Categories: Historical Documents

Timothy Stone was born in 1742 and graduated from Yale College in 1763. He spent a year studying theology under the Rev. Brinsmade and began preaching in Connecticut in 1765. This is the text of his Election Day sermon from May 10, 1792.

Sermon,

Preached Before His Excellency

Samuel Huntington, Esq. L.L.D.

Governor,

And The Honorable The

General Assembly

Of The

State of Connecticut,

Convened At Hartford, on the Day of the

Anniversary Election.

May 10th,1792.

By Timothy Stone, A.M.

Pastor of a Church in Lebanon.

“At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, in said State, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1792.

Ordered, That the Hon. William Williams, and Mr. Elkanah Tisdale, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Timothy Stone, for his Sermon delivered before this Assembly at the General Election on the 10th of May instant, and desire a Copy of the same that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record.

Examined, by George Wyllys. Sec’y.”

Behold, I have taught you statutes and judgments even as
the Lord my God commanded me, that ye should do so
in the land whether ye go to possess it. Keep, therefore,
and do them; for this is your wisdom and your
understanding in the sight of the nations,
which shall hear all these statutes and say,
“Surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people.”

DEUTERONOMY IV.5, 6.

We are not left in doubt concerning the wisdom and salutary [useful] nature of that constitution under which the Hebrews were placed, as it proceeded immediately from God; and in reference to the particular circumstances of that people, was the result of unerring perfection. It was a free constitution in which all the valuable rights of the community were most happily secure. The public good was the great object in view, and the most effectual care was taken to preserve the rights of individuals. Proper rewards were promised to the obedient and righteous punishments allotted for the disobedient [Deuteronomy 28:l,15]. God designed for special reasons that [the] seed of Abraham should be distinguished in a peculiar manner from all other nations; He therefore undertook the government of them Himself in all matters respecting religion, civil policy, and that military establishment which he saw to be necessary for their happiness and defense. We find Moses — who received this constitution from God and delivered it to his people — frequently exhorting them to maintain a sacred regard for this Divine institution and to pay a conscientious obedience to all its laws, in doing of which they might secure to themselves national prosperity and enjoy the unfailing protection of Almighty God [Deuteronomy 28:1-14; Leviticus 26:3-12; Deuteronomy 4:5-8].

To deter them from disobedience, he called up their attention to that solemn scene which opened to their view when they stood before the Lord their God in Horeb — when there were thunders and lightnings and a thick cloud upon the mount and the voice of the trumpet exceeding loud so that all the people that was in the camp trembled [Exodus 19:16]. And the Lord commanded saying, “gather Me the people together and I will make them bear My words that they may learn to fear Me all the days that they shall live upon the earth, and that they may teach their children. For the Lord thy God is a consuming fire, even a jealous God” [Deuteronomy 4:10, 24].

The argument made use of in the text to excite in that people a spirit of obedience to their constitution and laws was this: that it would raise their character in the sight of the nations, who from thence would be led to entertain a veneration [respect and admiration] for them as a great nation, a wise and understanding people. This sacred passage, in connection with the important occasion which hath called us to the house of God this morning, may direct our attention to the following inquiry: in what doth the true wisdom of a people — a civil community — consist?

The general answer to this question may not be difficult; it will no doubt be readily admitted that the highest wisdom of a community of intelligent beings must consist in pursuing that line of conduct which shall have the most direct and sure tendency to promote the best good of the whole, both in time and eternity Whatever creatures may conceive to be a good, either through imperfection of understanding or degeneracy of heart, yet if that which they call good is inseparably connected with more pain than pleasure, taking in the whole of their existence, then it cannot with propriety be styled good — certainly not the best good; consequently wisdom will not choose it. The province of wisdom is to discover and elect the most valuable objects and to adopt the best means to obtain them. These observations apply with equal force to individuals and communities — to all classes of men, whether in the higher or lower walks of life. Communities, most certainly as well as individuals, under guidance of wisdom will pursue that conduct which shall have the desired tendency and will affect the highest good. This question as it respects mankind at large in their present state might admit a great variety of answers, some of which may demand particular notice on the present occasion. As,

1. Wisdom will direct a community to establish a good system of government. It may be a question whether the all-wise God ever designed that any of His intelligent creatures — even in a state of perfection — should exist without some kind of government and subordinating amongst themselves. All creatures have the same capacities; neither are they placed under equal advantages; and if those may be found whose capacities are equally extensive, still they are different and seem to be designed for different purposes and stations in the great system. We read of thrones, dominions, principalities, and powers amongst the angelic hosts [Colossians 1:16 & Ephesians 3:10], which titles denote various stations among those sinless beings, that they are differently employed in degrees of subordination to each other in the government of that holy family of which God is the father. But however this may be (as our acquaintance with that world of glory is very imperfect), yet it is beyond doubt that government was designed and is absolutely necessary for men on earth in their present state of degeneracy.

Creatures who have risen in rebellion against the holy and perfect government of Jehovah have partial connections [an attachment to their temporal life above their eternal life], selfish interests, passions, and lusts which often interfere with each other and which will not always be controlled by reason and the mild influence of moral motives however great: but these in their external expressions must be under the restraint of law or there can be no peace — no safety among men. Some kind of government is therefore indispensably necessary for the happiness of mankind that they may partake of the security and other important blessings resulting from society which cannot be enjoyed in a state of nature. Without any consideration of the various forms of government which have been adopted in different ages and countries, that may be the best for a particular people which in the view of all their circumstances affords the fairest prospect of promoting righteousness and of securing the most valuable privileges of the community in its administration.

Civil liberty is one of the most important blessings which men possess of a temporal nature — the most valuable inheritance on this side heaven. That constitution may therefore be esteemed on the best which doth most effectually secure this treasure to a community. That liberty consists in freedom from restraint, leaving each one to act as seemeth right to himself, is a most unwise mistaken apprehension [Proverbs 14:12 & 16:25]. Civil liberty consists in the being and administration of such a system of laws as doth bind all classes of men — rulers and subjects — to unite their exertions for the promotion of virtue and public happiness. That happy constitution enjoyed by the Hebrews of which the Supreme Lawgiver was the immediate [author], other than a system of good laws and righteous statutes which limited the powers and prerogatives of magistrates, designated the duties of subjects and obliged each to that obedience to law and exchange of services which tended to mutual benefit. (Deuteronomy 4:8): “And what nation is there so great that hath statutes and judgments so righteous as all this law which I set before you this day.” A state of society necessarily implies reciprocal dependence in all its members, and rational government is designed to realize and strengthen this dependence and to render it in such sense equal in all ranks — from the supreme magistrate to the meanest peasant — that each one may feel himself bound to seek the good of the whole. When individuals do this, whether rulers or subjects, they have a just right to expect the favor and protection of the whole body. The laws of a state should equally bind every member, whether his station be the most conspicuous or the most obscure. Rulers in a righteous government are as really under the control of law as the meanest [lowest] subject, and the one equally with the other should be subjected to punishment whenever he becomes criminal by a violation of the law. Rewards and punishments should be equally distributed to all, agreeably to real merit or demerit without respect of persons. A constitution founded upon the general and immutable laws of righteousness and benevolence, and corresponding to their particular circumstances, will therefore become a primary object with a wise and understanding people.

2. The wisdom of a people will appear in their united exertions to support such a system of government in its regular administration.

Enacting salutary laws discovers the wisdom and good design of legislators, but the liberty and happiness of the community essentially depend upon their regular execution. The best code of laws can answer no good purposes any further than it is executed. Every member in society is bound in duty to the community, himself, and posterity to use his endeavors that the laws of the state be carried into execution.

Laws point out the existing offices, relations, and dependencies of the community; they serve for the direction, support, and defense of all characters; but considered as restrainers, they more especially respect the unruly members. (I Timothy 1:9,10): “Knowing this, that the law is not made for a righteous man, but for the lawless and disobedient, for the ungodly and for sinners, for unholy and profane, for murderers of fathers and murderers of mothers, for manslayers, for whoremongers, for them that defile themselves with mankind, for liars, for perjured persons, and if there be any other thing that is contrary to sound doctrine.”

It is unreasonable to expect that the vices of man which are inimical [harmful] to society will be restrained by silent laws existing upon paper; they must be carried into execution and be known to have an active existence that such as contemn [disrespect and ignore] the law may not only read but feel the resentment of the community. It is not within the reach of human understanding to look with precision into futurity – to discover all the circumstances and contingencies which may take place among a people; neither is it certain that every person who may possess a fair character for ability and integrity, and who may be called into public life, will be governed in all his actions by public and disinterested motives. Through necessary imperfection or corrupt design, statutes may be enacted which may not prove salutary in their execution but greatly prejudicial to the common good; hence ariseth the necessity of alterations and amendments in all human systems.

Changes, however, should be few as possible, for the strength and reputation of government doth not a little depend upon the uniformity and stability observed in its administration. Laws, while they remain such, ought to be executed; when found to be useless or hurtful, they may be repealed. To have laws in force and not executed, or to obstruct the natural course of law in a free state, must be dangerous will have many hurtful tendencies, will greatly weaken government, and render all the interests of the community insecure. Liberty, property, and life are all precarious [insecure] in a state where laws cease in their execution. When known breachers of law pass with impunity [without penalty] and open transgressors go unpunished — when executive officers grow remiss in their duty, especially when they connive [wink] at disobedience — all distinctions betwixt virtue and vice will vanish, authority will sink into disrepute, and government will be trampled in the dust — for which reasons (with others that might be named), it must be the wisdom — the indispensable duty of all characters in society — to unite their exertions for the support of righteous laws in their regular administration.

As it would be exceedingly unreasonable to expect that any people can ever realize the benefits of good government under a weak or a wicked administration in which persons destitute of abilities or of stable principles of righteousness and goodness fill the various departments of the state, hence,

3. The wisdom of a people will appear in the election of good rulers.

The peace and happiness of communities have a necessary dependence, under God, upon the character and conduct of those who are called to the administration of government. A bad constitution, under the direction of wise and pious rulers who have capacity to discern [and the] disposition and resolution to pursue the public good, may become a blessing being made to subserve many valuable purposes. But the best constitution committed to rulers of a contrary description may be subverted or so abused as to become a curse and be rendered productive of the most mischievous consequences. The understanding or folly of a people in reference to their temporal interests is in nothing more conspicuous than in the choice of civil rulers. In free states the body of electors have it in their power to be governed well if faithful to themselves and the public in raising those to offices of trust and importance who are possessed of abilities and have merited their confidence by former good services.

Knowledge and fidelity are qualifications indispensably necessary to form the character of good magistrates. No man ever possessed natural or acquired abilities too great for the discharge of the duties constantly incumbent upon those who act as the representatives of the Most High God in the government of their fellow creatures: multitudes, however well disposed, are totally incapable of such trust. The interests of society are always important; they are many times involved in extreme difficulty through the weakness of some and the wickedness of others; and there is need of the most extensive knowledge, wisdom, and prudence to direct the various opposing interests of individuals into one channel and guide them all to a single object: the public good. Woe to that people to whom God by His providence [Divine sustenance, oversight, and intervention]in judgment shall say, “I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them. And the people shall be oppressed every one by another and every one by his neighbor: the child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient and the base against the honorable. And judgment is turned away backward and justice standeth afar off, for truth is fallen in the street and equity cannot enter; and he that departeth from evil maketh himself a prey” (Isaiah 3:4,5 and 59:14,15).

But knowledge alone will qualify no person to fill a public station with honor to himself or advantage to others. The greatest abilities — the most extensive knowledge — are capable of abuse; and when misapplied to selfish ambitious purposes, may be improved to the destruction of everything valuable in society.

Fidelity [integrity], therefore, is another essential characteristic in a good ruler. This is a qualification so absolutely essential that when known to be wanting, no conceivable abilities can atone for its absence. Fidelity hath no sure unshaken foundation but in the love and fear of the one true God — that love which extends its benign [gentle] influence to all the creatures of God. This is a branch of that benevolent religion which the Son of God came down from Heaven to establish in the hearts of men on earth; this, when seated in the soul of man, becomes a stable principle of action and will have a habitual influence in all his conduct, whether in public or private life; this will enable rulers to maintain the dignity of their elevated stations amidst the strong temptations with which they may be assaulted, feeling their just accountableness to those of their fellow men who have placed such confidence in them as to entrust them with all their valuable temporal interests — and what is infinitely more, feeling their accountableness to God, they will labor to discharge the important duties of their office, remembering that the day is fast approaching when notwithstanding “they are gods, and children of the Most High, yet they shall die like men, and fall like one of the princes” [Psalm 82:6-7]. Able pious magistrates who wish to answer the end of their appointment will not wish to hide their real characters from the public eye; they will come to the light that their deeds may be manifest [John 3:21].

It is the interest and privilege of an enlightened free people to be acquainted with the characters of their most worthy citizens who are candidates for public offices in the community; and it is equally their interest and privilege to make choice of those only to be rulers who are known among their tribes for wisdom and piety. Following the salutary counsel of the prince of Midian, they will provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness [Exodus 18:21].

Free republicans, as observed above, have it in their power to be governed well, but they are in the utmost danger through a wanton abuse of this power. Actuated by noble public spirited motives and a primary regard to real merit in their elections, they will have the heads of their tribes as fathers to lead them in paths of safety and peace. Under the guidance of such rulers who consider their subjects as brethren and children, and all the interests of the community as their own, a people can hardly fail of all that happiness of which societies are capable in this degenerate state.

But when party spirit, local views, and interested motives direct their suffrages — when they lose sight of the great end of government the public good and give themselves up to the baneful influence of parasitical demagogues – they may well expect to reap the bitter fruits of their own folly in a partial unwavering administration. Through the neglect — or abuse — of their privileges, most states have lost their liberties and have fallen a prey to the avarice [greed] and ambition of designing and wicked men. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn” [Proverbs 29:2]. This joy — or mourning — among a people greatly depends on their own conduct in elections. Bribery here is the bane of society; the man who will give or receive a reward in this case must be extremely ignorant not to deserve the stigma of an enemy to the state; and should he have address to avoid discovery, he must be destitute of sensibility not to feel himself to be despicable. All private dishonorable methods to raise persons to office convey a strong suspicion to the discerning mind that merit is wanting; real merit may dwell in obscurity, but it needeth not; neither will it ever solicit the aids of corruption to bring itself into view. When streams are polluted in their fountain they will not fail to run impure; offices in government obtained by purchase, will always be improved to regain the purchase money with large increase, and a venal administration [one that may be bought or sold for money or influence] will possess neither disposition nor strength to correct the vices of others but will lose sight of the public happiness in the eager pursuit of personal emolument [gain].

