The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Fasting – 1798

Ashbel Green (1762-1848) served as a sergeant in the Revolutionary War from 1778 to 1782. After the war he enrolled in Princeton and graduated in 1784. He was licensed to preach in 1786 and installed as the pastor of the 2nd Presbyterian Church of Philadelphia in 1787. In 1792 he was appointed chaplain to congress. Green became the president of Princeton from 1812 until 1822.


sermon-fasting-1798-1

Obedience to the
Laws of God,
Delivered in the
Second Presbyterian Church,
In the City of Philadelphia, May 9th, 1798.
By Ashbel Green, D.D.

 

The following discourse, when delivered from the pulpit, was divided, so as to form two addresses; one of which was made in the morning, and the other in the afternoon. Even with this division, it was found necessary to omit several paragraphs, which seemed proper to be introduced, on reviewing it for the press.

Discourse
I Chron: xv. Ch. 2nd. Verse.

 

—“Hear ye me, Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin, the Lord is with you while ye be with him. And if ye seek him he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.”

 

The proclamation of the Chief Magistrate of the nation which calls us to the service of this day, states, as the special reason of the call, that it is “a season of difficulty and danger” to our common country. That such is the fact, no one in this assembly will pretend to deny. Not an individual who seriously contemplates our national situation, can forbear to confess, that, on every hand, dangers threaten and difficulties beset us. To anyone who should suggest a sure, practicable and easy plan, for maintaining our honor and preserving our civil and religious rights, it would be acknowledged that every ear should listen with attention, and every heart offer a tribute of thanks. My brethren,—a prophet of Jehovah offers you this very plan in the words of my text. The sacred herald proclaims it to you this hour, as really as he did to the favorite people of heaven in ancient times:—As really as he then said—“Hear ye me Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin,” he now says—“Hear ye me, rulers and people of America!—the Lord is with you while ye be with him—If ye seek him he will be found of you.” This, I affirm, is a sure plan for national defense and prosperity: “For if God be for us who can stand against us!”—What wisdom can contend with omniscience? What power can resist omnipotence? “Associate yourselves O ye people, and ye shall be broken in pieces; and give ear all ye of far countries; gird yourselves and ye shall be broken in pieces: gird yourselves and ye shall be broken in pieces. Take counsel together and it shall come to naught; speak the word and it shall not stand; for God is with us.” Nay, more—the plan of the prophet is not only effectual, but it is the only one that can be effectual. The same veracity which gives the comfortable assurance, on one condition, connects with it an awful alternative on another. “If ye forsake God he will forsake you.”—If, forgetful of your dependence on Jehovah, ye violate his laws and condemn his ordinances, his protection and favor will be taken from you, and then cometh confusion and every evil work. Left to yourselves, you will speedily become the prey of your enemies or work out your own destruction. Vain will be all your exertions. “For there is no wisdom, nor understanding, nor counsel against the Lord.”—His hand will find you out, and with just displeasure will seal your final ruin.

Thus have I given what I take to be the true import of the text, and with that direct application to our own circumstances, which I hope may engage our serious attention to it—That the statement you have heard is just, I shall endeavor to prove, in establishing the following proposition, in which it is comprised,—namely, —The nation that adheres to the laws of God shall be protected and prospered by him, but the nation that forsakes and disregards those laws he will destroy.

In discussing this doctrine, it will not be necessary to give a separate treatment to its contrasted parts. More advantage may be derived from considering, in connection, the nature, both of that obedience and disobedience which is contemplated, and of that benefit or injury, which severally results from them.

First, the, let us consider what is that adherence or obedience to the divine laws, which will insure to a nation the protection and blessing of heaven; and from which we may also, see, that deficiency or disobedience, on which the threatening is pronounced.

The obedience contemplated is described in the text by being or remaining with God, and by seeking him. In this, I think, all must allow there is implied, that a nation pay some general and sincere regard to those laws and obligations of duty, which the light it possesses, manifests to be of divine institution and sanctioned by the divine authority. Reason and scripture evince, in the clearest manner, the justice of this demand. If reason remonstrates against the iniquity of requiring men to obey laws, of which they have had no knowledge, and to walk by light which they have never seen, she equally enforces their obligation to obey every equitable law with which they are acquainted, and to act agreeably to the best information which they have received. In other words, it is one of the plainest dictates of reason, that men should be answerable for their improvement of the advantages they possess, and for nothing more. Accordingly we find that inspiration, which is reason purified from all error, expresses this principle, thus,—–“That servant which knew his Lord’s will, and prepared not himself, neither did according to his will, shall be beaten with many stripes. But he that knew not, and did commit things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes. For unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall much be required; and to whom men have committed much, of him they will ask the more.—Therefore, to him that knoweth to do good, and doeth not, to him it is sin.” This rule must be as applicable to nations as to individuals, for of individuals, nations are composed. Let us apply it, then, to the case before us, and see what will be its result, as it relates to Heathens, Jews, and Christians.

Of the Heathen nations the account given by unerring truth, is as follows—“The wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men, who hold the truth in unrighteousness. Because that which may be known of God is manifest in them, for God hath showed it unto them. For the invisible things of him, from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, even his eternal power and Godhead; so that they are without excuse.” And again—“When the Gentiles which  have not the law, do by nature the things contained in the law, these, having not the law, are a law unto themselves; which show the work of the law written upon their hearts, their conscience, also, bearing witness, and their thoughts, the mean while, accusing or else excusing one another.” From this it appears that the Heathen nations, though destitute of a revelation, had still so many advantages from the light of nature itself, as to render them inexcusable when they violated the great principles of duty either to God or man. To acknowledge the existence, the providence, and many of the perfections of the Supreme Being, to be sensible of their dependence on him in all their concerns, to realize their indebtedness to him for all their guilt and unworthiness, to implore his favor, and to deprecate his displeasure, was a service which, even in their circumstances, might reasonably be demanded of them. The law, also, which was written on their hearts, or discoverable from natural reason, was sufficient to teach them the duties of justice, truth, humanity and benevolence, toward each other. How little of all this was actually found among those nations, is well known to those who are acquainted with the melancholy history of their moral and religious state. But the rule of their duty was such as has been stated, and as far as they manifested any color or degree of conformity to it in their external conduct or national character, the divine mercy and condescension, as well shall see hereafter, treated them as coming within the condition on which protection and prosperity in this world, are promised and bestowed. But when all regard to the moral and religious principles that have been recited, became extinct among them as a people, then they subjected themselves to the threatened penalty.

To the Hebrew nation, the knowledge of the true God was clearly revealed. The unity and spirituality  of his offense; the infirmity, eternity, purity and holiness of his nature and attributes; his creation, and his absolute and immediate government of the world; his moral laws; and his purposes of grace and mercy toward penitent sinners; were manifested to this people, in the fullest, most unequivocal, and most impressive manner. Their national polity itself was a theocracy, or mode of government in which the Deity sustained to them, not only the common relation of supreme governor of the world, but also that of a civil chief. He dictated all their political institutions; he presided over the administration of them; and with a view to secure them against falling into that ignorance of himself, that idolatry, superstition and immorality, which, at this time, characterized and degraded all the other nations of the world, as well as to be a shadow of good things to come, he instituted a complicated ritual of ceremonial observances and temporary regulations. These advantages laid the Jews under higher and more numerous obligations to moral and religious purity than any other nation then existing. It was, also, manifestly incumbent on them to regard, with sacred exactness, even those ceremonial rites, which had been enjoined by divine authority with the most wise and benevolent intention. Here, then, we have their rule of duty. While they walked agreeably to these advantages and institutions they might be said to abide with God and to seek him. When they departed from these they were said to forsake him. The observance of these things is precisely the ground of the promise in the text,—the promise of the divine presence and protection, with all its happy consequences. On the contrary, their departure from the rule of duty which has been specified, subjected them to the threatened dereliction and displeasure of God, with all its ruinous effects.

Under the Christian dispensation we have still a new accession of light. In addition to the knowledge of the Deity, and of his laws and designs, which the ancient Hebrews possessed, we have a bright display of the very method in which his purposes of mercy toward our fallen race are fully carried into effect. “He who spake unto us by the prophets hath, in these last days, spoken unto us by his son, whom he hath appointed heir of all things, by whom also he made the world”—who is “Immanuel, God with us.” By him “we have received the atonement.” We are distinctly informed, that “he was made sin for us, who knew no sin, that we might be made the righteousness of God in him.” We are assured that by faith in him “we are justified without the deeds of the law.” To us it has been declared by divine authority, that “all men should honor the Son, even as they honor the Father,” and that “he that honoreth not the Son, honoreth not the Father who hath sent him.” We have received information, more distinct than was given under the Mosaic economy, of the million and work of the blessed Spirit of God, emphatically styled “the Comforter”—We are told that man, “dead by nature in trespasses and sins,” can be saved only by “the washing of regeneration and the renewing of the Holy Ghost.” The spirituality and extent of the divine law is more completely unfolded to us than to the Jews, and the doctrine more powerfully inculcated that “without holiness no man shall see the Lord.” The obligations to justice, benevolence, charity, meekness, kindness, forgiveness, and every good work, are most powerfully enforced. “Life and immortality is brought to light by the gospel.” A future judgment is plainly revealed, and the states of eternal happiness and misery, which await the righteous and the wicked, are clearly and strikingly set before us.

It must immediately be perceived that this system of information originates many peculiar obligations and duties, which could not be binding or incumbent on those who were destitute of it:—And therefore the nation which is blest with the knowledge of this system, will then, and then only, come up to the condition on which the promise of protection and prosperity is founded in the text, when it pays some suitable regard to the leading principles which it contains. When those principles are generally and notoriously violated, the solemn declaration that God will forsake such a people, immediately becomes applicable.

Let me request that the statement which has now been of the rule of moral and religious duty to communities, in dissimilar circumstances or under different dispensations, may be carefully kept in mind through the remainder of the discourse, that repetition may be spared without producing mistake. Let it be understood and remembered that in speaking of the virtues or vices of nations as the cause of prosperity or adversity, I always consider the distributive justice of God as deciding the destiny of each by its relative advantages,—its relative knowledge of moral and religious truth, and that practice which is consonant or contrary to it.

This statement, however, has not been made, merely to furnish a basis of illustration to the following part of the subject; but also to show how totally void of force is a favorite remark in infidel writers on this topic. With much apparent triumph, they reproach the advocates of Christianity for representing national prosperity as any way connected with a regard to the Christian religion, and the adduce the prosperous condition of some pagan countries, both in ancient and modern times, as proof positive of the justice of the reproach. But we may here see that the fact alleged (allowing it to be a fact) is, in truth, no proof at all. Those nations never were under obligation to conform to the same standard which we are bound to regard. It will presently be seen that when they actually and generally departed from what was their rule of duty they were uniformly destroyed. But to say that a Christian nation, may with impunity become Pagan, while a Pagan nation (it is allowed on all hands) could not with justice be required to regard Christianity, is an assertion which does no honor to the sagacity or candor of its authors. It is to say that they who possess the most advantages may safely act like those who have enjoyed the least. The Heathen posses one degree of information, we another. They are dealt with by their own measure, we by ours. This is strictly the principle of justice; and the objection in question is annihilated by the obvious remark.

Here, however, it may be observed, without cavil, that no nation ever fully conforms to the rule which has been specified as marking the line of duty; and it may be asked—what is that measure of conformity, which will secure the benefits of the promise? To answer this enquiry with precision and as it relates to particular cases God alone is competent. “He giveth not account of any of his matters.” In some instances his mercy may forbear with nations after considerable defection, and in others his justice may take speedy vengeance. While the guilty are never punished till they deserve it, equity is not violated in waiting longer for the reformation of some than of others. This exercise of sovereignty, this limited variety in his dispensation, is seen in all the administrations of the Deity. The most wise and important purposes answered by it. Presumptuous is restrained, on the one hand, and despondence or despair is prevented, on the other. The entire freedom of human action is, also, preserved by this order. The mind of man is left to that full exercise of judgment and choice, and that natural operation of desire and prosperity, which render him most completely accountable for his actions. From this cause it will come to pass that the method in which nations are treated will appear somewhat irregular. The virtuous, in some cases, will appear to suffer, and the vicious to be triumphant. A semblance of contradiction will hence arise to the doctrine I inculcate. Yet, as will be shown more fully in its place, it is only the semblance, and not the substance of opposition, that will thus be produced. A criterion of judging sufficiently exact, and most highly important, will still be left us. It will still remain a perspicuous and interesting truth, that when a nation is characteristically pious it will be ultimately protected, and that when it becomes characteristically impious it will be fast hastening to destruction; and that in proportion as it approaches to the one or the other of these extremes it has reason to hope or to fear. To explain my meaning, here, with reference to a Christian nation, I would say, that—When the rulers of a Christian country recommend Christianity by their practice and example: when they discover a reverence for it by faithfully enacting and executing laws for the suppression of vice and immortality: When, without infringing on the rights of conscience, they encourage true piety, by countenancing those who profess, practice and teach it: When, on suitable occasions, and in public acts, the Being and Providence of God, and our accountableness to him, are recognized, and the honor which is due to his Son is rendered: When the moral laws of God, relative to man, as well as to himself, are truly regarded, by those whose station gives influence and fashion to their conduct, and renders it in a sort the representation and expression of national sentiment on the subject of morals: And when, in addition to this, the great principles of piety and morality already recited, are so generally and effectually taught and inculcated on the people at large, as really to influence the public mind, and in some good degree to form the popular opinions and habits:—this I would say was a performance of duty,—this would secure to a Christian nation the benefits of the divine promise. But when, among those who preside over the people, the very being, attributes, and providence of God are denied, or when there is a studied omission of every idea that refers to his government, or to our dependence on him: When, through a hatred of Christianity, it is disavowed, despised, laughed at, and in the most contemptuous manner trampled underfoot; or when through pusillanimity or impious policy, a country conceals its attachment to the religion of Jesus; or when the profession of attachment is only a thin veil of hypocrisy: When the leading men of a nation flagrantly and shamelessly violate every moral law: And when the people at large love to have it so, and are rapidly assimilating to the same corrupt standard; then they subject themselves to the divine denunciation, and are treading on the brink of destruction.

Let us now

II. Attend to the proof of this assertion; or to the proof, rather, of the general position—That righteous nations will be protected and prospered, and that impious nations will be destroyed.

The remark scarcely needs to be made, that I am not here to maintain that God will either protect a righteous, or destroy a wicked nation, by any miraculous exertion of his power, or in any other way than by the use of those means, and the operation of those causes, which under the guidance of his providence are naturally calculated, and best adapted to produce such an effect. No, my brethren—When nations, in the early stages of the world, could not be fully instructed by experience in the principles of the divine government, because time for this experience had not yet been afforded; and that the most impressive proofs of the very truth which the text asserts might be furnished to all future time, God did, indeed, work miracles of salvation for the people who feared and served him, and miracles of destruction on those who departed from his laws. But as these examples are now furnished, and held up to our view as sure indications of what we are to expect from the same source of justice from which they flowed, and as abundant experience has shown what is the settled order of the divine dispensation, miracle is not to be expected, because it is not necessary. There have been some instances, indeed, in every age, both of the deliverance and destruction of nations, in which the divine interference has appeared but little short of miraculous. Such events, however, are not to be reckoned on, though they may sometimes occur. In general, if God intend to preserve a nation, he will either dispose others to be at peace with it, or he will stir up its inhabitants to a rational, vigorous and united exertion of their strength and means, to defend themselves; and these he will bless and crown with success. If he forsake a nation he will leave it to infatuated measures, to divided counsels, to supineness, to discord, treachery, and treason; or he will counteract its efforts, and thus effectually accomplish his designs of vengeance. Peace, health, and plenty, will be blessings flowing from his favor; sword, pestilence, and famine, will be the messengers of his wrath. Sometimes his hand will be invisible, and sometimes conspicuously displayed; but in either case its operations will be sure and irresistible whether to defend or to destroy.

In establishing the point before us, the proof on which I propose principally to rely is of the historical kind. The principles of human nature and of society do indeed offer strong and conclusive evidence of the same truth, and these will be occasionally taken to our aid in the answering objections to our doctrine. But these principles have been so often and so clearly explained and applied to this subject, that nothing seems capable of being added to what must already be familiar to you; and as the conclusions deduced from them have, notwithstanding, been lately denied by a daring spirit of innovation and infidelity, I think it most proper, in every view, to treat the subject historically and to show that the theory we maintain is incontrovertibly supported by fact. In pursuing this design we assume it as a principle that the plan of Providence, or the divine government, is uniform in its execution, so that what hath happened in all time past, may be expected to happen in all time to come. Atheists and infidels may, indeed, deny that the course of human affairs is under the direction or providence of God; but even they cannot, with a shadow of truth or candor, deny the fact, that nations have actually stood or fallen by the test in question, nor can they easily resist the belief that the future will resemble the past.

To the faithful page of history then let the impartial appeal be made. Let the Heathen, the Jewish, and the Christian nations pass in review before you, and you will find their prosperity or their adversity, meted to them by the measure we have examine. What was it that produced the most ancient and the most awful desolation and extinction of nations that the history of the world records? The sacred volume will inform you—“God saw that the wickedness of man was great in the earth, and that every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually—And the Lord said I will destroy man whom I have created, from the face of the earth, both man and beast—for the earth was filled with violence: And God looked upon the earth and behold it was corrupt; for all flesh had corrupted his way upon the earth: And God said unto Noah—The end of all flesh is come before me; for the earth is filled with violence through them, and behold I will destroy them with the earth.” Let every believer in revelation mark the cause which inspiration here assigns, for bringing the waters of a flood on the world of the ungodly: —Let him mark and remember that it was for general corruption and impiety; and let this be in his mind, the attestation of unerring truth, that, at least in one, and that the most conspicuous of all instances, the Deity forsook and destroyed the nations—even all the nations of the earth—because they had forsaken him. Let it also be remembered, that this happened in the infancy of the world, for the express purpose that it might be a warning to every succeeding generation of men; and that no reason can be assigned why the Deity should not be as much displeased with impiety now as then, nor why he should not punish the people who are guilty of it; though, for wise reasons, he may not use a miraculous but an ordinary method of chastisement.

But examples of the same import multiply upon us in perusing the sacred records. Why was it that “the Lord rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the Lord out of heaven, and overthrew those cities and all the plain, and all the inhabitants of the cities, and that which grew up on the ground.”? It was “because the cry of Sodom and Gomorrah was great, and because their sin was grievous”—Because nameless deeds of wickedness were perpetrated there, and ten righteous persons could not be found, as “the salt of the earth” to qualify its corruption, and to extinguish the fire of heaven. What was the cause of the destruction of the Canaanitish nations, whom the Lord drove out before the children of Israel? Was it mere arbitrary pleasure of Jehovah to destroy them, that he might make room for the settlement of his chosen people? Such is the favorite but false representation of infidels. Hear the account of Scripture, and observe, that it is held up as a warning to the Israelites themselves; “Defile not yourselves in any of these things; for in all these the nations are defiled that I cast out before. And the land is defiled; therefore I do visit the iniquity thereof upon it, and the land itself vomiteth out her inhabitants. Ye shall, therefore, keep my statutes and my judgments, and shall not commit any of these abominations; neither any of your own nation, nor any stranger that sojourneth with you: For all these abominations have the men of the land done which were before you, and the land is defiled.” Why was it, that the awful “voice from heaven: said to the proud King of Babylon, “O King Nebuchadnezzar to thee it is spoken—drive thee from men and thy dwelling shall be with the beasts of the field!” It was that he might “know that the Most High ruleth in the kingdoms of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will:—And all the inhabitants of the earth are reputed as nothing and he doth according to his will in the army of heaven and among the inhabitants of the earth; and none can stay his hand, or say unto him—what dost thou?” Why was it that, to the son and successor of this haughty monarch, the appalling, unconnected, self moved hand, came forth, and wrote on the wall of his palace—-“Mene, Mene, Tekel, Upharsin—God hath numbered thy kingdom and finished it; thou art weighed in the balance and found wanting: Thy kingdom is divided and given to the Medes and Persians”? It was because he had not “humbled his heart” in the contemplation of his father’s doom. “But had lifted up himself against the Lord of Heaven”—-had profaned the vessels of his sanctuary—-“and the God in whose hand his breath was and whose were all his ways he had not glorified”—-Therefore “in that night was Belshazzar the King of the Chaldeans slain, and Darius the Median took his kingdom.”

These instances—so pointed and powerful that the aid of enforcement would but encumber them—demonstrating the truth on which I insist, are found in holy scripture;  but observe that they all relate to Heathen nations, to nations that had no special revelation—had nothing but those great principles of religion and morality which the light of nature or the report of tradition taught, to guide them in the path of duty: And for the violation of these you have heard their destiny.

But if leaving the testimony of sacred, we resort to that of profane history itself, we shall find the same account. We shall find that when a nation of the heathen world regarded, in any tolerable degree, (for not one regarded in a high degree), the principles of religious and moral duty which I specified at the entrance, then they were most prosperous, and that when they wholly departed from these, then they were speedily destroyed. If the limits to which I am confined did not forbid it, the talk would not be difficult to evince, beyond all contradiction, from the most authentic accounts of these nations, that religion and morality, mistaken and imperfect as they were among pagans, were still their strength and security, and that a disregard to these always preceded their dissolution. The truth of this representation is recognized (it may be, some hundreds of times) by their own writers. The fact was so evident and notorious that it forced itself on observation, precluded denial, passed at length into one of those settled maxims of which there is neither doubt nor controversy, mingled itself with all their public instructions, and was regarded as essential in all their political institutions. The most learned and eloquent of the Roman philosophers and orators accounts for the superiority of the Roman state in language such as this, “We exceed not the Spaniards in number, nor Gauls in strength, nor the Carthaginians in subtly, nor the Greeks in arts, nor the Italians and Latins, who were the original inhabitants of this country, in natural strength of mind; but it is in piety and religion, in discerning that all things are directed and governed by the immortal Gods, that we have excelled all the nations and people of the earth.” Even a father of the Christian church has this remark, “That God would not give heaven to the Romans, because they were heathen, but he gave them the empire of the world, because were virtuous.” A writer of a far different character makes an extravagant assertion “That for several ages together never was the fear of God more eminently conspicuous than in the Roman republic.” But he is strictly correct, when he says, “That religion produced good laws, good laws good fortune, and good fortune a good end in whatever they undertook.” Nor are these observations less applicable to other nations of heathen antiquity. Consult the rise and fall of the Assyrian, the Persian, and the Macedonian empires, or of the free states of Greece, and you will find that their political prosperity waxed or waned very much by the measure of their religious and moral character. Their religion—I know and repeat it—was absurd, and their morals comparatively impure, but the degree of rectitude and purity which they possessed was their safety, and the contrary was their bane. I do not hold them up as objects to be envied or as examples to be imitated in the gross. They became eventually the curses and scourges of the world; but they became so by their degeneracy, which proved in the end their own destruction and—this is the point for which I contend.

In regard to the Hebrew nation, no man that has read his bible can be ignorant, that it stood or fell by the rule that has been given. Its whole history, indeed, is, and was intended to be, little else than the history of the truth of the doctrine which I now maintain. When the people “served the Lord God of their Fathers, with a perfect heart and with a willing mind:”—When they “did justly, loved mercy, and walked humbly with their God.” Then they had rest; or if their enemies attempted to injure them, “one man chased a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight.” On the contrary, when they forgot the Lord and walked after the imagination of their own evil heart, then they experienced every sore and destructive calamity; till at length they were completely removed out of their own land, subjected to a most humiliating captivity and bondage, while their country was ravaged and rendered desolate for the space of seventy years. The text is but a single instance, among passages innumerable, in which the general truths here stated were brought in the most striking manner to their remembrance. Read with attention the 26th chap. Of the book of Leviticus, and you will there, find specified at large, the promises and the threatening which the whole of their subsequent history demonstrates to have been strictly fulfilled. But the most awful example which the Jews offer to the world, is in the punishment which they received after their rejection and crucifixion of the Messiah, and the persecution of his apostles and disciples. An historian of their own nation, who was an eye witness of what he records, gives such an account of the overthrow of their temple, city and nation, as has not its parallel in the annals of the world. It was accompanied by the most awful and manifest displays of the divine indignation, insomuch that Titus the Roman emperor confessed that it was the hand of God, rather than his own military prowess, that effected their destruction. From that time to the present hour, the Jews have been vagabonds over all the earth, furnishing a monument and miracle of the divine displeasure, against a nation that no mercies or judgments could reclaim.

If, turning form the Heathen and the Jews, we fix on the history of Christian countries, we shall find it still confirming the fact asserted, that when they have conformed to those principles of religious and moral duty which constitute the rule of their obedience to God, they have been protected and prospered, and when they have thrown aside a regard to these, they have been blasted and cut off.

It was not till more than three centuries after the birth of our blessed Lord, that any state professed a national attachment to the religion which he taught. During this whole period, however, the light of that religion in all its purity, was diffused over many countries, and rendered them, in a degree, responsible for a conformity to it. The consequences of refusing to be guided and influences by it have been awful indeed. The whole region of Asia Minor & of ancient Greece, where the most flourishing Christian churches were planted by St. Paul, have long since experienced the fulfillment of the threatening which the beloved apostle  was commissioned to denounce. Not only have the inhabitants of that region been deprived of the gospel which they abused, but, under the Mahomedan power, they have sunk into the most gloomy political bondage;—slavery and wretchedness have been brooding over them for more than a thousand years.

A similar fate was reserved for the Roman Empire. Long had its impieties and prostrate morals been portending its fall. But when the bloody and relentless persecution, of the followers of Jesus were added to its other crimes, the vengeance of heaven could no longer be delayed. A celebrated historian of this period, whose prejudice would not suffer him to learn from it the truth of the Christian system, intimates that there is reason to believe, that in one space of about fifteen years, “war, pestilence, and famine, consumed the moiety of the human species.” Under Constantine the Great the Roman Empire became Christian; and then again her political power and internal happiness had a short revival.  But in the revolution of a few years the corruptions of Christianity debased and degraded the worship of God, rent and divided and dishonored his church, and admitted of licentiousness in principle, and immorality in practice. Then desolation entered as a flood. And inundation of barbarians broke in upon the empire, razed it to the foundations, massacred its inhabitants, swept away every monument of grandeur, every achievement of art, every comfort of life; so that this period has obtained, descriptively, the appellation of the dark ages, and furnishes but scanty documents for its own history. To such a length, indeed, did barbarism and ignorance proceed, that for several centuries there was scarcely a term in the languages of Europe by which literature or learning could be expressed. This was the period in which all the abominations of Anti-Christ reigned without controul. It was the period too in which human misery was at its height. During its continuance, several of the plagues and phials of wrath, predicted in the apocalypse, were emphatically poured out. The imposter Mahomet arose, and with sword and rapine extended his power and established his superstition over a fourth part of the then discovered globe. The crusades, which the spiritual infatuation of the princes and nations of Europe carried on for a series of years to dispossess the infidel Mussel men  of the holy land, beggared and depopulated the countries whence they proceeded, while oppression, rapacity and violence at home filled the cup of sorrow to the full.  To recount the sufferings of those who bore the Christian name, and subjected it to reproach by their follies, hypocrites, impieties and vices, during this period, would carry me far beyond the proper bounds of this discourse. At length a glorious reformation began to dawn on the benighted and miserable nations. And then—let it be distinctly observed—then began, also, and amelioration of their political state. To this reformation, beyond all question, as the fundamental and most efficient cause, has been owing the literary improvement, the civil happiness, and the general superiority of Europe over all the other people of the earth. Its influence, was by no means confined to those nations that were active in promoting it, but was greatly extended to those that contended against it. Power, tyranny and superstition, were obliged to relax their demands, and to assume a milder tone, to prevent the extension of that which they equally hated and feared.

We see, then, that the general aspect of the Christian history confirms our position in the fullest manner. To descend to particulars, is forbidden by the limits to which I am confined. Let me, only, call your attention, for a moment, to the origin of that Happy state of society which our own country has experienced, even since our forefathers formed political establishments in it. Can anyone deny that those establishments owe their excellence to the fervent piety and pure morals of their original founders? It is impossible to deny it. To Christianity, in its genuine spirit, we have rendered our country the envy of the world, which we cannot change but to an infinite disadvantage, and which, if we are careful to maintain them, will be our everlasting glory and defense.[*] Our defense they have certainly been in time past.  From the fist settlement of these States till the present hour, the signal care of heaven, in preserving us from all machinations of our enemies, has been such as to confound unbelief itself, and to furnish a most comfortable illustration of the truth I inculcate. Often, very often, both in early and latter times, has the safety and salvation of our country been dependent on circumstances which no human means could manage or control, and on discoveries which no human wisdom could make. In all these cases, when standing on the brink of destruction, the good providence of God has interposed and saved us; so that it would seem as if it were only necessary that we should be in imminent danger, in order to see a wonderful interposition of the divine hand to deliver us from destruction—God of his mercy grant that the impieties which now prevail, may not change his dispensations toward us!

If it be demanded, after all, whether history will not demonstrate that some nations distinguished for religion, have not suffered by the attacks of others, and whether some that have been distinguished for irreligion, have not been prospered?—the demand may be met without the least disadvantage to my argument. As a reply to the whole it would, I think, be sufficient to remind you of the remark already made, that, as in all the other divine dispensations, so in this, it is to be expected that there will be some appearances which seem to be exceptions to a general rule, which we must resolve into the sovereignty of God—or into our imperfect views and knowledge of his designs; and that such appearances ought by no means to weaken the influence of the general rule, or to diminish  our care to walk agreeably to it. But though this might be a sufficient answer to the inquiry, and though there may be some real need for it, in a few cases that might possibly be specified in regard to this subject; yet I am persuaded that there is much less occasion for such remarks on this subject, than on almost any other, where the ways of God are concerned. In answer to the first part of the demand, let it be observed that the conformity of nations to the standard which ensures protection is often very imperfect, while yet the fear of God and obedience to his laws are considerably regarded. In these circumstances the Deity may, and commonly does, afflict to a certain degree, with a view to reform and not to destroy. If reformation take place, the correction is withdrawn, and his favor returns. This is precisely the statement of the text, where we are assured that if a nation seeks the Lord he will be found of them. But if reformation do not take place, chastisement will continue and crease, till, at length, the people who prove incorrigible will be finally destroyed. This accounts for the appearance –. It shows that the divine blessing is not only conferred on obedience but is proportioned to it. But my recollection does not serve me for a single instance, in which a nation, however small, that could make any plausible pretension to religious and moral purity, was ever totally destroyed. On the contrary, a number of the small states of Europe have been almost miraculously preserved, when contending for real liberty and religion, against the most powerful and impetuous nations of the earth. Different, I know, has been the effect of the struggles of some of those nations, lately, to preserve their very existence. They have been carried away like dust before the whirlwind. But what has been the cause? Examine it well, and you will find the doctrine I inculcate very powerfully supported by the result. You will find that the punishment inflicted on these nations, has been most wonderfully proportioned to the measure of their and notorious hypocrites, impieties and immoralities.

But it is time to turn to the opposite part of this enquiry, and attempt to answer what many will esteem a more formidable objection, namely—that impious and immoral nations have sometimes been blest and prospered. It may even be supposed, that this point has already been yielded in a measure, when it was suggested, that the conquerors of the earth have frequently been distinguished by a disregard to everything sacred. Such a conclusion however, does not follow with justice, from the premises whence it is drawn. Why may not God, for the purposes of chastising those whom ultimately he intends to save, confer success on the unlawful enterprises of wicked nations as he does on those of wicked individuals, and yet, in both cases, be only preparing the way for the final and more awful ruin of the transgressors? That he may do this is not only possible but in some instances certain. There cannot be two grosser errors than to believe, that military success is always a mark of the divine approbation, and that conquest or extended dominion always secures happiness and prosperity to a conquering nation. As to the first, which is a favorite idea with some, that military success is a proof of the divine approbation, I would beg of those who cherish the delusion, to consider where it will lead them. It will lead them unavoidably to maintain, that Alexander  and Caesar, that Goths and Vandals, that Turks and Tartars, have been the most distinguished favorites of Heaven, for in military success none have been equal to these. No, my brethren, military success is, by itself, no proof of the divine patronage. God may, as already intimated, use a nation as the rod of his anger to chastise the guilty, and then he may break and burn it, and make its destruction a useful warning to every beholder. We are assured by scripture, that de did so with the Assyrian empire of old—Nay, he hath done it in every age, and it is his usual method of procedure. Military success, in war merely defensive, May be evidence of the divine favor; but in every other case, if we judge from experience, the presumption is against the victor. Neither is conquest and dominion a proof that the conquering nation is truly prosperous. A few of its distinguished chiefs may acquire fame and wealth, while the mass of its inhabitants are wretched in the extreme. The fact commonly happens thus—It happens thus remarkably, at present, with that nation of Europe, that is subduing others, and threatening us. Is it really prosperous? Are its citizens happy? Have they, while they have been ravaging and subduing other kingdoms, possessed true national felicity among themselves? No, assuredly—Fear and anxiety, convulsion and terror, massacre and blood, the destruction of arts, of property, of all domestic enjoyment, of all religious, moral, and social principles, of all that renders existence not a curse, has reigned in the midst of them, with infernal triumph. It is even true, that among all the nations that they have conquered, rendered tributary, pillaged, partitioned, bartered and trafficked away, not one has suffered more than themselves. The volcano which has poured desolation in burning torrents on every circumjacent region has still glowed most intensely at the centre of its force, and there, in its own bowels and crater, with the most rapid and energetic fury, it has tortured, and transmuted  and consumed, every useful material, which heaven, nature, art or accident, has offered to its touch. The scene with this nation is yet unclosed; and I grant the conclusion, that its fate will subvert the doctrine of my text completely, if its catastrophe be not an illustrious display of the divine indignation: For in the most shocking and avowed atheism, in the most marked contempt of all the dictates of religion, both natural and revealed, it has exhibited a specimen, which, as far as my knowledge extends, has never been witnessed before since the creation of the world. But that it is ultimately doomed to peculiar judgments, I have, for myself, no more doubt than of the truth of God—no more question than of my own existence. And I should feel that I acted as a traitor to my sacred trust, if, when the success of this nation are held up (and thus they have been) as a contradiction to the word of life, and when they stand particularly opposed to the truth which, from that word, I am, this day, called to maintain, I should hesitate to make this avowal, and to make it publicly.

Perhaps some will now be ready to remark, that the prosperity which it must be confessed, accompanies a national observance of the divine laws is owing  to the natural influence which religious and moral observances have to produce this desirable effect. Be it so; this influence I do not deny, but maintain. But remember, that this natural connection between piety and prosperity, vice and ruin, is still the appointment of God, and even, on this plan, is as much his order as if it had been made for every particular case, in which its effects are felt. Scripture and experience, however, do, I think, concur in teaching, that beside this natural connection, God does often and especially interfere by his providence, both to preserve and bless those who obey him, and to destroy those who reject and despise his laws.

It may be objected, finally, that the representation given, goes to unsettle an important principle which has generally been understood to belong to the Christian system, namely, that the present is a state of probation, and not of retribution. A short answer to this would be, that whatever doctrine is established by facts, is not responsible to theory for its consequences, and that all that has been said, is but an appeal to undeniable experience. But I will never answer thus where Christianity is even supposed to be implicated by it—its dictates are eternal truth. I grant that the doctrine I advocate requires some explanation in regard to this point, and I am confident it may be given in a manner that shall be perfectly satisfactory to every candid mind, and even illustrative and confirmatory of the doctrine itself.

It will be remembered, then, that the concession has already been made and repeated, that righteous nations may experience partial and temporary sufferings, and that those of an opposite character may obtain some temporary, or rather apparent advantages. This will be a call for the faith and patience of pious men, who may suffer in the general calamity, and may teach them to look forward to that better world “where the wicked cease from troubling, and where the weary are at rest.”

But in reality, the doctrine which teaches that men are not to look for rewards or punishments in this life, though true and important when judiciously applied to individuals, is often mistaken even in its relation to them, and when applied to nations and considered as a general principle, is not true at all. It is only in this world that communities as such have an existence or character. In the world to come the whole of our race will appear as individuals, and not as communities. If any, retribution, then, be awarded to nations as nations, it must be in the present state, and not in that which is to come. But it appears to be of the highest importance in the moral government of God, that national character should be the subject both of his favor and of his frowns; and this, consequently must be experienced in the present state. It accordingly does take place in fact, and is generally to be expected.

It should also be considered, that the established connection between virtue and prosperity, vice and ruin, which has already been noticed, is much closer, and more powerful, in relation to communities than to individuals; and draws after it a present retribution as an unavoidable consequence. It is, indeed, the general tendency of virtue to produce happiness, and of vice, to beget misery, in every individual who practices the one or the other. But in a vicious society, a virtuous man will suffer in many ways from his unavoidable connection with wicked associates. In a virtuous society, on the contrary, a vicious man has many enjoyments, and derives many advantages, merely from the circumstance, that the mass of the community are not like himself. They form, as it were, a barrier around him, and their goodness is the food on which his vices live and prey. But when the greater part of the individuals of a community come to posses this character, that is, when a nation as such becomes abandoned to vice, there is no longer any suitable tie by which it can be holden together and every salutary source from which safety and happiness can proceed is dried up. Without religion there can be no obligation of an oath, no sufficient sanction to a promise, and consequently no rational and solid ground of confidence—no operative and universal motive to truth, fidelity, and integrity, either in the intercourse and transactions of individuals with each other, or in their engagements to the public. Without morality all regard to the happiness and claims of others, to public and private justice, to parental authority, to filial duty, to conjugal fidelity, to temperance, chastity, sympathy, charity and humanity, is wholly destroyed, or left to rest on the airy principle of honor, or the dangerous foundation of personal inclination. Man becomes a selfish sensual brute. And when the component parts of a nation of this description it is impossible that they should remain united, except by the most powerful compulsion. Civil liberty cannot exist at all in such a community. Society must either be dissolved entirely, or it must assume a state and form which is a greater evil than dissolution itself.

On the other hand, where religious and moral principles, in their vigor and purity, pervade the great body of individuals in a state, every social tie is strengthened, every part of the community draws toward the good of the whole, society is easily governed, because it requires but little governing, civil liberty may be extensively enjoyed, and all the happiness of the social state will be fully realized. So intimately is religion and morality connected by a natural bond, or rather by the divine constitution, with the safety and prosperity of nations. So just is the remark that any kind of religion in a state is better than none: And it will be manifest to ever one who pursues the clue here given, that just in proportion as the religious and moral system of a nation is pure in that proportion will it naturally tend to promote the public safety and happiness; and consequently that the Christian system, as the purest of all, is the best of al—the best of all, for  communities, as well as for individuals—“having the promise of the life which now is, as well as of that which is to come.”

