest governments. Improper it would be, and what it is to be hoped we shall never see in our country, to enact “laws to dictate what articles of faith men shall believe, what mode of worship they shall adopt, or to raise and establish one mode of worship, or denomination of Christians above, or in preference to another.” In these respects let the mind be perfectly free, and all denominations equally under the protection and countenance of the law. But the support of institutions calculated to promote religious knowledge in general, give efficacy to the precepts of the gospel, instill the principles of morality, and improve the social affections, may be a proper subject of legislation. Blasphemy is punished by law, not because God is unable to vindicate the honor of his name; but because it is a crime which weakens the bands of society by lessening the solemnity and obligation of an oath; and legal aid may be given to religious institutions which strengthen those bands of society by extending the knowledge and influence of the sentiments, which gie to an oath its whole force upon the conscience. Moral instruction is not less important than instruction in the arts and sciences; and the means of it demand as much the care of the guardians of the public weal. Motives of sound policy, as well as the best feelings of his heart, will therefore induce every good ruler to give them all necessary encouragement.

Religion and virtue being the life of a free people, and deriving countenance, or discouragement, from the example, influence and authority of rulers, we observe, lastly, that it is of the highest importance carefully to exercise the right of election. Incalculable mischief may result from the neglect, or abuse of this privilege. Through the one, weak or wicked men may be exalted to bear rule by a minor part of the community; through the other, our happy constitutions may be destroyed, and our liberty sacrificed to passion and party zeal. From either great evil is to be apprehended. The elections indicate what information and virtue a people possess, and how far they are influenced by a regard to the public good. Difference in political opinions is no certain proof that either side does not aim at the general welfare; but when base means are employed by either, the purity of their motives is liable to suspicion.

If the enlightened and virtuous part of the community will not improve their right, and give their suffrages to the able and faithful only; or if the majority suffer themselves to be governed by other considerations than those of public benefit, the ill consequences may be soon felt, but not easily remedied. The passions and prejudices of men may be quickly excited, and their confidence withdrawn from their best friends, by trifling circumstances, which, if they actually exist, imply no delinquency. Against these we should be guarded as much as possible. No avoidable circumstance should be permitted to exist, which might operate against the choice of the best men. The freedom of elections should be preserved with the utmost vigilance. In exercising this important right, the object should be to bring into the government the greatest wisdom, virtue and experience to be found; that the people may behold in their rulers a constant example of those things, which are the main pillars of their freedom. Attention should fix on able men; but such, at the same time, as fear God. Great abilities and popular talents, without a moral principle to direct their application, should be trusted, if trusted at all, with great caution. Men of integrity, of steady habits and strict virtue, are the only men that have a title to public confidence. In a Christian country, the general sentiment and suffrage, it may be expected, will create a more effectual bar against men of antichristian principles and policy than any constitutional test. These principles, and this policy, in whatever light they may appear, undermine civil liberty and social order; and, if they prevail, will inevitably effect a change for worse in the state of society.

A free people have the means of their preservation in their own hands; and if they fall it will be through their own indiscretion. Bad men cannot rise and continue in office without their consent, or a faulty neglect of their privileges. If they voluntarily choose such to rule over them, they manifest a criminal indifference to their own, and the happiness of posterity. To honor such is to dishonor God. It would indicate a corruption of morals, and be an abuse of the right of suffrage; and this tends still further to pervert the public taste and sentiment. In elective governments the people, and the constituted organs of their will, have a reciprocal influence in forming the general character; the one in elevating to office, the other in exercising the powers of their elevation; and it should be employed by both to prevent a corruption of manners. In nothing can a nation honor themselves more, or secure their liberty better, than in committing the administration of their government to able and faithful men, as eminent for their moral virtues as for their political wisdom. Should a people, merely because of a coincidence in political opinions, give their suffrages to men with whom they could not confide their individual concerns, they might well be jealous of their rulers; but would deserve all they could apprehend. For a Christian, under the influence of such a motive, to favor the choice of a known enemy to his Lord, and to the religion on which he builds his hope of happiness, is something worse than inconsistency. Constitutionally in office, to such an one the Christian will be subject for conscience’ sake; but will never willingly aid in his advancement.