4. Wisdom will lead a people to maintain a sacred regard to righteousness in reference to the public and individuals.

Moral righteousness is one of those strong bonds by which all public societies are supported. Heathen nations ignorant of divine revelation and the particular duties and obligations which are enlightened and enforced by the word and authority of God, have nevertheless been sensible of the great importance of moral righteousness. Greece and Rome in the beginning of their greatness, before they sunk into effeminacy and corruption, were careful to encourage and maintain public and private justice — they labored to diffuse principles of righteousness among all ranks of their citizens. Many of their writings on this subject deserve attentions so far as the observance of moral duties respect civil communities and the well-being of mankind in the present world. As all civil communities have their foundation in compacts by which individuals immerge out of a state of nature and become one great whole — cemented together by voluntary engagements, covenanting with each other to observe such regulations and perform such duties as may tend to mutual advantage — hence ariseth the necessity of righteousness, this being the basis on which all must depend. When this fails, compacts [agreements and contracts] will be disregarded, men will lose a sense of their obligations to each other, instead of confidence and harmony will be a spirit of distrust and fear, every man will be afraid of his neighbor, jealousies will subsist between rulers and subjects, the strength of the community will be lost in animosity and division all ability for united exertion will be destroyed; and the bonds of society being broken, it must be dissolved. It was long since observed by one of the greatest and wisest of kings and will forever remain true: “That righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin is a reproach to any people” [Proverbs 14:34]. The truth of this divine maxim doth not depend upon any arbitrary contribution or positive system of government but flows from the reason and nature of things.

There is in the constitution of heaven an established connection between the practice of righteousness and the happiness of moral beings united in society. Public faith and private justice lay a foundation for public spirit and vigorous exertion to rest upon; in such a state, every one will realize such punishment as his offence or neglect of duty may deserve. In a fixed regular course of communicative and distributive justice, all may know before hand what the reward of their conduct will be. What the apostle hath said concerning the natural body (and applied to the church of Christ) may with equal propriety and little variation be applied to political societies. These bodies are composed of various members; the members have various offices; but all of them are necessary for the well being of the whole; there is something due from the body to every member and from every member to the body; every part is to be regarded and righteousness maintained throughout the whole [1 Corinthians 12:12-26].

The members of a well-organized civil community, under an equal and just administration, have no more reason to complain of the station allotted to them in Providence [Divine sustenance, oversight, and intervention] than the members of the natural body have of the place by God assigned them in that. “The eye cannot say unto the head, I have no need of thee; nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you. But that the members should have the same care one for another. And whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honored, all the members rejoice with it” [1 Corinthians 12:21,25,26]. No member of the natural body of a civil community or of God’s moral kingdom can be required to do more than observe the proper duty of its own station; when this is performed, all is done which can reasonably be demanded; it hath done well and may expect the approbation [praise] and protection of the whole body.

Men may indeed complain because they are not angels, and do it with as much propriety as to feel discontented because they are not all placed at the head of civil communities. The all-wise God hath given us our capacities and fixed our stations, and when righteousness is observed by us and the community of which we are members, we shall then do and receive what belongs to us, and this is all we can reasonably desire.

5. The wisdom of a people essentially consists in paying an unfeigned [unhypocritical and sincere] obedience to the institutions of that religion which the Supreme Lawgiver hath established in His church on earth.

That religion which God hath enjoined [commanded] upon rational beings is not only necessary for His glory but essential to their happiness. To establish a character as being truly religious under the light of divine revelation, it is by no means sufficient that men should barely acknowledge the existence and general providence of one supreme Deity. From this heavenly light, we obtain decided evidence that the Almighty Father hath set His well beloved Son, the blessed Immanuel, as King upon His holy hill of Zion. This Divine person, in His mediatorial character, “is exalted far above all principality, and power, and might, and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world but also in that which is to come. And all things are put under His feet” [Ephesians 1:21-22]. “That at the name of Jesus, every knee should bow, of things in heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth; and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father” [Philippians 2:10-11].

In vain do guilty mortals worship the great Jehovah and present their services before Him but [except] in the name and for the sake of this glorious Mediator. For it is His will “that all men should honor the Son, even as they honor the Father.” [John 5:23]

Communities have their existence in and from this glorious Personage. The kingdom is His, and He ruleth among the nations [Psalm 22:28]. Through His bounty and special providence [Divine sustenance, oversight, and intervention] it is that a people enjoy the inestimable liberties and numerous advantages of a well-regulated civil society – through His influence they are inspired with understanding to adopt with strength, and public spirit to maintain, a righteous constitution. He gives able impartial rulers to guide in paths of virtue and peace or sets up over them the basest of men. By His invisible hand, states are preserved from internal convulsions [disturbances] and shielded by His Almighty arm from external violence; or through His providential displeasure they are given as a prey to their own vices — or to the lusts and passions of other states — to be destroyed. Thus absolutely dependant are temporal communities and all human things upon Him who reigneth King in Zion [Daniel 4:17,25,32]. “Be wise now therefore, O ye kings; be instructed, ye judges of the earth. Kiss the Son lest He be angry, and ye perish from the way, when His wrath is kindled but a little: blessed are all they that put their trust in Him” [Psalm 2:10,12].

The holy religion of the Son of God hath a most powerful and benign influence upon moral beings in society. It not only restrains malicious revengeful passions and curbs unruly lusts, but will in event eradicate them all from the human breast. It implants all the divine graces and social virtues in the heart; it sweetens the dispositions of men and fits them for all the pleasing satisfactions of rational friendship; teaches them self denial; inspires them with a generous public spirit; fills them with love to others — to righteousness and mercy — and makes them careful to discharge the duties of their stations; diligent and contented in their callings. This, beyond any other consideration, will increase the real dignity of rulers, will give quiet and submission to subjects; this is the only true and genuine sprit of liberty which can give abiding union and energy to states and will enable them to bear prosperity without pride and support them in adversity without dejection; this will afford all classes of men consolation in death and render them happy in God — their full eternal portion — in the coming the world.

Religion, therefore, is the glory of all intelligent beings from the highest angel to the meanest [lowliest] of the human race and will forever happily its possessors, considered either individually or as connected in society, for this assimilates the hearts of creatures to the great fountain of being in the exercise of general and disinterested affection and is the consummation of wisdom.

If the preceding observations have their foundation in reason and the Word of God, we see the happy connection between religion and good government. The idea that there is, and ought to be, no connection between religion and civil policy appears to rest upon this absurd supposition: that men, by entering into society for mutual advantage, become quite a different class of beings from what they were before — that they cease to be moral beings and consequently lose their relation and obligations to God as His creatures and subjects and also their relations to each other as rational social creatures. If these are the real consequences of civil connections, they are unhappy indeed as they must exceedingly debase and degrade human nature; and it is readily acknowledged these things being true, that religion can have no further demands upon them. But if none of the relations or obligations of men to their Creator and each other are lost by entering into society — if they still remain moral accountable beings and if religion is the glory and perfection of moral beings — then the connection between religion and good government is evident and all attempts to separate them are unfriendly to society and inimical [harmful] to good government and must originate in ignorance or bad design. Religion essentially consists in friendly affection to God and His rational offspring [i.e., mankind], and such affection can never injure that government which hath public happiness for its object.

Attempts have been made to distinguish between moral and political wisdom – moral and political righteousness — as though there were two kinds of wisdom and righteousness, distinct in their nature and applicable only to different subjects: that which is moral belonging to the government of men as subjects of God’s dominion, and that which is political to men as subjects of civil rule. But if wisdom and righteousness are the same in the fountain as in the streams — in God as in His creatures, differing not in the nature and kind but only in degree — then all such distinctions are manifestly without foundation. We read, it is true, of a particular kind of wisdom, the fruit of which is “bitter envying and strife and every evil work: and that this wisdom is earthly, sensual, and devilish” [James 3:14,15]. But until it is made to appear that this is more friendly to civil government than the wisdom “from above, which is pure and peaceable, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy” (James 3:17), the supposed distinction will not apply to human governments with advantage, nor destroy the connection between religion and good government.

Religion and civil government are not one and same thing; though both may — and are — designed to embrace some of the same objects, yet the former extends its obligations and designs immensely beyond what the latter can pretend to, and it hath rights and prerogatives [privileges] with which the latter may not intermeddle. Still, there are many ways in which civil government may give countenance [approval], encouragement, and even support to religion without invading the prerogatives of the Most High or touching the inferior, though sacred, rights of conscience and in doing of which it may not only shew its friendly regard to Christianity but derive important advantages to itself.

The friends of true happiness, whether ministers of state or ministers of religion, or in what ever character they may act, will therefore exert themselves to promote that cause which aims at no less an object than the glory of Jehovah and the highest felicity of his unlimited and eternal kingdom.

A civil community formed, organized, and administered agreeably to the principles which have been suggested will possess internal peace and energy; its strength and wealth may easily be collected for necessary defense; consequently will ever be prepared to repel foreign injuries: it will enjoy prosperity within itself and become respectable amongst the nations of the earth.

Could this — and the other states in the American Republic in their separate and united capacities — be established upon the principles of true wisdom — [upon] that righteousness and goodness which have their foundation in the nature of things and are essential parts of the Christian system — could we build upon this foundation, we might set forth a good example and become a blessing to mankind; in this way we might establish character as a wise and understanding people [and] become (Song of Solomon 6:4,10) “beautiful as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem”; we should “look forth as the morning, fair as the moon, clear as the sun, and terrible as an army with banners.”

Those deserve well of their brethren who have devoted their time and superior abilities to the public in the establishment and administration of civil constitutions which are calculated to answer purposes importantly beneficial to mankind. These thoughts may call our grateful attention to the honorable and venerable characters collected this morning in the house of God. Some respectful, serious addresses to the different characters here present may conclude this discourse.

May it please YOUR EXCELLENCY (for more information see note #¹), seats of dignity of free republics are truly honorable where merit and the voice of uncorrupted citizens are the only causes of elevation [placing in office]. The first Magistrate in such a state is more respectable than the most powerful monarch who obtains his throne either by arbitrary usurpation, the arts of venality [buying or selling office for money or influence], or even the fortunate circumstance of hereditary succession. In either of the instances supposed, the throne may be filled without personal worth, may be supported by the same means by which it was at first obtained, and may be improved for the purposes of idleness and dissipation — or what is worse, to consume the wealth, destroy the liberties, and even sport with the lives of subjects. By means of such abuse of power, a people will be rendered vastly more wretched than they would have been in a state of nature and yet find it extremely difficult to extricate themselves from these complicated evils. But such abuse of power cannot so easily take place or be continued in free republican governments where places of honor are inseparably connected with important duties — duties which must be performed, otherwise such places will not long be supported under the jealous inspection of a people possessed of the knowledge and love of liberty, together with the means of its preservation.

These considerations add to the merit and increase the luster of those worthy characters which have been repeatedly called by the united voice of their brethren to preside in this State. The understanding of this people and their knowledge of worth have been conspicuous in the attention generally paid to deserving personages in the election of their rulers — especially in the long succession of wise religious governors whose eminent talents and pious examples have been so extensively beneficial to this community. (For more information see note #².)

May your Excellency’s name, in this honorable catalogue, remain a lasting memorial of the many services which you have rendered to this people as a public testimony of the respect of your enlightened fellow citizens, and may your unremitted exertions for their prosperity be continued and all your benevolent endeavors to promote their temporal and eternal interests meet the Divine blessing — may you never bear that sword in vain which the exalted Mediator, through the instrumentality of men, hath put into your hand [Romans 13:4]; let this be a shield to the innocent, the widow, and the orphan in their oppressions while it remains a terror to all such as do evil [Jeremiah 22:3 & Romans 13:3]. You will, if possible, scatter the wicked with your eyes [Proverbs 20:8]; but when coercion becomes necessary, you will bring the wheel over them [Proverbs 20:26].

Sensible of the weighty cares and strong temptations of your exalted station, may your dependence be increasingly fixed on that glorious and gracious Being Who hath called you to office, esteeming His approbation [approval and praise] infinitely superior to the applause of mortals. By the weight of your example and the influence of that authority with which you are clothed, may you, sir, do much for the honor of God the Redeemer — for the advancement of His holy religion among men — for the promotion of righteousness and peace in this and the United States of America — for the abolition of slavery and every species of oppression — for the increase of civil and religious liberty in the earth. And when by the Supreme Disposer of all events you may be called to relinquish the honors and cares of this mortal life, our prayer to Almighty God is that in that solemn hour you may enjoy the supports of conscious integrity, meet with the approbation of your Judge, and be graciously received to the society of the blessed.

The public address may now be respectfully presented to his Honor the LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR (for more information see note #³), the COUNCIL, and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

HONORED GENTLEMEN:

The trust which God and this respectable Csommonwealth have reposed in you is truly important. All the temporal interests of this people, in a sense, are put into your hands and committed to your management for the general good. Children place strong confidence in the wisdom and tender care of their natural parents; so do this people in you, gentlemen, as their civil fathers. This confidence is not only implied but expressed in the designation of your persons to those offices which you hold in the government of your fellow citizens. Civil liberty is an inheritance descending from the Father of Lights, a talent which individuals may not despise or misimprove [abuse] without guilt: how vastly important, then, must this — with its connected blessings in society — be to a large community? The extensive views and patriotic feelings of wise and virtuous magistrates cannot fail deeply to impress their minds with the weight and solemnity of the trust reposed in them. Great anxiety for preferment betrays a weak mind or a vicious heart. Those only deserve the honors of an elevated station who are willing to bear the burdens and perform the duties which belong to it, and to reap the rewards which righteousness and benevolence will bestow; and who, in the ways of well doing, can meet with calmness the temporary ingratitude of a misguided misjudging people. Not that the preacher would be understood to mean that great esteem with an ample pecuniary recompense are not due to those whose time and superior talents are employed in promoting the happiness of their fellow men.