But the conclusion which I am here particularly to form, and I think it may now be formed with advantage, is—That nations do receive a retribution in the present world according to their several characters: —That this cannot be otherwise if they are every treated as nations, and that the divine constitution unavoidably produces this effect.

On the whole, then, the doctrine which I proposed to demonstrate has been shown to be supported by facts, and to be sanctioned by the soundest principles of reason—It has been proved to be true; and how, and why, it is true, has been explained.

A few important deductions from what your heart will now conclude the discourse.

1. We may learn from what has been said, how totally devoid of truth it that darling principle of modern unbelievers, that a nation may be as happy without religion as with it.

This a mere Atheistic  hypothesis and speculation, not only unsupported by any experience, but in direct hostility, as we have seen, with the experience of all nations, in all ages of the world. It is one of the most daring, extravagant, and unaccountable chimeras, that every entered the head even of a metaphysical infidel; and nothing but the most inveterate hatred to God and his laws could never have given it birth. Yet it has been and with many who are not destitute of influence, I fear it still is, a tenet for which they have a peculiar fondness. They endeavor to give it currency by professing separate religion form morality, and to be advocates for disarming the former, and warm contenders retaining the latter. But that morals can exist without religion, is as destitute of proof and probability, as the whole position is without this qualification. No nation has ever yet existed where this phenomenon of morals without religion has made its appearance; and there is no reason to believe that it is even possible from the very nature and structure of the human mind. Our late venerable President therefore, in his farewell address—well knowing how earnestly some were laboring to inculcate this horrid doctrine—did with great propriety warn us not to admit the idea that “morals can be separated from religion.” The very truth is, infidels first endeavor to exclude religion from the state, that they may give the name of morality to any set of principles they may choose to adopt, and that thus, in the end, they may fully accomplish their wishes by getting rid of both. Be warned, my brethren, by what you have this day heard, be warned, that without religion and morality, harmoniously united, we are an undone people; without these our civil liberty and social happiness cannon possibly be preserved. Let us esteem these our principal and most essential defense at the present hour and let us be thankful to God that he has given us a chief magistrate who, in looking to the defense of the country, has seen this important truth in its just light—has seen that we must implore and obtain the favor of God, or all other means will be ineffectual. Let each of us be deeply convinced of this as a practical truth: And therefore I add—sadly, that viewing the religious and moral state of our country in connection with this subject, we may see how urgent is the call for humiliation, fasting and prayer, for which this day has been expressly set apart.

If God deals with nations according to their relative light and advantages, and where he has given much, will always require the more—and such we have seen really to be the case—verily, my brethren, this is a truth of most solemn import to the people of America at this time. Our advantages, in point of religious and moral information, have been second to those of no people upon earth; and our circumstances for carrying this information into practice are, I believe, superior to those which any other nation now enjoys. Has our improvement then, been, in any measure answerable to our privileges? Is our moral and religious state at present, such, in any degree, as our circumstances demand? Every serious and candid mind, penetrated with grief, will answer, no! It is a most melancholy fact, that we have greatly forgotten, and departed from the Lord God of our fathers. Of the arm that has so often and remarkably defended us in the hour of distress,—that so lately and marvelously prospered us when we contended for our independence—we have been unmindful. We have returned base ingratitude for the favors of heaven, which we have experienced as a nation. Those civil and religious privileges which God from the first bestowed upon us, and which he has all along continued to us, we, have abused in the service of sin. There has certainly been a loss, and not an increase of piety and morality, in our country, since our late revolution. Infidelity does most awfully abound among all descriptions of people from the highest to the lowest. Profaneness of every description, most lamentably prevails. The ordinances of God’s day and house are neglected, deserted, and despised. His word is openly ridiculed and his Son treated as an imposter. A dissoluteness of manners and morals, like a deadly leprosy, is fast spreading itself among the people at large, and far beyond any former example.

In these circumstances we are threatened with a war from the most powerful, the most active, and the most insidious nation upon earth. A nation which has already proved a scourge to many others and which appears to be permitted by God to affect its designs for the express purpose of chastising this guilty age—this age of infidel reason. What is the language of this situation? It undoubtedly is—“God hath come forth against you for your iniquities—your conduct toward him is changed for the worse, tremble left is toward you should change likewise. Turn unto him speedily, left his anger consume you.” Yes, my brethren, let our opinion be what it may of second causes, manifest it is, that the Deity hath a controversy with us.—For some time past he hath given us intimation of his displeasure, but now he hath, as it were, set himself in array against us. Let us then truly humble ourselves before him. Let us “repent in dust and ashes” in his presence this day. Let us mourn our land defiling iniquities. Let this be to us a day of humiliation, not merely in name, but in deed and in truth. Let us “rent our heart and not our garment:”—let us, in very truth, plead with him, in secret and in public, “to turn us from our sins and to turn his anger from us.” Let us entreat for this, as sensible that we are pleading for our very existence. Let us pray that God would pour out his holy and blessed spirit upon the people, to convince them effectually of sin; and to turn them effectually to himself. Let us pray that he would bless the rulers of our land, and make them examples of real religion and found morals:—That he would dispose them all, instead of countenancing and encouraging vice and infidelity by their practice and profession, to set themselves against it, as that which will destroy both them and those they govern, if it proceed much farther. Let us resolve in God’s name and strength, to act as well as to pray. Let those who have power be conjured to use it for him from whom all power is derived and to whom they must solemnly account for the manner in which they employ it. Let each of us, in our proper places and stations, be earnest, resolute and persevering, in promoting the work of reformation. Let us each reform himself, and endeavor to set an example, purer than heretofore, of true religion, and of the discharge of every moral, social, and relative duty. Believe it, my hearers, the serious hour is come. Reformation or severe chastisement is just before us. But if we will turn unto the Lord in the manner recommended, and will, at the same time, “play the man for the people and cities of our God,” by unanimity and strenuous exertion in the cause of our country, we have nothing to fear. God will be “found of us” if we “shall seek him”—This is the assurance of the text—It encourages repentance and reformation, by the kindest and most gracious promise. If we, in very deed, put our trust in him, and act, as those who do so, let the world rise in arms against us, still we shall be safe. As therefore we love our country, our souls or our God—as we regard the happiness of time or of eternity—let us be on the Lord’s side that he may be on ours.

3rdly, Finally—Let us be thankful for the past experience we have had of the divine mercies. Hitherto we have been preserved in peace, while most other nations have been at war; and though we have not been without correction, yet light, indeed, hath been its strokes in comparison with our sins. Countless and peculiar favors are still continued to us—domestic happiness and enjoyment, health and comparative plenty— the means of knowledge and information—a spirit of growing concord, and above all, the precious gospel of the Redeemer, and the sweet and heavenly hope that it inspires. These mercies, preserved to us when we have so little deserved them, should swell our hearts with the humblest and liveliest gratitude. And let this gratitude be expressed, in leading us truly to our heavenly Father; and again I repeat it, we shall be safe in this world and happy in that which is to come. ——-Amen.

 


[*] It requires the exercise of pity and of patience to hear an ignorant self-conceited infidel – as is often the case – endeavouring to cast contempt on the original establishments of this country because they were not free from some imperfections, which were rather the errors and absurdities of the age, than of the particular men or society, where they appeared. How might we crimson with blushes, if our pious ancestors had exhibited such scenes in their political institutions, as infidelity is now unfolding?

Sermon – Fasting – 1798


Jeremy Belknap (1744-1798) was born in Boston but spent many years in New Hampshire. He graduated from Harvard in 1762 and became a teacher. Belknap was ordained in 1767; in 1775 he was chosen to be chaplain to New Hampshire troops at Cambridge but was unable to take that position. He supported abolishing slavery and the slave trade. Belknap is best known for his History of New Hampshire, a series that was published in three volumes in 1784, 1791 and 1792.

The sermon below was preached shortly before his June 20, 1798 death. This fast sermon was preached in Boston and was given on the “”Day of the National Fast” declared by President John Adams. (The text of Adams’ 1798 fast proclamation is available here.) The text of the sermon was been updated to reflect modern spelling and grammar.


sermon-fasting-1798-2


A

SERMON,

Delivered on the 9th of May, 1798,

THE DAY

of the

NATIONAL FAST,

Recommended

By The President

Of The

United States.

By Jeremy Belknap, D. D.
Minister of the Church in Federal-Street, Boston.

 

PREFACE.

A proclamation of the President of the United States, appointing a day of prayer or thanksgiving, is not to be considered as an act of legislative or executive authority; because no power is delegated, by the Constitution, to any person to direct us in matters of religion; neither is it an assumption of power or an act of imperfect authority, which needs the interposition of another power to give it effect. But it is a letter of advice, or a friendly call, form a man, whom the people have placed at their head, inviting us to join with him and with one another, in an act of national piety and devotion.

The propriety of such a call, from such a person is so evident, that nothing can be said to make it more evident. Every man who has a sense of his duty to God as our preserver, benefactor and Supreme Governor, must, at once, approve it, and be pleased with it. Had this friendly notice been given in any other way; had it been communicated by a private letter to each religious society or minister, it would have had the same effect as when it comes in the form of a public proclamation.

In the same light, I have always viewed the public calls of the Chief Magistrate of any particular state, to keep days of fasting and thanksgiving. The proclamation is not an act of authority; but of friendship, of piety and gratitude; and derives all its efficacy from the reasonableness of the duty recommended, and from our own consent. Our Chief Magistrates are so convinced of this, that, though in some instances, formerly, the words enjoin, require and forbid, may have been used; yet now we hear nothing but the language of recommendation and advice. The voice of authority in matters of religion is not assumed by American rulers; and if assumed, would not be approved, by American people.

If there be any instances of opposition to a compliance with so rational a duty, as is thus recommended, it is not a subject to wonder. We are assured, that in the most happy times, there will be a disappointed party who, though silenced and incapable of doing mischief, will secretly blaspheme. The old serpent when bound and cast into the bottomless well, will retain his serpentine disposition and take the first opportunity, when permitted, again to deceive the nations. So it must be expected that his emissaries will rebel in their hearts, and gnaw their tongues for pain; for evil men and seducers will grow worse and worse, deceiving and being deceived.

 

DANIEL II. 42, 43.
And as the toes of the feet were part of iron and part of clay; so the kingdom shall be partly strong and partly broken. And whereas thou sawest iron mixed with miry clay, they shall mingle themselves with the seed of men, but they shall not cleave one to another, even as iron is not mixed with clay.One great use and intention of prophecy is to keep alive the faith and hope of god’s people in times of calamity and distress. When the city and temple of Jerusalem had been destroyed, and the Jews were carried to Babylon, they had the comfort of the prophecies which had been delivered by Isaiah and Jeremiah that the captivity would continue no more than seventy years; and that at the expiration of that period, a prince should arise, by the name of Cyrus, who would cause the people to be restored to their own hand, and their city and temple to be rebuilt. During this period of the seventy years captivity, there was a series of revelations made to Daniel, and by him recorded for the instruction and comfort of God’s people, in every age of the church; these revelations were made to him in visionary and figurative representations, and the subjects of them were the remarkable events which should befall those nations with whom the church of God should be connected till the second coming of Jesus Christ.

The words now read are part of one of these revelations Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, had a dream which made an uneasy impression on his mind, but he had forgotten the particulars, and could by no means recollect it, nor could any of the wise men of Babylon assist him in recovering it. They could indeed, by certain rules, interpret a dream when it was related o them; but it was beyond their art and skill to tell a person what he had dreamed when he himself had forgotten it. None could do this but the God “whose dwelling was not with flesh.” [Daniel 2:11] For this incapacity, the monarch, in a fit of tyrannic passion, commanded all the wise men in Babylon to be slain; and among them, Daniel and his companions were to be put to death; but upon his promise to show the king him dream, a suspension of the decree was obtained; and after solemn prayer to God, the secret was revealed to Daniel who declared it to the king in these words.

“Thou, O king, sawest, and behold a great image. This great image, whose brightness was excellent, stood before thee; and the form thereof was terrible.
This image’s head was of fine gold, his breast and his arms of silver, his belly and his thighs of brass,
His legs of iron, his feet part of iron and part of clay.
Thou sawest till that a stone was cut out without hands, which smote the image upon his feet that were of iron and clay, and brake them to pieces.
Then was the iron, the clay, the brass, the silver, and the gold, broken to pieces together, and became like the chaff of the summer threshingfloors; and the wind carried them away, that no place was found for them: and the stone that smote the image became a great mountain, and filled the whole earth.
This is the dream; and we will tell the interpretation thereof before the king.
Thou, O king, art a king of kings: for the God of heaven hath given thee a kingdom, power, and strength, and glory.
And wheresoever the children of men dwell, the beasts of the field and the fowls of the heaven hath he given into thine hand, and hath made thee ruler over them all. Thou art this head of gold.
And after thee shall arise another kingdom inferior to thee, and another third kingdom of brass, which shall bear rule over all the earth.
And the fourth kingdom shall be strong as iron: forasmuch as iron breaketh in pieces and subdueth all things: and as iron that breaketh all these, shall it break in pieces and bruise.
And whereas thou sawest the feet and toes, part of potters’ clay, and part of iron, the kingdom shall be divided; but there shall be in it of the strength of the iron, forasmuch as thou sawest the iron mixed with miry clay.
And as the toes of the feet were part of iron, and part of clay, so the kingdom shall be partly strong, and partly broken.
And whereas thou sawest iron mixed with miry clay, they shall mingle themselves with the seed of men: but they shall not cleave one to another, even as iron is not mixed with clay.
And in the days of these kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed: and the kingdom shall not be left to other people, but it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms, and it shall stand for ever.
Forasmuch as thou sawest that the stone was cut out of the mountain without hands, and that it brake in pieces the iron, the brass, the clay, the silver, and the gold; the great God hath made known to the king what shall come to pass hereafter: and the dream is certain, and the interpretation thereof sure.” [Daniel 2: 31-45]

The same series of events was afterward represented to Daniel himself, in a vision of four beasts, answering to the four parts of the image, and signifying the same four kingdoms, with some farther particulars relating to the church of God. This vision is recorded in the 7th chapter; and there is another vision representing the same events, by the figures of a ram and a goat, in the 8th chapter. These visions were intended to conduct the mind of devout inquirers, through all the grand events, to the establishment of the universal kingdom of the Son of God, which will break in pieces and destroy all these kingdoms and stand forever.

If it be asked, in what part of the times, signified by this vision, do we live? Or, what events here set down, are to us past, present, and future? To give an answer to this question, we must consider how far divine Providence has explained the vision in its several parts. The golden heard of the image, as Daniel himself said, was the Babylonian empire, of which Nebuchadnezzar was the reigning prince; “thou art this head of gold.” It was then in the height of its splendor and glory; and the imperial city was emphatically called the “golden city.” The same empire was signified by the lion with eagle’s wings, in the 7th chapter. It was overthrown before Daniel’s death, by Cyrus, then general and afterward king of the Medes and Persians.

The silver breast and arms of the image represented the kingdom of the Medes and Persians; which succeeded by the Babylonian monarchy. This was signified by Daniel under the figure of a bear with three ribs in his mouth, in the 7th chapter, and afterwards of a ram with two horns, in the 8th chapter.

The brazen belly and thighs signified the Macedonian empire, conducted by Alexander, and continued by his four successors. This answered to the leopard with four heads and four wings, in the 7th chapter, and to the goat, first with one horn and afterward with four horns, in the 8th chapter.

These three empires, the Babylonian, the Medo-Persian, and the Macedonian, have long since given place to the fourth, the Roman empire; which is meant by the iron legs and feet of the image, and by its ten toes, which were partly of iron and partly of clay. The same power is figured by the beast with great iron teeth, in the 7th chapter, and the little horn of the goat, which waxed great, in the 8th chapter. It is also represented in the Revelation of John by a beast with seven heads and ten horns. It is observable, that this empire is described in the victim of a Nebuchadnezzar in a three-fold state, 1. by the thighs and legs, which were entirely of iron; 2. by the feet, which were of iron and clay; and 3. by the toes, which were of the same materials; and this three-fold view corresponds exactly with the events which have taken place. For the Roman empire was at first strong and terrible. Whilst the spirit of true liberty animated their constitution: Whilst public virtue and genuine patriotism were the ruling principles, their councils were firm, and their arms were victorious. They conquered the neighboring countries and diffused the spirit of their constitution wherever they made a conquest. This was the first and best state of the Romans. But after a while, they grew intoxicated with success, and degenerated from their manly fortitude into luxury and pleasure. Then the spirit of corruption crept into the body politic, and it became, as the prophet represents it in its second stage, like a mixture of iron and clay. It was divided into two parts, viz. the Eastern and Western empire; the seat of the former was Constantinople, and of the later, Rome. There was, however, something of the strength of iron. They were still a powerful and formidable people. The northern nations who invaded and incorporated themselves with the Romans, in the second stage of the empire, brought with them a spirit of liberty, which the Romans had lost; but so distracted where they with intestine quarrels and religious controversies, that, like iron and clay, they never could be thoroughly blended; and these causes operate dot produce the third stage of the empire, its division into ten kingdoms; answering to the ten toes of the image and the ten horns of John’s beast.

This separation of the empire took place between eight and nine hundred years ago; and though some of the kingdoms have in some degree been changed, and mixed, ye there has been ever since such a distinction kept up, that there has generally been about the number of ten.

In the days of these kings (as Daniel foretold), i.e., the Roman empire, the God of Heaven did set up a fifth kingdom, prefigured by a stone, cut out of a mountain without hands. This was the kingdom of Jesus Christ; and as long as the divided remains of the Roman empire shall subsist, this kingdom will be, as it has hitherto been, in the state represented by the prophets, as “a stone of stumbling and rock of offense” ; but in due time it will smite the image on its feet and break it to pieces; and will itself become a great mountain and fill the whole earth. This grand event was signified to Daniel in other visions, recorded in the 7th and 12th chapters; and it is more particularly described in the three last chapters of the book of John’s revelation.

If it be enquired, why were these four empires made the subject of divine prophecy in preference to all the other kingdoms of this world? The answer is, that all of them were instruments, in the hands of God, to carry on the designs of His providence toward the Jewish people first, and ultimately the kingdom of His Son. The vision is a kind of prophetic chronology, to point out the time when the kingdom of God should come, or be visibly and permanently established. The reason why these four empires only are distinguished by the spirit of prophecy, was not because they were greater or more remarkable than some others; but, because the course of their history is connected with that of the Jewish church, and led in a regular and direct succession to the time and reign of Jesus Christ.1 An answer of the same kind may be given, if it be asked why was this revelation made to a Gentile king? This Gentile king was connected with the Jews, and was obliged to a Jewish prophet for recovering and interpreting his dream; and the only record of it is preserved in the library of the Jewish church, to whom were committed the oracles of god. It is therefore a prophecy which comes to us in the same channel with all the other inspired prophecies, and has the same end in view, to testify of Jesus Christ; for the testimony of or concerning him is the spirit of prophecy and to Him give all the prophets witness. If the facts records correspond with the things foretold; if the prophecy coincide with the whole series of prophecy, having the same object in view, and this object be, what none but God could know, before the event; then it will follow, that eh inspiration is real, and there is a further evidence of the divinity of the revelations contained in the Old and New Testaments.

From the explication which has now been given of this sacred prophetic vision, we may see, that the present period of time, pointed out by it, is that which was signified by the ten toes of the image. The ten kingdoms, into which the Roman empire was divided, are still substituting, through under different forms of government; and though the division be different from what it was at first; and they are all, more or less, in the state in which the vision represents them, a mixture of iron and clay, of strength and weakness; they are partly strong and partly broken, they do not cleave to one another even as iron is not mixed with clay. None of them ever have been able, though some of them have attempted, to render themselves equally strong and terrible as the ancient Roman empire was in its first stage.

You will please to take notice, that these ten kingdoms comprehend the western part of the continent of Europe, once the western empire of Rome; among these, the countries subject to the dominion of Britain and France hold a distinguished rank; and as these are the principal ones, with which we ever had, or now have any political connection; so I shall confine my observations chiefly to them; though the same prophetic characters are equally applicable to Spain, Italy, Germany, and the other divisions of the western empire. These are the toes of the image; in which may be clearly discerned the materials of which they are composed, iron and clay, strength and weakness, wisdom and folly; sometimes the one prevailed, and sometimes the other; but there has been on union among them; all the attempts to unite them, so as to make a grand, formidable empire, resembling that of ancient Rome, have hitherto failed of success; and from the sure word of prophecy we have the strongest reason to conclude, that they will always remain in the same divided state, till the kingdom of Jesus Christ shall break them all to pieces and shall rise upon their ruins.

The iron part of these toes, or the strength and power of these divisions of the Roman empire, may be considered as consisting in the numbers of their people, the vigor, activity, and discipline of their land and naval forces; their wealth, arising from the husbandry, manufactures, commerce, and the management of their finances; the great fertility and high cultivation of their lands, their progress in arts and sciences, their maritime and insular situations, and the great natural advantages which they enjoy, of which their sagacity and their interest lead them to make the most rapid and successful improvement; to which they are farther urged by the spirit of jealousy and rivalship, always attending commercial nations. When these powers are put into action by fierce passions and by skillful leaders, they make a formidable appearance, and threaten one another, or the neighboring nations, with conquest; and it is not surprising if they are in some measure successful.

But if we view the clay part of their character, we shall find that they are not quite so terrible as some are apt to imagine. The great abilities and resources which they posses are counterbalanced by the prevalence of corruption, venality and profusion; by the luxury and effeminacy which commerce generally produces, and the unbounded appetite for pleasure which pervades all ranks and orders of the people. We shall find in some of them a spirit of faction, a want of firmness and consistency, a thirst for power and wealth, a revolutionary frenzy, operations to produce assassinations, robbery, and plunder. Under a pretense of republican liberty, we have seen some of them exercising the most boundless licentiousness and wanton despotism, in defiance of justice, humanity, policy, morality, and religion. The same crimes have stained their character when professing liberty and equality as when sounding the praises of their kings. The same tyranny, the same proscriptions, imprisonments, banishments, and waste of human life have disgrace the annals of republicanism as of monarchy; and their national character, instead of being meliorated, is, if possible, degenerated by their revolutions; for slaves, when made free, are the worst of tyrants.

Thank not, my brethren, that what I say is dictation by passion or party-spirit. I speak the words of true and soberness. This subject has been familiar to me above twenty years. It was in the beginning of the third year of our revolutionary war,2 when we had no friend nor ally by Heaven to shield us form the vengeance of Britain and when she was making her greatest efforts to subdue us, that my thoughts were directed to this prophecy; and upon an attentive contemplation of it, with the best helps3 that I could obtain, I found in it sufficient encouragement to rest my hope, that the formidable power then at war with us would not prevail. The confidence which I had did not prove to be vain; but as I though there was sufficient ground for consolation in the height of our distress, and when no human help was engaged on our side; so the conclusion of the war justified the expectation.“In things of moment, on thyself depend;
Trust not too far they servant nor thy friend.”

And this very sentiment, though expressed in better language, was the advice of our great and good Washington, when he retired from office.

“The great rule of conduct (said he) for us, in regard to foreign nations, is to have as little political connection with them as possible. Europe has a set of interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation; it must therefore be unwise in us to implicate ourselves in the vicissitudes of her politics, or the combinations of collisions of their friendships or enmities. It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world. As far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with good faith. But it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.” 7

This is the advice of a man who thoroughly understood, and wisely pursued, the true interest of his country. Of his successor we ought to have the same opinion; for from above thirty years experience he has been known and prove dot be one of our most enlightened and steady friends.

From the foregoing observations we clearly see what are the prophetic characters of these European nations, which are represented by the ten toes of Nebuchadnezzar’s image and the ten horns of the apocalyptic beast. It is both surprising and edifying to all studious Christians to see how plainly and exactly the picture is drawn by the inspired pen and how rapidly events are coming on, which bear so near a resemblance to the accomplishment of the prophecies. It was foretold that an antichristian power would arise and rule over the nations. This we have been used to interpret of the papal sovereignty; the combination of wealth and power with a corrupt form of Christianity, to enslave the bodies and souls of men; and doubtless the interpretation is just. But as the Scripture assures us “there are many antichrists,” [1 John 2:18] so we should extend our idea of this power to comprehend all that opposeth and exalteth itself against the pure religion of Jesus Christ. It is very evident that the French nation was one of the firmest supporters of the papal usurpation, and that its former government answered to the prophetic character of one of those “kings which gave their power and strength to the beast.” 8 But it was also foretold that these very kings, the same antichristian powers, should “hate the whore and make her desolate and naked, and ear her flesh and burn her with fire;” 9 and do we not see this remarkable prediction in a fair way of being fulfilled? The French power is not the less antichristian for the revolution. It is in another shape, directly opposed to Christianity, as well to the corrupt forms of it as to its purity. The kingdom of Satan, at present, appears to be divided against itself; how then shall his kingdom stand?

When the spirit of God foretells future events, He does not prescribe what ought to be done but related before hand what will be done. His foreseeing and foretelling these events does not justify the means which are to be made use of to bring them into effect. Wicked men may do many bad things, which may serve to bring on what is foretold in the divine inspire wrings; and yet these very men may be proper subjects of punishment for these actions. An instance of this we have in the king of Assyria, to whom the prophet Isaiah makes this memorable address: “O Assyrian, the rod of mind anger and the staff in their hand is mine indignation. I will send him against an hypocritical nation, and will give him a charge to take the spoil and pretty and to trend them down as the mire of the streets. Howbeit, he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so; but it is in his heart to destroy and cut off nations not a few. Wherefore it shall come to pass, when the Lord hath performed his whole work on Mount Zion, and on Jerusalem, I will punish the stout heart of the king of Assyria, and the glory of his high looks.” 10

We must not then think it strange or unaccountable that those very men, who are instrumental of brining on revolutions, predicted in the word of God, should themselves be guilty of the most atrocious crimes, and influenced by no motives but those of violence, rapine, and destruction; that they should cast o fall fear of God and even deny His existence; for bad as they are, they may be proper instruments in the hand of God to punish other bad men; to pull down thrones of iniquity; to overturn monarchies which have been supported by ambition and bloodshed; to destroy hierarchies which have been founded in pride and priest craft and maintained by superstition and persecution. From what other sort of persons could such revolutions be expected? People of sober and rational principles would not be guilty of a violent attach on the established religions of any nation; they would content themselves with enjoying the liberty of their own consciences in peace. But such convulsions are to be expected only from those who are inflamed by the most malignant passion, and influenced by the zeal of fanaticism, either in religion or politics, who have a rage for conquest and plunder and who set no bounds to their ambition and fury.

When the great designs which God has determined to accomplish, by the instrumentality of such agents, shall be fulfilled; when things shall be prepared in the course of Providence, for the final destruction of all that rule, authority, and power, which, under whatever name or appearance, hath opposed itself against the kingdom of Christ; then shall be brought to pass that great event which is represented in the vision by the stone, smiting the image on its feet and reducing it to dust. Then all these kingdoms, these powers, which have so disturbed and stressed the world, will vanish like chaff before the wind and the gentle, peaceful kingdom of the Son of David will be gradually, but universally established.

This kingdom, my brethren, is set up among us and we profess to be the subjects of it. For its increase and enlargement, it is our duty to pray; and one of the petitions in our Lord’s admirable form of prayer is, “Thy kingdom come.” [Matthew 6:10] If we are sincere in uttering this prayer, we should accompany it with our endeavors to promote it. This will be the best way of expressing our gratitude to God for so distinguishing a favor.

If it be asked, how shall we do anything toward promoting the kingdom of God in the world? I would answer, there are many ways in which we may do it, and some persons may be able to do more than others; but there is one way in which we may all do something, and perhaps this is the best way in which any of us can promote it; I mean by our example. “Let your light so shine before men that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father in Heaven.” [Matthew 5:16] There is nothing more forcible than example; like the magnet, it draws with a secret and silent, yet powerful influence. It is often more effectual than positive percepts and penal laws. Multitudes are swayed by it who are not to be governed by any other means. It is in every man’s power to do good in this way; and therefore it is every man’s duty to set a good example, to let every person with whom he is conversant, see that he is under the influence of Christian principles and prospects; that he is sincerely serving God and committing the keeping of his soul to Him in well-doing. It is impossible to conceive how much good may be done by our example. It may do good after we are dead. The remembrance of what we have been, and what we have done, may long outlive us, and unborn posterity may be the better for it. Ion this respect, then, every person has a degree of importance annexed to his character and every person ought to use that importance and that influence for the noblest purpose.

And what nobler purpose can we serve than that for which Christ died? This purpose is accomplishing, though by slow degrees; and Christianity, in its whole progress, is marked with peace on earth and good will to men. Wherever it is known and practiced mankind are the better for it; but wherever it is denied and rejected, they are the worse. Christianity, when rightly known and regarded, has made men ashamed of many enormities which they before practiced. It has abated the horrors of war, and introduced a spirit of philanthropy into that destructive science. It has reformed the legal and judicial systems, and taught less severity and milder methods of reclaiming offenders than were before known; it has, in some cases mitigated and in others extinguished, the evil of servitude, and taught men a sense of equal freedom. It has shed its genial influence on government, and taught us, in this highly favored land, how to crush rebellions and establish constitutions without violence or bloodshed.

Happy influence, blessed spirit of true religion! This is the way in which the kingdoms of this world will be so subdued, as to become the kingdoms of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. The conquests of the Son of God are effected not by force of the sword, but the secret energy of truth; not my might nor power, but the divine spirit. By such means, and by none else, will true religion prevail, till the kingdom of Christ shall become universal.

May we ever be governed by the mild and peaceful dictates of the Gospel! May it go on from conquering to conquer, till it shall have eradicated war, slavery, oppression, tyranny, superstition, and vice; till antichristian power and influence shall be abolished; till false religion, false philosophy, and despotic government shall be destroyed; till love and peace shall reign, and truth and righteousness shall be established in the earth.

If we believe the Scriptures, we must expect that these blessings will be bestowed on the world, before the plan of Divine Providence shall be completed; and therefore we may pray in faith, grounded on the divine promises, of the accomplished of these predictions. The prospect is in the highest degree pleasant to all the sincere lovers of God and man. Whilst, therefore, we are looking, praying, and waiting for these glorious times, let us learn to anticipate them, as far as we are able, by cultivating in our own minds and conduct, those heavenly graces and virtues which shall prove us the true subjects of Christ and prepare us for the universal reign of the Prince of peace.

AMEN.
 


Endnotes

1. Hurd’s Introduction to the study of prophecy, p. 80.

2. May, 1777.

3. The works of Joseph Mede, Sir Isaac Newton, and Dr. Thomas Newton.

4. 1763.

5. 1778.

6. 1795.

7. See his Address to the people, p. 35.

8. Rev. xvii. 13.

9. Verse 16.

10. Isaiah x. 5-7, 12.

Sermon – Fasting – 1798


Thaddeus Mason Harris (1768-1842) fled Charlestown with his family at the beginning at the Revolutionary War – he was 7 years old at the time. Harris graduated from Harvard (1787) with a class that included John Quincy Adams. He was a librarian at Harvard beginning in 1791 and became pastor of a church in Dorchester in 1793.

The following sermon was preached by Harris on the national fast day of May 9, 1798. This fasting day was proclaimed by President John Adams.


sermon-fasting-1798-3

A

SERMON

PREACHED IN

MILTON

ON THE MORNING, AND AT

DORCHESTER

IN THE AFTERNOON OF THE 9TH OF MAY, 1798;

BEING THE DAY

Recommended by the President of

THE UNITED STATES FOR

SOLEMN HUMILIATION FASTING AND PRAYER

THROUGHOUT THE UNION,

BY THADDEUS MASON HARRIS,
Minister of the Religious Society in Dorchester

FOR
THE HONEST AVOWAL
OF
SENTIMENTS
ARDENT IN THE CAUSE
OF
HIS COUNTRY
WHICH THIS SERMON DISPLASY,
THE AUTHOR
SOLICITS
THE RENEWED INDULGENCE AND CANDOR
OF THOSE
WHO SOLICITED THE PUBLICATION.
 

“Remember, O my Friends! the laws, the rights,
The generous plan of power delivered down
From age to age, by your renown forefathers;
So dearly bought, the price of so much blood!
O let it never perish in your hands!
But piously transmit it to your children.
Do thou, great liberty, inspire our souls,
And make our lives in thy possession happy;
Or our deaths glorious in thy just defence!”
ADDISON

—“He who contends for freedom
Can ne’er be justly deem’d his Country’s foe:
No, ‘tis the wretch that tempts him to subvert it, –
The soothing slave, the traitor in the bosom,
Who best deserves that name: he is a worm
That eats out all the happiness of nations.”
THOMPSON

 

II KINGS, XIX. 14.
“AND HEZEKIAH RECEIVED THE LETTER BY THE HAND OF THE MESSENGERS, AND READ IT; AND HEZEKIAH WENT UP TO THE HOUSE OF THE LORD AND SPREAD IT BEFORE THE LORD.”
The reading of these words must at once refer you to the pious conduct of our excellent PRESIDENT, whose proclamation assigns the solemn exercises of this day. Devoutly impressed with this truth that “the safety and prosperity of nations ultimately and essentially depend on the protection and blessing of Almighty God.” Assured that “the national acknowledgement of this truth is not only a duty which the people owe to him, but a duty whose natural influence is favorable to the promotion of that morality and piety, without which, social happiness cannot subsist, nor the blessings of a free government be enjoyed; and that this duty, at all times incumbent, is so especially in seasons of difficulty or danger, when existing or threatening calamities, the just judgments of GOD against prevalent iniquity, are a loud call to repentance and reformation” – he recommends to us under the present critical and alarming situation of the United States, humbly and earnestly to implore the Divine mercy and benediction, council and assistance. Every pious heart will accord with his proposal; every true lover of his country will engage in its fulfillment. For this, my fellow Christians and citizens we now assemble in the house of God – for this we have just united in zealous and humble application to the throne of grace; and to strengthen these religious and patriotic sentiments is my design in the few remarks I propose to make on the passage of Scripture just read to you.

I shall first briefly narrate the history with which it is connected; 1 and then make them with freedom for I am an AMERICAN; with sincerity, for I am a CHRISTIAN. I have no interest to serve, and no party to advocate but that of my country and of my religion.

I. The person, whose pious conduct attracts our observation in the passage selected for our text, was Hezekiah king of Judah. He began the administration of his government by the most commendable zeal for the true religion. Truly religious and devout, he was not satisfied with the mere reformation of prevailing corruptions, the abolition of idolatry, and the regulation of the ceremonials of public worship; but he enjoined the entire submission of the affections and conduct to that Supreme Being who is the moral governor of the universe, and under whose favorable providence alone, nations and individuals are prosperous and happy. He appointed a public celebration of the Passover. This solemn anniversary feat was kept in grateful acknowledgment of their recovered freedom from the bondage of Egypt. It was calculated to cherish a perpetual sense of their obligations to their divine deliverer, and to excite a perpetual detestation of slavery. For several years its observance had been neglected. Hezekiah issued a proclamation recommending its renewal; and solicited the concurrence of all the tribes. Though infidelity was prevalent in the land, and some even ridiculed the proclamation,2yet there was still a great majority who obeyed the summons, and assisted at the solemnity. Their religious services were accepted; their humiliation and repentance met the divine mercy. “The priests and Levites arose and blessed the people: and their voice was heard, and their prayer came up to his holy dwelling place, even unto heaven.”3 Hezekiah proceeded to renew the service of the temple, according to the original institution; and to provide for the honorable maintenance of the priesthood; both of which have an immediate reference to national virtue, respectability, and happiness. Judah was once more in an honorable and prosperous condition. Recovering and cherishing the sense of their national freedom, and spurning the influence of any foreign domination, the people began to cherish a sentiment of liberty, and to enjoy advantages of prosperity and peace which they had not experienced for many years. “So there was great joy in Jerusalem; for since the time of Solomon the son of David king of Israel, there was not the like in Jerusalem” 4

Hezekiah seemed sensible that RELIGION is the glory of RULERS, and the strength of their GOVERNMENT. His zeal and piety furnish a lesson to ALL magistrates, that their first care should be to stem the torrent of profaneness and impiety, and to propagate true religion, to which they ought to contribute both by authority and example. This will be a certain way to secure the blessing of God both to their selves and the people.

“Thus did Hezekiah throughout all Judah, and wrought that which was good and right and truth before the Lord. And in every work that he began, (for religion and for the state) he did it with all his heart and prospered.” 5

Such was the king whom Sennacherib proposed to dispossess. Elated with the success of his arms against Samaria and other kingdoms, vain of his power and aiming at universal conquest, he thought with the same ease to subdue the tribes of Israel and their God, as he had other countries and their idols.

