Categories: Historical Documents

Printed by S. Hall, in Boston, for J. Dabney, in Salem
1796.

For we must all appear before the Judgment Seat of CHRIST, that everyone may receive the things done in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be good or bad.
2d. Corinthians, v. 10.

As the doctrine of a future state of retribution is the principal support of piety and virtue, the great and universal importance of it must be obvious.  And that this is a doctrine “worthy of all acceptation,” we have the concurrent testimonies of natural and revealed religion.

Our test leads us to consider – the certainty of a future judgment – some of the peculiarities of this judgment, as revealed in the gospel  – and the purposes for which God hath appointed it.

In regard to the certainty of a future state of retribution, let it be observed,
That the judgment we pass upon our own actions, or that faculty by which we discover the difference between good and evil, is the foundation of many of our most pleasing hopes, and of our most disquieting fears.  The satisfactions which accompany a life of innocence, are greatly increased by the expectation of a future recompense; and the terrors of a guilty conscience as greatly enhanced.

And we see, in many instances, that the dispensations of Providence in the present state, are promiscuous and unequal.  No certain conclusions can be drawn from them, in regard to the virtue or the vice of men.  The righteous often suffer, and for being righteous: and the wicked prosper, and prosper through their wickedness.

And although the wife and considerate in all ages, from a conviction that virtue was excellent in itself, and that vice was pernicious in its own nature, have endeavored to reward the former, and to punish the latter, according to their respective merits; yet no human laws have ever been able to effect these most desirable purposes.  No human tribunal can investigate the secret emotions of the heart, the source from which all our actions proceed; and in proportion to the relation which they bear to this fountain, they deserve either censure, or praise.  The specious hypocrite may come forward, and challenge the severest scrutiny, while the fear of a discovery has led him to commit his vile enormities in the dark.  But, that impartial justice may be dispensed, the motives and intentions of the agent must be known.  The rich, who, of their abundance cast much into the treasury, will undoubtedly receive their reward; and yet, the poor widow’s two mites may entitle her to a much greater recompense.

Should the internal satisfactions which accompany a virtuous life, and the miseries which commonly overtake the wicked, be urged, as an adequate reward to the former, and a sufficient punishment to the latter, it may be asked, whether any degree of external affluence, in addition to the pleasures which flow from a good conscience, separate from the views of eternity, would be deemed by a wise man, an adequate recompense for the exquisite sufferings with which the inflexibly virtuous are sometimes called to struggle?

As these inequalities have been from the beginning of the world, we have all reason to suppose, that they will continue unto the end of it.  And from this state of things, it is natural to conclude, that there will be a future state of retribution, in which all these inequalities will be rectified, and impartial justice dispensed to every man.

And this has been the prevailing opinion, in every age, and in every nation.  It is true, that one sect of philosophers among the heathen, and some among the Jews, denied the resurrection of the dead; but those characters were not very numerous; they bore scarce any kind of proportion to the body of the people, the great multitude, who received the doctrine of a future judgment.  On no other principle can we account for the worship of the dead; and for the animated descriptions which the poets have given of the Elysian fields: in which all the virtuous are represented in a state of happiness, and in the enjoyment of the fruits of their past labors: while the wicked are excluded those happy abodes, and consigned to the regions of woe and misery forever.  And although the rewards and punishments assigned to these characters, in the future world, are very different in their nature, from those which revelation has taught us to expect hereafter, and fall infinitely below them; yet they are strongly expressive of the general opinion concerning the doctrine before us.  The Apostle, in his address to the Gentiles, observes, that, “the invisible things of him,” (God) “from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood by the things which are made, even his eternal power and Godhead.  So that they are without excuse,  because that, when they knew God, they glorified him not as God.”

But, although the religion of nature taught men to expect a future state of retribution, in which they would be rewarded and punished, according to their respective deserts; (and the evidences of this great doctrine have been confirmed by every revelation which God has given of himself), yet it gave no intimations of the circumstances which would attend it.  For these most solemn and interesting discoveries, we are indebted to the revelation of Jesus Christ; through whom, “life and immortality” are “brought to light:” i. c. more fully and clearly revealed.

The first of these peculiar and important discoveries which I shall mention, is this, – that there will be a DAY, on which all the generations of men, will be gathered together, in one great and general assembly, to receive the respective rewards of their past behavior.