You gentlemen are vested with an authority which men of wisdom and virtue will ever revere — which properly exercised, none can resist without resisting the ordinance of God [Romans 13:2], and persevering in their resistance “must receive to themselves damnation” [Romans 13:2]. May you ever exercise such authority in the meekness of wisdom for the best good of your brethren agreeably to those unchangeable laws of righteousness and goodness which the Supreme Lawgiver hath established in His moral kingdom. (Ecclesiastes 3:16, Psalms 101:6): “That no iniquity, be found in the place of righteousness, or wickedness in the place of judgment [Ecclesiastes 3:16]; Your eyes will be upon the faithful of the land that they may dwell with You — those who walk in the perfect way [Psalms 101:6],” will be designated by you for all important executive trusts.

Viewing yourselves in the light of truth as the ministers of God to this people for good [Romans 13:4], you will realize the important connection between the moral government of Jehovah and those inferior governments which He hath ordained to exist among men. In this light, you will esteem it your highest glory to manifest a personal, supreme regard to the benevolent institutions of the Son of God. By the weight of your example and the force of all that influence you possess, you will study to commend His holy religion to all men that you may be instrumental in promoting the temporal peace and eternal happiness of this people. Public sentiments have a vast influence upon the conduct of mankind; public sentiments receive their complexion from public men; the rulers of a people can do more than some may imagine, to promote real godliness. If this is recommended in their conversation and exemplified in their lives, it will attract the attention of multitudes; it may lead some to a happy imitation and will not fail to give strong support to all the friends of God. But men sufficiently disposed at all times to cast off the fear of God, need slender aid from public influential characters to become professed advocates, for infidelity and licentiousness. How exceedingly interesting, gentlemen, to yourselves and the community is the station assigned you in providence! May unerring wisdom guide all your steps and the God of Abraham be your shield and exceeding great reward [Genesis 15:1].

The MINISTERS OF GOD’S SANCTUARYS will accept some thoughts addressed to them, not indeed for their instruction but to “stir up their pure minds by way of remembrance” [2 Peter 3:1].

REVEREND FATHERS AND BRETHREN:

Our character as Christians obligeth us to be righteousness before God [Romans 6:13], walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless [Luke 1:6], not forgetting that of civil magistracy as one of the wise and gracious appointments of heaven which, rightly improved, will extend its happy influence beyond the present life. And our office as ministers calleth us to exhort all the disciples of Jesus that they “submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake: unto kings and governors as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of God, that with well doing ye may yet put to silence the ignorance of foolish men” [1 Peter 2:13-15]. The ignorance and folly of that principle that there is no connection between religion and civil policy is most happily refuted when the followers of Jesus act in character and demonstrate to the world that real Christians are the best members of society in every station. We are not then acting out of character when pointing out the advantages of a righteous government and the necessity of subjection to magistrates. This, however, is not the principal object of our ministry: our wisdom and understanding will eminently appear in converting sinners from the error of their ways — in winning souls to Christ. To effect which, our speech and our preaching must not be with enticing words of man’s wisdom but in demonstration of the spirit and of power [1 Corinthians 2:4].

Confiding in the unerring wisdom and boundless goodness of God, we need not be ashamed nor afraid to declare all His counsel [Romans 1:16 & Acts 20:27], being well assured that no doctrine or duty can be found in His revealed will but such as are profitable for men to believe and practice. The great comprehensive design of the Christian ministry is the glory of God in the salvation of sinners through Jesus Christ. In pursuing this noble all important design, we shall labor to exhibit the divine excellency of the Christian religion in the holiness of our lives and conversation as well as in the simplicity and uncorruptedness of our doctrines – that our example and our preaching may unite in their tendency to persuade sinners to become reconciled to God. “How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings: that publisheth peace, that saith unto Zion, thy God reigneth!” and how is this beauty increased when the spiritual watchmen upon the walls of Zion, “sing together with the voice, and see eye to eye.” (Isaiah 53:7, 8).

That this beauty may appear and shine in all the ministers and churches of Christ, let us become more fervent and united in supplications to our Father in Heaven that He may shed forth plentiful effusions [outpourings] of that spirit of love and of a sound mind [2 Timothy 1:7] which is the only abiding principle of union between moral beings. Under the influence of this Holy Spirit. Under the influence of this Holy Spirit, awakened to activity and renewed diligence by the repeated instances of mortality among the ministering servants of God in the past year, may we all pursue the sacred work assigned us with increasing joy and success until called from our labors to receive the free rewards of faithful servants in the kingdom of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.

A brief address to the numerous AUDIENCE present on this joyful anniversary will close this discourse.

BRETHREN & FELLOW CITIZENS:

Let us not vainly boast in our truly happy constitution nor in the number of wise and pious personages whom God hath called to preside in its administration. We have abundant occasion indeed to bless and praise the God of Heaven for all our distinguishing privileges, both civil and religious. Few of our lapsed race [ancestors] enjoy immunities [freedoms] equal to those which we possess, but we do well to remember that profaneness and irreligion, infidelity and ungodliness, when connected with such advantages will exceedingly enhance the guilt of men, and without repentance will awfully increase the pains of damnation. Would we become a wise understanding people, we must learn the statutes and judgments which the Lord our God hath commanded, and obey them – we must be a religious, holy people, “for without holiness, no man shall see the Lord” [Hebrews 12:14]. Let all be exhorted to become wise to salvation through faith, which is in Christ Jesus [2 Corinthians 3:15]. Amen!

Endnotes

¹.Governor Samuel Huntington (1731-1796) was the son of a Puritan farmer, and early entered the study of law. After being admitted to the bar, Huntington married the daughter of a local minister, was elected to the State Assembly, and became a judge. He was sent by his State as a delegate to the Second Continental Congress where he signed the Declaration of Independence. He continued his service in the national Congress and in fact became the President of Congress. After the Revolution, Huntington served as a judge, Lt. Governor, and then ten terms as Governor.

².Previous leaders of Connecticut who were “wise religious governors” of “eminent talents and pious examples” were numerous. For example, leaders of this description before Connecticut became an independent State included Puritan John Haynes, governor in 1639, followed by governors such as George Wyllys, William Leete, Robert Treat, Gurdon Staltonstall, and Roger Wolcott, all of whom were not only zealous in defending the liberties of the people but who also were often ministers of the Gospel or active in religious work. (Occasional governors during this period interspersed among this group were not religious and sometimes were even hostile to religion, but they were few compared to the rest.)

During the movement toward American independence, Connecticut’s governor was Jonathan Trumbull, Sr. (1710-1785). Trumbull was a minister of the Gospel, entered business, became an attorney, and was elected to the State assembly twenty-two times and became its Speaker. He later became a judge, and in 1765 resigned from office rather than take the British oath to uphold the odious Stamp In 1769, he was appointed by the Crown as Governor, but following the announcement of the separation of America from Great Britain, Trumbull threw all his influence to the patriot cause, becoming the only crown-appointed Governor to support American independence. Trumbull became the closest and perhaps most trusted confidant of General George Washington (who called him “Brother Jonathan”) and Trumbull did more to supply the Continental Army with food, supplies, munitions, and troops than any other Governor. In fact, as he initially rallied Connecticut citizens to defend their country, he addressed the assembled men, and implored them, “March on! This shall be your warrant: May the God of the armies of Israel be your leader!” Trumbull was reelected Governor fourteen times, presided over the State throughout the entirety of the Revolution, and at the close of the conflict, resigned the governorship to return to the study of theology.

Afterward the Revolution, Connecticut was again blessed with strong God-fearing governors, including Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., and the governor at the time of this sermon, Samuel Huntington.

³.The Lieutenant Governor at this time was Oliver Wolcott (1726-1797). Wolcott was commissioned as a British military officer in the 1740s to defend the frontier against attacks until a treaty was finally reached with the Indians. He then entered the study of medicine and was also elected county sheriff. In 1774, he became a part of the State governing council and served in this responsibility until after the American Revolution. In 1775, he renewed his military service of three decades earlier, only this time against Great Britain, and tore down a large statue of George III that had been erected in 1770, melting the material into bullets for the patriots. In 1776, he was elected to the Continental Congress where he signed the Declaration of Independence. He thereafter commanded several military regiments in the defense of New York and assisted in the first major American victory of the Revolution at Saratoga. Throughout the remainder of the Revolution he divided his time between Congress and military service, attaining the rank of Major General. Following the Revolution, in 1786 he was elected Lieutenant Governor of Connecticut and held that post until elected Governor in 1796. Interestingly, Oliver Wolcott’s father, Roger, had served as State governor, and then Oliver’s son later served as governor.

Samuel Deane (c. 1741-1814) graduated from Harvard in 1760. He was a minister at a church in Falmouth beginning in 1764. Deane preached this election sermon on May 18, 1794 in Massachusetts before Samuel Adams (1722-1803), Signer of the Declaration of Independence, who was the Lieutenant-Governor at that time.

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Honour SAMUEL ADAMS, Esq.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR;

THE HONOURABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,
MAY 28TH, 1794.

BEING THE DAY OF
GENERAL ELECTION.

By SAMUEL DEANE, D. D.
A PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN PORTLAND.

AN
ELECTION SERMON.

As we are convened with our civil fathers to pay our religious acknowledgments to the Deity, and to inquire in his temple, the theme for our contemplation, which I have selected from the sacred pages, is this—

IN ALL THY WAYS ACKNOWLEDGE HIM, AND HE SHALL DIRECT THY PATHS.

This respected audience will easily forgive the omission, if they should hear nothing said at this time concerning the necessity, the origin, or the nature of civil government; nor of the particular kind which is most eligible, and most conducive to the happiness of a state or nation: Things which have been often attempted on such occasions, and by those who were thought equal to the undertaking. Neither will it be so requisite to point out those qualifications which the delegated electors ought to regard in those whom they set up as rulers, as in those times when one whole branch of the legislative body were chosen by the assembled representatives, on this anniversary. Accordingly a subject is chosen which does not lead to these things; but to shew the necessity of paying a due regard to the most high God; and which contains an important encouragement to our so doing.

The words ways, and paths, in the text, are easily understood as applied to a man’s conduct in the course of his life; to that of one as much as another, whatever may be his station; so that the administration of the affairs of government is included.

If any such persons can be found, as deny, or disbelieve, the existence of the Divine Being, they are farthest of all men from complying with the duty required in the text. But it may justly be doubted whether any rational human creature has lived and died under such a delusion. The opinion can only be founded in folly. The fool hath said in his heart there is no God; and of such only it is to be expected, who are either naturally wanting in understanding, or who have greatly abused and obscured the light of reason and conscience by sin. For by the things that are made, and must have been created by him, are clearly seen, and understood, his eternal power and Godhead. The existence of things, not eternal nor self-created, must lead us to believe in one who is self-existent, without beginning, and possessed of all perfections.

But the acknowledgment of this truth, That God is, cannot be all, nor the principal thing which is required. For by this the generality of mankind are but little, if at all, distinguished one from another.

The belief of God’s governing providence over all his works is undoubtedly included; and the oral profession of this belief is not excluded. For it would be irrational to suppose that the Almighty Creator of the universe has no governing influence over the work of his own hands.

We do not deny that Omnipotence, directed by infinite wisdom, is equal to the task of making a most huge and complicated machine, which should need no direction, or support, after the original impulse, in order to answer innumerable wise ends in its creation. But that he has done this in the structure of the material universe, it is impossible to prove. Much has been discovered by philosophers, concerning the laws of matter and motion. But the most sagacious theorist could never assign any physical cause of gravitation, which probably pervades all matter, and directs its motions: But have confessed that this universal property, or affection, may be no other than a constant energy of the Supreme Being. If this is the case, or allowed to be so, the reality of a divine providence is not to be denied, or doubted. He that stands at the helm, we may say, directs the ship, and governs its motions.

In language of inspiration, God is said to uphold all things by the word of his power; and without him, it is asserted, that not even a sparrow dies. How much more then must the noblest of his visible creatures, and their affairs, be under his direction? Those creatures of God which are fitted to act morally, from motive and choice, are evidently under his governing influence. This appears from his imposing systems of laws to regulate their conduct; from his promises and threatenings, of rewards to the obedient, and punishments to the rebellious; from the promised assistances of his Holy Spirit, and the ministration of the celestial angels to the heirs of salvation. By the divine agency, either directly or through his instruments, the meek are guided in judgment; and even the hearts of kings, however stubborn, are turned by the Monarch of the universe, as the rivers of water.

And if individual persons are under the divine guidance, the same is surly the case of states and communities, which are composed of individuals. These are equally fit subjects of the divine government, and would be equally unhappy in the want of it. Accordingly we are assured in holy writ, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that he is the Governor among the nations. With good reason then do his servants believe in his governing providence, as exercised in this inferior world.

Prayer is also a fit acknowledgment of the Deity. Men should so depend upon the divine influence, and be so affected with a persuasion of it, as to apply to him for guidance, in all their important affairs and transactions. In all thy ways acknowledge him. This will be followed the divine direction in other parts of the sacred volume; and the laudable examples of the devoted servants of God, both in ancient and modern times.

And this seeking to God for direction is not only the duty and privilege of the common people, but more especially of those who are called to guide the state, and administer the great affairs of the public. For these men act not only for themselves, but for the whole community. So that errors in their conduct may be most extensively hurtful and pernicious. And questions come before them in the course of their business, not only of great weight and importance, but often very complicated and perplexed. And as the conscience of a good ruler will now allow him to act and determine by guess, or at random; how great need has he, not only of exerting his own best abilities, but of supplicating the friendly aid of one, in whom are boundless treasures of wisdom and knowledge, and who cannot err in judgment? Every pious ruler is convinced of his need of assistance from on high; and will gladly make use of his privilege to repair to the throne of grace for this favor, in the arduous affairs of government. Moses affords such an example to human governors. He was wont to apply to God for direction, in guiding his refractory people. And Solomon, when a choice of divine favors was offered him, supplicated for wisdom and understanding, to enable him to manage the affairs of his government.

I trust I am not speaking to those who will say in their hearts, What profit shall we have, if we pray unto him? The duty of prayer is not only enjoined repeatedly in the oracles of God; but clearly dictated by the light of nature, as appears from the conduct of the heathen mariners with Jonah. There cannot be a more reasonable service. But for our assurance of gracious answers to our prayers, we are mostly, if not wholly, beholden to divine revelation. By this we learn that God is nigh unto all that call upon him, or invoke him with sincerity; and that, if we implore his aid in cases of difficulty, he will direct our paths.