Unjust rulers always seek for some specious pretext to colour their proceedings. Sennacherib took for his, the neglect of Hezekiah to pay the tribute which had been exacted of Ahaz his predecessor. 6 This conduct was reproached as a violation of a public and just treaty; 7 but that it was justifiable, is evident. Hezekiah, who had so distinguished his self by a regard to morality and religion would not dishonor that character by a flagrant act of injustice. He would fear, too, the disaffection of his people, the reproaches of the prophets, and the chastisements of Heaven. It does not appear that Isaiah condemns this procedure; and sacred history mentions it, immediately after, as a trait of his patriotism and piety. And, as the original exaction was by compulsion, and the present demand unreasonable, we infer the fairness of his conduct in refusing submission, and the injustice of Sennacherib in threatening an invasion. 8

Hezekiah, fearing the worst, put his self in in a posture of defense. He made all prudent preparations for the security of the nation. He forfeited Jerusalem; laid in a great store of arms and provisions for the siege; “Caused all the people to be enrolled and marshaled for the war that were fit and able for it, placing over them captains of experience to instruct them in all military exercises, and to conduct and lead them forth against the enemy whenever there should be occasion for it;” 9 and he took care also to cut off as much as possible, all supply of water from the enemy. But still, wishing to escape the horrors of an open and disadvantageous war, and solicitous to preserve the prosperity to which the nation had advanced, he sent envoys to propose terms of accommodation with the Assyrians; to remove, if possible all misunderstanding; to settle all existing difficulties; and to restore harmony and peace. Sennacherib required of them, as the conditions of present negociation, the sum of three hundred talents of silver and thirty talents of gold;10 amounting to about one million five hundred and sixty dollars of our money: 11 and promise of farther tributary aid as he should need or require. Hezekiah conceded to the unreasonable requisition: but, to pay the enormous sum demanded. He was obliged to exhaust his treasuries, to take away the gold and silver vessels of the temple, and even to strip that sacred house of the very ornaments which his own piety had consecrated. We may presume that he took this measure inconsiderately and unadvisedly; and not presumptuously as Ahaz had done before him: 12 but certainly it was a very wrong one, for “the captain of the Lord’s inheritance” to have recourse to; 13 nor did it go long unchastised. The respite he had so dearly bought lasted but a little time. For the the treacherous Assyrian, having received the money, the loss of which, he saw, disqualified Hezekiah for war, in total disregard of the compact they had just made, and in direct violation of the law of nature and nations, (after an unsuccessful descent upon Egypt, sent three of his principal officers – Tartan, Rabsaris and Rabshakeh,14 from Lachish to demand of him the immediate surrender of his capital. Hezekiah appointed three special ambassadors, (Eliakim, Shebna and Joah 15) to hold a conference with them without the city. Rabshakeh, more expert in haranguing than his con-deputies, made a speech, insulting and reviling the government and religion of Judea, and bloated with the pride, false politics and impiety of his own nation.16

As he spoke very loud and in the Hebrew tongue, the commissioners (apprehending that the people, who had collected on the wall to observe what passed, might hear and be intimidated by the discourse) demanded that he would speak in the Syrian language which they understood very well, 17 and not in the Jew’s language, which the people would overhear. But to influence and intimidate the common people, and to impair their confidence in their rulers, 18 appeared to be his object; and he replied more vehemently and loudly: “Hath my master sent me to thy master and to thee to speak these words? Hath he not sent me to the men that sit on the wall?” that is, “our business is with the people, and not with the government.” Upon which he expressly addressed the people; endeavoured to excite in them a dislike to the person, and a distrust in the administration of their chief magistrate, telling them that he had deceived them, 19 that the hope he encouraged of divine help would avail them nothing; that, instead of hearkening to him, they had better discard him; and, (repeating his demand for more money 20) advises them to join them in a common cause, encouraged by the promise or enjoying greater liberty and prosperity: though (as Dr. Gill shrewdly remarks) “he does not tell them how long they should enjoy them.” Nay he even betrays the intended purposes of this proposed alliance. “Ye shall eat every one of his own vine and drink ever one the waters of his own cistern.” Happy liberty and equality! But mark what follows; “until I come and take you to a land like your own.” So they must be expatriated, and their own country, perhaps divided or sold amongst their conquerors! Lastly he proposes to them to make an agreement with him by a present, 21 and he concludes by bidding them beware lest Hezekiah should persuade them to trust in the Lord, to stand up in their own defense, or not to listen to his proposals.

As Rabshakeh was a very eloquent man, the envoys of Hezekiah had great reason to dread the effect of his plausible arguments on the people of Judah, especially as they had on several occasions shewn but too little confidence in their own leaders or respect for their own government, and had been repeatedly seduced by foreign power. But the good conduct of their excellent sovereign, in whose wisdom and prudence they fully confided, and the retrieved influence of religious principles, had produced such happy effects upon their minds, that they listened to these vain boastings with silent indignation. So far from disaffecting them with the government under which they were happily placed, or creating the least disunion, they served rather to increase their love to their country, their ruler, and their religion.

The Jewish envoys following the instructions of the embassy 22 made no rejoinder to the remonstrance of the Assyrians: but returned to Hezekiah to acquaint him with the disappointment of their mission. He sent to the prophet Isaiah to ask that counsel of the Lord which so critical and alarming a juncture demanded : and received in return that encouragement which his attachment to religion and the welfare of his country merited.

In the mean while Sennacherib raised the siege of Lachish and invested Libnah. Here it was that he received intelligence that his country was invaded by a new and formidable foe; Tirhakah, king of Ethiopia : to attach whom, he quitted his project against Hezekiah : but first sent him a letter in which hs threats and invectives were repeated against the nation and the religion of the Jews. Menace, by the way, of which his own death, by the hands of his sons, and a consequent revolution in the government, prevented the execution.

Hezekiah, having read the letter, went into the temple; and , spreading it before the Lord, prayed for his counsel assistance and support; and humbly and devoutly referred the cause to him. This behavior was very befitting the occasion, and displays his piety in a most pleasing point of view. His prayer was perfectly agreeable to the divine will : and Isaiah was commissioned to comfort him immediately with an assurance of the Lord’s approbation and protection.

This, my hearers, is the simple narrative of facts which stand connected with our text. It is a mirror in which we behold our own country, its present circumstances, and foreign relations. Throughout we see the manly firmness, the patriotism, and the piety of Hezekiah. The sequel shews the wonderful interposition of the DEITY in defense of his injured people and character against those who disregarded them. And the whole serves to recommend to us an imitation of the example of the good king of Judah recorded in our text: that of looking to God in every emergency which threatens our national peace, or endangers directly or indirectly our civil or religious privileges.

We acknowledge that as God is the creator, so he is the governor of the world; that his providence extends to all things and persons in it; and that all events are under his direction and subject to his control. Hence the propriety of seeking to him, on this critical juncture of our public affairs, for “that wisdom which is profitable to direct” our councils, and for that assistance which is effectual to secure our peace.

Every thing, indeed, wears an unpromising, but I trust in God, not a desperate aspect. If we are but united and firm, wise and virtuous, we may still be invincible and secure, free and happy. Fortunately independent on every nation on earth, it becomes to be wholly superior to foreign predilection and influence. Laying aside all party spirit, personal animosities, and groundless jealousies, we ought to yield to the conciliating influences of a generous confidence in our government; and seriously consider the important subject of our common welfare. Warmly attached to our own country, let its interests, its glory, its prosperity and its peace, be the objects of our prime concern; and to advance and perpetuate them, in the exertion of our best endeavours. In its fate is involved that of every citizen. We must stand or fall with the constitution.

Shall the duration of our liberty be measured by the lives of those who procured it? Shall they even survive it? Twenty two years have not yet elapsed since we claimed INDEPENDENCE, and now we see its spirit declining. Alas! Must the heroes, the patriots, who purchased the boon with the expense of their fortune and at the hazard of their lives, see us negligent of the prize, or weakly surrender the privilege! No. Let us pledge ourselves as true Americans to cherish and maintain, next to our religion, the genuine spirit of republican freedom. Nothing shall weaken our concern for the public weal. We will never give up our invaluable rights and privileges. We will never betray a timidity a meaness, or a humiliation unworthy the character of a brave, a spirited, and a free people. On the present alarming crisis, which calls for the entire unanimity of all ranks and orders of the people to give weight, strength, and efficiency to our government, we will discover our full confidence in the wisdom and integrity of tour rulers, our warm and unequivocal approbation of the wise and temperate system which they have hitherto pursued with regard to foreign nations, and our readiness to concur and co-operate with every measure they may find it necessary to adopt for preserving the CONSTITUTIONS, FREEDOM, and INDEPENDENCE of the UNITED STATES.

Veneration for the memory of our pious ancestors, gratitude for the struggles of our brave soldiers in the late successful consent for liberty, our duty to posterity, zeal for the public good, the great principles of self preservation, al justify decent and prudent measures for security and self defense : and all forbid us to become tributaries or dependents on any foreign power. If nothing but prostration of our national character or relinquishment of our national independence will suffices; – if these be the terms of negotiation or the price or peace; and if our reluctance or denial be resented by a declaration of war, our last resource must be with a solemn appeal to God for the justice of our cause to vindicate the honor of our country and Religion, at every hazard; confidently trusting in Heaven for assistance and success.

Let us firs devoutly int5reat the almighty being who was the God of our fathers, and has been signally our deliverer and friend, still eminently to bless us in the continued enjoyment of our civil and religious privileges, our national prosperity and peace: and to give the much desired issue, the most happy success to the conciliatory and pacific measures proposed by our government in the present negotiation in Europe.

And oh may he look down in mercy on his frail and degenerate creature man! Put an end to those delusions which dishonor his character and debate our’s; subdue that spirit of pride and contention which lays waste his works and distresses his children; and speedily extend the blessings of PEACE, FREEDOM, and PURE RELIGION, to all the nations of the earth! And let all the people say, Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. See 2 Kings xviii, and xix chapters: 2 Chron, xxix, xxx, xxxi and xxxii; and Isaiah xxxvi and xxxvii.

2. 2 Chron. xxx. 10.

3. 2 Chron xxx. 26.

4. 5 Chron. xxx. 27.

5. 2 Chron. xxxi. 20, 21. Compare 2 Kings, xviii. 3-8.

6. 2 Kings, xviii, 7.

7. “Sennacherib – lui reprochit d’avoir violé une Traité public et ligitime.” SAURIN, disc. histor. xiii. vol. 6.

8. “Pour decider cette question d’une maniere precise, il faudroit favoir au juste comment Achaz f’etoit engage a Tiglah-Pilezer; f’il n’avoit pas abuse des circonstances facheuses ou Achaz se trouvoit alors pour lui imposer un tribute exorbitant; et f’il avoit observe toutes les conditions requires dans le traite – Mais il semble qu’il y avoit eu de la violence de la part du roi d’Assyrie, et qu’il avoit soumis Achaz et son royaume a un joug rude parce qu’il voioit qu’on avoit besoin de son secours. Car, ensin, le service qu’il rendit a Achaz n’ etoit pas assex considerable pour vouloir Pengager a etre son vassal a perpetuite.” SAURIN, disc. historiques, xiii. vol. 6.
[TRANSLATED] Precisely to decide this question, one should know justly upon what principles Achaz had made the engagement with Tiglah Pilezer; whether he had not taken advantage of the straitened circumstances in which he found the Israelites, with a design afterwards to render them tributary; and whether he had observed all the conditions of the treaty? But it seems that there had been some instances of violence on the part of the king of Asyria, and that he had brought the Israelites under a severe yoke because he saw they had need of his succours. Yet, really, the service which he had rendered them was not so considerable as to make it their duty to become his perpetual vassals. (It will be remembered that this treaty was made4 in consequence of the assistance afforded Ahaz, against the Syrians by whom he was invaded. Tiglah Pilezer sent him forces, and enabled him to subdue them.) 2 Kings, xvi. 7-10.

9. Shuckford, vol. I, p. 22, and 2Chron. xxxi. 6,7.

10. 2 Kings, xviii. 14, 31. Compare Isa. xxxvi. 16.

11. Brerewood de ponder. et pret. vet. num. c. 5.

12. 2 Chron. xviii. 21.

13. Grotius, in loc.

14. These are not the proper names of men, but denote their employments and offices. Tartan signifies the president of the council; Rabfaris the chief eunuch; and Rabshakeh, the principal cup bearer, or chamberlain. See CALMET’S dictionary.

15. Eliakim, was high steward; Shebna, secretary of state; and Joah, master or requests. See VATABLUS.

16. “Rab-sake, plus expert a haranguer que fes con-deputex, et plus habile a parler la langue des Hebreux, fit un discours a haute voix, ou l’on appercevoit des traits de l’orguiel, de la sause politique, et de l’impiete de son monarque Sennacherib.”
JEROM, PROCOPIUS, VITRINGA, and others, have produced reasons to prove that this chief spokesman had been formerly a Jewish Priest; but had apostatized from his religion in order to get a place in the administration under the Assyrian antitheocracy.

17. “The Syrian language was then, says Dr. Gill, [on Isaiah xxxvi. 11.] common in all courts as the French is now; and was learned for the sake of negotiation or commerce.”

18. 2 Chron. xxxii. 18.

19. Isai. xxxvi. 14.

20. “O Cives, Cives, quærenda pecunia primum est! Fadera, leges, libertas, virtus, post nummos.”

21. Isai. xxxvi. 16. – “A most insolent and unrighteous demand this, (says Dr. Gill) when he had already received three hundred talents of silver and thirty of gold to withdraw his army.”

22. Isai. xxxvi. 21.

Sermon – Fasting – 1798


David Osgood (1747-1822) preached the following sermon at a national fast day on May 9, 1798. This fast day was proclaimed by President John Adams.


sermon-fasting-1798-4

Some Facts evincive of the atheistical, anarchical, and in other respects, immoral Principles of the French Republicans,

STATED IN A

S E R M O N

Delivered on the 9th of May, 1798,

THE DAY

RECOMMENDED

BY THE PRESIDENT

OF THE

UNITED STATES

FOR

SOLEMN HUMILIATION, FASTING, AND PRAYER

By DAVID OSGOOD, D.D.

Minister of the CHURCH in Medford.

2 Kings, xix. 14, 15, & 16.

And Hezekiah received the letter of the hand of the messengers, and read it: and Hezekiah went up into the house of the Lord, and spread it before the LORD.
And Hezekiah prayed before the LORD, and said, O LORD GOD of Israel, which dwellest between the Cherubims, thou art the God, even thou alone, of all the kingdoms of the earth; thou hast made heaven and earth.
LORD, bow down thine ear and hear: open, Lord, thine eyes, and see: and hear the words of Sennacherib, which hath sent him to reproach the living GOD.

It is among the excellencies of the sacred scriptures that they furnish instruction adapted to all the exigencies of human condition. Whatever calamities befall us, or whatever dangers threaten us, either as individuals, families, or as a community; in the word of God we find our sufferings and fears to be the same, which his servants in former ages experienced; and while we are tried and tempted as they were, their example serves for our guide and support. The people of these United States are this day assembled in the house of God, under circumstances bearing a striking resemblance to those of Hezekiah and his people at the time referred to in the text. Sennacherib, the king of Assyria, was a triumphant conqueror. His armies had over-run several of the adjacent countries, and subjected various nations to his despotism. Among the rest, the ten tribes of Israel had fallen under his yoke, and Samaria, their capital city, after a siege of three years, had been taken. Flushed with a series of success, the victors looked out for new conquests. The kingdom of Judah bordered upon that which they had already subjugated. They had received no injury from Hezekiah, and had no just pretence for making war upon him. But among the heathen, it was held lawful to engage in war for the sake of plunder and conquest, and for extending the bounds of empire. By an ambition of this kind, all the great conquerors of antiquity seem to have been actuated.

Through the knowledge of revealed religion, the nations of Christendom have been taught better principles. Modern writers upon the law of nations universally agree in reprobating all wars undertaken by avarice, pride, or ambition. They prove, beyond a doubt, that no war can be just which is not, in its principle, defensive, undertaken solely with a view to repel an aggressor, or to prevent probably aggression. They set before us a shocking catalogue of miseries and crimes resulting from wanton hostility—a dreadful account hereafter to be settled by those who engage in offensive war. This kind of war, in itself unjust, is yet undertaken under some pretence susceptible of the colour of right. I do not, says Vattel, in his treatise on the law of nations, place among the objects of offensive war, conquests, or the desire of invading the property of another: such a latitude, destitute even of pretence, is not the object of a formal war, but that of a robbery. He adds, “A nation attacked by such fort of enemies is not under any obligation to observe towards them the rules of war in a form. It may treat them as robbers.” Is not this, my hearers, the real character of those enemies by whom our country is now threatened? They have no pretence, susceptible of the colour of right, to justify their demands. They are evidently influenced by the same spirit and views which incited Rabshakeh and his master against Hezekiah. The old pagan principle of going to war for plunder and conquest, after being exploded in Europe for more than a thousand years, is revived afresh by the present rulers of France since their abolition of Christianity.

Some perhaps may be startled at hearing me affirm, that the legislators of France have abolished the Christian religion. There are indeed persons among us who entertain a very different opinion, who consider them as stripping the whore of Babylon, pulling down the man of sin, destroying popery, and making way for the introduction of the millennium. In their view, the French revolution is a great step towards the glorious times predicted in the gospel, when the whole earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the Lord. How astonishing is the force of prejudice in warping the judgments of men! I will set before you, my hearers, some notorious facts, which have been, for years past, circulated in the public papers, and never contradicted by the most zealous advocates for the French. – I will set these facts before you that you may judge for yourselves. “On the fourteenth 1 of December, 1792, in a debate on the establishment of public schools for the education of youth; M. Dupont, a member of the national convention, and who, if I mistake not, is now a member of one of the councils, began his speech with the following exclamation; – “What, thrones are overturned! Scepters broken! Kings expire! And yet the altars of God remain!” – He proceeded to propose the abolition of those altars, and proclaimed himself an atheist, amidst the reiterated plaudits of the assembly, and of the persons in the galleries.” This sentence, Death is an everlasting sleep, written in capitals over the entrance into their grave-yards, was sanctioned by the authority of the legislature. “By the same power was proclaimed the abolition of the Christian era, and the Saviour of the world impiously made to yield precedence to the republic of France.” Instead of saying in their dates, as all Christian nations say, in the year of the Republic, &c. the French say, in the year of the Republic, &c. for since they have become republicans, they disdain the idea of having any Lord over them; they acknowledge neither Christ, nor his Father, nor any other Being as their master. Review their state papers, their laws, the decrees of their councils, and of their executive officers, the orders and dispatches of their generals, and their diplomatic intercourse—I challenge you to produce a single instance, in all these, of their acknowledging any Being above them, or of their making any mention of God or his providence. That Christ and his religion might cease to be remembered, and sink into utter oblivion, they did not content themselves with setting aside the Christian era, they proceeded to abolish the Christian Sabbath. Their new calendar, in which decades are substituted in the room of weeks, was obviously contrived to make the people lose the idea of the former division of time, and forget the weekly Sabbath. It seems, that notwithstanding all these attempts of the government, there were some people so obstinate in their adherence to religion that they persisted in assembling themselves on the Lord’s-day. We have, therefore, been lately told in the public papers, that their rulers, in order to embarrass these fanatics, as they call them, have forbidden the ringing of bells for calling them together to divine service.

On the seventh of November, 1793, the existence of a God and the immortality of the soul – the two first and fundamental principles of all religion – were formally disavowed in the convention; and the resurrection of the dead declared to have been only preached by superstition for the torment of the living! Two days after, in the same place, all the religions in the world were asserted to be the daughters of ignorance and pride. It was decided to be the duty of the convention to assume the honourable office of diffusing truth over the whole earth; – and as a part of this duty, that assembly decreed, that its express renunciation of all religious worship should be translated into all foreign languages. It was stated and received in the convention as an acknowledged truth, that the adversaries of religion have deserved well of their country.

In conformity to the spirit of these decrees, the convention, attended by myriads of the populace, proceeded to desecrate the churches of Christ. “The temple of the Almighty was profaned by the worship of a prostitute, personating the goddess of reason.” The cathedral of Paris exhibited the monstrous spectacle of a pagan sacrifice, by a people who had recently abolished Christianity.—I have another fact to relate, which must thrill with horror every bosom impressed with the least fear of the Almighty. “On the thirtieth of November, 1793, the pupils of a new republican school appeared at the bar of the convention, when their leader declared, that he and his school-fellows detested God! That instead of learning the scriptures, they learned the declaration of rights, and made the constitution their catechism.” After this speech, the representatives of a great nation, by the mouth of their President, “expressed the satisfaction of the convention at the declaration of these young demons. These hopeful scholars were admitted to the honours of the fitting, and received the kiss of fraternity amidst the loudest applause!”

With these facts in view, is there a person in this assembly who can hesitate a moment to conclude, that not only Christianity, but all other religions, are abolished in France, so far as they can be abolished by the authority of the magistrate? Nay, when we consider the facts now stated, are we not constrained to view the French republicans as so many infernals, broken loose from their chains in the pit below, and now appearing in this upper world under the shape of men, but still thinking and acting as demons. They are certainly a new set of characters under the sun. Such decrees and such doings as are recorded in the registers of the French republic, are not to be found in the annals of any other nation from the days of Adam down to this day.

As they are the first body of men, who ever united in disclaiming all religion, and by formal decrees publishing atheism in every language, as a discovery adapted to the general illumination of mankind; so they are the first set of legislators, who ever formed the infernal design of subverting all the regular governments in the world, and encouraging insurrection, disorganization and anarchy throughout every nation. After dethroning their king, one of the first acts of the convention is said to have been, in these explicit words, to declare itself a committee of insurrection of the whole human race for the purpose of overturning all existing governments. The famous decrees of the nineteenth of November and fifteenth of December, 1792, were modifications of the same spirit. “The first was a general signal to insurrection and revolt—an invitation to the seditious of every country, to conspire, under the patronage of France, against the established government, however free. The last of the two decrees is not merely in spirit—it is in terms equivalent to a manifesto of war against every nation having a prince or nobility. It declares explicitly, that the French nation will treat as enemies, every people, who may desire to preserve or restore a government of that character.” These decrees were accompanied by various speeches from influential and leading characters in the convention, to this purport, “that it was necessary to set fire to the four corners of Europe”—that “to disorganize Europe was one of the sublime vocations of the convention”—that “the way to effect it, was by exiting the governed against the governors, and letting the people see the facility and advantage of such insurrections.”

In times past, we have, through ignorance, censured the combined powers as the aggressors in the war; but better information, and the further development of the character of the French rulers, are doing away our error. As the decrees now mentioned, together with the known principles of those who made them, menaced nearly all the regular governments in the world, and portended speedy war against those in the countries adjacent; those neighbouring governments were undoubtedly justifiable; and, indeed, it was their duty immediately to arm, to form alliances, and to adopt every lawful measure in providing for their defense. They had but begun to make these just and necessary preparations, when the French themselves declared war and commenced hostilities. Are they not then chargeable with all the indescribable evils of this most dreadful war? Are not all its horrors, its rivers of blood, its desolation of families, its rapines, its violences, its ravages, its burnings—are they not all the works and the crimes of French republicans?

In the decrees, which I have related, you see their principles; and such as their principles are, such have been, and still are, their actions. They set out with renouncing, in the most explicit terms, all ideas of conquest, or of making the least addition to their territories. In a manner the most alluring, they professed principles of liberty and philanthropy; and invited all nations to fraternize with them in schemes of universal benevolence. By these arts they imposed upon the ignorant mass of their own nation, and upon the ignorant of all other nations, a deception similar to that of the arch fiend, when, under the delusion of making them gods, he seduced our first parents into apostacy. At the very time when they were making these great professions of liberty and equality, they were sending their emissaries into every country, furnished with instructions worthy only of the great enemy of God and man to have dictated. The object of their mission was, by all the arts of intrigue and corruption to prepare the way for carrying into effect the decrees just mentioned—decrees subversive of the civil and religious interests of all mankind. They had it in charge to stir up factions, seditions, and rebellions—to disorganize all established governments, and throw every nation and people into discord and confusion; that being thus divided and weakened, they might be the more easily conquered.

While their agents were thus employed abroad, by systems of terror at home, they put the lives and properties of the whole nation in a state of requisition; and actually disposed of them in a manner more arbitrary, despotic and cruel, than was ever before heard of in any country. Their success in the horrible work of destruction has been astonishing. In their own country, they have pillaged, burnt and destroyed more than eighteen hundred cities and villages. Mr. Harper mentions a work published at Paris three years ago, in which it is computed, that during the revolution, exclusive of those who had been killed in arms, “two millions of persons had been massacred—of whom twenty-four thousand were ministers of the Gospel, two hundred and fifty thousand were women, and two hundred and thirty thousand were children.” Many of these murders were perpetuated in ways studiously contrived to add insult to agony, and torture to the utmost all the feelings of human nature. “Infants were carried to be drowned, stuck on the points of spears; and the hands of mothers stretched out for mercy to their tender babes, were chopped off.”

In their attacks upon other nations, they have been infinitely prodigal of human blood. Besides the carnage daily renewed in every field of battle over the widely extended regions, which have been the scenes of war; through their baneful influence in all the countries subjugated by their arms, or revolutionized by their intrigues, scaffolds have been erected, on which the blood of the worthiest citizens and truest patriots has been profusely shed. Every people, over whom they have gained an ascendancy, has been brought, in a greater or less degree, to fraternize with them in their crimes: the union has been cemented with blood. Guilt the most horrible, and misery the most extreme, have uniformly followed the footsteps of their revolutionary progress in other countries as well as in their own. These evils, extended alike by their victories and their intrigues, are now blasting many of the richest and finest portions of the globe. Nearly half Europe groans under French domination. Since the invasion of the Goths and Vandals, a similar scourge, so dreadful and so extensive, hath not befallen the civilized world.

When we think of the misery and mischief, the havoc and desolation which they have produced, are we not tempted to suspect whether divine Providence hath not withdrawn its superintendency from human affairs, and given the world up a prey to these execrable monsters? They have unhinged human society, and broken all the ties on which its security and happiness depended. Amidst the loudest professions of regard for the rights of man, they have audaciously violated all rights, human and divine, prostrated the law of nations in all its branches, and insolently trampled upon all the rules of morality. Innumerable are the decrees, by which they establish iniquity by law; by which they support schemes of murder and robbery, set men free from all restraint, and encourage them in giving loose to all the worst passions of their nature. Among every people, pretending to any degree of civilization, the marriage covenant has been generally deemed sacred and permanent; but the enlightened republicans of France spurn, as a mark of slavery, such confinement. These wise legislators have rendered the dissolution of this relation so easy, that a month’s warning “from either of the parties, is all that is required. In consequence of this law, it is said, that in the city of Paris alone, five hundred and sixty-two divorces took place in three months.” In a word, having renounced Christianity and returned to a state of heathenism, they have become, as might reasonably be expected of apostates, the very worst of heathen in their practice. Like those described by St. Paul in his first chapter to the Romans, they are given up to vile affections – full of envy; murder, debate, deceit, malignity, haters of God, despiteful, proud, boasters, inventers of evil things – covenant-breakers, implacable, unmerciful. – From unquestionable documents, this appears to be the true character of the people with whom a miserably deluded faction among ourselves wish to fraternize. For the honour of human nature, I would not have depicted such licentiousness of principle and such atrocity of conduct—I would not have drawn such an odious character even of our enemies, were it not necessary to be known, in order to our taking proper measures for our own defense and safety.

In their conduct towards us, I have said, that they are influenced by the same spirit and views, which incited Rabshakeh and his master against Hezekiah; but in reality they are incomparably more criminal, than were the Assyrian plunderers. Though Hezekiah had given Sennacherib no just provocation, yet it is not probable that he had been particularly friendly to him, and his kingdom had the guilt of bordering upon the conquests of the Assyrian. But we are a thousand leagues distant from France, and have been enthusiasts in her favour—her only sincere friends and allies. [We are, and ought to be, ashamed to remember our demonstrations of joy at her victories. May God forgive the inconsiderate folly of his erring, though well meaning creatures!] Our government afforded her yet more substantial proofs of friendship, and in no instance ever offended. But, as our envoys expostulate, “to this distant, unoffending, friendly republic, what is the conduct and the language of France? Wherever our property can be found, she seizes and takes it from us; unprovoked, she determines to treat us as enemies; and our making no resistance, produces no diminution of hostility against us; she abuses and insults our government, endeavors to weaken it in the estimation of the people, recalls her own minister, refuses to receive ours; and when extraordinary means are taken to make such explanations, and such alterations in the existing relations of the two countries as may be mutually satisfactory, and may tend to produce harmony, the envoys who bear these powers are not received; they are not permitted to utter the amicable wishes of their country; but in the haughty style of a master, they are told, that unless they will pay a sum to which their resources scarcely extend, they may expect the vengeance of France, and like Venice, be erased from the list of nations; that France will annihilate the only free republic upon earth, and the only nation in the universe, which has voluntarily manifested for her a cordial and real friendship.”

We are told, that whilst hearing these things, the agent on the part of France manifested the most excessive impatience. He admitted the whole to be true; but in the genuine spirit of his government, contemning all the principles of justice and moral obligation, he went on to urge the power of the terrible republic, and to repeat the denunciation of its vengeance against us, unless, after suffering it to seize our property on the sea, we would not also surrender to it what we possess on the land.

Such was the first demand of the Assyrian conqueror upon Hezekiah. America will deserve to suffer, if she takes not warning from the ill consequences of his mean submission. The panic-struck king of Judah answered, Return from me, and that which thou layest upon me, I will bear. Three hundred talents of silver and thirty talents of gold were the first requisition. To collect this sum, the king was compelled to empty all his treasures, to strip the house of God to the very doors; and after thus parting with his money to the perfidious tyrant, saw himself attacked and his dominions invaded by those very armies, for the withdrawment of which his money had been paid.

Why did he suffer himself to be thus duped and gulled? “Where,” says the pious Henry, “was Hezekiah’s courage? Where his confidence in God? Alas! May we not suppose that the very difficulties and embarrassments with which the operations of the American government have been encumbered for some years past, were experienced by Hezekiah? Among his own subjects, a numerous party were, in all probability, in favour of the enemy. Hezekiah had lately begun a great reformation; he had removed the high places, broken the images, cut down the groves, and exerted his whole authority in bringing back his people from idolatry to the worship of Jehovah. These measures of reformation must have given mortal offence to all the lovers of idolatry throughout the kingdom. Hezekiah had taken from them their gods, and what had they more? Being thus disgusted and exasperated against their own government, they were probably willing to exchange it for that of a foreign prince, under whom they knew that they would be encouraged and supported in their idolatry. Instead therefore of defending, they stood ready to betray their country, to surrender its strong holds and defenced cities to the enemy, and to facilitate his conquest. They were constantly magnifying the power of the great king, weakening the hands of the men of war, spreading terror and alarm among the people, and reproaching Hezekiah for his obstinacy in exposing the country to pillage and massacre, by not complying with the terms of the enemy. Sennacherib had great dependence upon this party in his favour. By them he was probably incited and encouraged to undertake the expedition. To strengthen and support this party, was his constant study. His object in every conference and negotiation, during the war, was to separate the people from the government, to excite mutiny among the soldiery, and insurrection among the citizens. When Hezekiah’s commissioners proposed that the conference should not be in the hearing of the people on the wall, their adversaries were the more earnest for making it as public as possible. Disregarding all the rules of decorum, they addressed themselves directly to the people, and made their communications, not to the government, but to the populace;–urging every motive, both of terror and allurement, to draw them off from their allegiance.

How far the same mean arts have been acted over again by the French rulers towards us, I need not say: their own agents acknowledge it, and vaunt of their success. They boast, that their party among us is so numerous, and their means of influence so powerful, that, in every event, they shall be able to throw the blame on the side of injured innocence. In what history can you find such unblushing impudence on the brow of guilt? It exceeds all the insulting language of the foul-mouthed, Rabshakeh.

But to every man who has the interest of his country at heart, how very alarming is this intelligence! Do we indeed thus totter on the brink of ruin?—At this eventful period, therefore, when, according to the statement of our worthy President, “all the old republics of Europe are crumbling into dust, when the monarchies of the old world are some of them fallen, and others trembling to their foundations; when our own infant republic has scarcely had time to cement its strength, or decide its own practical form; when these agitations of the human species have affected our people, and produced a spirit of party, which scruples not to go all lengths of profligacy, falsehood and malignity in defaming our government,”—in heaping the vilest slanders upon the First Magistrate of the Union, on all the enlightened and faithful men employed under him, the secretaries at home, the envoys abroad, the federal and patriotic members in the two houses of Congress; on the governors, judges, and other officers throughout the several states, who have distinguished themselves in supporting the wise and just measures of the general government—and lastly, on the ministers of religion, because they are considered as a bulwark against the spirit of faction, and for the preservation of order the union—at a time, when these violent efforts are made to render us a divided people, and facilitate the designs of our oppressors against us—at this alarming crisis, my hearers, you will permit me to call upon you by all that you hold dear in this world, to open your eyes to the gulf before you, the revolution which has been planned for you—a revolution which will infallibly destroy all your social blessings, your affection, esteem and confidence in one another; which will sweep away all your liberties, gradually wrest from you your possessions, strip you of your virtue and of your religion; and after transforming you into French demons, will give you up to be tormented through successive generations under the yoke of a foreign despotism. This is not unfounded declamation. The agents of the French Directory have avowed their design to our envoys; and their design comprehends every particular which I have now mentioned. The old republics of Europe, which they have already revolutionized, are at this moment suffering all the evils which I have described.

Having no other prey at present at hand, the arms of the French Republic are now stretched forth towards us; and the Chronicle of Boston, the Argus of New-York, the Aurora of Philadelphia, and some other ignes fatui [will-o’-the-wisp], are so many decoys to draw us within reach of her fraternal embrace. If you would not be ravished by the monster, drive her panders from among you. The editors, patrons and abettors of those vehicles of slander upon our government—those wet nurses of a French faction in the bowels of our country, have no longer any cloak for their guilt. The late intelligence from our envoys has unmasked the traitorous views of the whole party, and has recovered all honest citizens from the delusion which had been imposed upon them. They, who still persist in pleading the cause of France against our own government, in spreading jealousies and evil surmises of our constituted authorities, and in discouraging the means of defense, ought to be considered and treated as enemies to their country. They deserve to feel the righteous indignation of an injured and insulted nation. Brethren, mark them who cause such dangerous divisions among us, and let them wear the stigma of reproach due to the perfidious betrayers of their country.

Under almost every other government, the people have some real grievances of which to complain; but in this good land, there are no such grounds for complaint or disquietude. The inhabitants are the freest and happiest in the world: their government has resulted from their own matured wisdom and choice, and is liberty itself; their rulers are all created and raised to the stations which they fill, by the suffrages of the people; and for enlightened patriotism, wisdom, integrity and zeal for the public good, are unrivalled by any other set of rulers in any other nation under the sun. And are there those among us, all whose abilities are exerted in abusing and slandering these rulers, in undermining this government, in deceiving and misleading this people, and sowing divisions among them, in order to bring about their subjection to a foreign power? Of all traitors, they are the most aggravatedly criminal; of all villains, they are the most infamous and detestable.

If we have a spark of patriotism in our bosoms, my hearers, we shall reverence in the persons of our rulers, he majesty and sovereignty of our nation; and stand ready to repel, with a just indignation, every unworthy imputation upon them. Specially at this momentous crisis, we shall gather around the standard of our general government, show a marked disapprobation of those men and measures, which breathe a partiality for a foreign nation, and sternly discountenance whatever tends to impede o render suspected the administration of our executive. And as the danger approaches, and becomes more threatening, we shall form a phalanx about him, formidable and terrifying to all his enemies. At every hazard, we shall resolve, with our lives and fortunes, to support the independence of our country, and defend its honour. These things are the duties of all our citizens, of every man who has the happiness of being a member of our free and most excellent constitution. Our lives should be held no longer dear, when the dangers of our country call us to expose them in its defense. Whatever may befall us in the contest, we shall not be losers in the end. That Being who has made it our duty to die for our country, will also make it for our interest. Whilst obeying the calls of his word or providence, we shall be safe under his protection. What can harm us, if we be followers of that which is good? Numerous and powerful as our enemies are, we ought not to despond. Our situation is apparently far less hazardous, than was that of Hezekiah; yet he survived the threatened vengeance of the great king.

Towards the close of his dispute with Sennacherib, he received the letter mentioned in the text. Its contents were but the repetition of the things which Hezekiah had often heard before. They consisted of railings and invectives, of boasts and menaces. The writer vapours and blusters in all the turgidity of a French Jacobin: He vaunts of the countries which he had over-run, of the cities which he had taken, of the kings which he had conquered, and of the gods which he had captivated. Presuming the God of Hezekiah to be similar to the tutelary deities of those other nations, with blaspheming insolence he infers, that Jehovah himself could not prevent the capture of Jerusalem. “And Hezekiah received the letter of the hand of the messengers, and read it: And Hezekiah went up into the house of the Lord, and spread it before the Lord. And Hezekiah prayed before the Lord, and said, O Lord God of Israel, who dwellest between the cherubims, thou art the God, even thou alone, of all the kingdoms of the earth; thou hast made heaven and earth. Lord, bow down thine ear, and hear: Open, Lord, thine eyes, and see: And hear the words of Sennacherib, which hath sent him to reproach the living God.” I know not whether, in the whole inspired volume, there be recorded another act of devotion which, taken in all its circumstances, is more solemn, striking and affecting than this. Here we behold the good man and the pious king making God his refuge and strong hold in the day of trouble. Menaced with the vengeance of his enemies, he hastens into the divine presence; he refers his cause to the common Father of men; he states his wrongs before the Judge of the whole earth; he implores aid from that Being in whose fight all nations are as the drop of the bucket, or the small dust of the balance. He pleads not his own merit or that of his people towards God; but he insinuates how much the honour of Jehovah himself was concerned in consequence of the reproaches and blasphemies of the enemy against him. Lord, bow down thine ear, and hear; open, Lord, thine eyes and see; and hear the words of Sennacherib, which hath sent him to reproach the living God.

With what unspeakable thankfulness, my brethren, should we reflect, that Hezekiah’s God is the professed object of our devotions—that we have been taught the good knowledge of this true and living God, and are allowed and encouraged to make him our resource and refuge under all our fears and dangers! How thankful too should we be, that instead of a French atheist or deist, the President of the United States is an exemplary Christian, who, like Hezekiah, hath called us into the house of God this day, that we may bring the cause of our injured and oppressed country before the great Ruler of the world, and by earnest, fervent supplication implore the interposition of his universal providence between us and our haughty and violent oppressors! They, like the Assyrian of old, are but the rod of his anger, and the staff in their hand is his indignation. It is He who hath sent them against an hypocritical nation and the people of his wrath. Through his permission they have been suffered to take the spoil and to take the prey, and to tread down many nations like the mire of the streets. In all this, they have been but the executors of the divine vengeance upon a guilty world. Howbeit they mean not so, neither doth their heart think so; but it is in their heart to cut off and destroy nations not a few—and with their hand to find as a nest the riches of the people; and as one gathereth eggs that are left, so they boast of having gathered all the earth, and having spread so general a terror, that there was none that moved the wing, or opened the mouth, or peeped.

Wherefore it shall come to pass, that when the Lord shall have performed his whole work of chastisement upon the nations, he will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the French republicans, and the glory of their high looks. He will make them to feel, that all their boasts are like that of the ax against him that heweth therewith, or of the saw against him that shaketh it, or of the rod against him that lifeth it up.

Hezekiah’s success at the throne of grace, should encourage and animate our devotions this day. God heard the prayer of his servant, noticed the letter which had been brought before him, and took upon himself the charge of thus answering the Assyrian tyrant: “I know thy abode, and thy going out, and thy coming in, and thy rage against me. Because thy rage against me, and thy tumult is come up into mine ears; therefore will I put my hook in thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way by which thou camest.” So, O Lord God of Israel, let our enemies be turned back, disappointed and ashamed; and to thee shall be the glory!

AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1 See Gifford’s answer to Erskine.