“When the Son of man shall come in his glory, then shall be gathered before him all nations – God hath appointed a DAY, in which he will judge the world in righteousness – but of that day and hour, knows no man, not even the Son.”  This is one of those “secret things” which “belong to God.”  But we are informed, that this judgment will take place “at the end of the world,” an indefinite period; and which may be much nearer than we apprehend!  And when it shall commence, we are assured, that it will be accompanied by a universal resurrection – of all who in this world have ever tasted death.

“We must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ,” &c.  “Verily, verily, I say unto you, the hour is coming, and even now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of God, and they that hear him shall live.” – “Marvel not at this, for the hour is coming, in which all that are in the graves shall hear his voice, and shall come forth, they that have done good, unto the resurrection of life, and they that have done evil, unto the resurrection of damnation.”

And immediately after this general resurrection, we are informed, the world which we now inhabit will appear all in flames, and be utterly destroyed by fire.

“The Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven in flaming fire, taking vengeance on them who know not God, and who obey not the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ.”  “The day of the Lord will come as a thief in the night, in which the heavens shall pass away in a great noise, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat.  The earth also, and all that therein is, shall be burned up.  Seeing then, that all these things are to be dissolved, what manner of persons ought we to be, in all holy conversation and godliness!”

Another circumstance concerning this future judgment, revealed in the gospel, respects the person to whom the judiciary powers of that great and solemn day are committed.  And this is the Lord Jesus Christ himself.  The person who once appeared in this world, in the form of a servant, and to save sinners, although “the Lord of life and glory” – “who went about doing good” – and after a life of the purest benevolence, and of unspotted innocence, “was taken, and by wicked hands, crucified and slain.  But God raised him up.”

“The Father judges no man, but hath committed all judgment to the Son.  It is Jesus that is ordained of God to be the judge of quick and dead – God will judge the world in righteousness, by that man Jesus Christ, whom he hath appointed.”

In some passages of scripture, God himself is said to be the judge of all the earth, and who will do right and that he will reward every man according to his deeds; “To them who by patient continuance in well doing, seek for glory, and honor, and immortality, eternal life; but unto them that are contentious, indignation and wrath, tribulation and anguish upon every soul of man that doeth evil.”  But these texts may be reconciled with the former, when we consider, that the future judgment will commence on the day appointed by God; and that all the transactions of it will be managed by his Son; to whom he has delegated his authority and power; and who will perform all the duties of that great and solemn office, in perfect obedience to the will of his Father.

Another peculiarity, and which deserves our most serious attention, is the manner in which he will appear upon that solemn occasion.
“He shall come in his own glory, in the glory of God, and in the glory of his holy angels – he shall sit upon the throne of his glory, and all nations shall be gathered before him.  And he shall separate them, one from the other, as a shepherd divides his sheep from the goats.  The Lord himself shall descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of the archangel, and with the trump of God.  The dead in Christ shall rise first, and they that are alive shall be changed, and caught up to meet the Lord in the air.”

Further, the gospel of Jesus Christ discloses the purposes of God, in the appointment of this future judgment: namely, that his wisdom, justice, goodness and mercy, may be universally acknowledged and magnified – that all the ungodly may be convinced “of all their hard speeches spoken against him” – and that the glory of the great Judge may be most illustriously displayed – “That all men should honor the Son, even as they honor the Father” – Because “thou hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity, therefore God, even thy God, hath anointed him to the important office of Judge, both of quick and dead, “because he was the son of man” – To quiet our fears and apprehensions on that great day, when we shall behold, in the person of our Judge, the greatest benefactor and friend of the human race – one made like unto ourselves – acquainted with all the imperfections of our nature, and disposed to pity and compassionate our weakness.

“It behooved him to be made like unto his brethren, that he might be a merciful and faithful High Priest, which cannot be touched with the feeling of our infirmities.”

And here, it may be observed, that there is nothing in any of these peculiar discoveries of the gospel, concerning a future judgment, inconsistent with the principles of natural religion.  A Being possessed of almighty power can gather together all nations on that great day, as easily as dispose the individuals of which this numerous assembly is composed to meet together on the present very melancholy occasion.

And there can be no absurdity in believing, that the Being who first gave us life can reanimate the bodies which we now possess, and clothe them with fresh powers of life and sensibility, after they have laid ever so long a period in the graves.
And that the unexampled obedience and sufferings of our blessed Lord and Savior should be most openly acknowledged, and rewarded by the Deity, who has declared himself to be the   rewarder of all them that diligently seek him,” is most agreeable to all our notions of justice.