Though the intention and use of prayer cannot be to inform the omniscient Being of our wants, nor to alter the purposes of our unchangeable benefactor, there is still a connection between asking and receiving his favors. And this devout exercise will happily serve to keep up in our minds a sense of his agency, and of our wants and dependence; and prepare us for the right reception and improvement of what he bestows.

There are many ways in which he can give us assistance and direction, besides doing it by the immediate agency of his Spirit. And his power of doing the latter none will dare to dispute. The almighty agent, who created the human soul, has a more near and immediate access to it than any creature can have; so that he can excite in men such ideas, and lead them into such trains of thought, as shall influence their actions in perfect consistency with their moral agency, an accountableness for their conduct.

But a practical acknowledgment of the Deity includes, also, a profound submission to his authority over us, and a voluntary obedience to his commandments. What will it avail for men to profess that he has in his hands, by right, and in fact, the government of the world, if they oppose their wills and actions to his infinite authority? Or, of what account will be their belief of his existence, so long as they allow themselves to live in practical atheism? It is a very bad character, given of some who profess to know God, that in their works they deny him, being abominable and disobedient, and to every good work reprobate.

This practical acknowledgment of God is the highest interest, and the unquestionable duty of all men. And all the wise and good rejoice in the divine commandments; accounting the service of God as better than freedom; and take delight in conforming themselves to their knowledge of his will, as it is conducive to his honor, and to the restoration and felicity of their lapsed nature. But the impenitent and disobedient disrelish the divine government, placing the most of their happiness in secular and licentious, immoral, and ungodly conduct: And, regardless of the divine forewarnings and threatenings, rush headlong in the way to perdition.

From the doctrines contained in the subject, civil rulers may be led to observe something of the nature of their duty towards God. As men, they are on the same footing as others; equally bound to the acknowledgment of the Deity, in all the ways that are dictated by reason and revelation. They should also remember that, as they are ministers of God, and his representatives, it is of high importance that they be followers of him in all his moral perfections and actions, as far as their ability extends; especially in their conduct towards men. Otherwise they will be unfit to be considered as earthly Gods. They are set in conspicuous places; and have it in their power to be extensively beneficial to mankind, by their pious and virtuous examples. They should not only submit themselves, in all their conduct, to the divine commandments, but exhibit in their lives bright patterns of submission to the good laws of men. If private Christians are sacredly bound to show forth the virtues of him who has called them, and to shine as lights in the world; much more is it requisite in men who are vested with civil authority. For their good examples will be far more influential on mankind, than the examples of those in the lower walks of life. Mankind are ambitious of imitating the conduct of their superiors. And as the talent is given to magistrates, in this way to be public benefactors, they should consider that they must be answerable to the supreme governor, if they are found guilty of the non-improvement of it. For they must be viewed as disregarding the divine authority, unless they comply with this duty; and may justly expect the fate of the unprofitable servant.

They must enact no laws but such as have the public welfare for their object: For God invests them with no authority, but to do good.

But if, instead of practically acknowledging the divine authority over them, they take advantage from their promotion to affront and provoke him, by oppressing the people, or neglecting to serve them; and by wicked examples encourage immorality and ungodliness; what account will they be able to give of themselves to their master in heaven?

Possession of the public power is attended with some peculiar temptations. It enables men, in some cases, to commit wickedness with impunity. Those who hold the reins of government can defraud the innocent of their just dues, and establish iniquity by laws. They can secure to themselves the emoluments of their office, without performing its duties according to the intention, and just expectation of their electors. They have opportunity to influence in the appointment of unfit persons to serve in the judicial and executive departments of government; and to keep out those of better characters, for the sake of bribes, the prospect of advantages to themselves or families, or through prejudice and party spirit. That those who are drawn aside from the path of duty by such sinister motives are unfit for the high employment of legislation, and guiding the affairs of a State, cannot be disputed. Instead of approving themselves as the ministers of God for the good of the people, they may be considered as emissaries of Satan, and scourges of the public. Such men do not acknowledge the divine Being. They are de4stitute of religious reverence towards him; and the language of their conduct is, that they will not have him to reign over them.

Also, the duty of rulers to mankind, and in particular to those who vest them with authority, is deducible from the subject. If they have a due regard to the Deity, they will make use of their power and authority as he requires, no otherwise than to promote the happiness of society. The latter cannot but flow from the former; and where the latter is not, a religious regard to the Deity has no place. For an Apostle of Christ has well said, If a man love not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath not seen?

Philanthropy is a Christian virtue of essential importance; and in men of public character it is indispensably requisite to their answering the designs of their appointment. Patriotism is the branch of it which should be a striking trait in their character. The worthy magistrate will therefore bear it in mind that he is put into office to promote the welfare of the community, and of that particular part of which he is strictly a member. This is not only the great design of God, but of man, in his appointment. No free people are supposed to elect a ruler for any different purpose. He will therefore endeavor, in all his official conduct, to promote the public welfare. As a legislator he will give his vote for the enacting of no laws, and the annexing of no sanctions, but such as he is convinced will be conducive to the good of the public, let who will be in favor of them. For though he ought to weigh with candor all that may be said against his opinion, after all he must act according to the dictates of his own reason and conscience. He is principally answerable to God, and to the vicegerent of God in his own bosom.

And as a friend to society, such a ruler will think it of importance to prevent, as far as may be, the intricacy and obscurity in the language of laws, which may render them perplexing and ensnaring to the common people.

In the repealing of laws, he must be actuated by the same conscientious and benevolent principles. And there may be as real occasions for unmaking old, as for making new laws and regulations. By means of changes in the circumstances of a community, those which were once good and necessary may become unfit and inexpedient. And if antiquated and useless laws, or even any which cannot be put into execution, are suffered to stand unrepealed, it may be questioned whether they do not operate to the weakening of the hands of government; or lead subjects to disobey the best laws with hopes of impunity.

The worthy magistrate will be so tender of the public welfare, that he will be careful to inform himself of the true characters of candidates for subordinate offices, knowing that vicious and ungodly men ought never, unless in cases of necessity, to be entrusted with power; lest they should so abuse it as to bring scandal upon government, and mischief upon the people. And being acquainted with their characters, he will not countenance their being put into places of honor or trust; nor will he connive at the continuance of such persons in office. The subordinate officers which Moses was advised to constitute, were not only to be able men, capable of performing the duties of their station, but such as feared God, and were men of truth, hating covetousness.

Good rulers will be actuated by such a care for the happiness of the community, that they will use their wisdom to explore ways and means to alleviate the public burdens, and the hardships which chance to fall upon individuals, or on particular orders of men; impose no burdens without real necessity, for the support of government, for the defense of the State, or the increase of public happiness on the whole. And they will study to call for such contributions only, as can be made in the most easy, peaceable and imperceptible manner.

It may be expected of them that they be encouragers and supporters of the means of education, by good laws, and by such establishments and endowments as appear fit and needful. Especially this will be done by intelligent republican rulers; as on it depend the peace, prosperity, and perpetuity of the State. How easily might an ignorant people be excited by an eloquent demagogue to rebel against such a government, and introduce anarchy, confusion and ruin? How unqualified are such a people to elect able rulers, and such as are fit to be entrusted with authority? They will set up men who are like themselves, through partiality, or ignorance, or from the necessity of the case. And when the blind have blind leaders, all will be confounded together.

It may be said, to the honor of our constitution of government, that civil rulers are happily restrained by it from the abuse of power; and in particular, from interfering with the rights of conscience; prevent their being interrupted in the exercise of their religion; and enable Christian societies to raise contributions among themselves, to serve religious purposes. And if, with political views, they may enforce the support of schools for the instruction of youth, why not that of meetings for the instruction of grown up children in religion and morality, so far as they shall judge it needful to promote the welfare of society? Why not oblige a dishonest person to attend these meetings, of the denomination he prefers, if it were only to prevent his invading the property of his Christian neighbors, while they are at the place of public worship? And why not constrain the profane person to do the same, in hope that he may learn to be afraid of perjury, the practice of which vice would be pernicious to a community, as it would render good government impracticable. All that is indisputably beneficial to society, and consistent with the rights of individuals, is within their line. And good instructions in piety and morality are so evidently of this fort, that they have been adopted by the most applauded of ancient governments.

We rejoice with our honored rulers this day, in the peace, independence, and prosperity of our State and Nation. And we look back with pleasure, and devout gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of events, on the snares which we have escaped. The Lord was on our side, when men rose up against us. As by Moses he delivered his chosen people from Egyptian bondage; so he raised up a leader to our forces, of like wisdom and patriotic zeal, whose name will be equally known to future generations.

Ought we not to be the more sensibly affected with our deliverance, and the obtainment and security of our rights, when we consider with what amazing difficulties a great and powerful nation, in alliance with us, have been struggling, to obtain and secure the same rights, and a free government, of which we are in the peaceable possession? May all their wise designs, and laudable endeavors, be crowned with happy success; and those individuals among them, and nations around them, who have unrighteously opposed their design of reforming their national government, be convinced of the evil of their conduct. Are the governors of that afflicted nation charged with cruelty, on account of the multitude of capital punishments? The blame of this should partly fall on their wicked invaders, whose bloody onsets and insidious intrigues, have encouraged many to engage in insurrections, treasons and rebellions, by which they forfeit their lives. What degrees of lenity might have been exercised towards offenders, consistently with the safety of the State, perhaps it is very difficult for us at this distance to determine. Whilst, as true republicans we cannot but approve their glorious design, we may say they have probably fallen into great errors, in their zealous pursuit of it. Nor is it to be expected that their powers will be in the best manner directed, till they more devoutly acknowledge the government of him who is over all. It was right to reject an absurd species of Christianity; and it is hoped that a better one will be soon adopted.

The union of our States seems to be settled on an immoveable basis; and our rapid increase promises to give us national consequence and respectability. We foresee nothing to prevent it, under the wise conduct of a supreme executive in whom all hearts are united; nor so long as the spirit of mutual condescension is cultivated among the States. The national constitution, so generally approved, may be viewed as a band of that lasting union, which cannot be too zealously cultivated. That saying should not be forgotten, By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall.

This respectable State, in particular, has reason to rejoice in the enjoyment of its rights, and of a happy republican government. Our constitution does honor to its framers; approaches so near to perfection; and has hitherto so well answered the wise purposes of its formation, that it can hardly be thought advisable to put ourselves to the expense and trouble of a revisal. It would be very uncertain whether any real amendment would, on the whole, be obtained.

With pleasure we behold a respectable delegation from the various parts of this extensive Commonwealth, for the purpose of transacting the important public business of the present year. May these chosen patriots be actuated by a noble zeal to promote the public welfare, and may heaven vouchsafe to direct all their steps. May they act in the fear of God, as they are accountable to him for their conduct. For though, on account of their station, they are considered as children of the most high, they shall die like other men; and after death is the judgment.

And here we cannot refrain from condolence with our political fathers on a melancholy event, which has taken place since our last anniversary election; the removal of that distinguished person, and illustrious republican, who has so long sat, and with so much dignity, in the chief seat of government. May his uniform and inextinguishable love of his country, and attachment to the rights of mankind; and not less his regard for the institutions of religion, and friendship to the teachers of it, be remembered, and emulated by those who shall hereafter be called to fill his important station. Long will his philanthropy, generosity and munificence, be had in remembrance. Especially will the numerous partakers of his bounty rise up and call his memory blessed.

We rejoice to see his venerable compatriot now in the place of first magistrate; a gentleman of well known, and long approved ability and virtue; who early took an active part towards the accomplishment of our happy revolution. May the supreme Governor take him into his holy keeping: And, as he will not fail to acknowledge God, so may he be favored with all needful divine direction, in the duties of his arduous office. Having always deserved well of the public, he will experience the most agreeable reward, by having his power of doing good increased. May his life and usefulness be protracted, that he may long rejoice in the gladness of our nation. And in the closing scene may his peaceful conscience anticipate that joyful plaudit, which all the faithful shall receive from the great Judge of the world.

The respected, and much honored gentlemen, who are elected to form the two branches of the legislature, have received a recent testimony of the confidence of the people in their integrity and abilities, which we trust will not be abused nor disappointed. As you are vested with the power of the state, and constituted guardians of its precious rights, your God, your consciences, and your sacred oaths, oblige you to use your best endeavors to promote the political good of this people. Your betrustment is great, and part of your work may be very difficult, at this eventful era, when our affairs are so much embarrassed by means of the war that rages in Europe, and the depredations in the West Indies, by which we greatly suffer. If you find that you need wisdom, you are to ask it of him who is the fountain of it, and answers the prayers of all who acknowledge him aright. In the elections of this day may you be under a divine guidance, and in all the business of your sessions through the year.

Persuaded of the purity of your intentions, the preacher will not presume to be your dictator, in a line that is our of his profession: But would humbly recommend to your paternal attention a few things, which to him appear to be of some political importance.

If practicable, it seems desirable that something may be done towards putting into full execution the law respecting schools; that the rising generation may become possessed of those advantages, which were anxiously desired by the framers of it, and which cannot but be thought important by an enlightened republic. And whether some harmless alteration might not render the law more easy to be enforced, is submitted to your wise consideration.

Our civil fathers will also consider whether the means of defense ought not to be more attended to, than they have hitherto been; as we know not what alarms may come, nor what enemy may next be disposed to invade us – whether military skill should not be more assiduously cultivated – and the militia kept on the most respectable footing, that we may not be wholly unready to repeal an invasion. And whether, in our present aspect of affairs, encouragement should not be afforded to the general government, not only for protecting our navigation and commerce from piratical depredations; but for the speedy erection of forts and batteries on our exposed maritime borders. A little delay, with respect to the last of these objects, may lead to tragical and distressing scenes. What other nation is contented with so defenseless a coast?

Frugality, industry and economy are to be considered as excellent virtues in the inhabitants of any State. For without these no country arrives at opulence; nor without their continuance, will depopulation and wretchedness be prevented, much more are they needful in a young country, with low finances, and which has yet done so little towards providing for the public safety and defense, these virtues are evangelical, as well as political, and essential parts of that righteousness which exalts a nation. The want of them would effectually prevent our growing into that respectability, which we have been fondly anticipating in expectation. But why, in the name of reason, will we keep ourselves low, by eagerly importing and purchasing the trifling manufactures of distant nations? Possibly our political guardians, without the enaction of sumptuary laws, may devise some means to check the rage for foreign superfluities, which is complained of by many as too prevalent, and of a pernicious tendency.