Sermon – Fasting – 1798


John Prince was the pastor of the First Church in Salem (1779-1836), and a witness to the Boston Tea Party. He preached the following sermon on May 9, 1798, the national day of fasting proclaimed by President John Adams.


sermon-fasting-1798-5

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED AT

Salem,

ON THE DAY OF THE

NATIONAL FAST,

MAY 9, 1798;

APPOINTED BY

PRESIDENT ADAMS,

On account of the difficulties subsisting between the United States and France

BY JOHN PRINCE, L.L.D
Minister of the First Congregational Society in Salem

1 Timothy, ii. 1, 2, 3.

I exhort therefore that, first of all, supplications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks, be made for all men for kings, and for all that are in authority; that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty. For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour.

St. Paul, in these words, addressed to Timothy, a Christian minister, points out the duty of praying for civil magistrates; exhorts him to teach it to his hearers, and set an example of it in his own public performances. By the words “first of all,” he seems to consider it as an essential duty of Christians to pray “for all men;” and by “giving of thanks,” that Christians should feel interested in the happiness of their fellow men, and bear on their hearts and tongues a thankful remembrance and acknowledgment of God’s favours to them. They should consider mankind in the extensive view of brethren, deriving their existence from one common Parent, enjoying his common blessings, and living under his providential government. Having spoken of the duty generally, he proceeds to a particular description of characters to be prayed for: they should pray “for kings and all that are in authority;” that is for the supreme magistrate, and all inferior and subordinate officers who hole the power and authority of government under him. The whole civil government is to be the subject of prayers, supplications, and intercessions; that it may be justly and wisely administered so that all the people, who live under it, may “lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty.” Such effects of the administration of government will naturally make it the subject of thanksgiving : for the peaceable enjoyment of life and property, under the protection of good laws, is the greatest temporal blessing mankind can have.

As the gospel is designed to promote the happiness of man, both in this life and that which is to come, it furnishes him with such sentiments, and enjoins such duties on him, as are adapted to his present and future condition. While it teaches a spiritual obedience to Christ, with an ultimate view to his future, glorious kingdom, it also enjoins a temporal obedience to the civil magistrate, and the laws of society, as necessary to the present happiness of mankind.

CHRISTIANITY is friendly to all those social and civil institutions of men, which are calculated to promote their improvement and happiness, notwithstanding all that has been said by its enemies to bring it into disrepute and discredit, by representing it as a system of superstition, inimical to the true enjoyments of life: and I may add, notwithstanding all that has been done, by its mistaken friends, to force it upon unbelievers, by such cruel means as have betrayed the want of that humanity it so strongly recommends. This divine religion breathes the spirit of pure philanthropy, and inculcates the precepts of social life. It forbids no pleasure which can be innocently and safely pursued: it lays no restrictions but what are beneficial to men : and it cultivates to the highest degree that virtuous temper and conduct which are essential to the well being of society. 1

But however excellent this system appears in itself, when examined apart from those absurd dogmas, which have at times been incorporated with its pure and benevolent doctrines, when separated from the erroneous and wicked conduct of some of its professors, it has never the less met with opposition. However well adapted its principles are to the real wants and condition of men, it has always had its enemies, who have opposed its progress in the world. These enemies have either been men who were “too wise in their own conceits” to relish the plainness and simplicity of the gospel; or too ignorant and weak to break over the pale of prejudice, and venture upon a new ground of faith; or such as were too corrupt and vicious to be pleased with the purity of its doctrines and precepts, and to submit to its restriction. Though this light has come into the world, some men love their own darkness rather than this light, because their deeds are evil. And as long as the eyes and actions of men are evil, they will neither look upon Christianity with pleasure, nor love its pure and holy precepts; but they will rather slander this religion, which condemns their principles and conduct.

When the Gospel was first preached by Christ and His apostles, mankind were sunk in the grossest corruption of error and wickedness; as St. Paul informs us in the beginning of his epistle to the Romans. Addressed to such men, it is not surprising that it meant with violent opposition from the prejudices of some and the wickedness of others, that it was early exposed to persecution; ant that attempts were made to crush it in its infancy. The enemies of Christianity have attempted this, by calumniating its doctrines, and charging it with false principles; and by ascribing other views and aims to its teachers than what they avowed. It was declared to be unfriendly to the civil institutions. The zealots of other religions endeavoured to prejudice the civil rulers against it, that they might use their power to destroy it. They insinuated, that its doctrines tended to subvert civil government to weaken the respect of men for their rulers, and sap the foundation of their authority. This art was early practiced by the insidious enemies of the gospel, to create alarms in the government against it, and excite opposition to it, and it has often been used since.

If we look back in the history of Christianity to the life of its blessed founder, the peaceable an pious Jesus, we shall see an artful snare laid by His enemies to betray Him into a treasonable conversation, in order to expose him to the jealousy and power of the Roman government. By the wisdom of his teaching, and the manner of his life, he had attracted the notice of the learned and unlearned of his own nation. The Jewish rulers saw that he was setting himself up as a leader of a new sect; that he supported his doctrines with irresistible arguments; exposed and condemned their errors and vices with boldness, and great plainness of speech. They were alarmed by his discourses, which unveiled to the multitude their corruption, wickedness and hypocrisy; and they sought to ruin him. When he delivered some parables, which the Pharasees supposed to be aimed at them, as a censure upon their profession and conduct they “went and took counsel together how they might entangle him in his talk.” They sent some of their disciples, with the Herodians, to propose such questions to him as might draw something from him that would expose him to the Roman government. These disciples began their attack in an insidious manner. They first paid him some flattering compliments upon his integrity and independence; observing, that he was not afraid to speak the truth, and declare his sentiments boldly. Then they put his question to him : “Tell us, what thinkest thou? Is it lawful to give tribute to Cesar, or not? But Jesus perceived their wickedness, and said, Why tempt ye me, ye hypocrites?” He requested to see the tribute money, and finding upon it the stamp of Cesars image, he said to them, “Render unto Cesar the things which are Cesar’s, and unto God the things that are God’s.” By this answer he avoided the snare that was laid for him’ shewed to the people he had no intention of opposing the civil government himself under which he live, or of exciting them to rebellion. On the contrary, he taught them submission in the payment of their taxes; that they ought to do such things as were necessary for the support of government, as well as those which related immediately to God. His enemies were confounded by his answer, and left him. But it shews, that he did not mean to intermeddle with the political affairs of the world at that time, or make any change in them by the exercise of his power, or encourage a spirit of revolt in the Jews. When they would have made him a king, he avoided the intended honour by retiring from them; and when he was requested by one to use his influence to procure the division of an estate, he answered, “Man, who made me a judge or a divider over you?” How false then was the accusation brought against him by his enemies before Pilate! “We found this fellow perverting the nation and forbidding to give tribute to Cesar; saying, that he himself is Christ, a king.” and how can it be said that Christianity is inimical to government, and seeks to establish and exalt itself upon its ruins? An abominable superstition, under its borrowed name may have aimed at this; but not the religion of Jesus Christ. His own preaching and example give the lie to the calumny.

If from the Gospel we turn to the writings of the apostles , we shall find the same disposition manifested with respect to civil government; the same exhortations to a compliance with the duties we owe to it. “let every soul be subject to the higher powers,” says the apostle Paul; “for rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. For he (the ruler) is the minister of God to thee for good.” The apostle seems evidently to speak here of that government which is so constituted and administer as to promote the good of the governed; which is for the praise and encouragement of its good subjects, and the punishment of the bad. “Do that which is good,” says he, “and thou shalt have praise of the power; but if thou do that which is evil, be afraid.” Such “powers are ordained of God.” They are constituted for the happiness of mankind : and to such, Christianity teaches us a dutiful submission. “Render therefore to all their dues: tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honour to whom honour.”

The Gospel was set forth to the Jewish converts to Christianity as a “law of liberty,” because it freed them from the observance of the mosaical institutions, which were burdensome. These converts, or some mistaken men among them, might conclude, that by becoming Christians they were likewise exempt from obedience to the civil magistrate and were bound only by the institutions of Christ. This might occasion the apostles writing so explicitly on the subject of civil obedience. But whatever right they had as men to remonstrate against unjust and oppressive measures of government, or oppose tyranny, Christianity gave them no particular command to refuse obedience in matters merely civil. It forbad a compliance with the institutions respecting idol-worship, because this was incompatible with the worship of the true God: and no civil magistrate had a right to impose on any man the performance of an act so contrary to that religious service he owes to God, as his first duty. But in civil matters the apostles, after the example of their divine Master, often enjoined obedience to the ruling power; and taught Christians, that their coming under the authority of Christ, as their spiritual prince, did not destroy their allegiance to their temporal sovereign, nor cancel their obligations to obey his commands, in anything not contrary to the laws of God, which indeed had a prior claim upon them.

Thus we see that the Gospel of Christ is not the enemy of civil government; neither is it to any of those social institutions which are beneficial to man. It also enjoins the observance of all the social duties of life, which arise out to the relation of husband and wife, parent and child, master and servant, friend and neighbor; extending good will and good offices to all mankind.

I have been led to make these observations to you, my hearers, on Christianity, as it relates to social and civil life; because much has been said to vilify it, and represent it as unfriendly to it. I have noticed the conduct and arts of its enemies in former times, that you may compare them with the conduct of its present virulent opposers, and see their views. Do they tell you it is hostile to the rights of mankind; that it binds them in servitude, and denies them the real enjoyments of life; this is only to apologize for their own libertinism and licentiousness, and to make you as corrupt as themselves. Look to their conduct, and see what that liberty is they propose you should enjoy by its destruction. Look to the liberty which the gospel warrants you to exercise, and see if any thing beyond it can be indulged with safety to the common interest of society, to the virtue and happiness of mankind. Do these opposers of the Christian religion declare that it is inimical to a free and good government; and that it is the aid and engine of tyranny – if they mean by it a system of superstition which has adopted the name of Christianity, but discarded or violated its principles, it is not answerable for the abuse or the wickedness of that superstition. These have arisen from the corrupted heart of man, and not from Christianity, which is designed to correct that corruption – And it may be asked what do the enemies of Christianity propose in its stead, better, or so well, adapted to oppose that corruption, or guard mankind against its effects? Has the experiment, as far as it has been tried hitherto, by those who have discarded it, produced any more virtue, social order, and happiness, than the pure and unadulterated religion of Jesus Christ has, where this has been the rule of sincere faith and practice? I leave its enemies to answer. But whenever they decry this religion as set forth in the new testament by Christ and his apostles, declaring in to be inimical to good government, and the social enjoyments of life, you have, in your own experience, the confutation of the calumny, and just ground to mistrust their apparently good intentions towards you. Do they not mean by such insinuations to delude you with respect to their own political views and conduct – to lessen the energies of religion in support of a free and upright government, that you may not be “subject for conscience sake;” but that you may be more easily brought to submit to their domination; to that system of arbitrary power and universal dominion they are aiming to establish upon the ruins of religion and virtue? For who are the open and avowed opposers of Christianity? Are they not those men who are endeavouring to put down all rule and all authority in every nation, that their will and power alone may govern the world?

Upon this day then of humiliation and prayer let us pray for the preservation and continuance of our religious privileges; that the gospel may remain to us, and its sacred truths be our guide. It may be asked, are we in any danger of losing it? I answer, it has been attacked by men of the above description: And although the gospel has not been put down by absolute authority in the revolutionized countries, the same insidious arts have been used to prejudice mankind against it, as against the ancient government, to work the same ruin. The abuses of Christianity have been brought to criminate the gospel itself; and the sacred scriptures have been treated, not only with contempt, but with the vilest insult. The enemies of Christianity have succeeded too far elsewhere, by their insidious arts, not to create cautionary alarms in us. The means they use, though apparently weak, are powerful when aided by the corruption of the human heart, and the tempting pleasures of sensuality. If any means appear contemptible in a previous view, yet if they prove successful in the experiment, they become important if, the object be important they are used to effect. Ridicule may sometimes effect as much as argument. The habit of seeing any person or thing treated with contempt may reconcile us to more serious operations against it. It is thus the enemies of our government endeavor first to lessen our respect and esteem for our rulers, that they may ultimately, attack the government itself, and by a bolder hand destroy it; and thus they would by artful means weaken our attachments to religion that they may finally succeed in completely overthrowing it. We might be more alarmed if we saw the arm of power stretched forth to prevent the exercise of it: but if it be destroyed by any other means, the consequences may be as injurious to society in a religious view. And he that attempts to undermine the foundation of a beautiful building, and bring it to the ground in ruins, without touching it with his hands, is as much to be feared and guarded against, as he who would pull it to pieces by violence.

From these workers of underplot we are in danger, and we ought seriously to guard against them. We ought earnestly to pray to God, that the designs formed against our religion may not in any degree prevail; but that it may be preserved against insidious attacks, as well as open violence. And let us at the same time give thanks to God, that the light of the gospel still sheds its mild influence on us; that the word of God has free course among us to run and be glorified; that our bibles have not yet been sacrificed on the altars of infidelity nor our religious liberty overawed and restrained by the reign of licentiousness; 2 but that the light of the gospel is still the light of our country to guide our feet in then way of peace and righteousness.

By what has been said, you may see how, as Christians, you are in duty bound to submit to the institution of government, and obey your civil rulers, when that government is so constituted and administered that you may lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty under it; and that you ought to pray for the continuance and exercise of it. This is the duty of every man who would cherish the hope in himself of entering into the glorious kingdom of Christ. For he that is restless, quarrelsome, and contentious, is not fit for that more perfect state of society, where love is the prevailing motive of action: he has not that peaceable and quiet spirit, which is necessary to make the kingdom of heaven a place of enjoyment an happiness to him.

I shall now endeavor to lay before you some observations, to shew that this duty of obedience to government is founded in the present constitution of things, and the nature of man, as well as in the word of God; that his command of civil obedience is to be read in the book of nature, as well as in that of revelation I shall take some notice of that condition of government which seems best adapted to promote the improvement and happiness of man, as arising out of his condition; and offer some observations on our present political circumstances, and the duty we are called to under them.

Man, though a rational being, in the rude state in which he is sometimes found, discovers but very little of the exercise of reason. His faculties lie dormant, undeveloped, and unimproved. From the local situation, or low state of society in which he lives, he reaps but a small portion of the advantages of social life. Compare the human being, whom we find in this situation, with one who has enjoyed, and well improved the highest advantages of society; but whose natural powers of mind are not stronger than the others; and how different shall we find them! They scarcely resemble each other except in form. The difference of mind, portrayed in their countenances, and discovered in their conduct, almost marks them as different orders of beings. Such a comparison will shew us the advantages of society, in a refined and improved state, in expanding the human mind, giving dignity to man, and opening the sources of enjoyment and happiness to him. By living in well regulated society, man finds personal protection from the base and selfish principles and passions which are sometimes predominate in the human breast: he finds a stronger stimulus for genius in the greater rewards for his exertions and labour: he finds he may be more happy in himself, by the indulgence of his social affections, and more extensively useful to his fellow men; enjoy more of the bounties of his Creator, and glorify him by more refined sentiments and obedience, than in an uncultivated state of solitude. It is evident from these considerations that man was intended by his Maker to live in a state of society; that it is a duty enjoined on him by the nature of his constitution to associate with his fellow men, and live with them under such laws and regulations as appear best adapted to answer the purposes of his being. He is bound to cultivate the social life, by which his own dignity, usefulness and happiness are increased, and that of his fellow men. It is a duty enjoined upon him by the Author of his being, who requires of him the cultivation of his talents in that manner which will best promote his own interest and happiness, in connection with that of other men. He is not left to his own choice: he cannot follow the bent of his inclinations uncontrolled by reason, uninfluenced by the common good of others, and live by prey and rapine, if he would. The laws of society will bind him to order; and they are the laws of God, who has ordained this order for the benefit of this creature man. We ought to suppose every institution to come from God, either immediately or mediately, which promotes the improvement of man as a rational being, and best increases and secures his happiness.

For the due regulation of social life, and that men may reap the greater advantages from associating together, it is necessary that rules and laws should be formed for the government of the several members of the society; and that they should be such as will best promote the common interest of those who have associated together. This social compact is founded upon the natural right which every man has to preserve his life and property from violence4 and depredation. As all men are not wise, just and benevolent; as all men are not equal in bodily strength, and no individual is capable of resisting the united efforts of many against his life and property, they must associate for mutual protection that the weak, as well as the strong may be secured against the injustice, cruelty, arbitrary will and power of any individual, or any banditti combined to prey upon others, for these purposes of defense and protection, the great body of the people unite themselves in a large society, and create a power, to be exercised for their benefit, which shall be superior to any power that may arise within the society to injure any of its members. A constitution is first formed, the principles of which are founded on the natural rights of man; that is, the right of personal liberty and protection; the rights of conscience in matters of religion; and the right of peaceably enjoying all the temporal blessings of this life, which he can acquire in a state of society without injuring the right of personal liberty and protection; the rights of conscience in matters of religion; and the right of peaceably enjoying all the temporal blessings of this life, which he can acquire in a state of society without injuring the rights of others. To ensure these blessings of a free constitution founded on the condition and necessities of human nature, persons of wisdom and integrity are chosen from among the body of the people to frame such laws and regulations, upon the principles of the constitution, as shall best answer the purposes expressed in it. Persons thus elected are the representative s of the people at large. They are clothed with authority by them, to act in their stead in making laws for the government of the community’ and the people bind themselves to the observance of their institutions. That there may be no abuse of the powers committed to the legislative body, in a wise and well-constructed constitution, this body is divided, and so invested with separate powers as to make each part a check upon the other. Both are chosen by the people, and derive their powers from them. That there may be no coalition between the two branches, to usurp an un-delegated power, and deprive the people of their rights and liberties, it is required then that these legislators should hold a certain property in the community, and be interested in the public welfare; that their power should not be of long duration; that they should be chosen for a short period of time, and then return to the mass of the people again, that they may be equally affected with their constituents by their own laws. As it is impossible that the great body of the people should assemble to make their own laws, so it is that they should see them executed. Other persons are therefore chosen and invested with executive powers to see them faithfully observed and put into execution. Experience has taught mankind, that this executive power is exercised much better, and with more safety to the people, when placed in the hands of an individual, than when committed to several persons. For the man will always feel himself more responsible for the duties of any office committed solely to him, than if others are concerned with him in the exercise of it. That this officer, high in power, may not be tempted to abuse his trust, he is not only subject to the laws himself while he governs the community, but he is appointed for a short period of time only. He then returns and mixes with the mass again, either to enjoy the good, or suffer the evil, consequences of his administration.

Such a system of government cannot be capable of much abuse, or great danger to the liberties of the people. It appears to the most free and perfect system that can be devised for man in this state of his existence; best adapted to the security of his rights, and the enjoyment of the blessings of society. It gives every latitude to man, which he can and ought to possess, considering the rights of others. It secures to him every object he might acquire, even if the disregarded the rights of others, which can contribute to the improvement and happiness of his life, taking the whole of his existence into view. For no man can advance his own happiness, by deviating from that line of conduct God has marked out for him. And as God has so constituted man as to make the greatest improvement in a state of society, he cannot advance his own happiness ultimately, without respecting the rights of others, as well as his own; without living in the observance of those laws which are appointed for the protection and benefit of all. We often see many inconveniences, and much unhappiness, arising to those who violate the trust reposed in them in the offices of government. And it is certain, that usurpers lose more in the end than they can gain by usurpation and the abuse of power.

A good and righteous government, founded in equity and administered with justice and impartiality, is one of the greatest blessings of human life, and without it few of them can be enjoyed by the community at large.

From what has been said on the nature and condition of man and his improvement, it is evident he was made for social life; and that state of society will best advance his improvement and happiness, which affords the best security to life and property, the best means of expanding his faculties, and the best encouragement is to industry, by securing to him the fruits of his labour. To such a government every man, who is so fortunate as to live under it, is indispensably bound to yield obedience; to respect the sovereign power of it, and submit to its lawful authority and commands.

“As society, by the dispensation of God’s providence is necessary to mankind, and government is necessary for the preservation of society; so is sovereign power necessary to support government; and therefore sovereign power is established by the general providence of God; consequently submission to it is enjoined by the same providence. Obedience then to sovereign human civil or temporal power or authority, is commanded by God, and becomes of course a conscientious duty of man. There is no express command or precept of god to vest it in any particular person or persons; but the existence of civil authority, and consequently the conscientious obligation of submitting to it, when lawfully exercised, is substantially, and in effect enjoined by those general laws, which God has instituted for the preservation of the moral order of mankind, and which are therefore indispensably and uniformly binding upon every human individual, whatever be his station in the community of which he is a member.

“It was but in the special instance of the Jewish nation, that God selected a particular or chosen people or community, to whom he gave particular laws and particular rules. This formed a theocracy, or a form of government immediately appointed by God; and it lasted for a limited period. All the rest of mankind were left to their free liberty, to form themselves into whatever communities or societies they chose, and to delegate the sovereignty of human or temporal power and authority to whomsoever, and in whatever manner, they should find it reasonable and agreeable. Hence has arisen the endless variety of forms and modes of government through the succession of all ages to the present.” 3 Some nations have chosen that of monarchy, in which the sovereign power is made hereditary; and others, that of republicanism, in which the sovereignty is often changed, and passes into different hands at short periods of time.

Without going into the merits or demerits of the former, let it be observed, that the government under which we live is of the latter kind. It is republicanism. It is a government we have chosen ourselves and is that above describe. It is formed upon the broad basis of civil and religious liberty, in which a man may enjoy all those blessings which a state of society can give; all that freedom of action which is consistent with the laws of God and the rights of others. The laws by which we are governed may be said to have originated from ourselves; for we choose the makers of them. The sovereign power for their execution is delegated to the chief magistrate by ourselves. He is chosen from among the people, and we declare in the constitution how we will be governed by him. Can anything be more free than such a government as this? Can any better protect the rights and liberty of the subject? Or could one more democratic have any energy at all? The people at large have chosen this government after deliberate consideration, it has become binding upon them, and their duty and interest go together. In a comparative view with other governments, we are a fortunate, a happy people. For no government on earth is so free, and well calculated to make wise and virtuous men happy; and no people ever enjoyed so much freedom, prosperity and happiness, in so short a period of time, as we have since its establishment. But let it be remembered, that knowledge and virtue in the people are absolutely necessary to the existence of a government so free as our own.

As it was originally founded upon the theory of human nature and civil society, and the experience drawn from other nations and governments, so the practice of it has justified the choice, and shewn it to be a wise and valuable institution. Having been adopted by us, and put into exercise, it has become, in one sense, the law and institution of God; and every individual of the community is conscientiously bound to obey it. Every wise and virtuous man will prize it as one of the most valuable gifts of God, and offer up his supplications, prayers and intercessions, with thanksgiving, for it; for its chief magistrate, and all who are in authority in this government; “that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.” Under their administration of it. the great end and object of government is, that men may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness; that is in the exercise of religious and pious duties, undisturbed by the persecutions of wicked men: and in all honesty; that is in the exercise of integrity and justice, reciprocally performed towards each other. For such a government every man should pray; and, in the possession and enjoyment of it give thanks.

From the several recommendations in scripture, by our Saviour and his apostles, of submission to temporal government, the doctrine of passive obedience and nonresistance to any government, however corrupt, iniquitous and oppressive, however established by usurpation and tyrannical means, has been held up and taught by some Christians to its fullest extent.

We cannot go into the full consideration of this doctrine at present. Suffice to say, that god ordained government for the good of mankind, to prevent the evils of anarchy, the evils of uncontrolled passions; to protect the live and prosperity of mankind, and promote their rational improvement and happiness. But when, through the corruption of rulers, and their abuse of constitutional powers, the government is changed, and these benefits cease to result from their administration; the people at large are debased and rendered miserable; their lives insecure, their religious rights of conscience invaded, their property torn from them till they are reduced to poverty, to pamper corruption, and promote and extend vice, can it be said that this the ordinance of God? – the government to which he commands his rational creatures to submit? – in which neither godliness or honesty is seen among the rulers? – and in which there is no such ting as enjoying a quiet and peaceable life? Can it be a question, whether in this case the body of the people have a right to say to such corrupt, unfaithful men, “We will not have you any longer to rule over us?” They undoubtedly have a right to say it. The only difficulty lies in exercising that right in such a cool, deliberate and wise manner as shall remove the evils they suffer; with that wisdom and discretion which shall regain the blessings they have lost, or have a right to enjoy; which shall guard against the evils of anarchy, and a mere change of matters without any relief from suffering; and shall establish them in freedom, and the enjoyment of the privileges and blessings of social life.

The revolutions in government which have recently taken place, and are now in motion, in the European world, hitherto afford melancholy proofs, that the great body of the people who do not always gain the end at which they aim by them. We have hitherto seen little more than a change of men, without any change of measures beneficial to the people at large. They still groan under burdens and oppressions; and are not allowed to complain under their present rulers, any more than when they were under the power of those who were formerly denominated their tyrants. The rights of conscience are not better respected; their lives and property are not more secure. If they suffered before under military despotism, they do not appear to suffer less under the new-formed governments, which are evidently controlled by military force. If the former constitutions were arbitrary and tyrannical, what benefits of freedom have hitherto resulted from exercise of those set up in their stead? If their former rulers abused their powers, and, being armed with military strength, committed acts of despotism on their subjects; if they seized, imprisoned and banished with trial, not merely the private citizen, but the public officers when in the exercise of their constitutional duty, have not the present rulers done as much, in some nations, which have been revolutionized, in violation of the freedom of the subject, and the new constitutions? And if the revolutionary rulers of the great nation in Europe, which began the reform of government, have shewn no more respect for the rights of their own people, could it be supposed they would respect the rights of foreign nations where they have sent their armies to carry on the work of political reformation? Have they done it, even to nations at peace with them? But supposing they had given freedom to their own nation, and that the people of France were now in the full exercise of those privileges named in the constitution they have adopted, where is the spirit of universal philanthropy with which they set out to meliorate the condition of other nations? Has it evaporated in experiment! Or is it smothered by success, and stifled by the lust of power, ambition and avarice? Or did it never exist! Was it the mere art of delusion which spoke to the oppressed nations this language of philanthropy and freedom? – “People of Italy, the French army comes to break your chains; the French people are the friends of all people: come with confidence to them; your property, religion, and customs, shall be respected. We make war as generous enemies and wish only to make war against the tyrants who oppress you.”4 This was the language held out to the oppressed by these deliverers of mankind! Compare this language with their conduct when conquerors; and look at the situation of the people they had addressed with so much comparison, after their old chains were broken, and their masters subdued. Has not the whole mass of the people been included in the fruits of the conquest? – severe requisitions and contributions levied upon them at large, and collected at the point of the bayonet? Have their “property, religion, and customs been respected: by the “generous enemy?” How have the conquerors then their friendship? What has been done to beget “confidence in them?” What is their language to the same people they pitied so much before, when they had conquered “the tyrants who oppressed” them? “Remember,” says the “generous enemy,” you are altogether a conquered country; I am here the legislative power, and your heads shall fall at the least trouble or disorder of which you shall be the authors.” 5 And have they not been as vindictive in punishing any provoked offences, or oppression that has been made to their arbitrary mandates, as any despot against whom they so loudly exclaim? Have they not made as many exactions from the people whom they came to deliver, as their former masters ever did? Have they in any instance, after crushing the former government, generously withdrawn their military force, and left the people at liberty to establish a free constitution by themselves? Have they not dictated in every government, and controlled the wishes of every people, where the ancient order of things has been destroyed? Have not the rulers of the “friendly nation” sold a whole people whom they first delivered from their ancient tyrants, to a despot, against whose arbitrary power they have said so much; whose arms they have so long opposed in the “cause of freedom,” as they term their own? Yet, to accommodate their own convenience (not from necessity) have not they, who style themselves “the friends of all people,” sacrificed the rights of a neutral nation, and delivered this people over, without their consent, into the hands of a despot, to use them as he pleases? I s it thus they give liberty and free government to other nations? If this has been the conduct of the “friendly nation,” what does it in fact differ from the former despotism? How is the condition of the people meliorated by the change? How have the conquerors proved the truth of this friendly declaration, with infatuated and lulled the people as a charm? – “We war not against you, but against the tyrants who oppress you!” And is it not a fact, that while this republic has expressed such pointed disapprobation of kings and despots, she has overturned the governments of most of the republics where she came; but has allowed the hereditary sovereigns (tyrants, as she styles kings and princes) to remain – permitted them to purchase a continuance of their power, and a license to oppress, if she may share in the profits of the oppression? For the price of toleration for all the thrones which remain in the conquered countries must ultimately be paid by the people. Consequently the people are not only burdened to support their former masters, but to pay for their masters’ privilege of keeping them in subjection. And as it was under the ancient conquerors, when the sovereigns of the countries they subdued were obliged to oppress their subjects more heavily to pay the exactions of their conquerors, so it is now; and the new republic seems to be expressing her friendship to the nations she has conquered by the largeness of her requisitions. Are then the supreme rulers of this republic so inimical to kings as to their people? Do they not assume as much haughtiness as any despot? Do they not use as high-swelling language in speaking of their own power, and dictating the submission of all others to it, as any monarch? 6 And do not the rulers of this republic already claim homage from other independent nations – insult and treat with contempt their sovereignty – trample upon their rights, and evidently aim at universal power and dominion? Where then is the difference between the ancient and former state of things, as it respects the liberty and enjoyments of mankind, in any government they have changed? Is there any difference, except in name, between the power which now oppresses the people, and did then? The only discernible difference is, the greater extension of this power in its oppressive effects; in calling tyranny by another name, and decoying mankind within its grasp by the specious pretension to philanthropy. But where the government is tyrannical, whether it be monarchical or republican, it is never worthwhile to quarrel about names. Mankind cannot always be deceived by them, and put up with the imposition of tyranny under the name of liberty. Their eyes begin to be opened. And where this subtle serpent has entwined itself, the people feel the baneful influence of its poison, and lament its depredations. But unhappily they at first allowed its charm to prevail, and lull them in security, till it got them within its folds; and now it has inserted its fangs so deeply, they cannot escape from its fatal embrace.

Let their fate be a warning to others, and their sufferings a stimulus to guard those, who are not yet in its power, against the danger of its fascination, which prepares the way for inevitable destruction.

I have been led to make the foregoing observations on the necessity, nature and end of government, and upon the principles of our own, that seeing it is calculated to promote our improvement and happiness, and is therefore become the ordinance of God to us, we may, from a sense of duty to him, and benefit to ourselves, feel our obligations to obey it; that upon this day, set apart by civil authority to humble ourselves before God, and implore his blessing upon our government, we may recollect our situation, and our duty, as good subjects; recognize the blessings we enjoy under our happy constitution with thankful hearts, and offer up our prayers to God for their continuance.

Let us contrast our misconduct with the blessings we have enjoyed, that the sense of our unworthiness and ingratitude may impress deeper humiliation. May a sense of the dangers which hang over us lead us to repentance, and fervent prayer, that God may turn from us these tokens of his anger, and cause us more highly to esteem and improve, in future, his spiritual and temporal blessings.

And let us pray, that God will continue to us our freedom and our constitutions of government; as well that of the state as that of the union; preserve them in purity, both in their principles and administration; and that all who are called into public office may be men of religion and virtue, of true patriotism and inflexible integrity.

Let us comply with the exhortation in the text, to pray for all that are in authority, and for the prosperity of our government. A sense of our obligations to do this, as Christians, will make the duty of obedience more binding upon us. Our sincere and earnest prayers, “that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty,” under it, will lead us to attend to those things, which will preserve peace and quietness among ourselves: the greatest requisites to which are, reverence for God, and love for our fellow men; the exercise of pious duties, and the practice of that “righteousness which exalteth a nation.”

By praying for our rulers, we shall cultivate a due reverence and regard for them. They are called to the arduous task of conducting the affairs of our government : and while they are found faithfully in the administration, in governing according to the principles of the constitution, and the laws enacted under it, they highly merit our esteem, our approbation and praise. In such a government as this, where the power primarily resides in the people, and is delegated to the officers of government only for a short time, a cheerful assent to the measures which their wisdom shall direct, confidence in their integrity, a unity of sentiment among ourselves, and co-operation with them, are absolutely necessary to give strength and energy to the government, force to its laws, and respect to its administration. This countenance and support we must give to it, if we expect it to answer the design of its institution, in protecting our lives, liberty and property, and securing to us the blessings of civil society.

In this discourse I have also been led to the painful task of calling your attention, my hearers, to the great and important revolutions in governments which have recently taken place in other nations, and which are now in operation in the European world; because from our connection with some of those nations we are in danger of suffering by the violence of their agitations. Painful indeed has the task been to me to call up to your view the errors, or misconduct, of that nation which began so well the work of political reformation, and which set out with such philanthropic principles to benefit mankind. While those principles appeared to govern, and those virtuous and patriotic men conducted the business, who first undertook it, every true patriot, every lover of mankind, might wish them Godspeed; and the inhabitants of this country rejoiced in their success. But when we see those men driven from the stage of action, or destroyed by the violence of others, who have abandoned those first principles, and assumed a different conduct; when we see that the benefits expected do not result from the revolution; the liberties of other nations attacked, and our own menaced, is it not the duty which every man owes to his country, to point out the danger arising from such conduct, and call the attention of his fellow citizens to it? The warning voice has reached our ears from the seat of government. OUR CHIEF MAGISTRATE has called us to consider our danger and our duty; declaring that we are “placed in a hazardous and afflictive situation, by the unfriendly disposition, conduct and demands of a foreign power, evinced by repeated refusals to receive our messengers of reconciliation and peace, by depredations on our commerce, and infliction of injuries on very many of our fellow citizens.” We have seen the ground on which this danger is stated to us by the Executive. We see, in part, the evil designs which that foreign power has formed against us, in the dispatches from our Envoys, and on what it builds its prospect of success. It is on its “diplomatic skill” in sowing the seeds of discord among us, and dividing the people from their rulers; by creating jealousies and mistrust in our minds, and thereby weakening the energies of our government, and rendering us defenseless against their bolder attacks. Thus they would prepare us for the same impositions they have laid on other neutral nations. They wish to conquer us by their arts, as they have others by their arms; that our government may be under their control, and our property under their requisition. This they have done to others, and thus they threaten us. It is only as a warning against their evil designs I have called up their conduct towards other nations to your view, that their example may be a beacon to us. We must be on the watch against this evil, to prevent its nearer approaches: for it has already come too nigh to us for our quietude and safety. We must be firmly united among ourselves, to prevent its stealing further upon us: for it comes in an insidious way; and, if we are not well guarded, it will seize us before we are aware of it. It has not, till lately, approached us with the bold menace of an enemy; but has been stealing upon our hearts with the kisses of an Absalom, who weaned the affections of his father’s subjects from him and excited them to rebellion against him, by making unjust representations of his government, and pretending to be their better friend.

But while we have the privilege of choosing our own rulers, and changing them at short periods, we cannot be in danger of tyranny from them, if we adhere to the rules of our constitution. While we choose them from among the most wise and virtuous of our citizens, we ought to believe them capable of conducting our political affairs aright; and not be jealous of them, and mistrust their wisdom and integrity, without any good evidence of their folly and unfaithfulness in the administration of government. While they govern according to the rules of our constitution, they merit our confidence, and are entitled to our obedience and support; and it is the duty of every man to give it to them.

We ought also to consider how great the task of government is, to those men who are placed in the first offices of it; that the pecuniary rewards in our government are small, compared with the labour and anxiety they undergo; and that they deserve our commendation, and not our censure, when they do well. And we ought to consider them as doing well, when they adhere to the rules of the constitution; and when we prosper under their administration, unless our prosperity be in interrupted by others, over whom they have no control; which can be no fault of our rulers. It is discouraging to able and virtuous men, to undertake the administration of our government – men who could live more at their ease, or gain greater pecuniary rewards for their labour, in private life, without the hazard of reputation, if they must be exposed to unjust censure an calumny; be traduced in their characters, as guilty of hypocrisy; of entertaining the vilest views of ambition, and sacrificing the honour and interest of the community to personal emolument, without foundation. When they have had repeated and continual, slander thrown upon them, in some public papers, but have been able to vindicate their administration by the rules of the constitution, and justify their measures by circumstances existing at the time, notwithstanding which there is no relaxation of abuse, and some of it of the meanest and vilest kind; should we not mistrust the purity of the fountain from whence it flows, and the patriotic intentions of those who make such free use of it Some men, through ignorance, or mistaken zeal, may be honest in their intentions, and think they are doing “God service” by it. But those political intriguers, who have long since discarded a belief of His agency in the affairs of this world, well know how to make use of that zeal and political ignorance to carry on their views against the government. They know, that the power of republican governments resides in the people. To destroy that government, they must weaken the power by dividing the people. And they have spared no pains, and left no measures untried, to do it. But when such men as a WASHINGTON and an ADAMS cannot be trusted with the limited powers of our constitution, and escape censure and calumny – men, who had been so long and faithfully tried in the cause of our country, previous to their appointment to the office of chief magistrate, who had given such evidence of their wisdom, integrity and patriotism, where shall we find men whom we can trust, and who will not be slandered? – where shall we look among all our citizens for characters of more integrity and wisdom? – who can have higher pretensions to our confidence, can give better security for a faithful administration of government, or whose real merit can better turn aside the shafts of calumny, and prevent its malignity on the government? If such men be not worthy of your confidence, we are hopeless indeed. And when we become so corrupt, or so much the dupes of artifice, as to discard and change these for their opposers, we may expect our constitution will be changed also. Or, one which we have as an example before our eyes, it may exist in name, but will not protect us from confiscations and banishment without trial by Jury – that boasted of right freemen, that palladium of liberty. Then we may expect to see in the administration, a chief magistrate who will address us in such language as this: “I leave you the liberty of your republic,” but “I will compose for you a legislative body of wise and honest men!!” 7

To such a construction of liberty, who of us will consent? And if the same be meant by wise and honest men, under such a free government who of us would choose to live, while we can enjoy our own? That we may continue to enjoy it, let us guard against every art and design formed against it; adhere to its principles, and live in the practice of all social and political virtue, and in the exercise of all pious and moral duties. Then may we put our trust in God, and look to him for deliverance in all times of danger. And we have reason, from our past experience, to put our trust in him. How often has he delivered us when in imminent danger? In the early stage of our struggle for liberty, when the enemy bore down all opposition, and spread himself like a torrent through the country; when despair was in almost every countenance, how did he inspire the illustrious WASHINGTON to attempt the scene at Trenton, and turn the scale of victory in our favour, with a few men; – like Jonathan, who, with his armor bearer, smote the host of the Philistines, because the hand of the Lord was with him! When an army from the north poured in upon us, and threatened our destruction, and we saw no adequate means of stopping its progress, how did he put his hook into the nose of this enemy, and deliver him into our hands, in a very unexpected manner! When the treachery of an Arnold endangered our country, and the capture of our military chief, in what a remarkable manner was that conspiracy detected and defeated! The atheist may look to natural causes for these events, and rest in them. I do not presume to say, they were effected by miracles. We saw the natural means which were used to produce them. But who could foresee, or did, that such means were adequate to such effects? The wisest atheist, and the profoundest politician, could not have conjectured that some of these events could have been brought about by such means. They were like the arrow from the bow drawn at a venture; which was directed by the HAND OF PROVIDENCE through the joints of the harness, to effect the death of the king of Israel, according to prophesy. God often effected great things for us by small mean in the course of our revolution. He has done much to shew us (if we had not been convicted before) that an INTELLIGENT BEING governs the world; – “that the MOST HIGH rules in the kingdoms of men.” And what he has done for us is sufficient to confirm our trust in him, and lead us still to hope in his goodness. Let us be humble, repent, and be virtuous, and we may rely on his protection; that he will preserve us as an Independent people. As we see how he formerly rescued us when in imminent danger, so we may consider the discoveries made at this critical period, of the “unfriendly disposition” of the rulers of that nation with whom we have been so intimately connected, in some measure, as the act of His Providence; and that he means to save us.