And does it not appear to be a merciful dispensation, that the human race should be judged by one in their own likeness?

And is it not proper and right, that the most public and expressive marks of approbation should be conferred upon the righteous; and that the wicked should be as openly exposed to disgrace and punishment?

Let us now attend to a few reflections, which arise from this most interesting and important of all subjects.
And First,
Allowing that we know not the nature, nor the proportion of the rewards and punishments to be dispensed in a future state; yet, this is certain, the gospel has represented them, and the solemnities of a future judgment, in the strongest light: and in such a manner, as to excite the most pleasing hopes in the virtuous; and the most awful apprehensions in the wicked.

“Then shall the King say unto them on his right hand, come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world. – Then shall he say unto them on his left hand, depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire prepared for the devil and his angels.”
Again.  From the certainty and circumstances of a future judgment, how great must be the absurdity of dissimulation!  On that day, “when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed,” the hope of the hypocrite will perish.  None of those arts and subtleties which he once practiced in the world, and with success, will then avail him. He will find no friend to cast the mantle of charity over his deceptions; nor any corner in which to hide his guilty face.  He will appear before his fellow creatures, and before the holy angels, in his true character, and be filled with shame and remorse.  The greater his duplicity may have been, the greater will be his confusion and distress.  He will then reflect on the value and importance of a good conscience: and be ready to acknowledge, that there are no pleasures comparable to those which flow from a faithful performance of our respective duties, and from a heart which cannot reproach us.

Again.  As the hopes given us in the gospel of Christ are most glorious, and its promises, respecting a future world, “exceeding great and precious,” not to extend our principal views towards futurity must be the greatest folly.  More especially, as our own feelings, and the circumstances of all things about us, are continually suggesting the infinite importance of it.  This is the “one thing needful,” and the greatest concern we can possibly attend to.  So great is the disproportion between things spiritual and things temporal, that we must see where our interest lies, and cannot be ignorant of the part we should prefer.  As we acknowledge, that the pleasures of this world are precarious, inadequate to our expectations, and only for a season, it becomes us to “set our affections on things above, not on things on the earth.”

Further.  Although the certainty and circumstances of a future judgment must strike the wicked, whenever they reflect upon them, with the utmost terror; they afford the greatest comfort and consolation to the righteous.  There are so many contending interests in the present world, and the passions and appetites of men are so strong and violent, that the virtuous are often reproached, and cruelly treated: and sometimes persecuted unto death.  This was the case with many of the primitive chieftains in particular; and who endured the greatest afflictions, and suffered the most grievous punishments, having “respect unto the recompense of the reward.”  They comforted and supported one another with the blessed hope of everlasting life – a future state of existence, in which their integrity would be completely rewarded.  “Our light affliction which is but for a moment, works for us a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory.  For we must all appear before the Judgment seat of Christ, that everyone may receive the things done in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be good or bad.”

The subject leads to many more very useful reflections; but they cannot be pursued at present: And I shall close this discourse, with an address to the audience, – and to the criminal.

My Brethren,
In the unhappy prisoner now before you, surrounded by the executive officers of justice, and fast bound in the chains of death, you behold a miserable sinner; covered with shame and stung with remorse: the usual and just effects of a wicked and profligate life!

One end of the law, in ordering him to suffer, in this public and ignominious manner, is to alarm and deter others – lest they should come into the same condemnation.  And if the solemn transactions of this day should not touch, and powerfully affect your hearts, they must be insensible indeed!

And here, permit me to caution you, in great seriousness, against those vices in particular which lead more immediately to the crime for which this unhappy man is now to suffer.

Among others, we may mention a barbarous and cruel temper.  It must be evident to those who are acquainted with the human heart, that every kind, and every degree of cruelty practiced upon man or beast, lessens the influence of those tender sensibilities implanted in our nature for the most benevolent purposes, and leaves impressions on the mind unfavorable to the interests of humanity.  The person who can wantonly wound and torture a brute, and take delight in his sufferings, will soon become callous to the feelings of his fellow creatures.  And society can never be too securely guarded against this brutal insensibility of temper.