In subserviency to such a design, might not several new manufactories be erected, and fostered by the hand of government, to supply the people, not only with necessary things, but with some that are elegant and ornamental? The natural consequence would be, preventing much of our wealth from taking wing, and flying to the transatlantic regions.

The government in time past has done honor to itself, by their kindness and assistance to the university in this vicinity. You will consider what further help it may need, to continue and increase its importance, and usefulness to the public. ¹ And not content, that the central part only of this extensive government should be so well furnished with the means of a liberal education; you cannot be so partial, but that you will be disposed to establish and endow similar seats of learning in the remote parts; that so the inhabitants may not be in danger of losing their republican virtues through lack of knowledge. If the western has been thus favored, why should not the oriental be attended to? Though, while the settlers are mostly emigrants from the older parts of the Commonwealth, a few men of erudition may happen to be found among them; what prospects can we have concerning the next and future generations? The need of erudition seems greater in a region bordering on provinces of Britain, where principles of kingly government prevail; that the corruption and defection of the people may be effectually, and forever prevented.

It is presumed that you need not be reminded to consult the honor and credit of government, by a punctual fulfillment of all the obligations the State is under; and render to all what they have a just right to expect. The speaker dares not affront you so much as to suggest a suspicion that you will take advantage of your high authority to practice iniquity. Christian rulers are not disposed to injure the enemies of the State; how much les its friends and supporters, its servants and defenders? For they will consider that contracts are as much binding in the sight of God, upon States and corporate bodies, as upon individuals; and that no fraudulent Machiavellian policy may be expected to prosper.

The address now turns to my fellow citizens of every rank, who are here assembled. As we wish and pray for the continuance and increase of public prosperity, it is incumbent on us that, regarding the divine authority, we do all in our power to strengthen the hands of the government we are providentially under. It is not enough that we elect wise and faithful men, to conduct the affairs of the public. It becomes us to pay a sacred regard to the laws; so as neither to violate them ourselves, nor encourage others in doing it. Those who offend against the public authority should be rebuked and punished, that others may not dare to follow their example. And no improper fear of being persecuted as informers should deter any from causing offenders against our good government to be detected. If no zeal nor courage were wanting, in giving assistance to the civil power, government would discover its full energy, and happy effects; and comparatively few would be molested in the enjoyment of their rights. It is not the want of good laws, so much as the want of virtue in the subjects to give them force, that occasions our hearing of so many grievances, contentions, and injuries.

That the good laws of the land may be duly regarded, magistrates should be revered and honored. As they are vested with the power, they should be considered as possessors of the dignity and majesty of the State. But, by refusing them due honor, the people dishonor themselves, and contribute to bring the community into contempt.

Complainers and fault-finders, who vent their gall against public characters and measures, should always be discountenanced by every friend to the Republic. For persons should not be hasty in concluding that their rulers have erred in any instance. They should rather consider that the collected wisdom of the State or Nation, and the superior advantages for information, possessed by political assemblies, render it probable that their decisions are more wise and fit than the opinions even of an enlightened individual. But, as all men are liable to err, if our rulers are found to do so, none but peaceable and respectful methods should be used to convince them. As an ecclesiastical elder should be entreated as a parent; so should our political fathers.

Disaffection to government often arises from a sordidly avaricious temper; which makes men backward to pay tribute, according to their ability and the exigencies of the State. How unreasonable and shameful are such a temper and conduct! Is it fit that we should expect to receive for nothing the unspeakable benefits of good government, the security of our liberties, persons and fortunes? Can we wish our rulers to spend their time and attention in the public service, without an adequate reward? Or can we be ready to indulge suspicions that they are too forward to lay burdens upon us, when we know that they themselves bear their proportion of them, according to their several abilities? For so happy is our situation since the revolution, that our rulers, in most cases, cannot oppress us without hurting themselves.

Let us see that we always make the wisest possible use of the power of appointing our own rulers, which the good providence of God has given us; imploring his direction in these matters; and endeavor in all possible ways to advance the public welfare. For by so doing we should remember that we promote our own happiness. All the members partake of the health of the body, political, as well as natural. And that we may not fail of being good subjects, it should be considered that we ought to obey our rulers from a principle of duty to our Almighty Sovereign. For good rulers are ordained by him; and by resisting them we shall oppose the ordinance of God, and expose ourselves to his wrath. It is therefore our duty, our interest, and wisdom, to resolve that we will submit to their laws, that so we may lead quiet and peaceable lives, while we persevere in all godliness and honesty: For this is good, and acceptable in the sight of God our Savior.

Nothing indeed can do more towards the support of government, than the practice of religion and virtue. Were mankind perfect in these things, human government and laws would be rendered useless. So that the more they are practiced, the more easily government will be administered; and the more happy will be the condition of society. Let us then resolve, that, by the help of God, we will thus become benefactors to the public. If this were done by the generality, a blessed reformation would be effected. The blessing of heaven would be upon us, and better times would be experienced than have ever yet been known. Expensive vices would give place to fruitful industry. Rulers and ruled, teachers and private Christians, and all corporations instituted to serve the community, would exert themselves to increase the public happiness. The arts and sciences would flourish, as genius and learning would be encouraged. Agriculture and commerce would be more productive of support and wealth. Manufactures would increase, and arrive to the greatest perfection. The fame of our increasing wealth and happiness would draw multitudes of emigrants from other quarters of the globe, to assist in our improvements, and to participate in our prosperity. Our peace and happiness would exhibit no faint picture of the predicted millennial state, or be the dawn and introduction of it.

Finally. May persons of all denominations be induced, from evangelical motives, to the religious acknowledgment of the Deity, and the practice of universal holiness. Thus, being guided by divine counsel, shall we secure to ourselves his approbation and acceptance, through the Redeemer; which are of infinitely greater consequence to us, than all our terrestrial enjoyments. The fashion of this world is swiftly passing away. All human governments will soon be terminated, and gone forever. The rapid wheels of time are driving us on to our most important state of existence; in which all the godly and virtuous shall live in greater felicity than it is possible at present for us to conceive; a happiness answerable to the desires and capacities of our souls, without alloy, and without end.

Endnotes

¹. By means of the taking down of one of the buildings, that seat of learning has not been sufficient, for several years past, to lodge all the students. Expense in education is thus increased; and a number of them at present are put to many inconveniences of a remote lodging; where they lose the benefit of the immediate inspection of the governors.

Jonathan Edwards (1745-1801) was a son of the First Great Awakening preacher, the senior Jonathan Edwards. When the Revolutionary War began and after the death of his father, Edwards and his family relocated to Princeton, NJ. He graduated from the College of New Jersey (1765), and was a tutor at Princeton (1767-1769). Edwards was pastor of the society at White Haven, CT (1769-1795), and a Church at Colebrook, CT (1796-1799). This sermon was preached by Edwards in Connecticut on May 8, 1794.

ILLUSTRATED IN A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. L.L.D.

GOVERNOR,

AND THE HONORABLE THE

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

OF THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

Convened at Hartford on the Day of the

Anniversary Election.

May 8th, 1794.

By JONATHAN EDWARDS, D. D.
Pastor of a Church in New-Haven.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1794.

ORDERED, that the Hon. Jonathan Ingersol, and David Daggett, Esqrs. Return the Thanks of this Assembly, to the Rev. Doct. Edwards, for his Sermon delivered on the Anniversary Election, and desire a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examin’d,
By GEORGE WYLLS, Sec’ry.

Psalm CXLIV. 15

Yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

IN this passage of sacred scripture, that people is pronounced happy, whose God is the Lord. But what is the meaning of the expression, “whose God is the Lord?” or when may it be truly said, that the God of any people is the Lord? The answer is, when they believe, worship and obey the Lord or Jehovah, as the only true God, and that according to his revealed will. The Lord was the God of the Israelites, when they complied with the dispensation, under which they lived; and he is our God, when we cordially believe and comply with the gospel. If we do so, the text pronounces us happy; and it plainly implies, that we cannot be happy on any condition short of this.

Therefore the subject, which I beg leave to propose from our text for present consideration, is this, The necessity of a belief of Christianity by the citizens of this state, in order to our public and political prosperity. This proposition is plainly implied in the text. For if that people only be happy or prosperous, whose God is the Lord; and if to believe and comply with Christianity be implied in having the Lord for our God; it follows, that the belief of Christianity by the citizens of this state, is necessary to our political prosperity.

Political prosperity requires the general practice of a strict morality. But this cannot be so well secured by any other means, as by a belief of Christianity. Motives of a religious kind appear to be necessary to restrain men from vice and immorality. Civil pains and penalties alone are by no means sufficient to this end; nor are civil honours and rewards sufficient encouragements to the practice of virtue in general. The civil magistrate does not pretend to reward virtue in general according to its moral excellency. He does indeed reward some particular acts of virtue, which are highly beneficial to the public. But the many virtues of private life pass without any other reward from him, than the bare protection, which is afforded in common to the persons who practice those virtues, and to all who are free from gross crimes.

Nor does the magistrate pretend to punish vice in general. He does undertake to punish those gross vices, which consist in the violations of the perfect rights of men, and in those cases only, in which the violations are both manifest and are manifestly proved before a proper tribunal. But all violations of even these rights which are perpetrated in private, or which, though perpetrated publicly, are not legally proved, pass entirely free from civil pains and penalties. The same is true of all violations of the imperfect rights, as they are called, which are violated by ingratitude, selfishness, neglect of kind offices, &c. Yet these vices are in their consequences, often as hurtful to the public good, as injustice, fraud or robbery; and indeed the former are the source of the latter. Now to restrain from vices of this latter description, from all vices practiced in private, and from vice in general, nothing is so useful as a full belief of a final judgment, and of a subsequent state of rewards and punishments, in which all sin not renounced by sincere repentance, shall be punished, and every man shall receive according to that which he does in the body, whether it be good or evil.

Let us suppose a citizen restrained from vice by the fear of civil penalties only. Such a person will feel himself under no obligation to pay either public or private debts, unless he expects legal judgment and execution; and under no obligation to speak the truth, unless he fears a prosecution for fraud or defamation. He will feel himself at liberty to live in idleness, profusion, intemperance and lust, and to take every advantage consistent with law, to defraud and oppress his fellow citizens. He will requite no kind offices, as he has no motive to gratitude. He will have no motive to the greater part of this duty to his own children, and in a thousand instances may neglect them, when he is bound by the strictest moral obligation, to assist and do them good. He may indulge himself in passion and ill nature, in contention and violence, so far as not to expose himself to the law; and of course will take no pains to preserve peace among his neighbours; but will rather, as his humour happens to be, foment by words and actions, animosities, law-suits and contentions in every form. Ever complaining under the mildest and justest government, he will in numberless ways oppose measures, and especially expenses, subservient and necessary to the public good; and will excite and spread discontent among others. Now is this a good citizen? What if the whole state consisted of such citizens? Could it enjoy political prosperity?

The best and perhaps the only remedy for such diseases, is a full belief of the divine universal providence, of the accountableness of all men of God for all their conduct, and of a future equal retribution.

Some religion then, and some belief of a future state is necessary to our political prosperity. But what religion shall we adopt? And what system concerning a future state is most useful to the state? It is not possible to introduce and give a general spread through the state, to Mahometanism or Paganism; and it would be a work of time and of great difficulty, to lead the citizens in general into the belief of Deism or what is called the philosophical religion. Therefore we seem necessitated to have recourse to Christianity: and this is most excellently adapted to the ends of restraining men from vice and promoting that general practice of strict morality, which is so essential to the political prosperity of any people. It is adapted to these ends by its precepts; by the moral character of the author of those precepts; by his absolute supremacy and sovereignty; by the motives of reward and punishment with which those precepts are enforced; by the facts which it relates, and by the examples which it exhibits. It is enforced not by the bare authority of our feeble reason, but by the authority of our Creator, our Judge, and our all perfect God. It depends not on the obscure investigations, subtle refinements and uncertain conclusions of human intellect; but on the omniscience, the veracity, the justice, the goodness and the will of God: And thus it is excellently adapted to the principles and feelings which are common to human nature, and which exist in the weakest and most ignorant, as well as the most intelligent and learned. A man who cannot follow the shortest and most easy chain of reasoning on the nature of things and the tendency of human actions, and who will not from such reasoning feel his obligation to virtue in general or to particular virtues, will at once feel the force of the positive and authoritative declarations and requisitions of the Almighty: and where is the man, learned or unlearned, of weak or strong powers, who does not see and feel the difference between the advice and directions of some learned and acute philosopher, and thus saith the Lord? Above all, the motives arising from the doctrines of the final judgment and a future state, lay an inconceivably greater restraint on the depravity of human nature, than anything that is or can be suggested by the philosophical religion.

Let us compare this religion with Christianity in a few particulars, which immediately relate to our present subject.

It is a maxim of infidelity to follow nature. Now to follow her, is to follow all the appetites and passions of which we are naturally the subjects; and this will lead to all kinds of vice. But it is a maxim of Christianity, to follow the divine law, the precepts of the gospel and the example of Christ: and whether these lead to vice or virtue, I need not inform you.

Another maxim of infidelity is, that man was made for his own happiness; that is, that every man was made for his own individual happiness. This then is to be the supreme object of every man; and this object is to be pursued, as infidels themselves teach, by gratifying his natural appetites and passions, which brings us just where we were before, to all vice and wickedness: And if an infidel deny his appetites and passions, he must be governed by other motives than any which his system of morality suggests. But Christianity teaches, that we were created for an end, which so far as we pursue, we cannot fail of sincere piety and strict morality.

Infidels are divided into two classes, those who deny a future state of existence, and those who allow such a state. The former deny all moral government of God, and that we are at all accountable to him; and some of the most noted among them deny any evidence of his moral perfections. Now it is manifest, that according to this system mankind can be under no restraint from vice, by the consideration of a future state of rewards and punishments, or by the consideration of their accountableness to God, or of his commands or prohibitions. Nor does this system admit of any motives derived from these sources, to the practice of virtue. Yet these motives, with respect to mankind in the gross, are the most powerful. The authors and abettors of this system seem to rely on a sense of honour, as the great motive to virtue and restraint from vice. And what is this sense of honour? If it be a sense of shame in doing wrong, and a sense of the honourableness of doing right, it is a mere sense or knowledge of right and wrong; and this so far as it is founded on truth, is undoubtedly a proper rule of conduct, and a man who is disposed to virtue, will practice according to this rule. But how are men in general, without the aid of revelation, to attain, in all cases, to the knowledge of right and wrong, of virtue and vice? It is manifest by abundant experience both antient and modern, that mere human reason is insufficient for this.