But we must still work by the means he has given us. We must have confidence in our own rulers, and use our own strength for defense. By trusting to their wisdom and information, and putting confidence in them, we shall have nothing to fear from the foreign influence of the rulers of any nation who may wish to convert us to their own use. By unanimity among ourselves, in the determination to support our own government, we need not fear the success of any foreign power against us. Let us avoid all party spirit and contention; treat each other with mildness in the discussion; and be of one mind with regard to our government, THAT WE WILL OPPOSE ALL FOREIGN INFLUENCE AND INNOVATION IN IT. Let us not be actuated by the spirit of jealousy. In whatever instances our own public interest coincides with that of any other nation, let us not think that our rulers are governed by an undue partiality to that nation, to the prejudice of any other, because they pursue those measures which will promote our own. But rather let us think they are faithful to the4 trust reposed in them, and act wisely; that they act upon better information than we have, are the best judges of what ought to be done, and what will best secure our rights and privileges, and promote our national prosperity and happiness. With this confidence in them, and unanimity among ourselves, let us earnestly pray for the government of our own nation, and of all others, that they may be so formed and administered, that all men “may lead quiet and peaceable lives” under their administration, “in all godliness and honesty: for” such effusions of the heart, accompanied with corresponding actions, are “good and acceptable in the sight of God our savior.”

AMEN

 


Endnotes

1 This and a few other paragraphs were not delivered from the pulpit; but it has been desired the whole might be printed.

2 We have an account, in the relation of the siege of Lyons, that a large concourse of people on the Lord’s day suspended the old and new testament to the tail of an ass; and forming a mock procession, led him through the streets to a square, where they threw the bible into the fire prepared for the purpose, and made the ass drink out of the sacramental cup, in derision of Christianity.

3 Plowden’s Church and State, p. 24.

4 See Buonaparte’s speech to his army before Milan, April 26, 1796.

5 Buonaparte’s answer to the deputation of Milan.

6 The monarch may gather his pride or haughtiness from the greatness of the nation over which he reigns; but perhaps it may be said, that the rulers of this republic only assume a tone of language, which becomes the dignity of the great people over whom they preside. But republicans should not find fault with the haughtiness of monarchs, and assume as much themselves. If it be improper in the former, it does not better become the republican character. If haughtiness be the evidence of a little mind in an individual, it never can add to the dignity of the rulers of a great nation. Such language is too often the effusion of the heart; and, where it is indulged, is very apt to cherish and encourage impositions in arbitrary and tyrannical actions.

7 See Buonaparte’s speech to the deputation of the city of Milan.

Sermon – Fasting – 1798, Massachusetts


David Tappan (1752-1803) was a minister from Massachusetts. He graduated from Harvard in 1772 and was a pastor of a church in Newbury (1774-1792). Tappan was a professor of divinity at Harvard from 1792 through his death.

This sermon was preached on this statewide fast day as a result of a proclamation by Governor Increase Sumner. The text of this sermon has been updated to reflect modern spelling and grammar.


sermon-fasting-1798-massachusetts


A

Discourse

Delivered to the Religious Society
In
Brattle-Street, Boston,
And
To the Christian Congregation
In
Charlestown,
On April 5, 1798.

Being the Day of the Annual Fast
In the
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

By David Tappan.

 

PROVERBS XIV. 34.

RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION; BUT SIN IS A REPROACH TO ANY PEOPLE.

To point out the political springs, the merely natural and secondary causes of national exaltation and depression, is the peculiar province of the historian and the statesman. To trace each of these effects to its moral source, or to display the important influence of virtue and vice in their several forms on the social as well as personal condition of man, is the part of the ethical philosopher, especially of the public religious instructor. To such moral reflections we are invited by the words just read, and by the solemn occasion of this day. For as the true spirit of a public Fast implies a general contrition for past offences and produces future reformation and obedience; so the text urges this pious sorrow and amendment by declaring their utility, yea, indispensible necessity to national happiness. RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION; BUT SIN IS A REPROACH TO ANY PEOPLE.

I shall not detain you with critical remarks on the word RIGHTEOUSNESS in its various scriptural acceptations. It is sufficient to observe that as it here stands opposed to sin, it must be understood in an equal latitude; and must, therefore, comprehend the whole of virtue as it respects God, our neighbor, and ourselves. A truly righteous or just character must, in the view both of reason and revelation, imply supreme love to God and impartial benevolence to man, expressed in a sober, charitable, and godly life. When the Bible designates the various dispositions and offices both of piety and morality by the single character of justice or righteousness, it strongly imports that vital religion in all it is but the payment of a just debt or the conformity of our exercises to truth and right. When it is here predicated of righteousness or religious goodness that it exalteth a nation; the general idea is that it invariably tends to national honor and prosperity and in the ordinary course of things will ultimately secure them. When it is affirmed, on the other hand, that sin is a reproach to any people; the meaning is that every species of irreligion and vice contributes, either directly or remotely, to disgrace, enfeeble, and destroy a community.

The words then, in concurrence with the present solemnity, call our attention to the intimate and solemn connection between the moral character and the general condition of political bodies, especially of Republican Communities like ours.

The opposite effects of righteousness and sin upon civil society may be argued in the FIRST PLACE from the nature of things, or the essential tendencies of virtue and vice.

To place this topic of argument in a clear and strong light, let us distinctly attend to the principal braches of holiness and sin and trace the particular influence of each on the character and state of society.

The first branch of virtue is piety, or suitable regard to GOD. A steady belief, a commanding impression of an invisible Almighty Lawgiver and Judge, diffused through a community may be compared to the vital heat or the enlivening spirits which pervade and animate the human body, supporting and recruiting its various powers of action and enjoyment. This awful and affectionate sense of a Supreme Being lays the strongest bond to fidelity on every member of the public body; for it seizes his conscience, his inmost feelings and springs of action; it sensibly places his whole conduct, with its most secret motives, before the piercing eye of omniscient purity. What force must this have to restrain, yea, to extinguish those numerous lusts and vices, and to encourage and invigorate those multiplied dispositions and offices of virtue which human laws can neither define, inspect, nor reward! How must it disarm those temptations and discouragements which attend the faithful discharge of duty, especially in the higher departments of society! What meaning and efficacy must it give to an Oath, that great hinge of social order, justice, and security! A prevailing principle of piety effectually secures the practice of all those virtues which nourish and adorn a community; it constrains to universal goodness by a view of the perfect character and law, of the present and everlasting favor or displeasure of an infinite Being. – But when this regard to God and a future retribution declines in the avowed principles or reigning manners of a people; when speculative or practical atheism or infidelity is a prominent feature in the public countenance; when the ceremonies of religious worship in the family and the church are lightly esteemed, coldly performed, or entirely neglected; or when these sacred rites are profanely used to cover, to expiate, or to promote worldly and iniquitous designs; such prevailing impiety has a most baneful influence on social order and happiness. It not only argues a high degree of national depravity but it undermines the interests of moral virtue and opens the floodgates to every brutal excess, to every outrageous and destructive vice. If all sense of religion were erased from the human mind, no tie would be left to bind men to regular behavior in society except the fear of legal penalties or of present inconveniencies; and the terror of these would be unspeakably abated. Even capital punishments would, in a great measure, lose their salutary effect if men, with some modern political reformers, regarded death merely as a momentary pang or an endless repose from the toils and inquietudes of the present state. If religious principles were set aside, the most despotic forms of government, the severest laws, the most dreadful tortures would be absolutely necessary and at the same time insufficient to restrain the commission of crimes or to preserve a tolerable degree of order in the societies of men. It is owing, my brethren, to the secret influence of religion that we in this country can safely and advantageously enjoy a free constitution, a mild and liberal administration of civil government. It is this influence which supplies the unavoidable defects of the best political institutions and measures. It is this which softens their rigor and at once enforces and sweetens their observance.

We may even venture to affirm that absurd, superstitious, yea, idolatrous systems of religion are far better both for communities and individuals than avowed impiety and atheism. For though the former operate in numberless ways to debase and injure mankind; yet the mixture of religious and moral truth contained in them exerts on the human character a salutary influence which overbalances the contrary evils. But absolute infidelity, while it robs society of this needful and beneficial influence, leaves nothing in its room but unrestrained license, disorder, and misery. It may, indeed, substitute in place of religion the boasted spirit of philosophy and liberty, of patriotism and philanthropy; the desire of personal safety and honor, combined with the love of national glory. But these principles, not enlightened, strengthened, and controlled by religion are very feeble, uncertain, and capricious both in restraining and prompting human actions. Perverted and stimulated by the evil genius of infidelity, they are in danger of destroying that social virtue and happiness which they affect to guard and promote.

I cannot forbear adding, if a false system of religion has a far better aspect on the public welfare than impiety, how great must be the beneficent influence of a religion wholly pure and divine! Figure to yourselves a community, all whose members are steadily pious and devout upon evangelical principles. Suppose their hearts constantly to feel and cherish that reverential love and gratitude, submission and confidence towards the GOD AND FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST which correspond to the majestic and endearing display of His perfections in the person, doctrine, and redemption of this Son, and which the promised influences of His Spirit are designed to produce, to strengthen, and exalt. Suppose this inward piety daily expressed and improved by secret, domestic, and public offices of devotion and uniformly influencing the temper and conduct of it subjects. I ask, must not the effects of such elevated piety on the public interest be indescribably happy? Must not those noble and commanding principles which are implied in filial veneration of the SUPREME PARENT AND RULER; a sacred ambition to resemble and to please Him by imitating and obeying His glorious and beloved Son and by promoting the virtue and happiness of His rational family; an awful respect to His sovereign authority, His righteous commands, and His final retribution; must not these principles effectually restrain all classes of society from injuring the general peace and prosperity? Will they not give birth to the most mild and equal laws, to the most paternal and beneficent administration of the public concerns, to the most grateful submission and vigorous concurrence on the part of the people? Will not the best abilities and efforts of all the citizens be conscientiously devoted to one object, the advancement of the common good? – But this directly introduces

THE SECOND GREAT BRANCH OF RIGHTEOUSNESS, VIZ. SOCIAL VIRTUE or proper expressions of benevolence towards man.

This part of moral duty is intimately connected with the preceding. The man of religion, regarding his fellow men as the offspring and image of Deity, expresses his affection to the Father by loving and doing good to the children; he studiously imitates and honors God by fulfilling the designs and spreading the triumphs of his infinite benevolence; he obeys both the natural and revealed law of his Creator by steadily practicing every social virtue and thus contributing his part to the general stock of mutual benefits and enjoyments. Thus piety is the broad and effectual basis, while justice and beneficence form the rising and beautiful superstructure of universal goodness. This spirit of justice and kindness in the several members of a State towards one another and the public resembles the mutual sympathy and vigilant care of the various parts of the human body for the welfare of each other and of the whole. Accordingly, a political society actuated throughout by this spirit is like a body in full health. “The rulers, with patriotic zeal performing their proper functions, resemble the greater and lesser arteries, through which the vital fluid flows on without obstruction, and refreshes the most minute and distant parts; while the bulk of the people yielding in their various spheres a ready obedience, and leading an honest and peaceable life, convey back, like the numerous veins, the recurrent fluid to its source; and thus the whole frame is easy, vigorous, and happy.” – The principle of mutual justice and benevolence reigning in a community directly forms the faithful ruler, the obedient subject, the patriotic citizen, the obliging neighbor, the united and prosperous society. Like the great law of mutual attraction, it fixes each member of the political system in his proper station and devoted his whole influence to the order and felicity of the whole. At the same time it gives him the personal and sublime pleasure of conscious goodness and enables him to enjoy, by delightful sympathy, the virtue, friendship, and prosperity of all his fellow members, yea, the whole mass of natural and moral good which is spread over the universe.

But the want of this benevolent disposition on the prevalence of a selfish spirit in society shuts out these refined enjoyments and directly tends to every species of calamity. It destroys social union and order. It turns rulers into rapacious, unfeeling tyrants, and subjects into restless, turbulent demagogues and traitors. It poisons the fountains of justice by subjecting judiciary courts to the pernicious influence of affection or fear, of party prejudice, animosity, if not of gross corruption and venality. It subjects the most important elections to the government of local interest of unprincipled intrigue, or factious malignity. By creating a thousand separate and jarring interests in the bosom of the community it disjoints and convulses the national constitution; while it prompts the votaries of these several idols to sacrifice to them conscience, religion, humanity, country, posterity, and every sacred and endearing obligation. Thus it renders the citizens of a State unrighteous and oppressive, false and perfidious, cruel and revengeful; while it leads its public administration in its treatment of sister communities to violate the most solemn bonds of justice and good faith, and thus expose the nation confided to its care to the merited and perhaps fatal resentment of foreign powers. In a word, selfishness in the moral system operates like a universal principle of repulsion in the natural; it tends to a catastrophe in the former, analogous to that which such a principle would produce in the latter. It evidently leads both to private and public ruin.

In this respect, too, the Christian religion is an unrivalled friend to our social happiness. For it forbids and corrects the vicious and destructive selfishness just described and forms its disciples to the most pure, self-denying, and active benevolence. It sets before us, in the character and benefits of God and His Son, the most alluring patterns and motives of disinterested, condescending, triumphant goodness. It binds us to our fellow men by a variety of peculiar and most engaging ties. It annihilates those degrading distinctions which the littleness of human pride has created and instructs us to regard every man, especially every fellow citizen, as our neighbor and our brother. Thus it exalts the friend and the patriot into the universal philanthropist. It tends to unite the whole world into one peaceful and happy fraternity under the auspices of rational and virtuous liberty. While it requires us to love and do good to all men, it consecrates a peculiar share of our attention to the household of faith; it demands a special regard to the civil and religious interests of our own country, which Providence has especially committed to our care, endeared to our affections, and placed within our notice and influence. Christian patriotism is nothing else than general benevolence embracing, with peculiar sensibility and active energy, that portion of mankind to which our capacity of usefulness imminently reaches. On this ground the Gospel enjoins a cheerful and conscientious submission to the CONSTITUTED AUTHORITIES of our country. It binds us to reverence these authorities as the ORDINANCE OF HEAVEN. In a word, the spirit of Christianity is eminently just and equal, gentle and kind, humble and peaceable, loyal and free. It enforces and exalts the whole train of social virtues. It is, emphatically, the directing and animating genius of republican freedom, order, and happiness. Those individuals or communities who despise the Christian religion or practically contradict its generous maxims have the spirit of tyrants and slaves: their sordid minds are incapable of duly comprehending, enjoying, or defending the superior charms and blessings of genuine freedom.

This leads us to the THIRD ARTICLE of moral goodness, VIZ. PERSONAL VIRTUE; which consists in that temperate and prudent deportment which every man owes to himself, to his private security and happiness. Intemperance, luxury, and debauchery are equally pernicious to individuals and the public. They waste both the bodies and minds of their votaries and render them diseased, effeminate, and timorous; unfit either to plan or to execute any great and noble design. How weak and contemptible must a nation soon become which is generally composed of members like these! What an easy prey to every daring invader! – These vices too, joined with idleness their usual associate, melt down private and public property, produce bankruptcies, stagnate useful arts and improving science, and dissipate or stupefy the mind in such a manner as to render it insensible both of the prevalence of virtuous sobriety and diligence conduces at once to bodily health, to mental vigor and improvement, to flourishing business, to increasing wealth and reputation, and thus to the permanent defense and prosperity of a nation.

In this particular also the Gospel equally befriends our present and future felicity. It lays the ax at the root of irregular appetites, affections, and indulgences, by forbidding the first motions of concupiscence, anger, or hatred in the heart; by offering and conveying supernatural influences to cleanse this fountain of moral action; and by enforcing it as a primary duty to guard our secret thoughts and dispositions. Its doctrines and moral precepts, its motives and examples inculcate a high pitch of moderation and self-denial, of patience and fortitude, of meekness and contentment, of humility and prudence, of conscientious industry in our secular callings, joined with holy diligence in our Christian vocation. Thus the personal, as well as the social and divine virtues of our religion, eminently conduce to exalt a nation.

As the truth of the text is thus confirmed by the natural operation of things; so in the

SECOND PLACE, it is equally established by the MORAL ATTRIBUTES AND GOVERNMENT OF GOD. As the perfect moral rectitude of the Supreme Being may be certainly argued from his natural perfections; so His providential and moral government of His rational creatures is a necessary deduction from both. Those natural tendencies of virtue and vice which we have been considering, are the effects of a divine constitution and agency and, therefore, exemplify a righteous moral administration. But since these tendencies, though powerful and striking, are frequently obstructed in the present state by accidental and temporary causes, we are necessitated to look forward to a future and more perfect order of things; in which the happiness of virtuous individuals and the misery of vicious ones, will be unmixed and complete. But the case with political bodies is in this respect essentially different. These have no existence in a future state. Consequently the rectitude and dignity of the divine government seem to demand a present and conspicuous treatment of such bodies according to their visible moral characters. This is requisite no only to exhibit and maintain the governing righteousness of God but to comfort virtuous nations under temporary affliction, to encourage their efforts in repelling the most powerful, insolent, and prosperous enemies, and to reform or restrain wicked communities by the fear of impending and desolating judgments; a motive which frequently operates upon those who have become hardened against the terrors of a distant future retribution. Some public and striking instances of divine severity against impious, oppressive, or dissolute nations are also necessary to check the progress of infidelity and vice in the surrounding world, to lessen the numbers and break the combinations of wicked men and thus to deliver mankind both from the contagion of their example and the cruel effects of their injustice and tyranny. – This reasoning from the justice and goodness of the Supreme Ruler of nations is sanctioned.

THIRDLY, by the EXPRESS DECLARATIONS OF HIS WORD. AT WHAT INSTANT, SAYS JEHOVAH, I SPEAK CONCERNING A NATION, TO PLUCK UP AND TO PULL DOWN AND TO DESTROY IT; IF THAT NATION AGAINST WHOM I HAVE PRONOUNCED, TURN FROM THEIR EVIL, I WILL REPENT OF THE EVIL WHICH I THOUGHT TO DO UNTO THEM. AND AT WHAT INSTANT I SHALL SPEAK CONCERNING A KINGDOM TO BUILD AND TO PLANT IT, IF IT DO EVIL IN MY SIGHT, THEN I WILL REPENT OF THE GOOD, WHEREWITH I SAID I WOULD BENEFIT THEM. [Jeremiah 18:7-10]

The Bible is full of promises and threatenings of admonitions, expostulations, and entreaties which convey the same general idea. The Theocracy established in the Jewish nation, and the whole train of divine proceedings respecting that people, are conducted upon this principle. This conduct of Deity was designed as a specimen of the usual methods of his administration towards all public bodies; though it does not warrant them to expect such immediate and extraordinary retributions of Providence as were dispensed to ancient Israel. As God was the political Sovereign of the Jews, as they held their peculiar privileges (and even the land of Canaan) on condition of their loyalty; so they were under a peculiarly equal Providence, which not only awarded immediate prosperity or adversity to their general obedience or disobedience but instantly chastised a single presumptuous transgression even of a ceremonial or positive precept. Though in these respects Israel was a distinguished people and though some other nations may seem to derive immediate prosperity from their public or private vices or to be depressed for a time by their strict adherence to virtue; yet reason, Scripture, and fact assure us that national rectitude must and will finally prosper, and that a vicious community will be ultimately degraded and ruined even by those crimes which, at first, produced or assisted its elevation. Agreeably, the declarations and history of the Bible point us not only to God’s covenant people but to many less favored bodies of men who were severely threatened and punished by infinite justice for transgressing those moral and religious obligations which were notified to them merely by the voice of nature and tradition. How much greater reason have those communities to fear similar judgments who, like Israel of old, have enjoyed a supernatural revelation of the true God and His laws, have solemnly owned Him for their King, have been eminently guarded and prospered by His goodness, and yet have publicly dishonored Him by unthankful, irreligious, and immoral behavior! Let the past and present state of the Jews, and of many Christian nations, answer this question.

This brings us in the FOURTH PLACE to observe that the leading sentiment of our discourse is verified by EXPERIENCE. It is inscribed as with a sunbeam on almost every page both of ancient and modern history. It is a well-known fact that the most celebrated states and kingdoms of the earth have risen by virtue and fallen by vice. Even a very partial conformity to religious and moral truth by ignorant and idolatrous nations has been crowned by providence with a glorious temporal reward. Experience proves that political bodies, like the animal economy, have their periods of infancy, youth, maturity, decay, and dissolution. In the early stages of their existence their members are usually industrious and frugal, simple in their manners, just and kind in their intercourse, active and hardy, united and brave. Their feeble, exposed, and necessitous condition in some sort forces upon them this conduct and these habits. The practice of these virtues gradually nourishes them to a state of manly vigor. They become mature and flourishing in wealth and population, in arts and arms, in almost every kind of national prosperity. But when they have reached a certain point of greatness, their taste and manners begin to be infected. Their prosperity inflates and debauches their minds. It betrays them into pride and avarice, luxury and dissipation, idleness and sensuality, and, too often, into practical or scornful impiety. These, with other kindred vices, hasten their downfall and ruin.

The rise and fall of the four great monarchies of the world are striking confirmations of these remarks. The history of the ancient Republics of Greece and Rome is, in this view, peculiarly instructive to the people of America. The prosperity, declension, and ruin of those states, experimentally show that virtue is the soul of republican freedom; that luxury tends to extinguish both sound morality and piety; and that the loss of these renders men incapable of estimating and relishing, of preserving, or even bearing, the blessings of equal liberty.

What a dark veil of ignorance and barbarism, of bondage and wretchedness, have the degeneracy of man and the righteous judgment of God, long since drawn over many extensive countries which once enjoyed the light of science, of freedom, of great worldly glory, yea, of Christian knowledge, virtue, and joy! The justice of offended Heaven has suited its treatment of those once favored but unthankful nations to the complexion and aggravations of their crimes. It has withdrawn from them those temporal and spiritual privileges which they had treated with careless and disdainful neglect or with wanton and licentious abuse; it has doomed them for a series of ages to experience the opposite evils.

Our own times exhibit many affecting instances of the same general fact. A few of these we will notice in as tender and delicate a manner, as justice to the subject will permit.

You cannot, my fellow citizens, forget the striking displays of a righteous Providence which marked the commencement, progress, and termination of the late American Revolution. How signally did just Heaven overrule the oppressive measures of a great European nation towards her colonies in such manner as to make them instruments of their own defeat and of remarkably chastising the wicked selfishness and pride by which they were dictated! How wonderfully did God appear as the Friend and Patron of righteousness by granting uncommon wisdom, union, energy, and success to the councils and efforts of our infant country and by turning to her advantage the most flattering schemes, successes, and prospects of her enemies! How properly and effectually were the corruptions of the parent nation employed by infinite rectitude to punish the similar and growing degeneracy of her children, and in particular to correct and subdue their inordinate affection to and confidence in her, their blind and pernicious imitation of her follies and vices! How conspicuously did Providence make use of the two countries to administer needed and wholesome discipline to each other! By these methods was America qualified for, and led on, to happy and confirmed Independence; Great Britain was prepared to part with her on just and amicable terms; and both nations, thus separated, were disposed to cherish that friendly and beneficial intercourse which they could not enjoy in a nearer connection. What a various and instructive scene of Providential retributions is here! How ought it to live in every American bosom to the latest period of time!

What a memorable chastisement has Providence inflicted on those European powers who, a few years since, combined in a scheme to control the dearest rights and change the internal policy of an independent nation!1 What a series of great and almost unprecedented defeats and calamities has attended this conspiracy! We have seen the invaded nation employed as an eminent executioner of divine wrath upon a large portion of the Christian and Protestant world for its great apostasy, oppression, and wickedness. We have seen this people permitted to shake, and in some instances subvert, those ancient establishments of civil and religious order which had either grown up to systems of debasing and cruel tyranny or, at best, had not been thankfully acknowledged and virtuously improved.

On the other side, that spirit of irreligion and atheism, of domestic faction and tyranny, of foreign ambition and conquest, which has too generally characterized the popular leaders and successive rulers of the nation in question, has been awfully punished by a corresponding series of internal jealousy and disorganization, carnage and misery. While the greatest splendor and triumph have founded their external operations, their condition at home has been and still is a picture of horror. Under the boasted pretext of high republican freedom, it exhibits all the terror and debasement of military despotism. And it is easy to predict that their bold impiety towards God, their insolent treatment of man, their open contempt and violation of those principles which are the only security of union, order, and good faith, either among themselves or with foreign nations, must ultimately draw upon them exemplary national punishment. In this respect they will resemble that haughty Assyrians of old; who, after having, as Jehovah’s rod, scourged the surrounding nations and particularly His own backsliding people for their transgressions, were in their turn conspicuously punished for that very pride, impiety, and cruelty, by which they had unintentionally fulfilled the purpose of heaven.2

In the contemplation of these equally righteous and benevolent yet sublime and mysterious dispensations, can we forbear exclaiming, GREAT AND MARVELOUS ARE THY WORKS, LORD GOD ALMIGHTY; JUST AND TRUE ARE THEY WAYS, THOU KING OF SAINTS. [Revelation 15:4] SURELY THE WRATH OF MAN SHALL PRAISE THEE; AND THE REMAINDER OF WRATH THOU WILT RESTRAIN. [Psalm 76:10]

The preceding doctrine suggests many useful reflections.

It furnishes a strong natural proof of a FUTURE RETRIBUTION. The many signal interpositions of a SUPERIOR POWER in favor of righteousness and for the punishment of sin, the general operation of virtue and vice to the happiness and misery of communities, their strong and immutable tendencies to personal enjoyment and suffering joined with the many circumstances which at present hinder these tendencies from producing their full effect prove, at once, the commencement of a righteous moral administration in this world and its future completion in a more perfect state.

Our subject, by thus pointing to a more perfect order of things hereafter, affords a clue to those perplexing labyrinths in which the conduct of Providence respecting both societies and individuals is frequently involved. Though public bodies are, in general, treated according to their prevailing characters; yet we find that nations, as well as persons, are prevented by various causes from receiving an immediate and full retribution. For as the outward prosperity and calamity of both depend very greatly on the free agency of others and is natural effect; so good and bad communities, as well as individuals, are often so linked together, that they unavoidably share, in considerable degree, the same benefits or evils. As Providence frequently spares and prospers a great sinner that his affluence, power, or luxury may bless his virtuous connections, or that his guilty neighbors may be duly punished by his pride and injustice; so it sometimes apparently smiles upon a wicked nation for the sake of its few worthy members; for the benefit of its deserving allies or dependents; for the accomplishment of some great work of justice and utility exactly suited to its temper and circumstances; or lastly, that the Divine character may be signally honored, and mankind eminently instructed by its final and remarkable punishment. If irreligious or immoral societies were in all cases amply and speedily punished, no proper scope would be left for that trial, discovery, and maturity of individual characters which are necessary to prepare them for a future state. Wicked men would be cut off from those opportunities and means of repentance which a state of probation requires; and righteous individuals, being intimately connected in society with a vicious majority, would too generally, as well as prematurely, perish from the earth. The actual measures, therefore, of the Divine government towards communities and particular persons appear full of wisdom and beauty. While the former receive such a recompense of their conduct, as gives a general though incomplete display of the governing justice of God; the latter have sufficient advantages and motives to prepare for and confidently expect the ultimate triumph of virtue in the unmixed and endless happiness of its friends, and the final destruction of its obdurate enemies.3

This leads us to infer the UNRIVALLED EXCELLENCY OF THE CHRISTIAN REVELATION and our obligations to God for blessing us with it. By ascertaining a perfect moral government and a future recompense, by insuring pardon to repentance, present succor and everlasting bliss to feeble, imperfect, and afflicted virtue, Christianity at once justifies the ways of God, and furnishes man with the best motives and helps to universal goodness. While the best human legislators and philosophers have set up temporal good as the object of their institutions, and called in religion and morality merely as engines of worldly policy; the Christian Lawgiver holds up spiritual and everlasting good as the prize of his followers. But though political and national prosperity is but a secondary object of our religion; yet its doctrines and rules, while they form individuals for the kingdom of Heaven, secure to society the greatest earthly felicity. Though the salutary influence of this divine system has been greatly obstructed by human error and wickedness, it would be easy to show that it has in fact unspeakably meliorated civil society; that it has in many important particulars improved the laws, customs, and manners of nations, and thus augmented the sum of virtue and happiness in a degree which baffles computation.

Let us then, my Brethren, reverence and sacredly adhere to the principles of righteousness, especially of Christian piety and morality. Let us regard these as the only foundation either of private or social happiness. I am sensible that modern infidelity pretends to great benevolence and public utility as well as to liberal, philosophic refinement. But recent facts have proved that no spirit is more bigoted and fanatical, more imposing and sanguinary, than that of impiety and atheism, especially when united with pretended or misguided ardor for republican equality. This spirit in a part of Europe has, indeed, abolished the objects and ceremonies of popish superstition; but it has created a thousand new imaginary deities, which under the names of reason, nature, philosophy, liberty, or abstract moral virtue, have been adored with as much veneration, and the least dissent even in speculation from the established idolatry has been persecuted with as much ferocity as ever characterized the dark and bloody ages of popery. What advantage then can Americans propose to themselves or their country by exchanging Christianity for infidelity, and thus introducing what some call the golden age of reason? Suppose, for a moment, that our religion were as visionary, as deceitful, or as slavish a superstition, as some pretend: Yet, experiment has abundantly shown that irreligion subjects mankind to a superstition far more degrading and cruel and at the same time destroys those mighty restrains from vice and engagements to virtue which the Gospel provides. Even the professed enemies of this institution derive from it not only that religious knowledge which they employ against it, but that regular and apparently virtuous character which renders any of them useful members of society. In a word, as a free government like ours, which originates from and is supported by the people, must owe its success to their enlightened virtue; so this virtue must receive its chief animation, stability, and improvement from religious and Christian principles.

We learn then who are the truest friends to their country. They are those whose example and influence contribute the most to cherish and extend the knowledge and practice of righteousness and to prevent or eradicate infidelity and wickedness.

We also learn with how ill a grace those persons boast of their patriotism, and publish their zeal for the liberty and happiness of the people, who are themselves the slaves of vice or the patrons of irreligion.

Further, our subject may assist us to a right understanding and performance of the solemn business of this day. Both reason and Scripture assure us that no forms of humiliation for sin, whether public or private, can be either sincere or beneficial which do not involve an effectual resolution to forsake our evil ways and return to the practice of universal righteousness. Our leading petition, therefore, on this occasion of prayer, should be for the influences of God’s Holy Spirit to renew our hearts and reform our lives. Such a reformation is the main ingredient both of personal and national prosperity. We have no warrant to wish or pray for outward and public blessings without a concurring, yea, ruling desire, of that Heavenly grace which will at once insure the virtuous use of these blessings and qualify us for far nobler and more lasting enjoyments. To confine our secret wishes to a prosperous year in temporal respects argues at once low sensuality, egregious folly, and daring impiety. It discovers a mind blind and dead to the true happiness and glory of man. It implies a request to God to protect and prosper us in sin or to become a minister to our carnal lusts. It involves a prayer for that, which if granted, will only pollute and destroy us. In short, it implies the absurd desire of a natural impossibility, viz. to be made happy without a right disposition and practice.

That our united humiliations may be sincere, our petitions fervent, and our future behavior agreeable to both, let us this day solemnly review our individual and national transgressions. Let us lament before the throne of God that growth of speculative and practical infidelity; that cold and contemptuous treatment of the truths and ordinances of our holy religion; that decay of the social and patriotic virtues; that rage for wealth, amusement, and splendor; that servile attachment to foreign principles and manners, whether in religion, politics, or the common modes of life; that unthankful and murmuring temper, amidst distinguished national blessings; that unnatural jealousy and censure of the best public characters and measures; in short, that growing apostasy from the exemplary piety and virtue of our venerable but imperfect ancestors, which too much characterize the present generation. Let us realize the aggravated turpitude of these evils in a community so enlightened, so exalted by Divine favors as ours. Let us consider the threatening aspect of these dispositions and manners on our personal and everlasting welfare, on the rising glory of our young confederate republic, and on the great interests of liberty, good government, and Christianity throughout the world.

In this connection let me bring home to your bosoms and my own the concluding words of the late excellent Doctor Price, in his Advice to America. “If the return of peace and the pride of independence should lead them (the Americans) to security and dissipation; should they lose those virtuous and simple manners, by which alone Republics can long subsist; should false refinement, luxury, and impiety spread among them, excessive jealousy distract their government, and clashing interests break the federal union; the consequence will be, that the fairest experiment ever tried in human affairs will miscarry; and a revolution which had revived the hopes of good men, and promised an opening to better times, will prove only an opening to new scenes of human degeneracy and misery.”

If this great friend to America and mankind justly entertained such anxious apprehensions for the result of our revolution at the date of his Advice; what would have been his feelings had he lived to the present moment? Is not the present crisis far more threatening to the freedom and order, the religion and happiness of both hemispheres? Are not the people of this country in a very hazardous predicament arising from the influence of various causes, especially from the prevalence of party spirit both in our national councils and among our citizens at large? Is not this spirit peculiarly inauspicious at a time when our very existence as a sovereign and independent nation is threatened from abroad? At such a period of external danger how devoutly is it to be wished that the noble spirit of 1775 may revisit every American bosom; a spirit of united invincible attachment to our own country; a determination to sacrifice every local interest, every dividing prejudice and passion, to the common safety; and a resolute trust in God to prosper us in our own necessary and righteous defense against the claims and assaults of insolent foes! Let us remember the high toned spirit of that memorable period and what heroic achievements it accomplished. Let us call the same spirit to our aid at the present crisis. Let us lose every party feeling and epithet in the glorious title of independent Americans. Let us renew that solemn oath which introduced and sealed our national existence; an oath that we will not be dependent upon or tamely submit to any power on earth; that we will acknowledge no master but God alone. For the sake of preserving the blessings of peace, let us be willing to give up everything but our national honor and essential interests. These let us sacredly defend and transmit at every possible hazard. For the security of these interests let us, above all things, return to and place our confidence in the God of our fathers, in the way of sincere repentance, obedience, and prayer. Then we may firmly hope that the present dark clouds will ere long dissipated. Then, according to the beautiful language of the Prophet, THEN SHALL OUR LIGHT BREAK FORTH AS THE MORNING, AND OUR HEALTH SHALL SPRING FORTH SPEEDILY; AND OUR RIGHTEOUSNESS SHALL GO BEFORE US; AND THE GLORY OF THE LORD SHALL BE OUR REARWARD. [Isaiah 58:8]

FINIS.


Endnotes

1 Should we even suppose, with some politicians, that France was the real aggressor in the late extensive European war; yet this circumstance cannot justify the original and well known objects of the coalition formed against her; since this coalition went much farther than mere self-defense and meditated on attack on her essential freedom and property. On this principle the above remarks appear to me well founded and proper.

2 Though the author has touched upon the affairs of two great European powers with studied brevity, caution, and impartiality, that he might not needlessly irritate the sprit of party, or grieve any weak and prejudiced hearers or readers; yet the late conduct of one of those governments towards its own subjects, towards neighboring countries, and especially towards America, must, he thinks, soon open the eyes of all our sober citizens and unite them in prudent yet vigorous measures of defense. Even our ardent affection to the people of France must impel us to make a stand against those self-seeking tyrants who have bound the and their legislature in the most cruel chains. Our respect to the general order, dignity, and happiness of our species forbids us, by abject submission, to encourage and strengthen the determined plunderers and oppressors of mankind. Our reverence of the SUPREME RULER and regard to Christian piety and morality, forbid us to countenance those who are the avowed enemies of His throne and existence and who are zealously employed in exterminating His holy religion. Finally, our own dearest interests as a free and independent nation must forbid our degrading and ruinous submission to the insolent and rapacious demands of foreign despots.

The writer feels himself both warranted and obliged to use this explicit and decided language by the recent communications of the President to Congress. The open sincerity and rectitude, the moderation and humility which mark the proposals of our Government and the conduct of is envoys, form a most striking contrast the mingled pride and meanness, the unblushing avarice and profligacy, which appear on the opposite side. This contrast affords to the American people matter of honest triumph and pious gratitude, as well as much useful instruction. It calls upon us to rejoice and bless God that the United States have, from the beginning of their revolution to this day, been favored with MEN OF VIRTUOUS PRINCIPLES to lead and protect them both in war and peace; and in particular that, at this awful crisis, they have a President who has long approved himself and honest man, an able politician, and inflexible patriot, and an exemplary Christian; whose established character, joined with his manifest interest, his high responsibility and ample means of information, effectually confutes the calumnies of his domestic and foreign enemies and claims the liberal confidence and respect of his fellow citizens.