Further.  All violent and head-strong passions lead to this monstrous crime: more especially when they have acquired, which is often the case, an irresistible authority.  A man thus enslaved is every moment liable to the most serious and affecting misfortunes.

And revenge, or a disposition to redress our own wrongs, leads onto the most fatal extremes.  Every emotion of this passion, is pregnant with danger: and victims without number have been sacrificed to its rash and precipitate purposes.
But, the most awful effects may be expected from a fixed rancor and malevolence of heart.  This is the most unsociable and wicked temper that can possibly possess a man.  It is the temper of that degraded being, “who was a murderer from the beginning.”  And “every man, who hateth his brother, is a murderer” also.
To these we may add avarice, gaming and dissipation; which excite contentions and quarrels; expose persons to the fevered temptations; and tend to destroy all sense of moral obligations.

There is another vice extremely prejudicial and dangerous, as it leads to the heinous crime of perjury; viz. rash and profane swearing; which has a tendency to lower the Divine Being in our minds, and to take off that reverential awe which is our natural duty to our Creator.

And if we may credit the concessions of many who have suffered for the crime of murder, a disregard to the Sabbath, and to the public worship of God, may be considered as ruinous to individuals, and highly injurious to the peace and welfare of society.  And this, I think, will hardly admit of a doubt, when we reflect, that the public exercises of our religion are calculated to keep up a lively and constant sense of God, and his providence, upon our minds; to impress our hearts with benevolent sentiments; and to establish the principles of self-government, by motives of present, and eternal happiness.

And now let me entreat you, in the most serious and affectionate manner, to guard yourselves not only against these great and most pernicious vices, but against every kind and degree of immorality.

If you believe in the existence of a God, who governs the world in wisdom and equity, and that you are accountable to him for your conduct, you have the strongest motives, great and powerful as they are, are often superseded by the solicitations of the tempter, attend to the first advances of vice, which approaches step by step: “First the blade, then the ear, after that the full corn in the ear.”  Look upon every deviation from the path of duty, however small, as unjustifiable and wrong.  Consider, that every irregular indulgence leaves an impression on the mind unfavorable to the interests of virtue.  It lessens the fear of shame, that innate modesty which is the natural guard of innocence, and weakens the power of conscience.  Be persuaded, that your duty and happiness are inseparably connected; and avoid even “the appearance of evil.”
And, may the inspiration of the Almighty govern your hearts!

You, HENRY BLACKBURN, are this day to suffer the pains and penalties of an ignominious death; for the unnatural and atrocious crime of MURDER: A crime of the highest nature; to which the law of God, and the laws of nations, have annexed this righteous, though awful  punishment, “he that sheds man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed.”
You have repeatedly protested, and in the most solemn manner, by immediate appeals to heaven, that neither revenge, nor hatred, nor any other malignant passion, moved you to take away the life of the person who died in consequence of the wound you gave him.  But your country, after a most deliberate, solemn and impartial inquiry, has pronounced you guilty – and guilty of willful murder.  The matter rests with God and your own soul; that God who cannot be deceived, and “who will not be mocked.”

But, allowing that you had no design against the life of the unfortunate stranger, who fell a victim to your rashness and folly, this will not wipe away, although it may greatly extenuate your guilt.  Life is a gift too sacred to be sported with; and the weapons of death are not to be used lightly and wantonly.  And, although you may not have incurred the fearful guilt of willful murder, this is certain, you have shed the blood of a fellow creature; and in such a manner as cannot be justified in the sight of God, nor in the opinion of man.

During your confinement, which has been long and tedious, you have had time for the most serious and deliberate reflections: And you have been encouraged and assisted in the great duty of repentance.  You have been persuaded, “by the mercies of God, and by the terrors of the Lord,” to repent, to forsake your sins, and to turn most heartily unto God.  And from the solicitude which you early discovered for instruction, and from the apparently open and candid acknowledgments which you have made of the errors of your past life, we have reason to hope, that some good fruits have been produced in your heart: but, if you have imposed on your sincerest friends, and deceived yourself, let me exhort you, in the most serious and pathetic manner, by the mercies of God, and by the affection which you bear to your own soul, to renounce your hypocrisy this instant; to acknowledge your multiplied transgressions with your deepest humility; and to turn unto God with your whole heart.