In scanning men and their measures, let justice and candor preside. This we owe to them, and to our own reputation. The office of the magistrate, the station of the legislator, their private rights and the public good, forbid all calumny, misrepresentation and abuse. But a fair and candid investigation of the characters and qualifications of candidates for office, of rulers and their administration, is a duty imposed by a proper regard to our own, and to the happiness of posterity; of which we are the present guardians. That character is unworthy, which will not bear the light of truth; that suspicious, which seeks defence in a suppression of the truth; but that entitled to protection, which is assailed by the base arts of falsehood, and groundless insinuation.

On the due observance of these things the freedom and glory of our country are suspended. If we depart from the principles of our ancestors, neglect religion and its institutions, are not attentive to the instruction of our youth in religious and moral duty, as well as in human literature, indulge a spirit of innovation, are indifferent to the moral character of rulers, and yield to the temptations to luxury and dissoluteness of manners, which increasing wealth presents, we shall soon find ourselves unable to support the constitutions which have been the pride of our nation, and the admiration of the world. But if we diligently attend to all these things, set our own hearts unto all the words of the divine law, and command our children to observe and do them, it will be our life, and we shall prolong our days in this good land. The mouth of the Lord hath spoken it.

Our fathers passed through the sea, were under the cloud, and in the wilderness. God was their shield, and he hath been our helper. A retrospect of the past, a just estimation of the present, and a rational prospect of the future, impose on us a sacred obligation to guard the inestimable treasure committed to our trust. Our own and the happiness of generations yet unborn is concerned in the choice we make, and the course we pursue. The friends of liberty and good government view passing events here with anxious expectation. Heaven hath distinguished America from every other quarter of the globe, by bestowing upon it, in richer abundance, the bounties of providence, and the blessings of civil and religious liberty. All that we could reasonably desire, and more than we had a right to expect, hath been put into our possession. While other countries have groaned under oppression, witnessed war and desolation, seen their governments and their altars prostrated, or felt the scourge of usurped dominion, ours hath been rising, beyond a parallel, in wealth, importance and honorable fame. Delivered from foreign control, and possessing free constitutions of government, the work of our own hands, administered for a series of years with equal ability and integrity, we have presented to admiring nations the fairest hopes, that here, in her last, safest retreat, liberty had erected her standard, and would long display her banners. To realize our own, and justify their expectations, we must continue, what we have been esteemed, an enlightened, sober, virtuous and united people.

But are there no clouds that darken the once fair prospect? No appearances of danger that we, with a motion accelerated in proportion to the height of our elevation, shall follow the path all other republics have trodden, and hasten to a similar catastrophe? Have we not fallen already, in a considerable degree, from the religion, virtue, and simplicity of manners, which were the characteristics of the New-England states, and will ever be essential to lasting freedom and prosperity? Have we not become divided, and in the zeal, or triumph of parties, lost sight of the public good, and overlooked the best means and instruments of its promotion? Is there nothing to be apprehended from a too hasty admission of foreigners, little acquainted with the nature, and less with the enjoyment of civil liberty, to all the rights of citizens? Nothing from the influence of people of a strange language upon our government? Is there no reason to fear the relative weight and importance of the small states will be diminished by a change in the principles of the general government! Or that the whole constellation will be attracted to a common centre, or revolve in prescribed orbits within the sphere of its influence? Are there no symptoms, on the one hand, of a design to possess a disproportionate influence in the general scale; and, on the other, of alarm and discontent, which may lead to a disunion, attended with serious if not ruinous consequences? Many whom we all once esteemed wise, discerning and patriotic, are persuaded of the affirmative; and we may say, without implicating the motives, or criminating the measures of any, that some respect is due to their opinions. If men of ability, who have given illustrious proof of their patriotism, are apprehensive, it at least merits consideration, whether there be not some just ground of apprehension. Whatever it may be, whether discovered by all or not, the surest way to escape evil, and enjoy safety under the divine protection, is to imbibe the genuine spirit of religion, reverence its institutions, extend its light and influence, promote general knowledge, cherish the social affections, banish party prejudices, cultivate harmony, and, realizing our dependence on the Supreme Ruler, gratefully improve the blessings we continue to possess.

In the divine goodness we have at this time abundant reason to rejoice. The heads of our tribes, after the laudable example of our fathers, have met in this city of our anniversary solemnities; and now present themselves before the Lord, to seek his direction and blessing on the important concerns of civil government. As aforetime, our nobles are yet of ourselves, and our Governor hath proceeded from the midst of us.