3 The above paragraph, and a few other sentences in this discourse, were omitted in the delivery for want of time.

Sermon – Execution – 1797

sermon-execution-1797The Rev. Nathan Strong (1748-1816) was born in Connecticut. He attended Yale, graduating in 1769 (he went on to receive a D.D. degree from Princeton in 1801). Rev. Strong was set in as pastor of the First Church of Hartford in 1774. Interestingly, both his father, also named Nathan, and brother, Joseph, were clergymen as well. Strong became a chaplain in the patriot army during the American Revolution, and was a strong supporter of the American cause. He later was a chief founder and a manager of the Connecticut Missionary Society (founded in 1798), and was involved in the ” Connecticut Evangelical Magazine,” which lasted fifteen years. In this “execution sermon,” preached before Richard Doane was executed for the murder of Daniel M’Iver, Rev. Strong reminds his listeners (including Doane) of the terrible consequences of a sinful life apart from God, and urges them to be reconciled to God through Christ.


A Sermon Preached in Hartford
June 10th, 1797

At the Execution of Richard Doane

by Nathan Strong, minister of the North Presbyterian Church in Hartford

Hosea 11:6
For I desire mercy and not sacrifice, and the knowledge of God more than burnt offerings. 1

I have chosen these words for the subject of my discourse by the particular desire of the unhappy man, who is to be executed this day. He considers himself held up before mankind, as a warning of the bitter consequences of sin and the danger of living immorally and thoughtless of God. He has desired me to employ the present short opportunity, which we have for religious worship, both in advising him for his solemn appearance before the tribunal of his Judge, and in reminding those who are spectators, that unless we repent we shall all likewise perish and that those who forget God, and disobey his commandments, though they may escape an ignominious end in this world, must in eternity expect to meet evils more dreadful than the pain or shame of execution by the hands of men.

The occasion is very solemn and affecting. I hope we may improve the hour in receiving instruction from his spectacle, and in earnest prayer that the man who is soon to die, may find mercy and salvation in God before whom he is soon to come.

The scripture of which my text is a part, describes the sin of men, the reason of God’s displeasure with them, and the necessity and wisdom of his judgments.

I shall, first, paraphrase the text in connection with the context.

Secondly, make such an improvement as naturally arises from the passage and from the occasion of our meeting.

In the verses before the text God says,

O Ephraim what shall I do unto thee? O Judah what shall I do unto thee? For your goodness is as a morning cloud, and as the early dew it passeth away – Therefore have I hewed them by my prophets; I have slain them by the words of my mouth; and thy judgments are as the light that goeth forth. They like men have transgressed the covenant, there have they dealt treacherously against me.

This is a description of their conduct as it was seen by the eye of Omniscience. Our text also describes the temper and practice to which forgiveness is encouraged. For I desire mercy more than sacrifice; and the knowledge of God more than burnt offerings. Mercy and a knowledge of God, in this passage, mean true holiness and a conformity of heart to the moral character of God, and spiritual obedience to his commandments. The men, whom our text reproved, had the means of religion and a doctrinal acquaintance with their duty. They had knowledge, instruction, and warning, as we have at the present day. They sometimes resolved and promised a religious life, and from these transient resolutions of an awakened hour, they hoped God would be merciful; but God says, their goodness or consideration was as the morning cloud, and as the early dew that passeth away. They resolved to serve God, only when they feared his judgments, and were forced to consideration, by some melancholy spectacle of the danger of sin, as we are at the present moment. God hewed them by his prophets, He warned them by the ministers of religion, of the end to which they must come without repentance. He slew them by the words of his mouth, by his law and threatenings, denounced the certain consequences of forgetting him and his commandments. Because judgment against their evil works was not instantly executed, they determined God to be like themselves, and hoped there was no evil to come. To teach them there was an evil to come, his judgments were as a light that shineth. The judgments of God in this world are most wonderfully appointed. The state of probation in which men are placed, forbids the full execution of justice upon them. This would be inconsistent with such use of means as are appointed unto repentance; still if there were no judgments they would wholly forget God. He therefore appoints his judgments in wonderful wisdom, so as not to prevent a state of trial, and at the same time remind us that the wages of sin are death. There are so many of God’s judgments on sin, that if our hearts are set to do evil because the full punishment is not speedily executed, the conduct is most unreasonable. His judgments are as a light that goeth forth, confirming the sentence of his law, that the wages of sin are death. They have been so from the beginning, and are before our eyes on this solemn occasion.

In further describing those whom God reproved, he says, they like men transgressed the covenant, in the greatest part of those who indulge, themselves, may fitly be called treachery. In some general sense, they profess to believe he is God, and promise to obey him; but where the heart is disobedient, and his character and law are not reverenced and loved, the whole is a treacherous profession; and if those who make it, are ever brought to see God and themselves truly, they will be sensible it is the case.

The character drawn in the context applies to a great variety of persons. To those who against knowledge live in the vicious indulgence of their passions and appetites; who having sufficient evidence there is a God, go through days and years in forgetfulness of him, in impiety, profaneness, thinking only of time, the world and present amusements: To those who do not realize their obligation to live for the glory of their maker: to those, whose minds are so much taken up with the present things, as to forget they are soon to die and come into judgment: To those who live without prayer and in neglect of the institution of religion; and to all who have not a supreme love of God, his law, and government. The great defects of all such persons are that they have not that holiness, mercy, and knowledge of God in their hearts and practice in which true obedience consists. Being destitute of a true love of God, and carnal and selfish in their whole disposition, and unfeeling of moral obligation, it is strange they do not commit more of those crimes that must be punished by the hand of civil justice.

A want of love and obedience to God implies a heart capable of any other crime. He who fails in love, and is unjust and treacherous to his God is certainly, by the same disposition, capable of enmity and treachery to his fellow-creatures. And when we see very many, who give no evidence of a delight in God; it must be imputed to special divine respect and care, that we are not much oftener called to such solemn scenes as are before us this day. When we look on an unhappy man whom God hath left to expose himself to this death, we may fitly realize a distinguishing goodness of God, that we are not in his place. Though not under the sentence of human laws, we are condemned by the divine law. The goodness of the best hath been too much like a morning cloud. It is God’s providence and not our own natural dispositions, which hath preserved us from punishable crimes. There is no safety in that evil heart, which deals treacherously towards God, by not loving him; and which is destitute of an experimental knowledge of his sanctifying grace. If we are sanctified by his Holy Spirit, sovereign grace hath done the work; and if not sanctified, the only cause which preserves, is that Almighty power, in the world. The best preservative is mercy and a knowledge of God. These in our text, stand opposed to sacrifice and burnt offering. The first means a holy conformity to the divine goodness, and a sanctifying knowledge of God and his commandments. This is a divine temper of the soul, which resists temptation – makes sin appear hateful – and delights in glorifying God, and in doing good to men. The last sacrifice and burnt offering, as they stand opposed in the text to mercy and a knowledge of the Lord, mean that general or formal unaffecting belief of God, his law, and our own duty; and that inconstant attention to the institution of religion, which are consistent with a greater love of the world and its interests, of ourselves and our own lusts, than we have of God himself. In this, there is little efficacy for preservation. And all of his character ought to feel that it is God’s care of the world and not their own principles, which keep them from sudden ruin in time and eternity. In those principles of sin, which deny God his right, men can find no safety to themselves; nor can there be any safety to the word. Public safety in the midst of such principles must be ascribed to the controlling power of the Almighty; and when the time comes, either in this or the next world, that the shining of his judgments is necessary for the general good, he will leave the sinner to show himself and meet deserved punishment.

Secondly, I am to make such an improvement on the subject as naturally arises from the passage that hath been paraphrased, and from the occasion of our meeting. And I shall do this, first, with reference to the congregation at large. Secondly in special application to the unhappy man, who is to go from hence to the place of his execution?

1. Both to the subject and the occasion teach how much God is displeased with us, if we are not holy sanctified in our temper and practice. If we have not that true knowledge of God, which implies pure affections of the heart, our state is full of danger, both for time and eternity. The common mercies and bounties of providence are no evidence God is pleased with us, for these he bestows both on the good and the evil, the just and the unjust. How many ungrateful men he feeds and clothes. To how many vicious men doth he grant the common preservation of life, even preserving them for a season, from the destruction that naturally follows their criminal appetites and passions? God doth not this to encourage sin; but by an exhibition of his forbearance, to draw them to repentance, and to preserve the world in such a state of peace, as is the best probation for eternity. All who have not a true knowledge of God are under his displeasure. He doth not preserve because he is pleased with them. Their doctrinal knowledge will not avert the final judgment. Their general profession of Christianity will not save them. Unless their hearts be changed the time will soon come, either in this or another world, when the judgment of God will go forth against them, to show his own holiness, and to make his own kingdom very glorious.

2. We ought to consider the danger to ourselves that is inbred with the principles of sin and a departure from God. Sin cannot be made a safe thing. The ingredients of a hell, both present and future, are in its very nature. Why are not the sinners of this world perfectly miserable beings at this moment? Not because their principles do not lead to it; but God to answer his infinitely wise purposes, holds them from it. Sin admits no happiness in the enjoyment of God, nor in a view of his law and government. It destroys peace of conscience and that inward harmony, which makes existence blessed. It counteracts all social felicity, turning men’s hands and hearts against one another. While a sinful creature dreads God as his judge, he ought to dread himself as the immediate instrument of his own wretchedness. He carries in his own bosom the cause and means of his unhappiness, and there can be no safety to him in his own principles. Instead of thinking hard of God, for those evils, which his sins bring upon him, he ought to adore that preserving goodness which hath hitherto kept him from utter ruin.

3. This occasion is a solemn instruction, not only in the dangerous nature of sinful principles in general, but of several particular kinds of sin, which are very prevalent among mankind. Intemperance is a sinful habit, which ruins a great number of mankind, and leads them to such high crimes as are capitally punished by the laws of men. I am charged by my own conscience, and desired by the unhappy man who suffers this day, on the present occasion to speak freely of the dangers of this sin. Though this man has hitherto denied any [preconceived], malicious intention of murder, he speaks in most feeling terms of the danger of sin of forgetting God, and of an unchaste, intemperate life. He traces back most of his unhappiness in life, and especially this awful scene, to impure connections and to intemperance. The sin of drunkenness hath been a principal means of bringing him to this case. And he is only one of many thousands of mankind, who have come to the same end by the same means. A mind intoxicated with liquor is prepared to mingle with the most impure and abandoned companions, and to commit any violence. Almost every violence that takes place in civilized society, and family unhappiness may be traced to intemperance as their cause. How many rational creatures it turns into beasts of prey! How many families it clothes with rags and deprives of bread! How often it disturbs the otherwise peaceful neighborhood! How many it brings to death by the hand of public justice! How many souls it ruins for both worlds! Those who give themselves up to this sin, rashly defy all possible misery. This prevailing vice, is greatly promoted by tippling houses and dram shops, where the incautious gradually acquire a habit which proves their ruin. Every such place is a deep evil in society, and a nursery for murder and eternal ruin. I do not know any way in which the civil authority can make themselves more worthy of respect, or do greater good to the public, who are placed under their care, than by a faithful execution of our good laws, against such places and against those persons who give themselves up to intemperance. If any think I speak too freely on this subject, as my vindication, I beg them to look to that spectacle now in our eyes. Look to yonder place of execution, around which we shall soon be gathered, to behold the most awful of all sights. And let us remember that this event is as a light, which shineth, teaching us the present nature of sin, and the more awful judgments of God on such as live and die unreformed.

I am in the last place to apply myself to the man who is soon to die.

My unhappy fellow creature, I call you unhappy in the sight of men, as one whom the holy providence of God appoints to an ignominious death. There is, nevertheless, room for you to be eternally happy in the world to which you are soon going. It is the glory of the gospel, that it proclaims salvation to the chief of repenting sinners, through Jesus Christ. If you have repented of all your sins, you may go by this death to which you are appointed, to a heaven of glorious and eternal happiness. If you have truly repented, the riches of divine grace in Jesus Christ and the sovereignty of divine love will be glorified in plucking you as a brand out of the burning, from that vicious, inconsiderate and prayerless life, in which you acknowledge you have generally lived. If you have truly repented, you will thank God forever, even for these severe means of saving you from your sin. But remember that it is a hard question for men to determine, whether they have repented, and you have only an hour or tow more to examine. I am sensible that you profess to believe most of those doctrines, which Christians generally receive and also to hope that you have been forgiven by God, through a true repentance and faith. But as your eternal happiness is depending, you cannot review this matter too closely in the few moments you have left. Pray, pray earnestly to God, that he would enlighten, while I make some remarks for your assistance. The infinite goodness of God is an acknowledged truth; but this is no certain evidence you are going to happiness, for his goodness may require him to punish you in another world as he doth in this. Your doctrinal knowledge will not save; for the heart is often very bad, where the understanding is well indoctrinated. Your own righteousness will not save you; for certainly, you have nothing of your own, but a life of sin to present before your judge, visible sins, and a heart full of sin and forgetfulness of your Maker. It must be pure gospel – pure sovereign grace – pure sanctifying grace, that saves you if you be saved. If you feel as though there ever has been, or now is, anything in you deserving of God’s favor; if you think your cries and prayers form any kind of challenge on God; this would prove you destitute of true Christian humility and still unforgiven. Christ’s promises in the gospel are many and glorious; but you have no right to place any dependence on these, of being ever happy; unless your heart hath complied with the conditions on which they are made. They are made only to a holy repentance, and other gracious affections of the same moral nature. Every man will in some sense repent, when he meets the bitter fruits of sinning; but this is more property called mourning for the punishment than for the sin. Hating misery is no evidence of hating sin. Flying from punishment, is no evidence of flying from transgression.

If your repentance be holy and sincere, you will mourn for your sin, more on account of the dishonor done to God, and his kingdom, than for the shame and condemnation it brings on yourself. You will hate it as unreasonable – as contrary to the most solemn moral obligation – and base in its very nature.

A holy love doth not arise form an apprehension, that God will bestow great benefits on you personally. To love God, only because we think he loves us, is what every unforgiven, unholy sinner may do. The infinite perfection of God’s nature, law and government, is the reason for which a true penitent loves him; and if he supposed that he should never be forgiven himself, he would still say the Lord’s character is lovely.

A saving faith is a receiving of Christ, as glorious in his nature, whole character and offices. To rely on him as a deliverer from punishment and not from sin, is not a gracious exercise. To the true believer, Christ’s power to sanctify appears like a most excellent part of his mediatorial character. If you are a gospel penitent, you will feel a sensible love of God’s law, and choose it as the rule of your affections, though you now it condemns you. You will say his providence is right – you will rejoice that he reigns, and have no desire to take the government from his hands.

I have plainly expressed to you some principal Christian exercises, by which you are in this solemn moment to try yourself. A consciousness that you possess these exercises, is the only certain evidence of God’s mercy to you, and that you are prepared to die. If you have become a penitent man; though conscious of your own total unworthiness, it will be a pleasure to you to pray to God, and to humble yourself before him in the deepest expressions of self abasement. Prayer to God is the most useful manner in which you can spend the short remainder of your life. Prayer will bring God into your view and the more truly you see God, the more truly also you will see yourself and feel your guilt. Look to him to forgive a sinner, who deserves nothing but to be eternally cut off. Ask mercy and the forgiveness of your sins, for the sake of Jesus Christ. If you have any thing in your heart against any man, now forgive and pray for him; for he who doth not forgive, shall not be forgiven. Feel as though you had no enemies but your own sins; and realize that none but God can sanctify you.

May the Lord go with you from this place, and give you a humble fortitude in the event you are to meet; and when your eyes are closed in death, may God have mercy on your soul. AMEN.


NOTES

[1] The preacher is sensible that many will suppose the text improper for the occasion. It was chosen by the prisoner, and he could not be so well pleased with another. It appeared that what he supposed Divine light, and an astonishing view of God’s character, broke in upon his mind in reading this passage.

Sermon – Election – 1797, Massachusetts


John Mellen (1752-1828) graduated from Harvard in 1770. He was a tutor at Harvard (1780-1783) and pastor of a church in Barnstable, Massachusetts. The follow election sermon was preached by Mellen in Massachusetts on May 31, 1797.


sermon-election-1797-massachusetts

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In Senate, May 31st, 1797.

ORDERED, That Peleg Coffin, Thomas Dawes and Isaac Thompson, Esq’rs. be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Mellen, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Sermon delivered by him, this day, before His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council, and the two Branches of the General Court, and request a copy for the press.

True copy of Record,

EDWARD McLANE, Clerk of the Senate.
A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE

His Excellency the GOVERNOR,

AND

The Honourable LEGISLATURE,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNUAL ELECTION.

May 31, 1797.

By JOHN MELLEN, JUN.
ONE OF THE MINISTERS OF Barnstable.

AN

ELECTION SERMON.

1st PETER, 2d.—xv.
“FOR SO IS THE WILL OF GOD, THAT WITH WELL DOING YE MAY PUT TO SILENCE THE IGNORANCE OF FOOLISH MEN.”

 

This declaration of the apostle, directed to Christians, and designed, to instruct and caution them, while under the government of heathen rulers, may, it is presumed, without impropriety, be recommended to the consideration both of rulers and ruled, now that Christianity is their common religion. As the circumstance no longer exists, which directed the observations and counsels of the apostles, relative to civil government, principally to subjects and their duties; and as being misrepresented by ignorance, and slandered by folly are evils to which subjects are by no means exposed alone, may I not well be justified in giving to the text such a latitude of application, as has been suggested?

A view of the words in their connexion, may lead to some previous observations on the ORIGIN and DESIGN OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT, and the aspect of CHRISTIANITY upon it.

“Submit yourselves, saith the apostle, to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake: whether it be to the king as supreme; or unto governours, as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of God, that with well doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men.”

It is of little importance whether we allow, to the first quoted words, the construction which our translation gives them, or, with some learned divines, instead of every ordinance of man, read every human creature; that is, every person in authority; civil rulers of every rank and description. If civil government be considered by this apostle, as an ordinance of man, he does not in thus representing it, contradict another apostle, who says, “the powers that be are ordained of God.” He has ordained them, because they are agreeable to the constitution of the world, which he has established. It is evidently his will that civil government should exist, because he is a God of order and not of confusion; because the nature of mankind, their social disposition, their wants, their passions, their irregularities and their vices clearly indicate its expediency and importance. We are by no means obliged to conclude, from a command, to be in subjection to the existing powers, because they are ordained of God: or to submit to every person in civil authority, of whatever name, rank or degree of power, for the Lord’s sake, that all rulers derive their authority immediately from God. We may not infer that he has so pointed out the particular manner in which we should be governed, or the degree of power which every ruler ought to possess, that civil government, as to its form, and mode of administration, may not be properly styled an ordinance of man.

Government has its remote origin in the nature of mankind: Or, the ruler’s power is indirectly derived from HIM who is the author of that nature. Its immediate origin, as relative to particular nations and communities of men, has been far from uniform. The only proper source of the ruler’s power, at least, when extended farther than that of a parent over his family, is, under God, the people or community, who are the subjects of his government. We believe that the people only have the right to determine the nature and form of their political constitution. But we readily allow that facts are, in many instances, at variance with right; and that the theory which supposes the obligation to civil obedience derived from an original social compact, is not universally, or in general, supported by the history of nations. Many, if not most of the governments now existing in the world, probably originated in conquest. Or, however their foundations were at first laid, they have, through various changes, been matured to what they now are. And it is far from true, that their present forms are the result of a general compact among the people, or are a just expression of their will, unless their submission to them be considered as implicit consent. The instance of a numerous people, unawed by any foreign power, uncontrolled by any internal oppressor, calmly collecting the wisdom and the will of the whole community; coolly examining first principles; freely discussing and declaring their natural rights, and on such a firm and rational basis, deliberately erecting a constitution of government for themselves, is a spectacle not less singular than august, even in modern, more enlightened times. Nor will it, I trust, be considered as favouring of national pride, rather than as expressive of just gratitude to heaven, if I add, that to no instance among the few which modern times have exhibited, claiming any title to the above description, is it so fully applicable, as to that of our own highly favoured country.

As to the design or final cause of government, we feel no more doubt than with regard to its legitimate origin, or the proper source of the ruler’s power. That is the general good of the people, as this is their general will. I should blush for my country, or for myself, did I hesitate to say, that we are agreed in exploding the absurd idea of the many being made for the few; and of rulers, as such, not living for the people, rather than the people for them: or did I suppose that it could be felt as any disparagement by the latter, to be styled the servants of the public. Their usefulness is their honour; and they are great in proportion as they minister to the general good. This, however, does by no means suggest that a consciousness of their being benefactors, ought to be their only reward.—While acting in character, they merit not only the esteem and respect of the people, but have a right to find their own interests promoted by their exertions for the benefit of others. If they are servants, they are by no means slaves. They are not bound to give their labors to the public, without an honourable compensation; though in common with others, they ought to be under the influence of those sublime principles of patriotism and religion, which may induce them, when peculiar occasion calls, to make such sacrifices for their country’s welfare, as nothing but the gratitude and affection of their country can repay.

This representation of the design of government and the ruler’s power is not less agreeable to scripture, than it is to enlightened reason; and is indeed, suggested by the apostle in the words preceding the text. He speaks of governors as sent “for the punishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well.” The office of the ruler or magistrate is not less honorable or necessary because a part, and no small part, of the good which it produces is of the negative kind, or consists in preventing evil. And if the punishing or preventing of evil seem, according to the apostle’s representation, to be the object of government and its laws, rather than recompencing such as do well: or we be ready to ask why praise is the only recompense allotted to well-doing, while punishment is the portion of those who do evil; we shall nevertheless find his manner of expression sufficiently accurate, if we consider that well-doing, in the sense here made use of, is its own reward. He who carefully observes the laws of society; who is just, faithful, sober and temperate, and wisely pursues the path of honest industry, finds his advantage in so doing, without any direct reward from the government under which he lives. Virtue tends to happiness. Such is the constitution of heaven. This tendency, indeed, is often counteracted by the follies and vices of men. A virtuous individual might be happy in the state of nature; at least he might be free from those evils and injuries against which government is calculated to protect him, if all around were as innocent and virtuous as he. The primary design of government, therefore is, not so much to render the subjects of it positively happy, as to prevent their being rendered miserable by the violence, injustice, fraud or negligence of their fellow men. This appears to be in perfect conformity to the apostle Paul’s ideas, when he exhorts that “supplications, prayers, intercessions and giving of thanks be made for all men; for kings, and for all that are in authority, that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life, in all godliness and honesty.”

It is to be observed, however, that all laws are not of the penal kind, or designed to deter from the commission of crimes. Some propose rewards. Their immediate object is to encourage exertions, in a particular line, calculated to promote the general good. And many others, though neither directly penal, nor of the kind last mentioned, are professedly designed to increase the public emolument, strength and prosperity, while they secure the peace and liberty of virtuous individuals. In a word, civil government, when wisely and faithfully administered, is as really calculated as it is designed to improve the condition of mankind, and to widen the sphere of their enjoyments, as well as to regulate and protect them. A very extensive sense may, therefore, be justly given to the Apostle’s expression, when speaking of the civil ruler: “He is the minister of God to thee for good.”

No man who impartially reads the exhortations of St. Peter in the context, with those of St. Paul in his epistle to the Romans, and in his charge to Titus, relative to civil obedience and subjection; and recollects the language of our Saviour, on which his conduct was so just a comment, with reference to the same subject, can refuse to acknowledge that the Christian religion sufficiently inculcates submission to government, and looks with a very friendly aspect on civil order and subordination.

Indeed, so strongly and with so little limitation has Christianity enjoined submission to the ruling powers, as to give some degree of plausibility to the charge of its being unfriendly to the liberty of the subject, and the unalienable rights of men. The doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, so favourable to the selfish views and ambition of tyrants, and so degrading to the human character in general, has presumed to derive its origin from this religion, or at least, with confidence appealed to it for support. It is presumed, however, that the expressions in the New Testament, which seem most to favour the beloved doctrine of tyrants, may be fairly explained and accounted for, in such a manner that they will appear to give no real countenance to such a doctrine; and further, that upon an impartial view of the Christian religion, we shall find abundant reason to acknowledge that it is most friendly to rational liberty, and that the spirit of it is most congenial to that of free governments.

There is good reason for supposing that the exhortations of the Apostles, recommending quiet submission to the ruling powers, were occasioned, especially by, and had a particular reference to a prejudice which then existed in the minds of the Gentiles, and was taken advantage of by the Jews, against the Christians, as though they were enemies to all government, and thought themselves on account of their relation to Christ, freed from all subjection to any earthly power. This prejudice probably arose from confounding Christians with Jews; and knowing that principles of a very seditious nature, criminal to the Romans, and indeed to all civil government, were really held by a sect among the latter, originated by Judas of Galilee, and on that account, called, Galileans, a name which, by the Heathens, was indiscriminately given to the Christians, in the early days of our religion.

As the principle attributed, though unjustly, to the Christians, or at least to Christianity, was so subversive of all order and government, it was of great importance that they should carefully guard against everything in their language and conduct, which might tend, in the least to justify their enemies in fixing it upon them. This may well account for the Apostle’s urging obedience to the ruling powers, in terms so strong and absolute; and explains their giving the following or a similar reason for their thus pressing it upon their Christian brethren,–“That the word of God be not blasphemed.” It shews also, that their object was not to define the limits of submission, but to evince the obligation to submission in general. Can it then be fairly inferred from anything which they have written, that our religion may be justly charged with being unfriendly to liberty, or giving any countenance to oppressive and tyrannical government? Would the charge be just, though we should allow that it was the design of the Apostles to recommend to their Christian brethren, in existing circumstances, an unreserved obedience to the ruling powers; not merely to such as were good and just, but to all without exception, to the rulers of that day, who, it is well known, were sufficiently despotic and oppressive? Certain it is, that had they undertaken to qualify the obedience of the subject, the end of their exhortations would have been frustrated; for they would by no means have vindicated themselves, in the eyes of the government, from the scandal to which they were exposed.

I am sensible that our religion has been thought sufficiently defensible against the imputation of teaching the slavish doctrine of unlimited obedience and passive submission, upon the idea that the sacred writers, when they inculcate subjection, in the strongest and most unqualified terms, still discover, by the arguments which they make use of to enforce it, that they consider government and ruling powers as what they ought to be, not regarding what they really were: That they urge obedience upon the principle that the civil magistrate is the minister of God for good, unto the people, and therefore that their obligation to obedience cannot be inferred, when he ceases to maintain this character, and becomes their scourge and oppressor. But if this construction of the apostolic writings, and particularly of St. Paul’s reasoning in the 13th chapter of Romans, be just, which, however, is not undisputed, there appears to be no occasion for having recourse to it.

Nevertheless, though it is allowed that Christianity does not profess to define the respective powers and rights of rulers and subjects, it is still contended that the spirit of it is most congenial to that of free governments, and evidently favourable to rational liberty.

We readily assent to our Saviour’s declaration, when he said, “my kingdom is not of this world.” His immediate object was to improve the hearts, and mend the morals of mankind: To reconcile them to the Deity, and thus train them up as subjects of a spiritual and eternal kingdom. This object however, is in perfect consistency with that of rendering them wiser, better and happier, in every earthly relation, and of promoting the present welfare, both of individuals and societies. It is manifestly, the tendency, and we need not hesitate to consider it as the design, of his religion, to render men better citizens of the world as well as to make them meet for an heavenly inheritance; to give them more just ideas of, and dispose them more faithfully to discharge, their respective duties, whatever their rank, station or condition in life. It is, doubtless, agreeable to his will, and in perfect conformity to the design of his spiritual kingdom, that mankind should avail themselves of every instruction which may be deduced from his religion, for securing liberty, peace and prosperity, and enhancing those advantages which are derived from civil government, and the laws of society.

The spirit of Christianity ought to be carried into the administration of every kind of government, and to regulate the conduct of all classes of men, from the highest to the lowest, but it does not thence follow that genius and principles of some kinds of government are not more nearly allied to the spirit of this religion than others; or that it does not point to the election of one form, rather than another. And if there be any one form on which it looks with peculiar approbation, can we hesitate to say, it is the Republican.

When our Saviour said to his disciples, “All ye are brethren,” did he not recognize or clearly countenance that fundamental principle of republicanism, the natural equality of men. I mean an equality with regard to certain natural and inherent rights; the only one which reason can successfully undertake to defend, and which is in perfect consistency with that difference and almost endless variety which is found among them, with respect to original capacity, aptitude to govern, education, riches, and influence derived from any of these sources, or from all combined.

It was not necessary that the author of our religion should more fully avow that important maxim of all free government, that rulers are invested with power not principally, for their own sakes, but for the good of the community; or that he should more clearly discountenance the idea of hereditary power, and greatness derived from titles and distinctions, not founded on merit, than he did, when he said to his followers, “Ye know that the princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion over them, and they that are great exercise authority upon them; but so it shall not be among you: But whosoever would be great among you, let him be your minister, and whosoever will be chief among you, let him be your servant.”

He did not say, reject those kinds of government which cherish sentiments tending to depress, and hold in vassalage the great mass of the people; in which numbers of the community live in idleness and luxury, upon the labours of the rest, and enjoy privileges and exemptions, greatly oppressive to the degraded multitude: But he said by his Apostles, “Be ye, all of you subject one to another—Bear ye one another’s burdens—And, serve one another in love.” And he discovered in a striking manner, an impartial concern for all his brethren, when represented as saying, “Inasmuch as ye did it to the least of these, ye did it unto me.”

He has not said that governments, in order to their being free, must be elective; that all the members of the community are entitled to a voice, mediately or immediately, in choosing their rulers, and making the laws by which they are governed; or to a degree of weight in the general scale. But he has, by his Apostle, commanded us to honour all men; and has compared the Christian society to the human body; representing all the members of it as connected with, and mutually dependent on each other; so that “the eye cannot say to the hand, I have no need of thee; nor, again, the head to the feet, I have no need of you.” We are taught that “God hath tempered the body together, so that there should be no schism therein, but that the members should have the same care one of another; and whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honoured, all the members rejoice with it.”

The apostle enjoins obedience and fidelity to their own masters, on all in a state of servitude; but adds, “if thou mayest be free, choose it rather,” that we might not be left in doubt, which of those two states had the preference in his mind.

If it be thought of peculiar importance, in order to determine what kind of government is most agreeable to the spirit and principles of Christianity, to enquire what form the Author of it instituted in his church; may I be permitted, without seeming to wander too far from the present occasion, or to enter too deeply into a disputed question, to observe, concisely—that if we except what may be called Theocratic in this government, particularly the appointment of its first officers, by Christ himself, and the extraordinary powers with which these officers were invested, for the purpose of successfully propagating a religion, so strongly opposed by the lusts, passions and prejudices of the world: If we attend to the direct evidence which we have from the New Testament, that one species of officers was elected by the brethren: If we consider that the Apostles do not appear to have had any proper successors, the end of their office being answered in the witness which they gave to the resurrection of Christ, and the foundation which they laid for transmitting his religion to future generations: If we recollect that, by Apostolic direction, censure was to be inflicted on an offending brother, in an assembly of the whole church; that no brother was forbidden to speak and exhort in their religious assemblies; and, to mention no more, that there was, for a time, a community of goods, among the early Christians—the conclusion appears to be just and obvious, that, so far as Christ has instituted any particular kind of lasting government for his church; and so far as this is pointed out to us, by the authority or example of the New Testament writers, it partakes largely and most strongly of the Republican and Elective form.

I only add, that the friendly aspect of our religion on the cause of liberty in general, and of consequence, on the most free governments, is clearly visible in the whole tenor and tendency of its precepts, which is to promote, not only the divine, but all the benevolent and social virtues; to cherish that charity which worketh no ill to his neighbour, and to deter men from every act of injustice, treachery or unkindness, whereby the rights and liberties of any of their brethren might be violated; in the exhortations which are given to Christians, to stand fast in the liberty wherewith they are made free; not to be the servants of men; not to call any man master on earth; not to affect being called Rabbi, and not to exercise lordly dominion over each other.

Perhaps I ought to apologize for dwelling so long upon a point, on which this respectable audience may be supposed to have felt themselves previously agreed. It is hoped, however, that an attempt to illustrate the indirect testimony which the best of religions furnishes, in favour of our own constitutions of government, will not be deemed an improper one, by the friends, either of republicanism or Christianity.

What has been already said, is I trust, more than sufficient to explain the occasion of the apostles words, in the text, and their meaning as they relate to that occasion. This appears to be, that it was the will of God, with respect to the Christians to whom he wrote, that they should with due subjection to the civil powers, silence the ignorance of foolish men; or the objections and complaints of all, who, through prejudice, or want of acquaintance with them, and their religion, accused them of principles or practices unfriendly to government. Such subjection, we have reason to conclude, was the well doing especially intended. But taking the words in a more general sense, though still as relating to government, and the duties connected with it, may they not, with propriety, be recommended to the attention both of rulers and subjects, especially at a time when party spirit is so prevalent, that not a few of both find themselves exposed to censures which they ought not to deserve, and which they must naturally wish to silence?

But it may be asked, will not ignorance and folly be forever clamorous? Must not he who attempts to silence them, undertake an helpless task? Can it be the will of God that we should perform impossibilities? Is it not enough that we should be required to prevent or silence the complaints of the candid and judicious? To the following construction, which is presumed to be the true one, there can be no difficulty in assenting: That it is the duty of all to endeavour, by well doing, in their respective stations and relations, to prevent every just ground of complaint against them; and to conduct in such a manner as will have the most probable tendency to put to silence even the ignorant and foolish.

Permit me now to suggest, that if rulers would conform to the will of God, and the spirit of what is recommended in the text, they will feel themselves obliged, practically to remember the origin of government, and the source of their authority and power. If they duly consider that civil government is the ordinance of God, they will view themselves as his ministers, and charged with an important commission from him who “standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the Gods.” They will feel an elevation calculated, not to foster pride, but to inspire noble sentiments, and the most generous and laudable kind of ambition; and cherish that self respect which will render them cautious and circumspect in their deportment, and fearful of sinking the dignity of the ruler in the vices or follies of the man. They will remember the character of him whose ministers and representatives they are; they will take heed that they do not, by unfaithfulness, negligence, selfishness, or any baseness of behavior, misrepresent and dishonor HIM who has put such honor upon them; and carefully endeavour to manifest unto all who witness their administration, that they know him who exerciseth loving kindness, and judgment and righteousness, in the earth. They will not forget that being raised above their brethren, in authority, does not render them less accountable to HIM who is the judge of all the earth; but rather, will be seriously impressed with the interesting importance of that divine maxim, unto whom much is given, of him will much be required.

Remembering also that their power is not derived immediately from God, but through the intervention of those, over whom their power is extended, they will feel the propriety and importance of respecting the people, as well as themselves. This caution is usually applicable to rulers, in all kinds of government, even the most despotic: For, in all “the physical strength resides in the governed; and this strength wants only to be felt and roused, to lay prostrate the most ancient and confirmed dominion.” But especially may it be recommended to republican rulers, whose authority, while in common with that of others it derives its support from public opinion, is more sensibly and immediately dependent on the suffrages and general will of the governed. We reprobate the inconsistent idea of power, delegated to the rulers, remaining, at the same time, in the hands of the people: Yet, in governments like ours, where all delegated power may be said, by means of frequent elections, to return, after short intervals, to those who gave it; and their right to change even the constitution, when the public good may require, is clearly acknowledged, there appears to be a peculiar propriety in rulers treating the general opinion, and feelings of the people, with delicacy and respect. And this, not merely for their own advantage, and with a view to the more certain enjoyment of the public confidence and affection, but also from a patriotic regard to the general welfare and tranquility; that the people may not be furnished with a plea for attempting, or wishing, frequently, to shake foundations, and make injudicious or dangerous changes in the constitution.

It is a dictate of sound policy, as well as of Christian morality, that we should, not only endeavor to do that which is right and good, but, if possible, to do it in such a manner that our good may not be evil spoken of. It is, by no means, inconsistent with that firmness, and resolute adherence to what appears to be right, which characterizes a good ruler, to aim, habitually, at providing things honest in the sight of men; and to strive by manifestation of the truth, to commend himself to every man’s conscience, in the sight of God.

Again, if rulers do what is in their power to put to silence the ignorance of foolish men, they will practically remember the DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT, or the end for which they are invested with authority. In the whole of their administration, they will direct their aim, and point their endeavours to the general good. Whatever sphere they move in the system of government, this will be the centre towards which their views and actions will tend. They will divest themselves, as much as possible of selfish, of local, and of party prejudices. If they are legislators, they will, in making laws, every consult the good of the whole community. And though it may be often proper to make such, as are designed to benefit, more immediately, a part, yet they will consent to none, which, in their view, will operate injuriously with respect to the whole. And if their office be to execute the laws, they will be guided by the same principle. They will view all classes and conditions of men with an equal eye. They will not employ their power and influence to oppress the poor, in judgment; or screen the guilty from deserved punishment, on account of their riches or honors. They will not bear the sword in vain, by neglecting the duties required of them; or from sinister motives, overlooking crimes which they ought to punish; but in such a manner as to be a terror to evil doers, while they are a praise to them who do well.

Further, if rulers would, as much as possible, secure themselves from censure, by conforming to the will of God, it highly concerns them to consider the influence of religion upon the present happiness of mankind. Upon the acknowledged principle, that religion, if not absolutely necessary to the existence, is greatly conducive to the order, peace and welfare of civil society, they will feel themselves bound to make all that provision for disseminating the knowledge, and enforcing the practice of it, among the people, which is consistent with the rights of conscience; rights which they will ever hold sacred, and never presume to violate, even with a view to promoting what they may esteem the greatest good of the community; sensible that they, equally with others, are bound by the prohibition, not to do evil that good may come. They will, upon the same principle, and under the conviction, that it does not appertain to them to decree articles of faith or modes of worship, protect all denominations in the peaceable exercise of their religion, and in worshipping God according to the dictates of their consciences. Consistently, however, with the above mentioned conviction; and that such protection may be effectually granted, they will, not only feel themselves at liberty, but under obligation to restrain the licentiousness of those, who, regardless of all religious institutions, would throw down the barriers, designed to separate from others, that day which is peculiarly devoted to the public worship of God.

The ruler’s respect for religion may, and ought to be discovered also by distinguishing those who appear to reverence its laws, in the distribution of public offices; so far, at least, as a due regard to other qualifications will permit. If they would silence the ignorance of the foolish, or give no occasion to the judicious and well disposed to censure their conduct, they will follow the direction given to the Israelites, respecting the choice of their rulers and judges—provide such as fear God, as well as able men, and haters of covetousness. Their eyes will be upon the faithful of the land, to honor and promote them; nor will they suffer considerations of friendship, affinity, or self interest to outweigh those of personal character.