If by this sense of honour be meant, as I imagine is generally meant, a sense of our own supposed personal dignity, a pride naturally arising from this sense, and a disposition to resent and revenge everything which is grating to our pride; this in many cases is so far from a motive to virtue and restraint from vice, that it is itself a vice. Let this sense of honour be ever so well limited and explained, it cannot be a motive to virtue and a restraint from vice to all men; because it does not reach and cannot influence all men. How many are there in every nation and country, who have very little sense of their own dignity, and very little elevation of soul in a consciousness of it? How many are there, who in a prospect of gain, would not scruple to betray their friends, to steal their neighbours property or to betray their country?

It is manifest therefore, that this philosophical religion, could it be generally introduced and established among us, would be a very great political evil, as it would weaken and even annihilate those motives to virtue and restraints from vice, which are most powerful on the minds of men in general.

Besides: this system so far as it denies the evidence of the moral perfections of God, not only cuts off the motives to virtue, drawn from a future state and from those divine perfections; but even suggests motives to vice. If it be a matter of uncertainty, whether God be a friend to virtue or a friend to vice, it may be, that we shall please him most by an unrestrained indulgence of vice, and by the practice of virtue shall provoke his malice and vengeance. Nay, if it be a matter of uncertainty, whether the Deity be a benevolent or malicious being, we can have no certainty, but that he will give us an existence in a future state, on purpose to gratify his malevolence in our everlasting torment. And to be consistent, the advocates for the system now under consideration should not say a word against the Christian doctrine of endless punishment, on the ground of its supposed injustice or opposition to grace and mercy; because they acknowledge, that they know not, that God is just, gracious or merciful. Thus this scheme, which was invented to avoid the fears of future punishment, defeats itself; and while it attempts to deliver us from a just punishment, leaves us exposed to any punishment ever so unjust, cruel and malicious.

As to that kind of infidelity, which allows the divine moral perfections and a future state of rewards and punishments; though this is more plausible than the former; yet the motives to virtue and restraints from vice, which it affords, are not to be compared with those of the gospel. Agreeably to the gospel all men are to be rewarded according to their works done in the body, whether they be good or evil. Some are to be beaten with few stripes, some with many stripes, according to their several aggravations of guilt. But in the future punishment which infidels admit, there is nothing vindictive, nothing therefore which is intended to support law and government. The only punishment which they admit, is that which is designed for the good of the person punished; ¹ and therefore as soon as the person punished repents, he is released. Now it is manifest on the slightest reflection, that the motive to avoid sin and vice on this plan, is exceedingly diminished from what it is on the plan of the Gospel. On the plan of the gospel the motive is endless misery, proportioned in degree to the demerit of the person punished. On the infidel plan it is a merciful chastisement, which is to continue no longer than till the subject shall repent. And as every sinner will naturally flatter himself, that he shall repent as soon as he shall find his punishment to be intolerable; so all the punishment, which on this plan he will expect, is one that shall continue but for a moment, after it shall have become extreme or intolerable. And whether this momentary extreme punishment be an equal restraint on vice, as the endless misery threatened in the gospel, let every man judge. It is plain, that in a comparative view it is as nothing. Therefore as even this, the most plausible scheme of infidelity, cuts the sinews of morality and opens the flood-gates of vice; the prevalence of it in our state would be a very great political evil.

If we take the pains to compare Christianity with ancient paganism, we shall find, that the former has, even in a political view, the like advantage over the latter, which it has over infidelity.—If in the account, which I shall now give of the pagan religion, some things shall be mentioned, which will be grating to those of the most delicate feelings; I think I shall be entitled to the pardon of my hearers, as otherwise it will be impossible for me to do justice to this important subject.

Paganism, though it taught a future punishment of wicked men of certain descriptions; yet indulged and even encouraged vice in a variety of ways. It taught that there were many gods, some male and some female; some comparatively good, others exceedingly evil; but all and even the chief god, on many occasions acted a most wicked part and indulging the vilest lusts. Some of their female deities were deceased women of most abandoned characters. Jupiter, whom they called the father of gods and men, was himself the son of Saturn who according to some, was king of Crete; according to others, was Ham the son of Noah; according to others, was Adam; but on every hypothesis was a mere man. This man, the ancient heathens believed, had a number of children, and was wont to devour them as soon as they were born: but Jupiter was saved by an artifice of his mother. He, grown to maturity, rebelled against his father, who till then was supposed to be the supreme God, drove him from his throne, and seized his authority and dominions. When Jupiter had by these means raised himself to the place of supreme deity, he was wont to transform himself into various visible shapes, to facilitate his designs of criminal intercourse with women here on earth. Now how destructive of the interests of virtue and morality must necessarily have been these ideas of the gods; and especially these ideas of the character and conduct of the supreme god, Jupiter the greatest and the best!

In like manner destructive to morality must have been almost all their other ideas of their gods; as of their animosities and contentions among themselves; of their intrigues and lusts; and the vicious and most abominable practices by which, in many instances, they were worshipped. The goddess Venue was openly worshipped by whoredom; ² and the feasts called Saturnalia and Bacchinalia were celebrated by the practice of every lewdness and debauchery. The vices of drunkenness and whoredom in these cases were accounted, instead of moral evils, the highest acts of virtue and piety.

Now as all these ideas and practices tended to a general depravity of morals; so their effects abundantly appeared in the vicious lives of the heathen world.

I am well aware, that it has been said, that Christianity has depraved the morals of mankind; that vice is far more predominant among Christians, than ever it was among the ancient heathens; and that therefore we may justly conclude, that Christianity is less subservient to virtue and a moral life, than paganism. This has been urged as an argument against the divine original and the truth of Christianity; and may be urged as an argument against the divine original and the truth of Christianity; and may be urged as an argument against the good policy of encouraging and supporting it in any state. The consideration of this objection then is pertinent and necessary to the discussion of the subject now before us.

In answer to this objection I beg leave to observe in the first place, that if vice were more predominant in Christian nations, than it was among the heathens, it would not certainly follow, that this increase of vice is the effect of Christianity. Christianity prevails in civilized nations only; and in such nations there is much more opportunity for many vices and much more temptation to them, than among those who are not civilized. Nay, in civilized nations only, is there a possibility of the prevalence of many vices. In proportion as civilization is promoted, the wants of men are increased. Their food, their drink, their apparel and the education of their children, must be more expensive, and more expense is in every respect required to their living in fashion among their neighbours. And in proportion to the increase of their wants, the temptation to covetousness, extortion, oppression, deceit and fraud, is increased. Again, in proportion as civilization is promoted, the means of luxury of every kind are increased, and with the means, the temptations to luxury and luxury itself are increased. No wonder a savage, who wishes for nothing more than what he may take in hunting and fishing, and who has furnished himself with this, does not steal, rob or extort his neighbour’s property; no wonder he attempts not to obtain it by falsehood or fraud. Nor is it any wonder, that living on such a low and scanty diet as he generally does, he is very rarely guilty of a rape, of adultery or other lewdness. Nor ought it to be matter of wonder, that all these vices are far more prevalent in civilized nations, than among barbarians. But the prevalence of these vices in such nations, is not owing to Christianity, but to civilization and its usual attendants. They were at least as prevalent among the ancient Greeks and Romans, as they are among us. Persecution does not usually obtain among heathen, because either they have no religion themselves to instigate them to persecution; or there is no religion different from their own, to be the object of their persecution; or if there be a different religion, it makes no opposition to that which they have chosen, and therefore their religious zeal is not excited against it.

This affords an answer to an objection to Christianity much insisted on by some, that the heathens do not persecute; but that Christians do most virulently persecute even one another; and therefore that Christianity makes men worse instead of better. The answer to this objection is, that the different religious sentiments and forms of worship among the ancient heathens did not in general oppose each other. They rather justified each other, as the heathens maintained an intercommunity of gods and religions. Though every nation had its own gods and religion; yet whenever the individuals went into another nation, they joined in the worship of the gods and in the observance of the rites of the nation in which they then were. Therefore there was no opportunity for persecution. But the nature of Christianity is very different. It condemns and opposes all other religions as false and ruinous. Therefore as it touches the pride of those whom it condemns, it provokes opposition and the persecution of itself, merely because it tells the truth. And the professors of Christianity too, by a misguided zeal, have been often led into the spirit and practice of persecution.

Now this persecution of Christianity by those of other religions, is not the effect of Christianity, but of opposition to it; and the persecuting spirit which has appeared in some Christians, is not the effect of Christianity, but of the abuse and perversion of it; and for neither of these is Christianity itself answerable. The best institution in the world may be opposed and persecuted; and the best institution in the world may be abused and perverted. But Christianity never gave any just occasion for either the persecution or perversion of itself.

Besides, the charge of persecution may justly be retorted. For no sooner did Christianity make its appearance in the world, than it was violently opposed and virulently persecuted, by those very heathens, who in the objection now before us are said not to have been guilty of persecution. And as long as they had the power in their hands, this opposition was continued or repeated, under various Roman Emperors, for ten successive and bloody persecutions, in which thousands and hundreds of thousands were martyred in various ways, the most malicious and cruel.

Nay, the heathens showed a disposition to persecute not only Christians, but one another, whenever there was opportunity. No sooner did Socrates oppose the religion and polytheism of his countrymen, than they began a persecution of him, which ended in his death. And Cambyses, the Persian monarch, in contempt of the Egyptian god Apis, not only stabbed him with his dagger, but ordered the priests of Apis to be severely whipped, and all the inhabitants of Memphis to be slain, who should be found rejoicing on the occasion of the appearance of that god. ³ These things demonstrate, that the ancient heathens did possess an high degree of the spirit of persecution, and not only toward the Christians, but toward one another. The like spirit hath been manifested by heathens of modern times. Passing other instances, I shall mention one which took place in our own country. By the exertions of our ancestors, the first European settlers of this country, a considerable number of the aborigines were converted to the Christian faith. The pagan Indians were displeased with this, banished from their society all the converts, and when they could do it with safety, put them to death, and would have massacred them all, had they not been restrained by the fear of our ancestors. ⁴

The facts concerning Socrates and Cambyses, furnish an answer to that part of the objection under consideration, which urges that Christians persecute not only heathens, but one another; whereas heathens did not persecute one another. It appears by the facts just mentioned, that heathens have persecuted one another. Besides, the same reason is to be assigned for Christians persecuting one another, as for the heathens persecuting Christians. The Protestants say, that the religion of the papists is fundamentally wrong; on the other hand, the papists assert the same concerning the protestants. Thus by a mutual renunciation, condemnation and excommunication of each other, the false zeal of these and other different sects among Christians is kindled into persecution, on the same grounds on which persecution is begun and carried on, between Christians and heathens. But by reason of the forementioned intercommunity of gods and religions among the ancient heathens, these grounds of persecution did not exist among them in general, though in some cases they did both exist and produce their usual fruits.

Let us now more directly attend to the charge brought against Christianity, that vice is more prevalent among Christians, than it was among the ancient heathens.

Christians indeed have no virtue to be the ground of boasting; on the other hand they have great reason to be ashamed and humbled on account of their vices and their depravity of manners. Still I maintain, that open vice is not so prevalent in Christian nations, as it was among the ancient heathens. Let us compare those ancient heathens, of whom we know the most and who were the most improved and polite, with the Christians of whom we know the most; the ancient Greeks and Romans with the citizens of the United States.

Here it is to be observed, that we labour under great disadvantage. We know our own country and its predominant vices, both public and private. In order to this we need but open our eyes and look around us. We have not the same advantage to know the ancients. We are entirely dependent on history for information concerning them and their vices; and this generally relates the public transactions of nations only, as their wars and treaties, their laws and public judgments; but is mostly silent concerning the morals and private lives of individuals or of the people considered collectively; and so far as we are ignorant of the ancients we have no right to charge them with vice. However, with all this disadvantage, I fear not to proceed to the comparison.

Let us then institute the comparison with respect to the principal moral virtues, as temperance, chastity, truth, justice and humanity.

1. As to temperance; though this was reckoned among the virtues by the pagan moral writers, yet it is plain from their writers in general, that drunkenness was exceedingly common among them, and among all ranks, among magistrates, philosophers and priests, as well as others. Their priests in some of their religious feasts were always intoxicated. Even Cato, though a Stoic philosopher, one of their strictest moralists and a principal magistrate, was remarkably addicted to this vice. So was Zeno, the founder of the sect of the Stoics; and Chrysippus, another Stoic philosopher died in consequence of excessive drinking at a sacrifice. ⁵ The character of their principal magistrates, priests and philosophers, does not appear to have suffered much, if at all, by this vice. It must therefore have been considered by the people, as a very venial fault, if any at all. Indeed this is evident by all their writers. But how it is esteemed among us, and what would be the effect of it on the reputation of our principal magistrates and divines, I need not inform you.

2. As to chastity, it is manifest from the whole current of pagan writers, that they considered fornication as no crime, and therefore ran into it without reserve. Not only is this observable of Homer’s heroes, but even the modest Virgil’s pious Eneas, who was meant to be a perfect character, had an amour with Dido, without the least shame or sense of indecency. Simple fornication was not only commonly practiced without restraint; but was allowed by all their philosophers, and was positively encouraged by some of them. ⁶ Many of the customs of the Greeks and Romans promoted lewdness. The manner of the appearance of women in some of their public exercises, was such as directly tended to that vice; and the ideas of the lawfulness and expediency of a community of wives so far prevailed and had such an influence on practice, as not only implied the violation of chastity, but had a most baleful general tendency with respect to that virtue. ⁷ Though it is hardly credible, yet unnatural vices had too much the sanction of some legislators and philosophers, and were countenanced by many of them. Xenophon informs us, that the sin of Sodom was encouraged by the public laws of several of the states of Greece. It was more especially so among the Cretans, in order to prevent too great an increase of the people. Solon, one of the seven wise men of Greece, and the celebrated law-giver of Athens, forbad this practice to slaves, which necessarily conveys the idea of his thinking it fit for free men only. According to Cicero, the Greek philosophers not only generally practiced, but even gloried in this vice: And Plutarch informs us, that many parents would not suffer their children to keep the company of those philosophers, who pretended to be fond of them. Diogenes was remarkable for indulging himself in the most abominable practices only, and without a sense of shame; affecting, according to the maxim of the Cynics, to live according to nature.⁸ These unnatural vices were increased in a most astonishing manner, about the time of the promulgation of Christianity. Seneca says, that in his time they were practiced openly and without shame at Rome.” ⁹These accounts given by heathen writers, fully justify the charges thrown out on this head against the heathens, by the writers of the New Testament, especially by the apostle Paul, in his first chapter to the Romans: Though to Christians the inspired writers need no authority, but do of themselves sufficiently prove the amazing depravity of the heathen world in this respect.