Re-elected to the first magistracy, His Excellency hath received renewed assurance of the public approbation and confidence. He is still the man whom the people delight to honor. But whether they have honored most his talents and virtues, or their own discernment and moral taste, is a question too delicate for solution. May his integrity continue to guide and preserve him; and that God, who beholdeth with favor him that is upright in heart, crown his administration with success, his days on earth with peace, and his future existence with ineffable glory.

His Honor will accept our cordial congratulations, on his re-election to the second office in the government. Next to the approbation of his own mind, that of the multitude of his brethren must afford the highest satisfaction. Their acknowledgment of his past fidelity, and continued reliance on his abilities and zeal to promote the general welfare, will be esteemed the best reward in their power to give, and a motive to such further exertions, as shall fully answer all their reasonable expectations. Faithful and approved of God, may he at last receive a crown of righteousness.

The Honorable Council, from the dignity of their station and characters, and in consideration of their past important and acceptable services, merit our respectful attention. In conscious rectitude, and in the approbation of God, may they ever have a source of the highest human happiness; and when released from the labors of this, receive in a better world the full reward of faithful servants.

May this branch of the government be always composed of men of candor, clear understanding, sound judgment, and uncorruptible integrity.

To the Hon. Senate, and House of Representatives, we now tender our high respects. Called by the voice of the people to be legislators, and guardians of their rights and liberties, may they realize the importance of the trust, and fulfill their duty with all good fidelity. In the true spirit of ministers of God for good, may they enter on the interesting transactions of this day, and pursue the public business of the year. Attached to the original principles of the state and general government, may they adopt measures that will have the best tendency to render both permanent blessings. In all elections, whether under the federal or state constitution, may they fix their choice, so far as constitutional limitations will permit, on men most capable and best disposed to promote the public good. In all their deliberations, discussions and decisions, may they manifest a spirit of candor and dignified moderation; and, however they may differ in opinion, give to each other, and to the public, proof of their strict probity and genuine patriotism. In all things may they be under the guidance and blessing of the great Fountain of wisdom, and receive his final approbation.

Venerable Fathers in each department, to your care the people of this respectable commonwealth have committed their dearest civil interests. By calling you to your respective stations they have expressed a confidence that you will be watchful and faithful. You have every rational motive to be so; but the highest must be a sense of accountability to that God, by whom actions are witnessed and weighted, and from whom all will receive a just reward. Though ye are called gods on earth, you must all die like men, and, with those over whom you now bear rule, appear in judgment, to receive according to your works.

In contemplating the happy influence of religion upon the state and government of society, it is not intended to diminish its importance in a personal view, and in respect to the solemn period when all civil societies shall be disbanded, secular honors and distinctions known no more, and the whole world arraigned at Jehovah’s awful tribunal. In this august event we have the highest personal concern; and from the individual anticipation of it, society derives peculiar advantage. What the public good requires, your own particular happiness more strongly demands. In your honorable stations, and in the private walks of life, may you ever be actuated by the great principles of our holy religion, enjoy its consolations, exemplify its duties, and extend its benign influence; that you may at last share its richest rewards.

Fellow-Citizens of this numerous assembly, you doubtless feel a lively interest in the freedom, prosperity and glory of our common country; and in guarding and transmitting to posterity the fair inheritance we have received from our fathers. Like them, then, fear God, and keep his commandments. We have risen up, and call them blessed. But if we abandon their principles, despise their attention to religion and its institutions, and refuse to follow their virtuous examples, our posterity, denied what we inherit, will have reason to execrate our folly.

Personal salvation, public safety, and the happiness of generations to come, impose on us a sacred obligation to set our hearts unto all the words of the divine law, and to command our children to observe them. The man of religion and virtue is a public benefactor. By teaching his children to follow the example, he increases the benefit; and by exciting others to imitation enhances the obligation. In proportion to the sphere of your influence, you all possess means of your own security, and of promoting our national prosperity and glory. Let this consideration, as well as the still more animating one, that by it you may prepare yourselves and others for a state of endless felicity, be a motive to employ all your influence in the cause of religion and virtue. To these God hath promised his protection and blessing. They will be our life, and the lengthening out of our tranquility. “The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever.”