Within a few moments, you will be taken from the house of God, carried to the place of execution, and “appear before the judgment-seat of Christ, to receive the deeds done in your body, whether they be good or bad.”  You have just heard the certainty, circumstances, and design of this judgment; and the passing interval before you must awaken all the powers of your soul!  It is enough to overpower your sensibility, unaccompanied and alone; and much more so, attended by the habiliments of death, and by thousands of surrounding spectators.

O, my brother! Thus encompassed with the sorrows of the grave, and the snares of death, you stand in need of every consolation.  And, to assist and support you in this most distressing hour, and to show the part which it becomes you to perform, “look unto Jesus, the author and finisher of our faith.”  It is true, the difference in point of character is infinite: For, although he died the death of a malefactor, he died perfectly innocent of every crime.  He died to support the cause of piety and virtue, and to save sinners: but you will die a malefactor indeed – for your atrocious crimes – because you have disregarded the principles of religion, and shed the blood of one, whom he died to redeem.

Our blessed Lord and Master endured the cross, despising the shame.  And he suffered that ignominious and painful death with the most perfect submission to the will of his Father, with the most heroic fortitude and equanimity of mind, and in the exercise of a most charitable and forgiving temper, even towards his enemies, and those who persecuted him unto death, and who insulted him in his last agonies.

And you have the example of one, who was a great sinner, and who suffered with him; and whose faith was not to be shaken by all the terrors of a lingering, shameful death.  Although he saw the Savior of the world nailed to the cross, and knew that he would expire within a few hours; yet he believed on him, and died entirely resigned to the will of God.  He died with Christian fortitude and submission; he died a sincere penitent; and he died in prayer – “Lord, remember me, when thou comes into thy kingdom.”  And as a reward of his faith, penitence and obedience, Christ answered him, and said, “Today shall thou be with me in paradise.”  And O that you, my brother, may discover this believing, resigned and heavenly temper, at the hour of your departure, and be admitted into the kingdom of the Great Redeemer!

Now, “unto God’s gracious mercy and protection we commit thee; the Lord bless thee, and keep thee; the Lord make his face to shine upon thee, and be gracious unto thee; the Lord lift up his countenance upon thee, and give thee peace, both now and evermore.”
Let us pray, &c.
END.

Timothy Dwight (1752-1817) graduated from Yale in 1769. He was principal of the New Haven grammar school (1769-1771) and a tutor at Yale (1771-1777). A lack of chaplains during the Revolutionary War led him to become a preacher and he served as a chaplain in a Connecticut brigade. Dwight served as preacher in neighboring churches in Northampton, MA (1778-1782) and in Fairfield, CT (1783). He also served as president of Yale College (1795-1817). This sermon was preached by Dwight on July 7, 1795 in Connecticut.

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED

ON THE 7TH OF JULY, 1795,

BEFORE THE

CONNECTICUT SOCIETY

OF

C I N C I N N A T I,

AND PUBLISHED AT THEIR REQUEST.

ISAIAH xxxiii. 6.

AND WISDOM AND KNOWLEDGE SHALL BE THE STABILITY OF THY TIMES.

To establish on firm foundations the Happiness of Society is evidently one of the most important concerns of man. If the attainment of that happiness by highly desirable, the perpetuation of it must be more desirable. Its daily value is daily renewed, during its continuance; and, when extended through a century, it is mathematically proved to be of a hundred times the value, which it would possess, if extended only through a year.

The mind of man, instinctively realizing this truth, has ever laboured rather to secure, than to obtain, happiness, both public and private. The attainment is usually not a difficult task, the establishment a Herculean one. A free government has been found sufficiently easy; but to render it durable has been ever considered as a problem of very difficult solution. Yet in its durability plainly consists almost all the value of such a government. Hence most of the political knowledge and labour of freemen has been employed, and exhausted, in endeavouring to give stability to their respective political systems. Hence have arisen the numerous checks, balances, and divisions of power and influence, found in our own political constitutions, and in those of several other nations. In other nations, these means have been generally insufficient to accomplish the end. Whether they will issue more happily in our own is uncertain. In several instances, we seem to have approached the verge of dissolution; but we have providentially withdrawn, before the season of safety was passed. Men of extensive political information, and sagacious forecast, have frequently trembled for our national existence; and, notwithstanding some favourable interpositions of Providence in our behalf, they still wait anxiously to know what the end will be. Should we fall, the fairest hopes of wise and good men will be blasted; the maxim, That mankind cannot be governed without force and violence, will stand on higher proof, and be advanced with new and triumphant confidence; and the great body of civilized men will probably sit down in sullen and melancholy conviction, that nations cannot, unless circumscribed by Alps, or oceans, be permanently free.