3. Truth is a moral virtue, the obligation and necessity of which are perhaps as evident as those of any virtue whatever. Yet the Stoic philosophers taught that lying was lawful, whenever it was profitable; and Plato allowed, that a man may lie, who knows how to do it at a proper time.

4. Let us inquire how far justice was maintained and practiced among the ancients. I now mean justice in matters of property. For that kind of justice which is opposed to oppression and cruelty, will come into view, when we shall consider the humanity of the ancients. It is well known to have been a maxim at Sparta, that probity and everything else was to be sacrificed to the good of the state. The Spartans encouraged their children to steal, but punished those who were taken in the fact, as not being dexterous in the business. “We may judge of the state of Greece, with respect to the kind of justice of which we are now speaking, from that passage in a dialogue of Xenophon—in which he humourously shows the advantages of poverty and the inconveniencies of riches; and by what Tacitus says, that the temples were full of debtors and criminals, as churches and monasteries used formerly to be in Popish countries. Rome and the neighbourhood of it, in the most interesting period of its history, viz. in the time of Cicero, abounded with robbers. Sallust says, that Cataline’s army was much augmented by the accession of highwaymen about Rome. Cicero observed, that had Milo killed Clodius by night, it might have been imagined, that he had been killed by highwaymen, and that the frequency of such accidents would have favoured the supposition, though he had with him thirty slaves completely armed and accustomed to blood and danger. By the law of the twelve tables, possession for two years formed a prescription for land, and of one year for moveables; an evident mark of frequent violences, when such a law was necessary to secure a title to property.” ¹⁰ How different our situation is from this, and how much more secure our persons and property are, I need not mention in this auditory.

5. We proceed now to inquire how far the ancient heathens practiced the duties of humanity, and how far they violated those duties by outrage, oppression and cruelty. The Stoics condemned all compassion. No wonder then that they imbibed and practiced inhumanity. Some philosophers, particularly Democritus, recommended revenge; and Plato owns that forgiveness of injuries was contrary to the general doctrine of the philosophers. These ides seem perfectly to coincide with those among the moderns, who are the great advocates for a sense of honour. And how far these ideas are consistent with scripture, with reason or with humanity, I leave you to judge.

It was common with the Romans to make war on other nations for the end of enlarging their own dominions, and aggrandizing their empire. Generally they had no better motive to their wars than this. But what is such a war, but a complication of downright robbery, cruelty and murder? They practiced equal injustice in the manner in which they carried on their wars. They enslaved their captives or put them to death in cold blood, as they pleased. Their triumphs were most oppressive and cruel. The conquered kings and generals, loaded with chains, were driven into the city, and to the capitol before their conquerors, and were followed by mimics and buffoons, who insulted over their misfortunes. When they arrived at the forum, they were led back to prison and there strangled; and this under the pretence of taking full revenge of their enemies. What better is this, than the treatment which our savage Indians give their captives?

The treatment which they gave those captives whose lives they spared, was correspondent to this cruelty toward those whom they put to death. As has been observed, they absolutely enslaved them; and by law, slaves were confided not as men, but as mere things, the mere property of their masters, and were treated, punished, and put to death at any time and in any manner, as their masters pleased, whether by beating, starving, torture, or otherwise. “The Spartans having conquered a neighbouring nation, the Helots, enslaved them, frequently butchered them in cold blood, and applauded their youths, when they killed them by surprise.” “The Romans were not ashamed to suffer their old and useless slaves, when worn out in their service, to starve on an island in the Tyber, as was their common practice. Vidius Pollio used to throw his slaves, who had disobliged him, into his fish ponds, to be preyed upon by his mullets.” ¹¹

Though to our shame, to the shame of humanity and the sandal of Christianity, a slavery and a treatment of slaves similar to what existed among the Romans, exist and are tolerated in some parts of America; yet this scandal cannot be thrown on Christendom in general. Such a slavery did indeed once generally obtain in Europe; but the benevolent and humane spirit of the gospel and the principles of justice taught there, have long since generally abolished it from that quarter of the world.

The proscriptions and assassinations, which were so common among the ancients, are a further proof of their injustice, violence and inhumanity. It is well known that during the contests of Marius and Sylla, and during the triumvirate of Octavianus, Anthony and Lepidus, nothing was more common than to advertise a certain price for any man’s or any number of men’s heads; which was no other than hiring any cut-throat, and even a man’s own domestics, to murder him and bring in his head. In this way the best men of Rome were murdered, and among the rest Cicero the great orator, philosopher and ornament of Rome. Amidst all the vices justly imputable to Christians, they are not guilty of such barbarity and outrage as this. Such is the salutary influence of Christianity, that even kings, who among the ancients no sooner fell into the hands of their rivals or opposers, than they were assassinated, are now not put to death without a formal trial; which is a clear demonstration among many others, of our improvement in civilization and humanity, beyond anything which existed among the most enlightened heathens.

Another instance of the barbarity and inhumanity of the ancients, is their treatment of their children. “The ancient Roman laws gave the father a power of life and death over his children, upon this principle, that he who gave, had also the power to take away. And a son could not acquire any property of his own during the life of his father; but all his acquisitions belonged to his father, or at least the profits, for life.” ¹² Thus children, during the life of their fathers, were perfect slaves, and in a worse condition than the slaves in this state; for the master in this state has not the power of life and death over his slaves. Nor were these mere speculations of the Romans; but their practice was correspondent. Hence the custom of exposing children; that is, of laying them, as soon as born, in the streets, on the banks of rivers, or in other frequented places, and unless some compassionate person should take them up and provide for them, leaving them there to perish and to be devoured by dogs. The motive to this horrid practice was, that the parents might be free from the trouble and expense of their education. Both Plato and Aristotle say, that there should be laws to prevent the education of weak children. Accordingly among the other Greeks, beside the Thebans, when a child was born, it was laid on the ground, and if the father designed to educate it, he immediately took it up. But if he forbore to do this, the child was carried away and exposed. The Lacedemonians indeed had a different custom; for with them all new born children were brought before certain triers, who were some of the gravest men in their own tribes, by whom the infants were carefully viewed; and if they were found lusty and well favoured, they gave orders for their education; but if weakly and deformed, they ordered them to be cast into a deep cavern in the earth, near the mountain Taygetus, as thinking it neither for the good of the children nor for the public interest, that defective children should be brought up. It was the unhappy fate of daughters especially to be thus treated, as requiring more charges to educate and settle them in the world than sons.” ¹³

In several nations, not only infants, but also the aged and the infirm, were exposed and left to perish.

Another horrid inhumanity, prevalent among the ancient heathens, was the practice of sacrificing captives and slaves at the funerals of the dead. Thus Achilles sacrificed twelve young Trojans to the manes of Patroclus; and Eneas sent captives to Evander, to be sacrificed at the funeral of Pallas. This was first practiced with respect to persons of great eminence only, but at length it was done at the funerals of all persons of property, and became a necessary part of the ceremony.

Another practice as horrid as any I have mentioned, was that of exhibiting gladiators, trained to fencing and the use of the sword, spear, &c. on purpose that they might fight and kill one another on the stage, for the mere entertainment of the spectators, as some people now bait bulls and set dogs to fighting. “These poor wretches were made to swear that they would fight unto death; and if they failed of this, they were put to death by fire or sword, clubs, whips, or the like.” ¹⁴ “Those who have not attended to history, are apt to imagine, that the exhibition of gladiators was a rare thing, and that when it happened, a few pairs only were engaged. But it was far otherwise. Under the Roman emperors this inhuman entertainment cost innumerable lives. Cesar when Edile, gave three hundred and twenty gladiators. Gordian in the time of his Edileship, exhibited twelve entertainments, that is, one in each month. In some of these were five hundred champions, and in none of them less than one hundred and fifty. Taking it at a medium, he must have exhibited at the very least, three thousand. Titus exhibited these cruel shows for an hundred days together. The good and moderate Trajan continued these spectacles for an hundred and twenty three days; and in that time gave ten thousand. When we consider how many different ranks of people gave these entertainments, Ediles, Pretors, Questors, Consuls, Emperors and Priests, besides private persons at funerals (which become so common a practice, that it was an article in a last will) we must be convinced, that the numbers were vast. What adds to the inhumanity of this custom, is, that it was designed for a gay entertainment and was attended as such. This horrible custom grew to such an extravagance, that it was found necessary to moderate it by law, in the time of the heathen Emperors. Constantine first prohibited it altogether. But so violent was the taste for it, that it crept in again. The Emperor Honorius entirely suppressed it.” ¹⁵

I shall take notice of only one more vice of the ancient heathens, that is suicide. This was recommended by many philosophers, as an heroic act of virtue, and was practiced by some of the highest fame, as by Zeno the founder of the sect of the Stoics, by Cato of Utica, and by Brutus. No wonder if under such instructors and such examples, suicide was very common among the ancients. Beside the wickedness of this in the sight of God, the ruinous tendency of it in a political view is manifest on the slightest reflection. By this one vice not only any man may deprive the state of his aid and throw his family and dependents on the public; but the most important citizens, by throwing away their own lives in the most important and critical moment, may greatly endanger and entirely overthrow the commonwealth. What if our Washington, or the most wise and influential members of our Congress, had destroyed themselves in the most critical periods of the late war?

From this brief survey of the vices of the ancient heathens, I leave my hearers to judge how well founded the objection against Christianity is, that it has depraved the morals of mankind.

I have now finished the observations which I intended, on the subject proposed, which was, The necessity of a belief of Christianity by the citizens of this state, in order to our public and political prosperity. In subserviency to this general design I have endeavoured to show, that some religion is necessary to our political prosperity; that no other religion than the Christian, can be generally received and established in this country; and that if some other religion could be established among us, it would by no means be so useful in a political view, as the Christian. I have endeavoured to illustrate the last observation by a comparison of Christianity with the philosophical religion of infidelity and with ancient paganism. I now beg leave to make two or three inferences from what has been said.

1. If Christianity be more useful than any other religion, even for political purposes, we may presume that it is still more useful for the other purposes, which are indeed its immediate objects, piety and true virtue, and peace and comfort in them. The great foundations of religion and virtue are, the moral perfections of God, his moral government, the rule of our duty, a future state of retribution, the possibility of pardon and the end of our creation. Let us in these several particulars compare Christianity with the philosophical religion, which is the only rival of Christianity with any among us.

I. As to the moral perfections of God, Christianity certainly teaches them more clearly than they can be learnt from any light afforded by the philosophical religion. The scriptures assure us, that holy, holy, holy is the Lord of hosts; that he is a God of truth and without iniquity, just and right is he; that he is the Lord, the Lord God merciful and gracious, long suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth, keeping mercy for thousand, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty. Yea, they assure us, that God is love. They clear up the difficulty arising from the evil in the world, by informing us of the end of all things, and that all things shall finally be overruled for good. But the philosophical religion gives no clear evidence at all of the moral perfections of God. This is acknowledged by some of the principal writers on that system. Hume, the most acute of all infidels, says we ought to infer from the works of God, intermixed as they are with good and evil, that God is of a mixed character, partly good and partly evil. Also Lord Bolingbroke, another principal deistical writer, holds, that there is no evidence of the moral perfections of God.

2. The like advantage have we by the scriptures as to the evidence of the reality and nature of the moral government of God. On the pretence that we are under the influence of a necessity of coactions, it is denied by some infidels that we are moral agents, and that we are capable of either virtue or vice. Now not only is this matter cleared up by revelation, but it is to be observed, that to be consistent, such infidels ought also to deny, that we are capable of any crime in civil society.

If we be not moral agents, we are no more capable of murder, than a stock or a stone; and a man who from malice prepense [premeditated] kills another, no more deserves punishment, than the stone or the tree, which falls on a man and crushes him to death; and the man who from a wish to introduce and establish arbitrary government in his country, now a free and happy republic, betrays its ships and fortresses, no more deserves punishment, than the stone or the tree, which falls on a man and crushes him to death; and the man who from a wish to introduce and establish arbitrary government in his country, now a free and happy republic, betrays its ships and fortresses, no more deserves punishment, than the tempests which sink the former, or the fire which consumes the latter.

Some deny, that God at all concerns himself with human affairs or actions. But this is not only not reconcilable with the scriptures, but not with the moral perfections of God. If we be capable of virtue, and yet he neglect us, so as not to set before us proper motives to it, and not to show by proper rewards and punishments his approbation of the virtuous, and disapprobation of the vicious; this cannot be reconciled with his moral perfection.

It is further urged, that we are not in any case punishable, as all things are right, or as the poet expresses it, whatever is, is right. If by this observation be meant, that things are by the all-wise and all-governing providence of God, overruled to answer a good purpose, though in many instances directly contrary to their natural tendency; this is granted. But if it be meant, that all things in their own nature tend to good, this is not true. Malice has no natural tendency to good but a natural tendency to evil. On the other hand, benevolence has a natural tendency to good. Nor will it be pretended, that if malice reigned through the universe, the universe would be as happy, as if benevolence universally reigned. It is the natural tendency of a rational action, which determines its moral quality, and not the consequence produced by Almighty God, contrary to its natural tendency.

If all human actions were in a moral view indifferent, we should no more deserve punishment for murder, than we should for saving our country from ruin.

This scheme shuts all moral good out of the universe, as well as all moral evil. For if all the tempers and actions of men, are as to morality alike, it must be because there is no morality in any of them. If there be moral good in any of those tempers or actions, there must be moral evil in the directly opposite; and if there be no moral evil in the latter, there is no moral good in the former: as if there were natural evil in pain there would be no natural good in pleasure.