But there is yet another way in which their regard for religion may be most effectually expressed, and this is, exhibiting in their own characters, that which it is their duty to honour in others. It is possible that men may respect religion in others, who do not habitually feel its influence themselves; at least, they may occasionally distinguish and honor it, when their own authority, interest, or favorite schemes may be promoted by so doing. It would, however, be with faint hopes of success, should we recommend to men destitute of religious principle, the making of such principle an object in the appointment of others to places of power and trust. And indeed, with respect to their own fidelity, and uniform attention to the duties of their office, we cannot feel that confidence in men, who profess not to be governed by higher motives than those of honour, civil virtue or regard to reputation, which we cheerfully repose in such as give us the additional security, which is derived from those sublime principles by which religion, and especially the Christian religion, awes, controls, directs and animates its votaries.

In connexion with what has been now said, it is natural to observe, that if rulers would hope to avoid, not merely the clamours of ignorance and folly, but the frowns of knowledge and virtue, they must be exemplary in their own respect for, and obedience to those laws by which they are instrumental in binding their brethren. If they treat their own institutions with practical contempt, they will be justly chargeable with the absurdity of pulling down with one hand, what they build with the other. It is of as real importance that they should govern, as that the ministers of religion should instruct and persuade, by example.

The inquiry, how the subjects of government ought to conduct, that they may comply with the spirit of the instruction given in the text, now demands our attention. The sum of the answer we may find in the words immediately following. “As free, and not using your liberty as a cloke of maliciousness, but as the servants of God.”

As HIS servants, it becometh them to remember that submission to government is a duty, than which scarcely anyone appears to be more clearly enjoined by HIM. Reason teaches us that whatever tends to promote the happiness of mankind, is agreeable to the benevolent author of our beings. For the necessity, importance and salutary tendency of government, of laws and magistrates, to be a terror to evil doers, and a protection, as well as praise to them that do well, we need not appeal merely to the feelings of those who have suffered in their persons, their property or their connexions, by the audacious wickedness of the high-way robber, or the insidious, and even more alarming villainy of the midnight thief, incendiary and assassin. On this point general experience abundantly confirms the decision of reason. The conclusion is obvious. The voice of revelation, also, is clear and decisive upon our obligation to civil obedience: So clear, that we may safely pronounce real enemies to government, to civil order and subordination, practical enemies, at least, to our holy religion. Whatever they may be in name, they are not Christians in spirit and in truth. To declare anyone, an enemy to government in general, is therefore a high and grievous charge. It may be, and, no doubt, often is misapplied. This may be the language of ignorance, of folly, of prejudice or malice, as well as the complaints which are too often uttered against those by whom government is administered. Nothing which sober reason dictates, or which Christ, or his apostles have taught, on this subject, furnishes any just ground for the pretence, that resistance to the ruling powers is, in all cases, contrary to the will of God, and the spirit of our religion: Much less, that all disapprobation of, or speaking against the measures of those in authority, is criminal. We have not so learned Christ, nor the principles of civil subjection. In this respect we may, and ought to conduct as free. But if we would do what we ought to prevent or silence complaints, with regard to the use which we make of our liberty, we must consider the ill consequences of a groundless diminution of the public confidence, in our civil rulers. We must remember that although they may not introduce more of mystery into their administration, than particular circumstances, or the general nature of government may require, yet we are not capable of knowing, in all cases, at least, immediately, the motives which influence their conduct. Their means of information are more perfect, and their field of vision more extensive than those of private individuals. These considerations will dictate candour and tenderness, in the judgments which we form of their public conduct, in those instances which appear most doubtful, or liable to suspicion; and are calculated to produce a habit of manly and generous, though not of blind and implicit confidence, in the uprightness of their views, and the wisdom of their measures. The same considerations, should also inspire us with the truly patriotic resolution, of standing forth in the defence of our rulers, when we conceive them to have done well, and their measures to be unjustly attacked; and induce us, by enlightening, according to our ability, the ignorant, to silence, if possible, their groundless complaints. Permit me to observe, that such a kind of confidence, as has been recommended, may, with peculiar justice, be expected of the subjects of such a government as our own, in which all the rulers are, either directly or indirectly, appointed by the people: Since, in censuring them we do, in some measure, cast a reflection on our own, or at least, the public wisdom or integrity.

While we hold fast the liberty of private judgment, and assert our right to investigate and discuss the measures of government, if we would give no just occasion of offence, we shall exercise this right with prudence and decency. We shall appeal to dispassionate reason and argument; and not have recourse to reviling, scurrility and abuse. Those do but injure a good cause, while they render a doubtful one, still more suspicious. Need I add, that falsehood and deception, however they may be viewed by the optics of corrupt policy, or violent party zeal, are a kind of weapons which will be rejected with abhorrence, by every true friend of liberty, of government, and his country.

The man to whom this character belongs, whatever his sentiments may be on disputed political questions, will, we may expect, quietly yield up private opinion to that of the public, as expressed by the constituted organs of the general voice; so far at least, as to submit, without difficulty or opposition, to its established effects. He will rejoice in the prosperity of his country, whether it were produced by the means which he preferred, or not. And with respect to measures which involve only the question of expediency, not that of justice and right, will feel willing that events should determine their wisdom or impropriety.

I only observe further, that a due regard to the will of God, and the peace, order and welfare of society, will deter him from imputing to those who differ from him, in some of their sentiments, on public measures, worse motives and intentions than their conduct clearly indicates; and from exasperating the spirit of party, when already too violent for the health of the political body.

From what has been said of the friendly aspect of the Christian religion on civil liberty, and the congeniality of its spirit to that of the most free governments, we may infer, that as conformity to its principles and obedience to its precepts prevail, the rights of men will be more thoroughly understood, and more sacredly regarded.

And may we not view it, at least, as probable, that the extension of republican principles and forms of government will accompany that spreading of the gospel, in its power and purity, which the scripture prophecies represent as constituting the glory of the latter days? The surprising changes and revolutions which have taken, and are taking place in Europe, loudly pronounce the present an eventful period. Whether they be not the wheels, in the grand machinery of providence, which are to have a distinguished efficiency in hastening the fulfillment of ancient predictions, relative to the downfall of anti-christian and tyrannical power, and thus introducing the reign of truth, of peace, and equal liberty, is an inquiry which may well arrest the attention of every serious and enlightened believer in revelation.

Nor am I deterred from offering the above suggestion, by reflecting that the great and formidable Republic, which makes so conspicuous a figure on the bloody theatre, has, in the midst of revolutionary violence, and their zeal for destroying the corrupt appendages of the Christian religion, made war upon Christianity itself: Nor by a review of those attendant enormities, from which humanity ever must, and, as we have reason to hope, that nation among whom they were perpetrated now generally does, turn away with abhorrence: Nor by anything which may be justly thought equivocal, or alarming in their present designs or conduct, relative to us, or to surrounding nations.

To the prevalence of infidelity, and an unparalleled prostration of Christian principles and institutions, may be justly attributed, in no small degree, those shocking evils which tarnished the glory of their wonderful revolution. Nor let us hastily conclude that the strange and impious attempts to banish Christianity, in the days of anarchy and confusion, will prove effectual to hold it in lasting exile;–or prevent its return, in an improved and more rational form, to bless the reign of order, peace and settled government. Besides, we acknowledge that the power and wisdom of the Deity are often exercised in bringing good out of evil. He disappointeth the devices of the crafty, carrieth headlong the counsel of the forward, and bringeth about the most important events, by the means which they make use of to defeat them. We remember how the enemies of Christ flattered themselves that they had effectually crushed his power and cause, when they accomplished his death, though that very event was the corner stone on which his kingdom was erected. We recollect that the Assyrian monarch is called the rod of God’s anger; and that the righteous designs of the Almighty Ruler were carried into effect through his instrumentality, though he meant no so, neither did his heart think so; but it was in his heart to destroy and cut off nations, not a few. And we assent to the scripture declaration: “Surely the wrath of man shall praise thee; the remainder of wrath shalt thou restrain.”

Reflecting on the legitimate origin, and design of civil government, what abundant reason have we to felicitate ourselves on being the inhabitants of a country, in which the former is so clearly, and practically recognized, and the latter so rationally and happily pursued! It is our happy lot to live under civil constitutions “which unite, and by their union establish, liberty with order;” the latter of which is not less essential to our permanent welfare, than liberty itself. We are citizens not merely of a single Commonwealth, but also, of a Federal Republic, which unites, for general defence, and many important purposes, under one common head, a number of distinct States, possessed of qualified sovereignty, spread over an extensive country; and thus, without endangering freedom, or giving up anything essential to the republican form of government, in a great measure, if not entirely, obviates the often repeated objection against this form, as being compatible only to a small extent of territory.

Nor are our religious rights less firmly secured to us than our civil. Not by legal establishments. Not by any other alliance between the church and state, than what consists in that rational respect which each entertains for the other, founded on a conviction of the importance, both of religion and government, to the happiness of society. While religion, and the Christian religion is countenanced, if not directly patronized by the ruling powers, every man is at liberty to worship God in the manner which his conscience dictates to be right. The citizens of the United States are highly favoured, in as much as they are not shackled in their inquiries, by the baneful influence of a powerful and bigoted hierarchy, on the one hand; nor, with pleasing confidence, I add, taught by general infidelity and irreligion, in their civil rulers, to flight the institutions of Christianity, or to neglect the support, or despise the instructions of their spiritual teachers, on the other.

That the great body of the people are possessed of an uncommon degree of valuable knowledge, compared with most, if not all other nations, with whom we are acquainted; that the arts and sciences are flourishing; that the means of education are improving, as well as increasing, and that religion is generally respected, amongst us, are considerations which tend to confirm the pleasing hope, that the Temple of Liberty which has been erected in this Western world, will be as renowned for its duration, as it is for the harmony of its proportions, and the simple elegance of its structure.

Were we to take a review, (which however, the time will not permit,) of the various scenes through which we have passed, in our progress from a state of dependence on a distant power, whose impolitic measures for securing, more firmly, our subjection, were the means of losing it entirely, to our present state of independence, prosperity, wealth and respectability, the recollection might well excite a throng of emotions in our breasts, among which, gratitude to heaven would justly claim the preeminence. For it was not our own arm that saved us; but the right hand of the Lord, and his arm, and the light of his countenance. This pious affection, however by no means forbids, and, I trust, will not exclude the gratitude so justly due to those patriotic warriors and statesmen, whom heaven has honoured, in making them important instruments of our political salvation and national prosperity. Among this band of worthies, it would be unnatural and unjust, not to distinguish the late illustrious President of the United States. Viewing him both in his military and civil character, and tracing him through the whole course of his patriotic and benevolent labours, who will deny that he has well done, and deserved most highly of his country? May that retirement, to which he has been followed by an unparalleled share of the public applause, esteem and gratitude, be as happy as it is dignified; and the evening of his life as peaceful and serene, as its day has been active and useful! 1

While we cheerfully pay this tribute of respect to the distinguished merits of the retired President, we disclaim the idea, of our political salvation or prosperity depending on the name or the virtues of a single citizen, however illustrious. Let the well known abilities, the extensive political knowledge, the integrity and patriotism of that highly respectable character, who now fills the first seat in our national government, be our justification in so doing. And let the general satisfaction with which the result of a late interesting election was received; and the confidence, and spirit of conciliation with which both the first and second in command, appear to be viewed by the people at large, suffice to falsify the gloomy predictions, and disappoint the fears and hopes of such as have, either kindly trembled for our safety, or viewed with a jealous eye, our rising greatness and respectability.

Among the public causes of joy and gratitude, it is far from the least, that we have been enabled to realize the invaluable blessing of peace, while other nations, with whom we are connected, have so severely experienced the calamities of war. Our joy has, however, lately felt a check, and a cloud has, in a degree, obscured the face of our national prosperity, in consequence of the misunderstanding which has taken place, between our government and the Republic of France. Nevertheless, we trust that those ties which bind the two nations to each other, will not be lightly broken by either; and that both understand their honour and interest too well, to widen, rather than attempt healing the unhappy breach. With respect to our own government, we feel full confidence that, from a conviction of the undiminished value of peace, and a due regard to the dictates of general benevolence, they will be induced, before an appeal is made to the sword, to pursue the expedient of negotiation, as far as national dignity will permit: Farther than this, it is presumed, no citizen of independent America will wish them to go; or patiently bear the humiliating idea of being controuled, or dictated to, by any foreign nation whatever.

The aged and venerable chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, now that he is retiring from the chair of government, to which he has been repeatedly raised by his fellow-citizens, who have thus clearly expressed their grateful sense of his past exertions, in the cause of freedom and his country, will be pleased to accept our warmest wishes for his health and happiness; That peace my crown his latter days; that he may live to see, and rejoice in the increasing prosperity of his country, and finally realize the blessedness promised to the faithful disciples of Christ.

When we extend our views forward, to a successor, in this high and honorable office, it is with much satisfaction that we observe the prevailing suffrages of the people pointing us to a Character,2 in whom we can feel so strong confidence, that he will faithfully and uniformly endeavour to promote the true interest of this Commonwealth, in connexion, and consistency with that of the United States.

His Honor, the Lieutenant Governor, 3 will accept our congratulations, on the renewed testimony which he has received of the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. By still exerting himself to serve them, in that honorable station, to which their so general suffrages have called him, may he enhance their esteem and approbation, as well as the final rewards of fidelity.

May the Honourable Senate, and House of Representatives, in the elections of this day, and all their future deliberations and decisions, be actuated by the purest of motives; a regard to the honour of God, and the happiness of those who have placed confidence in their wisdom and integrity. We trust they will not forget the salutary influence of religion, on the welfare of civil society, nor the peculiar importance of the general diffusion of knowledge, in a Republic. We therefore anticipate their solicitous, and unremitted concern, not only for our University, and Academies, but for those smaller and more common seminaries of learning, on which our dependence, for the general dissemination of the most useful knowledge, and a great part of the benefit of public religious instruction, must ultimately rest. Happy will it be for the people, and healthier still, in the end, for themselves, if they conscientiously pursue the way of well-doing: If, by their laws, their influence and example, they endeavour to discourage vice, and honour and promote that righteousness which exalteth a nation, while it lays the only sure foundation of happiness to individuals, both temporal and eternal. For, if to the character of good rulers, they join that of good men, though they should not be able, at all times, to silence the ignorant and foolish, they will secure the approbation of the wise and candid; and above all, they will be glorious in the eyes of the Lord.

This whole assembly is reminded of the obligation which lies upon them to do well, not merely by subjection to government, and giving honour, to all among their fellow-men, to whom honour is due, but by uniform submission to the will, and impartial respect to all the commandments of the SUPREME RULER of the world. Let us rejoice that we are called unto liberty, and that our submission to government is so rational a service. But let us take heed that we do not use our liberty either civil or religious, as a cloke of maliciousness. Let us not show ourselves unworthy of the former, either by unreasonable and groundless complaints of our rulers on the one hand, or blind and servile confidence in them on the other: By neglecting or abusing the important privilege of election, which we so freely enjoy; nor by losing sight of the principles and spirit of those excellent constitutions of government, under which we live. And let us not abuse the latter, by injustice, fraud and falsehood; by luxury, intemperance and corrupting dissipation; nor by infidelity, profaneness, and contemptuous disregard of religious institutions. But duly appreciating the merits, both of the government and the religion with which we are blessed, let it be our great concern, to crown the virtues of the citizen with those of the Christian: Thus firmly laying the foundation of a joyful hope, that when the solemn period shall arrive, which will level all distinctions, but those of the moral kind, we may find a place among the just made perfect; and with all those, who, by patient continuance in well doing, have fought glory, honour, immortality, enter on the enjoyment of eternal life.

END.


1. His Excellency Samuel Adams, Esq.

2. His Excellency Increase Sumner, Esq.

3. His Honor Moses Gill, Esq.

Sermon – Election – 1797, Connecticut


This sermon was preached by Isaac Lewis in Hartford, Connecticut on May 11, 1797.


sermon-election-1797-connecticut

THE POLITICAL ADVANTAGES OF GODLINESS.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY THE

GOVERNOR,

AND THE HONORABLE

LEGISLATURE

OF THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

CONVENED AT HARTFORD

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION.

May 11, 1797.

By Isaac Lewis, D. D.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN GREENWICH.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford on the second Thursday of May, Anno Domini 1797.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Joseph P. Cook and Col. Ebenezer Mead present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Isaac Lewis, D. D. for his Sermon, delivered at the anniversary Election, on the 11th of May, instant, before the General Assembly, and request a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined,

By Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

 

ELECTION SERMON. 

I TIMOTHY iv. 8.

Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

In all situations and conditions of life, true religion is of the first importance. It is the solace of those, who are placed in the vale of poverty and affliction; the sweetener of all the unambitious enjoyments, of the middle walks of private life; and the highest ornament to the persons, and characters of the rich, the honorable, and the great. Without it, no man can be either truly, or lastingly happy. Were this divine guest to be banished from the society of men, this world would become but the abode of folly and wretchedness; and man, with all his boasted reason and superiority, inferior, in point of real enjoyment, to the herds who graze the fields.

The sentiments of St. Paul on this subject, are clearly expressed in our text and context. After cautioning Timothy to avoid perplexing himself and others, with the fabulous traditions of the Jews, and their endless genealogies, and exhorting him, like the athletics in the Grecian games, to exert his uttermost labor and diligence, in pursuing and promoting the doctrines and duties of true piety, as an argument to enforce the whole, he introduces the words of our text. Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

These motives to godliness, though first addressed to Timothy, apply with equal force and propriety to all men, of every age and condition. The import of the text is briefly this, “Godliness is every way advantageous. Whoever shall experience the power of it, will thence derive a rich harvest of gain. Beside the crown of immortal glory, which it infallibly secures to its possessor, it will produce the highest satisfaction, of which the human mind is capable, in the present state of existence. Its advantages are eminent in all stations, and situations, and in the prosecution of every business, proper to engage the attention of mankind.”

If then godliness have promises of good to be enjoyed in this life, as well as in that which is to come, if it be profitable unto all things, we may doubtless with safety conclude, that effectual aid may be derived from it, in the administration of civil government; and that, if generally and faithfully practiced, it would most essentially contribute toward obtaining for, and securing to a community, all the important ends of its institution.

To illustrate this observation, is the proposed object of the present discourse. Preparatory to which a concise view of the nature of godliness, and of the ends of civil government will first be taken.

Godliness is a term used in two senses; the one limited, and the other more general. In its limited sense, it includes only the duties of piety toward God. In its general sense, it comprises all the duties prescribed by the Christian religion; those which we owe to our fellow-men, and to ourselves, as well as those which we owe to God. The apostle, in our text, uses the term in its most general sense, as appears from the extensive benefits, which, he assures us, will flow from a faithful practice of its various duties. These duties cannot now be minutely detailed. It may however be proper to observe in general, that they may be divided into four classes, the duties we owe to God, to Christ, to our fellow-men, and to ourselves.

In the first of these, are comprised supreme love to God, a fixed dependence on, and a humble trust in him, a cordial submission to his providential dispensations, together with conformity to his revealed will.

In the second, are included faith in the mediator, accompanied with a daily and sincere attention to him, considered as our teacher, our example and lawgiver, our advocate and intercessor with the father.

In the third, are contained universal love to mankind, mercy, justice, beneficence, truth and the forgiveness of injuries.

The fourth, comprehends the graces of humility, meekness, prudence, fortitude and self-government.

All the before mentioned virtues are briefly comprehended, by our divine master, in the following expressive words. “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God, with all thy heart, and thy neighbour as thyself.” These unitedly constitute that godliness, which is urged on us in our text, as being every way conducive to the advancement, of all the important interests of mankind.

But in order to determine, how far godliness contributes to the obtainment of the great ends of civil institutions, it will be necessary to enquire what those ends are? Or what are the great objects, all governments ought to pursue, and which all good governments actually do pursue, though with different degrees of success? These, it is supposed, may be all comprehended in the following particulars.

1. The primary objet of civil institutions is to prevent those evils, which, considering the depravity of mankind, would certainly result from a state of nature.

Selfishness is the predominant principle of fallen man. This, by being supreme, necessarily excludes the fear of God, and benevolence to our fellow-men. And among a number of individuals, un-united by any social compact, would produce a state of constant mutual hostility. In such a situation, jarring interests would at once enkindle the fire, and constantly fan the flame of discord; and of course banish peace and security. No protection, except what may be derived from personal prowess, can be obtained by individuals, in a state of nature. Life and property are equally insecure. Indeed without some kind of civil association, the last must be extremely limited. The power of an individual, unassisted by those arts, which flourish only under the protection of civil government, is wholly incompetent to the acquisition of more property, than a bare sufficiency for a scanty subsistence. But admitting the possibility of acquiring considerable property in a state of nature, still it would only serve to invite plunder, and lawless invasion. The more one possessed, the greater would be his danger. And if his strength should prove sufficient, to resist a single invader, it must unavoidably yield to the superior force of a combination of those, who would choose to live by rapine, rather than submit to the toils of daily labor.

The evils to which men would unavoidably be exposed, in a state of nature, we may learn from those, which have ever been attendant on revolutions. During such changes there is ever a period, in which laws lose their influence, and licentiousness prevails. This reign of anarchy is at its most alarming crisis, in that stage of a revolution which intervenes, between the destruction of the old, and the establishment of new principles and maxims of government. It is probable that no revolution was ever effected in any country, with less of these evils, than the recent one here in America. In our own State, very few disorders appeared; owing perhaps principally to the inconsiderable alterations, which the revolution produced. But in some parts of the union, the most fatal evils were experienced. Law was no longer a restraint, right no longer regarded, property was invaded, virtue insulted, chastity polluted, and life sacrificed, by abandoned ruffians, who, having broken over every restraint, rioted on the spoils of their innocent neighbours. Under an inexpressibly more dreadful experience of these, and many other similar evils, it is well known, one of the principal kingdoms of Europe, has for several years been groaning.

These things have been mentioned, solely with a view of exhibiting a specimen of what may be expected from a state of nature. To prevent their existence, as far as possible, to secure to individuals the peaceable possession of life, liberty and property, is a primary object of civil government. And its tendency to accomplish this purpose, undoubtedly wrought a conviction of its absolute necessity, in the minds of men, in the early ages of the world.

2. Another object worthy of the pursuit of government, is the promotion of the greatest good of the whole community, so far as that may be effected, without injury done to others.

Private interest, or the good of an individual, farther than it may be considered as involved in the good of the whole, ought not to be, and cannot consistently be the object of the social compact. As the whole is greater than its parts, so the good of a community is greater than the private interest of any individual. And to cause a greater interest to suffer, for the purpose of advancing a less, is a violation of the order of nature, and of the laws of equity and reason. A community is but one great family; in which, every member ought to consider his own interest, as involved in that of the whole; and this whole ought to swallow up every private or detached interest. As no private family can be happy, where each member is actuated solely by a principle of self-gratification; as such a line of conduct will produce a constant clashing of interests, which will unavoidably issue in contention and animosity; so no state can enjoy political happiness, where the public good is neglected, and an attachment to private, becomes the ruling passion. Hence cabals are always injurious, and ought to be opposed and even despised, as destructive of the great ends of civil society. They invariably have for their object, some party design. And the setting up of such an interest s the principal object of pursuit, is in the nature of it, hostile to public good. Private emolument cannot be set in competition with public, without endangering the latter. And to endanger the public good, for any private advantage, is always to sacrifice the greater interest to the less.

From these observations it appears, that the good which ought to be the object of government is the public good; and that in competition with it, no private or party interest ought ever to be placed.

But it is further to be observed, that although the greatest good of a community, ought to be the leading object of its government, yet even this is not to be pursued, by such measures as are injurious to other communities. Although the interest of an individual may be sacrificed, where it is absolutely necessary to promote the greatest good of the public, of which he is a member; yet it y no means follows, that a state or kingdom, in order to promote its own advantage, possesses a right to adopt such measures, as are injurious to a sister state. It is as inconsistent with every rule of moral obligation, for one state to commit injustice against another, as it is for an individual to rob or plunder this neighbour. All mankind are brethren, the children of the same common parent. Different states are correlatives of each other. The great Christian law which prescribes our duty toward our neighbours, considered in our individual capacity, will, if observed, regulate the conduct of states toward each other.

Although politicians have burdened the science of government, with many intricacies, which may, not improperly, be called the chicanery of courts; yet, if inexperience may be permitted to risk an opinion, we should say that it is reducible to a few plain principles. To love our neighbour as ourselves—To do to others as we would that they should do to us, are rules of moral conduct as applicable to communities, as to individuals. Nor can any reason be assigned in justification of fraud, in justice, oppression, or cruelty in a body of men more than in a single person. On the contrary, where a body of man practice injustice, the crime is far greater, than a similar act of injustice performed by an individual: because in the one case, the guilt is confined to a single subject, and in the other, it extends to a whole community; and because the evil consequences of public injustice, and the injuries done by it, are far more extensive, than those of private. When one nation is guilty of injustice towards another, thousands and millions may feel the injury. It is not in human power to calculate the evils, which will follow one deliberate act of such injustice. It will be readily granted, that the evils of private injustice are many. Among these may be enumerated expensive laws-suits, the disaffection of families to each other, and all the usual consequences of private hatred. Yet admitting the worst that can follow, the civil law is a barrier, which will always check and restrain these evils, and confine them within certain limits. But when one nation practices gross injustice against another, there is no common arbiter, either to decide the contention, or to control its destructive effects. War commonly bursts forth like a sweeping deluge, overwhelming and confounding the innocent with the guilty; and inflicting on whole countries greater, and more durable calamities, than any of the usual scourges, by which heaven corrects the madness of mankind.

The foregoing observations sufficiently prove, that national injustice is far more criminal in itself, and far more fatal in its consequences, than private. And of consequence, that the same moral rule of righteousness, which the scriptures have prescribed to individuals, and by which they are bound to regulate their conduct, ought to be adopted by nations, and faithfully adhered to, in all their treatment of each other. Hence will appear the justice of the remark before made, that although the greatest public good of a community, ought to be the end of its government, yet even that object, great and important as it is, ought never to be pursued, by means, which involve in them, a violation of the rights of other nations.

But notwithstanding the evident truth of this remark, it is to be lamented, that a policy directly repugnant to the rules of moral justice, has been too prevalent among all nations. The Roman love of their country, so much the boast of her citizens and so highly celebrated by her best writers, even in the purest days of that republic, was but a selfish contracted principle. Its objet was the aggrandizement of their commonwealth, not only without any regard to the happiness of other nations, but at the expense of their liberties, privileges and independence. Their love of their country, led them to destroy, or at least to subjugate every neighbouring state, which stood in the way of the enlargement of their empire, or whose interest was inconsistent with their own ambitious views. Justly were they characterized by the spirit of prophesy as a beast dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly; as devouring and breaking in pieces, and stamping the residue with their feet.

It is with the deepest regret, that truth obliges us to confess, that too similar to this detestable example, has been the policy of modern, as well as ancient nations. While the rulers of kingdoms have been careful to inculcate mutual justice among their subjects, by wise and salutary laws, they appear to have forgotten that national justice is a virtue; or not to be sensible, that there is anything criminal in injuring a neighbouring state, where the power of doing it is possessed, and an opportunity offered. While the private robber, who forces from an individual a small sum, must expiate his crime on a gibbet, it has been but too common for one nation to rob another of whole provinces, not only without censure, but with a tribute of praise for their martial achievements. To this fatal source, the injustice of nations toward each other, is to be attributed the awful scourge of war, with all its dreadful calamities. If the cause could once be suppressed, the effect would cease; and the prophecy of universal peace, so frequently repeated in the sacred writings, meet with an immediate accomplishment. The instruments of war would then be converted into implements of husbandry; nation would not lift up sword against nation, nor would they learn war anymore.

These few remarks on national injustice have been made, to call to the minds of this audience, the evils which must necessarily result from the prevalency of that unjust policy, which leads a nation to advance her own interest, by acts of injustice done to others. And likewise for the purpose of explaining in what sense, the public good ought to be the object of political institutions. To avoid the evils of a state of nature, and to promote the greatest national happiness, have been mentioned as the proper ends of government. These, are considered as including not only the particular objects, which have been brought up to view in what has been said, but whatever tends to the prosperity of a nation.

We will now proceed to enquire, what advantages, in the pursuit of these ends, may be derived from the practice of godliness.

1. Godliness will be productive of national felicity, by securing the fidelity of rulers.

That national happiness and misery, are closely connected with the character and conduct of those who hold the reins of government, approaches nigh to a self-evident proposition. At least it is a truth which a very little argumentation will support, and which has been fully confirmed by all history, both sacred and profane. The government of an Ahab, and a Manasseh, of a Nero and a Caligula, afford unequivocal proofs of misery of a people, destined to endure the scourge of wicked and tyrannical rulers. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice, but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.” An unprincipled magistrate is regardless of the public good, and wholly under the influence of selfish and mercenary views. In such hands neither the property, the liberty nor the life of the people are secure. These may, and most probably often will be sacrificed to the lust, the ambition, the avarice, and even the caprice of the tyrant. The public good is unspeakably too precious a deposit, to be betrusted to such men. He who disregards the obligations he is under to his God, cannot be supposed suitably to feel those which he is under to his fellow men. He will rather be led to consider his exaltation to office, as raising him above the restraints, laid upon his unofficed brethren, and as affording him an opportunity for indulging with impunity, the selfishness and wickedness of his heart. A ruler destitute of virtue, will without doubt in a greater or less degree be guilty of malpractice. And a government badly administered, will produce evils introductory, both to public and private infelicity. There is an inseparable connection between the moral character of rulers, and their administrations. If the former be vicious, corruption will appear in the latter, and a corrupted administration militates against the very ends of the social compact. And of course is inconsistent with the happiness of a community.—The liberties of a nation are always extremely unsafe, in the hands of vicious rulers; and the miseries which nations have suffered under the government of such characters, are to be ranked with the heaviest of divine judgments.

If then vice in authority be destructive of public felicity, it is but rational to conclude that virtue exalted to power, must be productive of directly contrary effects; and that a pious magistracy must afford the most encouraging prospect, of national happiness. The magistrate, who to the natural and acquired abilities necessary to prepare him for office, adds the fear of God, a reverence for the dictates of his own conscience, and that love to his fellow-men, implied in true godliness, will not fail to make the good of his constituents, the ultimate objet of his political pursuits. His example will uniformly be in favor of virtue, and his abilities steadily exerted to support and maintain that “righteousness which exalteth a nation, and to discountenance and suppress that vice which is a reproach to any people.” As a legislator, he will disregard local prejudices and party views, and ever give his voice in favor of such laws, as he believes to be founded in justice and public utility; and oppose with firmness, and uncorruptible integrity those of an opposite tendency. As a judge, his decisions will be guided by law and equity, without partiality for, or prejudice against any man. In whatever station he is called to serve his country, he will remember that he is accountable for his conduct not only to his fellow citizens, but to the supreme ruler of the universe; that he has a most important trust committed to him; that he is a minister of God, for good to his people; that the primary design to his honorary appointment, was to capacitate him to employ all his talents, in promoting and diffusing happiness through the community; and that he answers the great end of his being called into office, only so far as he steadfastly pursues this grand object. And that a greater proportion of happiness will be enjoyed by a people, where their rulers are actuated by such disinterested motives, than where they are influenced by selfishness, is too evident to need proof. It is as unnecessary to prove, that men of piety are not only the most likely to pursue the public good, but the only characters, from whom we have reason steadily to expect, such disinterested conduct. Nothing can afford so great a security for the fidelity of rulers, as godliness. Other motives may for a time produce unexceptionable conduct. But the influence of these other motives will be ever uncertain, and at best subservient to selfish views. The public good will always be abandoned by such a mind, whenever it is considered as directly opposed to private interest.

No men, in any situation or employment, are so sensible of the obligations they are under to fidelity as the truly religious. No others so fully perceive its importance, or are so deeply impressed with a conviction of its necessity. Religion is a crown of glory to all who possess it. It does not of itself prepare men for office, either in church or state. But where they are other ways prepared, the addition of true religion, above everything, contributes to their fidelity and usefulness. This observation applies with as much propriety, and force to the civil magistracy, as to any official characters. Fidelity in that office, is essential to national prosperity. So that godliness, when it lives and reigns in the hearts and lives of the magistrates of a country, contributes directly, and most essentially to the public happiness.

2. Godliness is no less salutary to a community, by the influence, which it has on the great body of the people.

As it secures the fidelity of rulers, so it makes good citizens. If its practice could once become universal in a nation, it would produce such a conduct in all ranks, as would issue in general prosperity. So far as national happiness depends, on the promotion of the social virtues—on the cultivation of benevolence, kindness, justice and charity—on the prevalence of harmony and tranquility, the practice of godliness has a direct tendency to its advancement. Godliness teaches us to do justly, to love mercy and to walk humbly with God. To owe no man anything, but to love one another. To render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor is due. And, to comprehend the whole in few words, to love our neighbour as ourselves. So far as these virtues promote public happiness, or are any way conducive to the prosperity of a nation; so far the salutary influence of godliness is indisputable. As it respects the duties of the second table of law, it consists in the exercise of these very virtues. And how far the practice of them actually does contribute to national prosperity, we may learn from the evils which their opposite vices never fail to produce. Fraud, injustice, anger, wrath and hatred are most evidently the bane of social happiness; and in proportion to their prevalency, are invariably productive of misery. The practice of these virtues then, and consequently of true godliness, has a direct tendency to promote the public good.

Again, so far as national happiness depends on a suitable conduct in the members of a community, toward each other, it is directly promoted by godliness. The circumstance last mentioned, it is well known, has great influence on domestic happiness. It is essential to the prosperity of a private family, that the conduct of each member be regulated by the strictest rules of propriety—that the heads conduct with a dignity becoming their station; equally remote from unreasonable austerity on the one hand, and trifling familiarity on the other—that children and servants, constantly exhibit reverence and respect, by an unreserved and cheerful obedience. Imprudence and folly in the governors of a family, and obstinacy and disobedience in the inferior members, are utterly destructive of domestic felicity. And why should not the case be the same with larger communities? The happiness of a nation is composed of similar ingredients with that, of a private family. And as the conduct of the several members of the latter, toward each other, has so evident an influence on their happiness, why must not the prosperity of a nation be greatly affected, by the mutual conduct of its rulers and ruled? If so, godliness must certainly promote national felicity. For it influences rulers to rule in the fear of God, and unofficered citizens to reverence and respect the magistrates of their country, as ministers of the Most High, appointed for the good of his people. So far as it extends, it leads every man to conduct agreeable to his station; to abide in, and faithfully to discharge the duties of his particular calling, and thus to contribute to the advancement of the general felicity.

But I take the liberty of farther observing, that godliness promotes national prosperity, as it contributes to an increase of wealth. If any should call in question the truth of this observation, let me desire him to remember, that there are few vices but what are luxurious; that they are expensive, and even prodigal both of time and money; and that those which are most corrupting, which spread their contagion the most rapidly, which ever have and ever will prevail where godliness is neglected, are not only such as devour property, but such as introduce disease, debility, idleness, and even an aversion to every species of labor, and thus dry up the very sources of national wealth.

On the other hand, godliness leads to temperance, health, industry and frugality. It not only retrenches the expenses of extravagance, but it adds to the stock already possessed, the daily gains of diligence. From the command and example of her divine teacher, she gathers up the fragments, and suffers nothing to be lost.

If, after considering these particulars, any should still be disposed to doubt, whether a general diffusion of godliness through a nation, would contribute more to the increase of its wealth, than the unrestrained reign of vice, let him compare the expenses of the several virtues included in true godliness, with those of their opposite vices. Let him for instance compare the expenses of humility, temperance and frugality, with what would be necessary to support pride, luxury, intemperance and prodigality, and the comparison will convince him, that it is vice which drains a nation of her wealth. We venture further to offer it as a decided opinion, that if such a person should judge with impartiality, he would meet a conviction, that the fashionable vices of the present day, are far more expensive than the support of government, together with all the public and private means of literary, moral and religious instruction. The universal spread of godliness among us, would save this enormous expense, and thus increase the pecuniary advantages of our nation. So true is it that godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

But permit me to add, that godliness, above every other principle that can be named, gives efficacy to the laws of a nation. Among many other ingredients, necessary to the happiness of a people, a good code of laws will doubtless be included. But simply the existence of such a system of laws, will be but of little advantage, unless they are sacredly regarded—unless they possess a commanding influence on all ranks of citizens. Laws, that have lost their influence, neither afford protection to the virtuous, nor lay restraint on the excesses of the vicious. And laws disregarded and trampled on with impunity will ever lose their influence. Of consequence, the support of law, by giving it as extensive an obedience as possible, and by putting its penalty in execution on delinquents, must be of high importance to national prosperity. And yet no part of civil government is attended with more, or greater difficulties. Men of true piety will see, and feel the importance of giving efficacy to laws, and from the purest motives, throw their whole weight into that scale.—They will obey the ordinances of man for the Lord’s sake. But the vicious part of every community are always impatient under the restraints of law; and ready to violate it, whenever they can flatter themselves of doing it with impunity. Hence the well known fact, that laws are trampled upon, in proportion to the increase of vice. The more gross wickedness prevails, the more are all laws divine and human disregarded. The inheritance from this fact is plain, that no principle can give such an efficacious influence to the laws of a nation, as true godliness. There is a close connection between fidelity to God, and fidelity to man; he who possesses the former will not neglect the latter. Consequently the diffusion of true religion through a nation, would in this respect, be attended with a most happy influence.

But it is worthy of further remark, that godliness not only contributes to the maintenance and support of law, by its influence on the hearts and lives of its true friends; but the doctrine of revealed religion, have a happy political effect on all who believe them, even with a speculative faith. The corruptions of mankind, it is believed, are far more restrained, from an apprehension and dread of future punishment, than from all the penalties, which sanction the several codes of human laws. Revealed religion denounces future wrath, not only against persons guilty of impiety toward God; but against murderers, thieves, adulterers, perjured persons, and all who commit crimes against society. So far as divine revelation is believed—so far as it gains even an historical assent from mankind, the idea of this future punishment, must operate as a forcible check to human corruptions. These penalties, admitting the authenticity of the scriptures, are known by the impenitent to be unavoidable, and therefore affect the mind as realities. No concealment, no fraud, no flight, can protect the offender from the vengeance of the judge. If the sinner dies in impenitency, he must unavoidably suffer the dreadful consequences. But men can easily escape the penalties of human laws. Under the best executed government, the probability is that they are actually avoided in more instances, than suffered by transgressors. The means of escaping civil punishments are very numerous, and perfectly known to the most vicious part of every nation. So that human laws are always transgressed with a hope of impunity. If then all dread of future punishment were totally annihilated, the strongest support of civil law, would be removed, and very little be left to restrain the corruptions of the vicious. And the consequence might be an absolute impossibility of supporting civil government.

From the foregoing observations we may at least conclude, that godliness is not only highly advantageous, but that, a belief of its doctrines, and especially those which respect the divine character and future rewards and punishments, are essential to the well being, if not to the existence of civil society. And it is a well known fact that all antiquity were in favor of a similar sentiment. Not a single legislator has ever attempted to enforce obedience to his laws, solely on the foundation of civil sanctions. They universally perceived the insufficiency of these motives, unassisted by those derived from religion. And as they were strangers to divine revelation, they formed a substitute, and adapted it, as well as they could, to the circumstances, the genius, and the prejudices of their people. Lycurgus, Solon, Numa Pompilius, Capac, and every legislator, at all famed for the wisdom of his institutions, found it necessary to have recourse to religion; and, in fact, derived from that source, the principle motives to enforce obedience. This shows, that in the judgment of these eminent men, the belief of a supreme Being, and the practice of some religion, are of great importance to the support of civil government; and that it is in vain to expect that a system of laws can be maintained for any considerable period, independent of all assistance of this kind. An opinion, as is confidently supposed, founded in a very accurate, and extensive knowledge of human nature, and which, we cannot but presume, will be ever found true, as long as sinful passions and affections possess such an influence on mankind.

If then some religion has ever been found necessary to the existence of civil government; if where the true religion has been unknown, the ablest legislators have thought it necessary to invent a substitute; if even an historical belief of the doctrines of revealed religion, have so direct a tendency to support civil institutions; certainly the reality itself, the general spread of true piety among all ranks in a commonwealth, must be attended with the most salutary effects. Its influence on the order, the regularity, the peace, and the harmony of a community, cannot fail of augmenting its felicity.

We see then, that beside the spiritual and eternal advantages of true godliness, which the design of this discourse will not admit of our considering, there are important benefits to be derived from it in the administration of civil government; and if generally and faithfully practiced, it would most essentially contribute toward obtaining for, and securing to a community all the valuable ends of such an institution.

In the preceding observations be just, then to maintain, that godliness is of no importance in a civil point of view—that gentlemen may be every way as well qualified, to act in any official character, in the government of a nation without, as with religion—that it is a matter of no consequence to the political happiness of a people, what religious system, or whether any at all prevails among them,–to support these, and similar sentiments, not only tends to the encouragement of immorality, but to the propagation of political heresy. And in proportion to their prevalence, must be productive of the most dangerous consequences. Without religion, a sense of moral obligation can never be preserved. And once destroy a sense of moral obligation, and you strike a deadly blow at the root of all mutual confidence between the different members of the community, and invite the spread of those vices, which are most hostile to the political as well as eternal interest of mankind.

I feel a peculiar happiness on this occasion, in being able to confirm these sentiments, by the authority of that most excellent man, that best of patriots, whose distinguished talents and eminent abilities, faithfully consecrated to his country’s service, have not only in an unexampled manner endeared him to his fellow-citizens, but rendered him the object of the veneration of the world. From that valuable legacy of political experience and sentiment, which he bequeathed to his country, in his address accompanying his resignation, I gladly introduce the following passages.

“Of all the dispositions and habits, says he, which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of a peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

”It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifferency on attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?”

I cannot conclude this extract, without observing that the sentiments it contains, in the view of every wise and good man, must add a luster to a character, already enrolled on the records of deathless fame, and the subject of a more universal admiration, and more extensive esteem, that any which the world hath hitherto produced. May America preserve in everlasting remembrance his political counsels—may they continue, through all succeeding generations, the fundamental maxims of their government—may his successors be all animated by the same spirit of wisdom, patriotism, firmness, and uncorruptible integrity—may he in the shades of retirement be constantly blessed with the special tokens of the divine favor—may self-approving reflections on the part he has acted, and the spiritual joys of communion with God and Christ repay the ceaseless toils and anxieties of his public life—and when heaven shall call him from his earthly abode, may he be admitted to a distinguished seat in the paradise above.

Permit me to add, that if anything can console us under the painful idea that Washington, no longer directs the helm of our government, it is the pleasing reflection that we have for his successor, a gentleman, not only of the first character for literary and political merit, wisdom, firmness and independency of sentiment, but one, who in the very moment of his inauguration, and in the presence of both houses of our national legislature, and a most crowded assembly of all ranks of spectators, 1 had the fortitude to avow his attachment to the Christian religion, and his fixed determination to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service.

But we suspend these pleasing reflections, and proceed to remark, that if the observations which have been made be just, the importance of supporting Christianity is undeniable. All the political benefits, which can be rationally expected from any religion ever taught in this world, may certainly be expected from the Christian, and in a much higher degree than from any other, in proportion to the superior excellency of its moral precepts. The candid enemies of our faith confess, that the morality taught in the gospel is the most pure, and the best adapted to the purposes of social happiness, of any moral system ever published to men. If then some religion be necessary to answer the purposes of civil government, Christianity even on political views ought to be preferred to all others, as it possesses far the greatest tendency to promote the important designs already mentioned. If its morals are the purest, its tendency to promote social happiness is the greatest, and therefore good policy requires its support.

It is not however our wish that anything similar to the religious establishments of Europe, should be introduced into our country. We hope never to see our magistrates employed, in prescribing articles of faith; nor in the exercise of the least coercive power to compel men to adopt this, or that creed, or submit to any one mode of worship in preference to another. May liberty of conscience, in this land, be never violated. But if there be important political advantages to be derived from Christianity, which cannot be so effectually secured by any other means, as appears evident from the preceding observations, then is it as much the duty of government to endeavour its preservation, as in any other way to seek the public good. If every individual be left to choose for himself both with respect to doctrines, and modes of worship, laws made for the support of public instruction, and the religious observation of the Sabbath, cannot in any proper sense infringe on liberty of conscience.

If religion then has a just claim to the protection of government, it must be peculiarly important to official characters. The more exalted gentlemen are in office, the more public and extensive their sphere of action, the more necessary is it, that their whole conduct should exhibit undeniable evidence of their attachment to religion. The great body of the people look up to them, not only for examples in every virtue, but for that legislative encouragement to the cause of religion, on which its general prosperity under God must in a great measure depend. If godliness be profitable unto all things, if its political advantages be as great as has been represented, good policy will certainly lead to a preservation of the laws for the support of morality, to a maintenance and if need be, to an enlargement of the statutes for the suppression of vice, and to the appointment of such men to fill the several offices under our government, as are known to be at least men of unblemished morals. A steady adherence to this rule would disappoint the hopes of the wicked, and proportionally encourage those of the virtuous. It would make our legislature a terror indeed to evil doers, and a praise to them who do well. Much depends on the conduct of rulers. To support religion, law and liberty, is theirs. We live in a day when each of these have many foes. When the advocates of infidelity are loudly boasting of the increase of their numbers—When licentiousness is alarmingly prevalent, and when the federal constitution, the great palladium of our liberties, has been violently attacked. That amidst all these internal evils, and the dangers which arise from foreign insults and depredations, our rulers may be directed by unerring wisdom—that they may ever possess that firmness and fidelity, which the arduous duties of their station, and the peculiar difficulties of the day require, is the ardent prayer of all their pious constituents. And supported by so important an encouragement, it is hoped, and expected that they will disregard the unfounded clamours, of the enemies of religion and our country.

But besides the support which Christianity has a right to expect from government, it is of the highest importance, that it receive all encouragement from every class of citizens. In this business all should be united, and extend as far, and as generally as possible the practice of true piety. If there were no futurity, if the race of men had been made only for this world, still the universal practice of godliness would be a most desirable object, and as such must meet the sincere approbation of every friend to his country. And if so, how inconceivably important indeed is it, when we are assured by a well authenticated revelation from heaven, that we are all acting not for time only, or principally, but for the rewards, or the punishments of an eternity. The motives to the choice and practice of godliness are immensely great. Both temporal and eternal benefit, the promise of this life and of that which is to come, are all presented to our view, and placed in a very conspicuous light before our eyes, and nothing but the grossest stupidity can prevent our feeling the force of them.

This subject leads me further to remark, that although the laws of our land have excused clergymen from the burdens of civil functions, and left them at liberty to devote their whole time to the business of their peculiar profession, yet no body of men are more deeply interested in the prosperity of their country, or under greater obligations to constant exertions for that purpose. And happily their duty as Christian ministers, and as members of civil society perfectly coincide. In the former, which is the principal capacity in which they are called to act, they are pointedly commanded by their divine Master, to become ensamples to the whole flock over which the Holy Ghost has made them overseers, and to teach, rebuke and exhort with all long suffering and doctrine. The first object of their labors is to prepare men for the kingdom of heaven. This they are to attempt by explaining to them the nature, and enforcing on them the importance of true godliness, and by persuading them, if possible, to a faithful practice of it in all its branches. If they can effect this great purpose, they will not only benefit the souls of men, and advance the kingdom of the Redeemer in the world, but do a most important service to civil society. If they can become the happy instruments of leading those among whom they labor, to forsake sin, to embrace the gospel, to love God and practice every branch of true piety; they will no doubt obey magistrates, and submit themselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake. The more we promote the interest of religion, the more shall we advance that of civil society. The more spiritual good we do the souls of men, the more effectual aid shall we afford to the rulers of our land. Ministers have every argument set before them, to excite them to diligence and fidelity, drawn from the temporal, and the eternal interest of men. And in addition to all this, they are further animated, by a consideration of that future account which they must give of themselves, before an assembled universe. Though the stupidity of this infidel age, may often excite in them the complaint of the evangelical prophet “that they labor in vain and spend their strength for nought,” yet let them not be weary in well doing, but persevere with redoubled diligence, supported by the glorious hope that their labor will not be in vain in the Lord.

Lastly, the foregoing observations point out to us all, the sure means of promoting national happiness. Public virtue, and political prosperity are intimately connected. Righteousness will exalt, and vice bring ruin on a people. If then we are true patriots, if it is our glory really to be, as well as to be esteemed the friends of our country, we shall devote ourselves to the sincere practice of true godliness; and in our several stations faithfully endeavour its universal promotion. Enmity to religion is inconsistent with true patriotism. They who are either publicly or privately undermining the foundation of piety toward God, are weakening the force of moral obligation, and aiming a fatal blow against the dearest privileges resulting from the social compact. If we would wish to be a happy people, to enjoy in peace and tranquility the blessings of a most excellent constitution, and to transmit those fruits of such vast expense of blood and treasure unimpaired to posterity, it is of the highest importance, that we practice true godliness; as every other expedient, while that is neglected, will be found utterly insufficient.

In one word, the choice and practice of religion is urged on us, by every consideration which ought to affect a rational mind. Our duty to God, our country, and ourselves require it—our interest and happiness for time and eternity demand it of us. May God, of his infinite mercy grant us all, to experience it, in all its power, and in all its comforts and consolations, for the sake of the dear Redeemer. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. See President Adams’s speech at his inauguration.

Sermon – Election – 1796, New Hampshire


William Frederick Rowland (d. 1843) graduated from Dartmouth in 1784. He was the pastor of the First Church in Exeter, NH beginning in 1790. This sermon was preached by Rowland in New Hampshire on June 2, 1796.


sermon-election-1796-new-hampshire

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED IN PRESENCE OF

HIS EXCELLENCY

JOHN TAYLOR GILMAN, Esquire

GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,

CONVENED AT EXETER ON THE DAY OF THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

JUNE 2, 1796.

BY WILLIAM F. ROWLAND, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN EXETER.

State of New-Hampshire.

In the House of Representatives,
June 3d, 1796.

VOTED, That Mr. Moody, Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Upham, be a committee, on the part of the House, to join such of the Hon. Senate as they may appoint, to wait on the Reverend Mr. Rowland, and return him the thanks of the Legislature for his ingenious Discourse, delivered yesterday before the General Court, and desire of him a Copy for the Press.

Sent up for concurrence;
RUSSELL FREEMAN, Speaker.
In SENATE, June 3d, 1796, Read and concurred. Mr. Flanders appointed.
Nath’l Parker, dep. Sec’ry.
True Copy, Attest, Nath’l Parker, D’y. S’y.

 

ELECTION SERMON.
 

2 SAMUEL, xxiii. 3.

HE THAT RULETH OVER MEN MUST BE JUST, RULING IN THE FEAR OF GOD.

A CHARACTER formed upon the principles of religion is the most honorable and useful. It comprises all the virtues that recommend man to the peculiar notice of his Maker, render him an ornament to society, make him happy in a state of social connection in the present world, and glorious in immortality.

Such a character was David, The anointed of the God of Jacob: and he insists upon the indispensable necessity of it in those who rule over men. Nor does he offer merely his own private opinion respecting this important subject, for the Spirit of the Lord was with him—The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

The royal Prophet here points out, in a very brief and comprehensive manner, the duty, and the necessary qualifications of a civil ruler. These words ought to be engraven in the heart of every ruler, and in the heart of every person in the choice of rulers; for while they direct the latter to whom they ought to give their suffrages, they point out to the former the character which they should possess.

It is both pertinent and laudable, and must be considered so, by all good men, to enter on the public business of legislation, by the presentment of the rulers and officers of Government before the Lord in his sacred courts, to hear the words of his law, and to supplicate his presence and aid. We are happy that our civil Fathers have consecrated the present time to these solemn duties of religion. The occasion on which we are assembled, and the theme which I have chosen, will naturally lead me to make some remarks on government; delineate the character of a good ruler; exhibit the necessity of religion in civil administrations, and its happy effects in society.

Mutual advantage, at first induced men to form into social compact, and produced towns, states and empires. To exist in this social capacity, and secure life, property and happiness, it was found necessary that they should have some form of civil government. It is the will of God, that government should exist among men. What particular form is nowhere designated, but every nation has a right to choose for itself, and adapt it to the views, feelings and circumstances of the people. One form may be best for one nation, and a different, for another. That form is best, which most effectually secures their rights and rational liberties.

To the due administration of justice it is necessary that some should be clothed with authority; without this, they will not be able to regulate the affairs of state, and secure the good and peaceable, from the wanton abuse of the wicked and licentious. Their power, it is true, they derive from the people, but when they have invested them with authority they should pay due submission to, and place confidence in them.

A race of rational beings, not connected by the parental or filial tie, not depraved, but perfectly innocent, it is probable would fall into some kind of polity or civil connection. By forming into society the collected gifts and graces of all would become the property and emolument of all; but without social connection, they would be the property and profit only of the person possessing them, and could not benefit the whole. Society cannot be formed, or subsist, without certain regulations, or constitutional establishments. Such a race of beings, as we before mentioned, could find no difficulty in forming into union, and constituting the social tie. If their powers and capacities were different, reason would plainly lead the superior to the head, and the inferior to their respective places of subordination in the body. Or, if in regard to powers and capacities, all were on a par, then all would equally govern, and be equally subject. The good Angels are represented as having a kind of connection and order among them. The sacred books speak of Principalities and Powers, Thrones and Dominions; and the superiority signified by this necessarily supposes connection and subordination. But be it as it may among good and holy beings, yet obviously among beings so deeply depraved and selfish as man, government is indispensably necessary. Without government, it would be impossible to live in such a world as ours. A state of anarchy, without law and government, would be a state of complete wretchedness.—Such are the fierce and savage lusts of men, that property and life would constantly hang on uncertainty. The Israelitish nation found themselves in a most calamitous state, when there was no Government authoritatively established among them, and everyone did without control what was right in his own eyes. The God of nature has pointed out the propriety of civil government, in the constitution of families, and given a specimen of it in parental authority and filial subjection; this only excepted, that all men are born free and stand on a par; so that all rightful governing must derive from the governed and have its foundation in common consent and agreement. Necessity early led men to form themselves into social bodies, and confirm the social tie by certain laws and regulations mutually agreed on and committed to some one or more of the body.

In order to government, rulers are necessary; and to a happy administration it is requisite that they answer the character in the text: Some delineation of which was the next thing we proposed.

He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. He must be just in all his dealings, in the exercise of the powers with which he is invested, administering justice without partiality. The word of God teaches the necessary qualifications of a good ruler. To this he will look for instruction in his duty. Here he will find a model, on which his character should be formed; and rules relating to his whole conduct. It teaches him to reverence God as the Supreme Ruler of nations, his dependence on Him for light and direction, and his accountableness to Him for all his actions: and this will have a happy influence on his conduct and excite him to fidelity. It unfolds a glorious immortality, through Jesus Christ, to those who are faithful to God in the trust committed to them, and improve their talents aright: by which glorious hope the pious ruler is animated in his laborious undertaking.

It humbles the pride of the human heart, teaches that salvation is only through the grace that is in Jesus, and lays prostrate the hope of man from any distinguished merit in himself; which must tend to inspire the Christian ruler with an amiable humility, while raised to a seat of honor; prevent his exalting himself above his Brethren, and lording it over God’s heritage. It teaches the motives, by which they are to be influenced in all their deliberations and decrees. Influenced by such a religion, the Ruler will consult the good of the community, and will always live in the affections of a grateful people. He will have a humble dependence on God for wisdom to conduct him. He will see his need of divine assistance, and be modest and unassuming. He will not crowd himself into public notice by artifice, but wait until he is called by the voluntary suffrages of the people. Those, who are best qualified to rule, will be least solicitous to obtain an office. A sense of the importance of a public trust, and of having the weight of public affairs devolve on them, forbids their aspiring to rule. Persuaded that the most refined enjoyments are to be found in the walks of domestic retirement, they will quit them for an elevated station, only when called by the united voice of their brethren, and constrained by a sense of duty. There is no greater evidence of a person’s unfitness for public trust than his seeking it by promoting faction. True merit does not seek public notice, and it reluctantly enters the field of action. The good ruler will therefore engage in public life, not to gratify his own ambition, consult his own ease, or obtain the applause of men; but from a sense of duty.

When clothed with authority, he will be concerned that his administrations be consistent with the will of God, and promotive of the public good. He governs for the whole, and consults the advantage of society. No personal or partial considerations will influence him to turn aside from duty. Awed by the fear of God, and a sense of his accountableness, he pursues a steady course, nor is influenced by the adulations of friends or the clamours of pretended patriots. He will always make it his endeavour to enact wise and salutary laws, which are essential to preserve the peace and order of society. Much wisdom and integrity re necessary to direct the ruler in framing such laws, and to preserve him from the baleful influence of selfish and party motives. While the unjust aims to establish such laws as will best promote his own selfish ends, the just will consult the good of his constituents. The ruler of this character will look, not merely to the emolument of individuals, but he will seek the best good of the whole circle: like the parent of a numerous offspring, he has a tender regard for very member, feels interested in their united prosperity, and will not sacrifice the peace of the family, to gratify the capricious humours of a few.

A ruler of this description will not only enact laws which are founded on the principles of justice; but will take care that they be faithfully executed. The wisest and best code of laws will be of advantage to a community, only so far as they are accompanied with a faithful execution. He will not only obey the laws himself, and recommend such obedience to others, by his own example; but will use the power, with which he is vested, to enforce obedience from the unruly. He will be a terror to those who do evil, and while he punishes the guilty, he will praise and encourage those who do well. Firm in the cause of truth and righteousness, not over-awed by popular clamour, he will steadily pursue the dictates of conscience, knowing he has a Master in Heaven, to whom he must give an account. He will not sacrifice truth and justice, though it issue in popular odium, and dismission from public service. He will not pusillanimously shrink from duty, because it is attended with difficulty and opposition; but courageously stem the torrent, until, over-borne by its impetuosity, he is compelled to recede from danger. Influenced in all his proceedings, by the fear of God, he will be more powerfully prompted to a course of rectitude, than by all the adulations or censures of men.

How contemptible must be that ruler, who has no opinion of his own, but is blown about by every gale of temptation, and complies with the caprices of evil and designing men! Firmness and stability are very essential qualities in a good ruler. But, let his talents and abilities be ever so great, and his political acquirements ever so conspicuous, he will be but poorly qualified for a station of eminence, who has no reverence for God, and regard for his religion. His honesty and integrity must be doubted. It is to be feared he would neglect the interest of those, whose prosperity he should seek, and sport with the liberties of the people.

Men devoid of every principle of religion, unawed by the fear of God, and unrestrained by his commands, cannot reasonably expect to be entrusted with the lives and liberties of the people; nor that they will countenance their vices. They cannot put confidence in them; for there is, there indeed can be no reason to think, that they will regard men, who have no fear of God before their eyes. It is therefore necessary that the fear of God be fixed in the heart of him, who rules over men, and that he be influenced by it in all his conduct.

Rulers should not only be concerned that their administrations be good, but must themselves obey those laws, which they enjoin on others. If the makers of the law be the first to break them, they have every reason to expect that many will follow their example.

Rulers are set for an example to the people.—They are to reprove those who violate the laws, and encourage those who keep them, by exhibition a pattern for their imitation, not only in civil, but divine precepts; and, in this way, be nursing Fathers to the Church. The example of those, who are elevated to office, will always, in a greater or less degree, influence society. The people look to them, and form their manners, their dress and behavior; also their sentiments and practice, in a political and a religious view. The body of the people, generally, receive their moral and political complexion from those, who are in eminent stations. The rulers of Israel formed the manners of the nation. When they were wicked and corrupt, general wickedness and idolatry prevailed. Thus, in the time of our Saviour, when the prejudices of the people run high, they enquired, whether, Any of the Rulers of the people believed on him; intimating, that the conduct of their rulers, would influence their minds to receive, or reject the Messiah.

So it has been, in some sense, with other nations, and so it is with our own. It is natural to look to those of superior wisdom and eminence, for example. And though some, from perverseness of nature, being lost to all sense of honor and shame, may totally disregard their good example, and others, awed by the fear of God, may altogether avoid their corruptions; yet the general body of the people are more or less influenced by them to good or evil.

It is of high importance, therefore, that rulers be men of virtue; and that they reverence religion and its institutions. It is in their power to do much good, or evil: the present prosperity, and the everlasting welfare of multitudes may much depend on their conduct.

I proceed to the last thing proposed; which was to exhibit the necessity of religion in civil administrations, and its happy effects in society.

Religion is necessary to the happiness of society; and without it, civil government cannot subsist.—Man is endowed by his great author with social faculties; but so great is his depravity, that selfishness predominates in his heart, and he has lusts and passions, which, if under no control, would fill the world with vice, and its attendant misery. The faculties, by which he is raised in the scale of being, make him more subtle in planning, and assist him in effecting his wicked and destructive purposes. If the mind be impressed with no idea of a God, every object of pursuit may be contemplated with a supreme regard; and the selfish would gain a complete ascendency over the benevolent affections.

The aids of religious principles, in union with the powers and faculties natural to man, are insufficient to restrain his irregular and mischievous passions; and the latter without the former must be much more so.

The light of nature indeed teaches the existence of a God, and an all-wise and glorious providence, when her dictates are suitably attended to; and when they are not, and men boast themselves as men of reason, and through sophistry and ridicule attempt to subvert religion in the hearts of men, the “Age of reason” becomes an age of more than Egyptian darkness.

To guard men against the lusts and furious passions of each other, civil establishments, always known to be insufficient, have been connected with, or have had recourse to the aids of religion.

What could be the origin of society without this connecting bond? And in societies formed, nothing can so powerfully induce the ruler to a wise administration of government, and a faithful discharge of all the duties of his office, or so ensure the obedience of subjects.

A ruler cannot be supposed to lose the feelings of the man by an elevation to office; he has the same passions to govern, and lusts to conquer; and the government and victory of these, is rendered more difficult, by the temptations which are increased, and the opportunities for gratifying them, which are multiplied, by the situation in which he is placed. There are many, perhaps, whose conduct is inoffensive in the stations of private life, who, if they swayed a scepter, would become Neroes. But, how much soever warmed with true patriotism the hearts of civil rulers may be, they cannot calculate upon the interest of their subjects, in the righteous administration of their legal power. With respect to secret crimes, and crimes where numbers and power are enlisted on the side of the transgressors, coercion will be weak, and government of no avail. Set aside the influence of religious principle, and the members of the community could have no ground for rational trust and confidence in each other. No oath could be administered in such a society; they would live each moment in a state of alarm; government would lost all its energy; society would be full of disorder, confusion and every evil work; the voice of joy would not be heard; the name of happiness would not be known; and being itself would be a curse.

If the being and attributes of the Most High, an all-wise, powerful and holy providence, and the retributions of eternity are acknowledged, the state of things is surprisingly altered for the better. Rulers may exercise the powers with which they are invested, and the people, whom they govern, will obey their laws, and feel that their guardian care is a source of mutual happiness to the society of which they are members.

Those who are cordially disposed to lead quiet and holy lives, cannot fail to realize, that they, their interest and happiness, are rendered as safe, as this state, and the existing circumstances with which they are surrounded, can possibly make them. And, on the other hand, men of bad hearts and evil dispositions will not be able to run into those excesses, to which their unbridled lusts would lead them, without counteracting the dictates of conscience; bursting asunder the strongest bands of society, and hazarding, or giving up life, property, and all that is worth living for.

The sacred books teach us the being and attributes of God. They exhibit his Majesty, his Holiness, his Justice, his Goodness, his Mercy, and his Truth: His Omnipresence, his Spirituality, his Omniscience, his Supreme and unlimited Dominion; his readiness to pardon, and his determination to reward the righteous, and punish the wicked and impenitent.

They also bring us acquainted with our nature, state and circumstances; with our misery and the mode of our cure; they point out our duty in every situation, in every relation, and in all the circumstances of human life; they encourage our rational hopes, and animate us by the most sublime motives.

All other things, which are deemed necessary to our peace, in the connected and social state, will not avail without this. No natural principles, nor the best forms of government, will be sufficient without the conducting guidance, and powerful energy of religion. This clearly shews, that the civil ruler is to be considered as God’s minister, and, that the subject ought to yield obedience to good and salutary laws, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.

The beauty of the Christian system is exhibited, and its advantages to connected minds, in many and various respects. It purifies the heart and amends the life. It refines, ennobles and exalts the affections. When the civil order is broken in upon by the licentious and disorderly part of society, when men of weak heads and dishonest hearts officiously attempt to guide the affairs of State, and to arraign, at their bar, the well tried and chosen patriots of the commonwealth, our religion commands them to study the things which make for peace, to submit to good government as the ordinance of God, and to obey magistrates as his ministers to them for good. It enjoins patriotism as a common duty; and whatsoever we would that others should do unto us that we do the same to them—and extend a generous benevolence to the whole race of man.

The malevolent passions and corrupt feelings of depraved nature, if unrestrained, would predominate over the better principles, the social and humane dispositions of man; and involve society, in calamities, too many to enumerate, and too horrible to think upon.

The religion of Jesus rectifies the foil of the heart; eradicates those evil dispositions which have been cultured there; plucks up every plant which his good hand hath not planted; restrains the passions, by bringing them under its happy dominion; and fills society with tranquility and order.

It cultivates in the minds of men, the purest and the sublimest principles of virtue. It reclaims them from all those paths of iniquity, in which, through the solicitations of the wicked, and the allurements of false honor and worldly pleasure, they may have wandered; and makes them good men, and useful members of the community. It secures and promotes the interests of government and the prosperity of its subjects. It directs rulers and people to the duties, which are peculiar to their respective places; and by setting before them the most glorious motives, sweetly constrains and allures to the discharge of them. It promotes peace; it breathes benevolence; it cherishes the kind and social affections, and rectifies the morals of mankind. It prohibits everything that is injurious to our happiness, or the interests of those who are about us. When all the members of a community are under its influence, and conduct agreeably to its requirements, they form the most beautiful and happy society: the voice of profaneness, fraud and licentiousness will not be heard in the streets; iniquity will stop its mouth and virtue triumph. Society is happy in proportion as religion flourishes. But religion has something nobler in its view and tendency than the civil governments of the world; it looks forward into eternity; yet it is as friendly to the happiness of men, in the present state, as if it embraced no other object. It is a dishonorable idea of religion, and degrading to its author, that some entertain—an idea that religion is a substitute to civil government, and looks no farther than the present state.

We have no reason to think, from anything we can find in the sacred books, that our blessed Lord designed to intermeddle with, or, in any respects, change the civil establishments of mankind. His kingdom, he expressly tells us, is not of this world. He suffered Princes and Potentates to remain where they were; and left men to decide all matters of controversy with respect to them, by the principles of reason and their civil laws or forms of government. He inculcated lessons of obedience to them; and wrought a miracle to pay tribute, when he knew that he should have been excused.

The religion of Jesus is replete with the wisest maxims of civil polity, and inculcates them by the most inviting rewards, and the most dreadful punishments. To secure the favor of the Most High is to render to society the most essential advantage. They who rule for God, who protect his Church, who are animated by his religion, and exemplify in their public administrations, and in the private walks of domestic retirement, all the virtues of the Christian, and they only, can govern with safety to themselves, and advantage to their constituents. They will mutually share with the people the blessings which they diffuse. Under their wise councils and determinations religion will flourish. This will make them honorable and respectable to themselves: It will encircle them with a glory, which the breath of mortals will not be able to take away; and raise them to seats of immortal honor.

Civil rulers are the guardians of the people; they will not separate the public weal from their own private happiness, nor feel satisfied with their labors, unless they are directed to the advantage of the community. They will derive the highest pleasure in the administrations, which secure to those under their charge their rights and liberties, civil and sacred.

Rulers, who use their influence to set aside the maxims of gospel morality and piety, forego the important and numerous advantages, which might accrue to themselves from the happy disposition of subjects, governed by the purest motives, and trained to the most virtuous conduct. If society were formed upon the laws of religion, its members would faithfully render to all their dues; cheerfully obey their governors in the proper and rightful exercise of their authority; and in this way strenuously and constantly endeavour to promote the happiness of each other, and of the body politic. But if rulers are so impolitic and wicked, as, by their example or influence, to banish religion, they may reasonably expect that the people to whom they give laws will treat them with no more respect than they treat the Sovereign Ruler; and that they will endeavour, as far as they are able, to disregard their authority, and evade or violate their commands.

The social interest is a vain and wild fancy without religion. Let religion, and the virtues which it inculcates be banished, and the bases of public order and private tranquility are at once subverted; the human character loses its dignity; and has nothing to recommend it above the herd of the forest.

Nothing can lessen the beauty, obscure the brightness, or tarnish the glory of that morality, which the gospel inculcates. To conform to this, he who is called to the arduous duty of ruling OVER MEN MUST BE JUST, RULING IN THE FEAR OF GOD. Parents must be wisely tender and indulgent towards their children, and children must be obedient to their parents. Masters must be gentle, and servants diligent. Ministers must be watchful, and the people to whom they minister must take heed how they receive and hear, and hold fast and repent. It teaches all, in whatsoever state we are, to be content, to be grateful for every enjoyment, and submissive under all the sorrows of human life; to give our hearts to him who hath made, sustained, and redeemed us; and keep ourselves unspotted from the world.

If the laws of religion be viewed in their spirituality, extent, and tendency, reason and equity will be found their basis. And, if he, who is raised to the seat of power, pays no regard to this morality, he has acquired only a fancied elevation, a sorry pre-eminence above his brethren. But he, who is sincere and diligent in his endeavours faithfully to discharge the duties of his station, hath an honor, which enmity and malevolence, with all their poison, will not be able to blacken.

In the social and public, as well as in private life, there is an inseparable connection between holiness and happiness; between sin and misery. From the attributes of the Most High and merciful Ruler, the common dealings of his Providence, and the declarations of his holy word, we may conclude, that he will bless, defend and increase a virtuous nation, and will leave those, who are wicked to suffer the fatal consequences of their own wickedness. The history of the world is full of examples, that in proportion as public virtue, and an attention to the duties of religion have increased or diminished; so the wealth, credit and powers of all states and empires have flourished or decayed. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. Rulers, therefore, who are the ministers of God, are in duty bound to lend their aid to promote religion.

If such as we have described be the character of the good Ruler, and such the happy consequences of his administrations; it is highly important that none but men of this description be invested with authority.

The duty, the interest and happiness of a free people require, that they examine the characters of those, who are proposed as candidates for places of public trust. It is important that they revere the laws of religion; that its sublime principles influence their hearts, and its pure morals be exhibited in their lives. The wicked and profligate, who ridicule or disbelieve the religion of the Bible, who speak disrespectfully of its sacred truths, cannot safely be entrusted with the liberties of the people: they may greatly oppress them, wantonly sport with the lives of their subjects, unjustly wrest from them the property, which they have earned by their honest and industrious labors, and riot upon the spoils of their happiness.

Our subject teaches not only the importance of good rulers, but the duty and necessity of treating them with respect and submission. They steadily pursue the peace and prosperity of their country; encourage a regard for the precepts of religion, which have the best influence on its happiness, and enforce them by a corresponding example. Such rulers are entitled to respect from the people.

All unauthorized societies, formed to prevent the execution of the laws and subvert government, are not only injurious to the interests of the community, but contrary to the laws of religion.

There ever have been unprincipled men, who were impatient under the restraints of government, who have fought their own private emolument at the expence of the happiness of their country. When such men have the address to procure an election to office, they never fail to excite a factious and turbulent spirit. When the wicked bear rule the people mourn. The suspicions and jealousies of restless and uneasy spirits always endanger the peace and welfare of a people. Rulers should be allowed to exercise their own judgments, in the regulation of all affairs, which come under their cognizance. People are not to be unreasonable in their expectations from them. They cannot in all matters please all. They must consult the good of the whole, not their own private interests, or the interests of a few.

The happiness of a people, under whatever form of government, depends on a wise administration.—Under a government in many respects defective, if it be well administered, they may be happy. And the best and most perfect system, with weak or wicked rulers, cannot fail to make them miserable: but a good government and administration will ensure the most important and lasting benefits.

Those, who rule in the fear of God, will make it their study, to promote the happiness of the people, and approve themselves to God their Judge. They act under the notice of his all-seeing eye, remembering that to Him they must render a strict and impartial account of all their conduct. Happy is the people, who have such rulers, yea; Happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

I am happy in addressing those who, I trust, feel the importance of the observations which have been made. I feel a pleasing confidence while, I hope, I am representing those truths which are agreeable to this honorable body, and that they will strive to have them generally practiced.

Our civil Fathers, assembled this day before the Lord, have deserved much of their country, for their decided and firm conduct in the support of order.

His Excellency the Governor, the Honorable the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives have proved themselves lovers of their country, its peace and prosperity: and, we doubt not, will continue their laudable exertions, and, with unremitting diligence and fidelity, pursue the public good.

Religion and learning are necessary to promote and ensure our best interests. They will, therefore, we trust, do all they can to encourage religion, and be an example to the people, by attending on its institutions, and exhibiting its virtues.

Literature and religion ever go hand in hand, and are the best friends to order, liberty and republican government. The civil Fathers of this State will, therefore, consider it as their duty, to reach out the fostering hand, and be nursing fathers to our important and flourishing University, and to our Academies and Schools of learning; that the rising generation may be trained in the moral and divine precepts of our religion, to be pillars and blessings in the Church, and fill the various seats of government, when this honorable legislature shall sleep in the dust.

My Fathers and Brethren in the Ministry can do much to strengthen the hands of the civil rulers, by teaching and enforcing the holy religion of Jesus, which inculcates peace, order, and a due submission to the constituted authorities of government. Our profession excludes us from an active part in the civil and political concerns of state. Nor do we wish to intermeddle with them, any farther than the interests of religion require. But the religion we preach teaches men to Render to all their dues; tribute, to whom tribute; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; and honor, to whom honor.

We are united with the Rulers of this State in conducting this people, as Aaron was with Moses, the Jewish lawgiver, in leading the tribes of Israel as a flock. Called to the arduous and important duty of publishing and enforcing a religion of the sublimest morality, and most glorious tendency; a religion on which our personal, social, and political happiness so essentially depends; let us look to the seat of mercy, and, with fervent importunity, supplicate a double portion of God’s Holy Spirit to animate us to a suitable zeal for his divine honor; to enable us to follow the example of the chief Shepherd; to affect our hearts with the religion of which we are the messengers to others, that we may suitably announce the declarations of his sacred word; to bless our ministrations with a glorious success, that when we have preached to others we may not be cast away; but, having turned many to righteousness, shine as stars forever in the kingdom of our Redeemer.

We are happy, my fellow-citizens, that we have a constitution of our own choice, excellently calculated to secure to us our invaluable liberties. Under its operation we have enjoyed much civil happiness and prosperity. Our rulers are from ourselves, and accountable for all their public measures. Let the best men for capacity, approved virtue, and attachment to the liberties of their country be appointed to rule: Let us keep a reasonable eye on the public measures: But let a spirit of jealousy, discontent and murmuring against government be banished from among us, as unchristian and unmanly, dangerous to our peace, and provoking to Heaven.

While many of the European nations are involved in all the desolating calamities of war; their substance wasted, or wrested from them by the hand of violence; their houses plundered, and their fields drenched in human blood; the peaceful olive spreads its branches over our favored land, and we sit quietly under our own vines.

We have lately seen the clouds gathering over our heads, threatening to subvert our excellent constitution, and deluge our infant and highly favored Republic. And we dreaded the violence of the impending storm. But these clouds are dissipated; our atmosphere has, at length, almost regained its serenity; and we have reason to rejoice, that the abilities of those, who raised it, were not able to effect their designs.

What language is sufficient to express the regret, which the wise and good have felt at the virulent abuse, which has been poured forth from ambitious, but disappointed demagogues, against our beloved Washington, the Christian hero and statesman! A grateful people will remember his deeds of valour, his wise and prudent counsels; rehearse them to their children, who will early learn to lisp his praises; and impartial history will hand them down to posterity; while those, who have attempted to wound his reputation, will be remembered to their reproach, or buried in everlasting oblivion. Long will Washington live in our hearts. Long may he continue to bless his country; and may God think upon him for good, according to all that he hath done for this people.

Finally: Let us all remember that this transitory world is subject to constant vicissitude, and was never designed for our continuing abode. There is another and better country, where the blessed Jesus determines to bring his chosen and peculiar friends. There order and peace forever reign, in the city of our God.

Let us all aspire after this heavenly inheritance, by a conformity of temper and conduct to the great pattern of holiness. Magistrates, Judges, and people, fear the Lord, and serve him with fidelity, remembering that you will ere long meet with the assembled universe before the judgment seat of Christ, to give an account how you have ruled, and obeyed.

In that solemn day, may we all hear from the Supreme Ruler and Judge of the Universe, WELL DONE, GOOD AND FAITHFUL SERVANTS; ENTER INTO THE JOY OF YOUR LORD.

A M E N.