But while infidels confound themselves and the principles of reason, in their discourses concerning the moral government of God; the scriptures assure us of the reality of that government, and of our accountableness to God.

3. The scriptures give us a plain and excellent rule of duty, pointing out our duty not only in general, but in all the most important particulars. How extremely deficient in this instance also, is the philosophical religion? It is indeed said, that the rule of our duty is right reason and the law of nature, and that virtue is a conformity to them. But this is saying no more than that virtue is virtue, and that the rule of our duty is the rule of our duty. For right reason in this case means what is reasonable and right in a moral sense; and duty and what is right in a moral sense are the same thing: and it is just as difficult to find out the law of reason and of nature, as to find out our duty.

4. The scriptures give us the most positive assurance of a future state. But the philosophical religion can never assure us of this, because it cannot assure us of the moral perfections of God, by which alone he is disposed to reward the righteous and punish the wicked. Therefore infidels are greatly divided among themselves on this subject. Some as was before observed believe a future state, some disbelieve it. Those who believe such a state, believe that God made all men for their own personal happiness, and that therefore he will make them all happy in the future world. But all this depends on the moral perfections of God, of which they, as their principal writers confess, have no evidence. And if there be no evidence, that he designs the happiness of his creatures either here or hereafter: nor is there any evidence but that he designs the final misery of all his creatures.—Or if infidels had evidence of the moral perfections of God, they would not have evidence, that God made every man for the end of his personal happiness. The perfect goodness of God doubtless implies, that he made all things with a design to promote good on the whole or on the large scale. So that taking the system of intelligent creatures together, there shall be the greatest possible happiness in it. But this does not imply, that every individual creature shall be completely happy. There is no accounting for the calamities and sufferings of this life on any other supposition, than that they will all finally issue in the greatest happiness of the system: and to suppose that they conduce to the good of the system, by making the persons themselves who suffer them here, more happy hereafter, is a mere conjecture unsupported by any argument. Therefore to indulge it and to build upon it, is altogether unreasonable and unphilosophical.

On the whole, there is no evidence but that the good of the general system may be promoted by the exemplary punishment of the wicked in the future world. And if it would be promoted by such a punishment, infinite goodness not only admits of it, but requires and demands it.

5. The scriptures assure us of a way of pardon and acceptance with God; but the philosophical religion gives no such assurance. Infidels do indeed expect to be pardoned on their bare repentance. But the expectation of pardon on repentance, implies an acknowledgment, that they deserve punishment even though they repent, and that such punishment would be just: otherwise there could be no pardon in the case. To pardon is to exempt from punishment not an innocent man, but a guilty one: and to pardon a penitent implies that he deserves punishment, and that his punishment would be just. But if the punishment of the penitent would be just, the interest of the kingdom of God, the great community against which he has sinned, requires his punishment. The very idea of a just punishment is of one which, (there being no atonement or substitution,) is due to the community or to the public good of the community, against which the crime punished was committed. But if the public good of God’s kingdom, which is the universe, require the punishment of a sinner, it is not consistent with divine goodness to pardon him. What ground then has the infidel to expect pardon, when both justice and goodness require his punishment?

6. Christianity informs us of the end of our creation. It is generally holden by infidels, as was before observed, that we were made for our own personal happiness. But if this were true, it would prove, that God does concern himself with human actions, and that he aims to prevent those which tend to our destruction. It would also prove, that those rational actions which tend to destroy our happiness, are morally evil, and that all actions are not in the same sense right. The evidence that God created us for our own happiness, must depend on the evidence of God’s moral perfections. But as has been observed, the infidel has no evidence of these. Besides, if God really created us all for the end of our own personal happiness, it seems that he has in this world obtained his end, in a very imperfect degree only; and on the plan of infidelity there is no evidence of a future state. Therefore on that plan there is no evidence, that God will ever obtain his end in our creation.

Or if infidels should grant, that we were made for the general good of the system of intelligences, this would be to give up the chief object of infidelity; because the general good may admit of our misery in the future world, as it does of our misery in this.

But Christianity clearly informs us, that God made all things for his glory, implying the greatest happiness and perfection of the creation as a system; or for the glorious exercise and display of his power, wisdom and goodness in raising his kingdom, which is the creation, as a system, to the highest degree of perfection and happiness.

Thus we see in what darkness, as to the most essential principles of religion, we should have been involved, had we not been favoured with the light of divine revelation, and in what darkness they are involved, who embrace the philosophical religion of infidelity. And thus we have further proof how happy that people is, whose God is the Lord, not only as this circumstance lays a foundation for their political good, but especially as it lays a foundation for true virtue and piety, for peace and comfort here and eternal happiness in the favour of God hereafter.

2. A second inference from this subject is, that since Christianity appears to be necessary to the public good of the state, it ought to be encouraged by magistrates and rulers of every description. They are appointed to be the guardians of the public good; of course it is their duty to protect and promote everything tending to it, and especially everything necessary to it. Therefore as Christianity is necessary to the public good, they are bound to encourage, promote and inculcate that, by their example and profession, by speaking and acting in favour of it both in public and private, by supporting Christian ordinances and worship, and by promoting to places of trust and profit those who profess it and live agreeably, and who are otherwise properly qualified. Magistrates are called to do all this on the ground of the soundest policy.

3. For the same reasons the citizens in general are obligated to encourage and promote Christianity, by being themselves Christians and that not only in profession, but in heart and life, and by giving their suffrages for those who are of the same character. It is indeed to be confessed, that not all professed Christians are good men or real Christians; yet among professed Christians are many men, who possess good abilities and a proper share of information, who are strictly moral and upright, and who expect to give an account of their conduct to God. Such are the men to be promoted in the state; and the citizens by promoting such men, will encourage and promote Christianity, and at the same time promote the good of the state.

I beg the further patience of the auditory, while I close the discourse, with the addresses usual on this occasion.

In the first place I beg leave to address myself to His Excellency the Governor.

May it please your Excellency,

In obedience to your command I appear in the desk this day; and I could think of no subject more important and at the same time more suitable to the present occasion, than the happiness of that people whose God is the Lord. I have therefore endeavoured to illustrate the necessity of the Christian faith and practice, to the prosperity of the state. I may appeal to your Excellency how far this faith and practice have hitherto contributed to our political prosperity. Had not our ancestors been firm and exemplary in this faith and practice; had they not taken pains to hand them down to us; had they not in all their towns and settlements instituted schools, in which the principles of Christianity, as well as other things were taught; had they not provided for the support of public worship, for the due observance of the Lord’s day and for the public teaching of Christianity on that day; had they not provided for the support of public worship, for the due observance of the Lord’s day and for the public teaching of Christianity on that day; had they not provided for the support of a studious and learned ministry, who being themselves men of knowledge, should be able to instruct others; I appeal to your Excellency, whether our political affairs would not at present have worn a very different aspect. And if our supreme magistrates had not been, both by profession and apparent practice, Christians, it would doubtless have had a very baleful influence on the Christian and moral character of the people at large, and consequently on our political prosperity. But we are happy in that we have had from the beginning, even to the present day, a series of Governors, who have been not only an honour to the state, but ornaments to our churches. May such a series be still kept up without interruption. This, as it will be a proof of our Christian character, will also be a proof of our public prosperity in every successive period, and a pledge of our subsequent prosperity. May God grant, that your Excellency shall effectually contribute to this prosperity in every way, in which your eminent situation affords opportunity. And when earthly states and empires shall be no more, may your Excellency, in that series of excellent men and excellent Governors, and among all real Christians, “shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of your Father.”

2. The discourse address itself to his Honour the Lieutenant Governour, to the Legislative Council of the state, and to the Representatives of the towns in General Assembly.

Honourable Legislators,

Since the belief and practice of Christianity are so necessary to the political good of our state, and since you are appointed to be the guardians of our political good, I thought it not impertinent to suggest to you some important means, by which you may obtain the end for which you are appointed. Opposition to Christianity both in faith and practice was never, at least in our country, so great and so increasing, as at the present day. It lies with you, gentlemen, by a steady belief, profession and practice of Christianity; by your conversation and weight; by the appointments which you shall make to the various offices, civil and military, and by all your public proceedings, to withstand this opposition, and to guard against the danger to the public good, arising from the depravity of manners which opposition to Christianity naturally induces. It is your province, in conjunction with his Excellency the Governour, to appoint all our executive civil authority and to confer the higher military honours. When men of licentious principles and practice are promoted either in the civil or military line, it gives a dignity and an influence to vice and irreligion. And “one sinner destroys much good,” especially when exalted to a high station of honour and authority. Now, if you give this advantage to vice, you will thereby injure the state; but more immediately you will injure religion and the kingdom of Christ. And let me beseech you to remember, that you also have a master in heaven, to whom you, as well as the rest of men, must give an account. The only way to gain his approbation is, to keep a conscience void of offence, and in your political transactions not to act from party attachments and private connections, not to practice intrigue to serve your own interests or those of your friends; but to endeavour to serve the public in the best manner according to your capacity and opportunity. In so doing you will appoint to the several executive offices, men of knowledge and discretion; men that fear God and hate covetousness; men who will be just and rule in the fear of God. By the promotion of such men, virtue will be encouraged and vice will be restrained; by their official proceedings, law and justice will be executed, and “judgment will run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream,” even that righteousness which exalteth a nation.” Then shall our political interests be in a prosperous state; then shall we be that happy people whose God is the Lord.

3. The Reverend Pastors of the churches, who are present, will suffer the word of exhortation.

My Fathers and Brethren,

We who are employed in the work of the ministry, are deeply interested in this subject. We are interested in the prosperity of the state, and are peculiarly interested in this mean of prosperity on which I have been insisting. It is our business to study and teach Christianity, and thus to promote the political good of the state, as well as the spiritual good of the souls of our hearers. This is a noble employment, to fidelity and zeal in which, not only the motives of religion call us, but even those of patriotism. Therefore if we have any love to religion and the souls of men; nay if we have any public spirit and love to our country, let us diligently study the evidences, the nature, the doctrines and duties of Christianity, and inculcate them with all plainness, assiduity and perseverance, giving line upon line and precept upon precept. This is to be done,

1. By instruction. Without communicating instruction and information concerning the truth, we can expect to do nothing in our work to any good purpose. Knowledge and not ignorance is the mother of real devotion. The rational mind is to be led by the exhibition of the truth only.

2. By every motive to persuade, drawn from reason and revelation, from time and eternity; and among others this motive of the public good of the state and our general happiness, liberty and prosperity as a people, is not to be omitted.

3. By a Christian life and conversation. If we do these things; if we thus instruct, persuade and live, we shall at last stand in our lot, and shall be owned as his, when Christ our Lord and judge “shall make up his jewels.”

4. I shall, in the last place, address myself in a very few words to this numerous auditory collectively. Men and brethren, this subject nearly concerns you all. How happy would you be, if the Lord were indeed your God? Nor can you be truly happy on any other condition. However prosperous you may be in your private concerns, in your property, your business and your reputation; yet unless you are the objects of the favour of God and the heirs of eternal life, you are truly in a miserable situation. You have not only the motive of eternal happiness to choose the Lord for your God; but the motives of the peace, good order, and happiness of the people as a body politic, and the general prosperity of the state. You all feel a firm attachment to your liberties and to the privileges of a republican government. Of all forms of government a republic most essentially requires virtue and good morals in the great body of the people, in order to its prosperity and even its existence. But the way to virtue and good morals is to choose the Lord for your God. Nor is this all; you not only have to choose and serve the Lord yourselves, but by the same reasons by which you are obligated to choose the Lord for your God, you are obligated to seek out and by your suffrages to promote to legislative authority, such as are of the same character. In a republic all authority is derived from the people: and such as they generally are, we may expect their representatives, legislators and all their civil authority will be. If you have the Lord for your God, you will elect those of the same character with yourselves, to be your legislators; you will encourage and support them and other faithful rulers in the thorough discharge of their duties of civil government, and you will withhold your suffrages from those who acknowledge not the Lord as their God and regard not his law. Nor can you consistently and innocently give your suffrages to men of this last description: for thus you would give a sanction and influence to sin and vice, would be partakers of their wickedness and would do an injury to the state.

But if you and the good people of the state in general shall unite to practice virtue and Christianity, and to promote the wisest and best men among us, we shall doubtless be that happy people described in the text, and as so many instances of our happiness “judgment shall dwell in the wilderness and righteousness remain in the fruitful field. And the work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness quietness and assurance forever.”

Endnotes

¹1. See Blount and Tyndal.

². Every woman among some nations was obliged, at least once in her life, to prostitute herself to any person, even the greatest stranger, who would accept her favour. This done in honour to Venus.

³. Prideaux’s connection.

⁴. Neal’s Hist. New-England.

⁵. Priestley’s Institutes.

⁶. “None of the philosophers ever represented simple fornication, especially on the part of the man, as any vice at all. Cato commended a young man for frequenting the public stews; and Cicero expressly speaks of it, as a thing that was never found fault with.” Priestley’s Institutes. All that was enjoined by Epictetus, who of all the philosophers, is perhaps the most celebrated for his strict maxims of morality, was, “that people should abstain from fornication before marriage as far as they could; and that if they did not abstain, they should use it lawfully, and not be severe in reprehending those who did not abstain.” Enchiridion, Chap. 47.

⁷. “At Sparta, young women appeared naked in the public exercises; and when married women had no children, their husbands were encouraged to consent to a free intercourse between them and other men; a custom which Plutarch vindicates. This was also agreeable to the doctrine of the Stoics; and it is well known, that that rigid Stoic, Cato of Utica, consented to such an intercourse between his own wife and his friend Hortensius. Plato in his book of laws, recommends a community of women; and he advises, that soldiers be not restrained with respect to any kind of sinful indulgence, even the most unnatural species of it, when they are on an expedition. Priestly.

⁸. Does not the forementioned deistic maxim of following nature, directly lead to the same abominable practices?

⁹. Priestly.

¹⁰. Priestley’s letters on general policy.

¹¹. Priestly.

¹². Blackstone.

¹³. Encyclopedia.

¹⁴. Chambers Dictionary.

¹⁵. Doct. Leachman’s Sermon I. Cor. i. 21.