Most nations, and most politicians, have considered Arms and Wealth, as primary means of continuing national happiness. To this opinion they have probably been led by the allurements of avarice and ambition, by the power of custom, and by a persuasion, easily imbibed, that grandeur and happiness are synonymous. All these are deceitful guides, and have in this instance conducted only to error.

As means of defence, arms are evidently necessary to national safety, and, of course, to the permanence of national happiness; but, as means of conquest, they are usually the source of national ruin. States of moderate size, uninclined to military enterprise, and unambitious of high distinction, appear to have realized more happiness, than those of a contrary character. Widely extended dominions are too unwieldy and object, to be managed with either skill, or success; and power, diffused over a large territory, lessens at every stage of its diffusion. A greater and greater mixture of nations and tribes, once independent and impatient of subjugation, of different manners, religions, and interests, and prevented from uniting by prejudice and hatred, by imperious domination and irritated dependence, is continually accumulated, at every stride of conquest; and, like the iron and clay in the prophecy, though carefully moulded into a fair and regular form, is preparing to crumble, under the hand of the Former.

The system of government, also, and its necessary measures by becoming daily more complicated, become daily more perplexing. The public concerns are too numerous, the public officers, in opinions, characters, and interests, too various, the opportunities of secure oppression too easy, and the neglects of duty too frequent, to allow of any possible firmness, or consistency. The pile, however skillfully erected, and constantly repaired, is by the increase of its own weight precipitated to the ground.

From great accumulations of Wealth the same evil is derived with not less certainty, and in methods not very dissimilar. Avarice is one of those daughters of the horse-leach, which incessantly cry, “give, give;” it is eminently the fire, which saith not, “it is enough.” The love of property increases in a more rapid proportion, than the property itself. In a country possessed of immense wealth, places in government are, of necessity, highly lucrative, and, of course, the objects of ardent desire. To attain them, no principles, no efforts, are esteemed too great a sacrifice. Sycophancy, servility, bribery, perjury, and numberless other specters of vice, haunt all seats of power and trust, and force the friends of public integrity to retire with alarm and discouragement. Honesty is no longer counterfeited; but laughed at. Conscience is not silenced; but discarded. Posts of honour, are tossed out for a scramble; and truth, justice, and the public welfare, are vendued to the highest bidder.

On personal manners the effects are no less unhappy. Stimulated by avarice, and called onward by the commanding voice of custom, every man makes gold his god. To acquire riches becomes the only object, honour, or duty. By his wealth every man’s worth is sealed. Wealth is virtue; and poverty vice. The means of acquisition are, therefore, sanctified by the acknowledged importance of the end. Extortion, fraud, gaming, and peculation, steal into character, under the imposing names of industry and prudence, and whiten into virtues, in the sunshine, with which opulence is surrounded.

In the mean time, luxury holds out to appetite his store of various and sickly confections, and persuades those, who are prepared to be persuaded, that sense is the only source of real good, and that to eat and drink is the chief end of man. Enfeebled by sloth, debased by indulgence, and gross with a perpetual prostitution of taste and of talents, the rational character becomes assimilated to the animal one, and man claims a new and more intimate kindred to the swine.

Parade and appearance, also, invite and engross the national attention. Houses, gardens, equipage, and dress, take the place of duty and worth; and from the prince to the peasant the great ambition is to shine. Arts of ornament eject those of use; and manners of manliness and dignity give place to ceremony and profession. Education, instead of enlightening the understanding and forming the heart, is employed in gracing the person and supplying the limbs; and instead of teaching truth, implanting virtue and fashioning to worth by sober discipline, habituating care, and persuasive example, terminates all her labours in accomplishing for the dance and the drawing room. Children, are of course, led out of the path of reason and duty into the by-ways of appearance and sense, are conducted to the theatre and not to the church, and, while they are expected to become men and women, dwindle, with a regular diminution, into sribbles and dolls.

Thus the influence of enormous Wealth, and of extended Conquest, is equally pernicious to the Magistrate, and to the subject; and the national character becomes tainted, of course, with sickliness and corruption.

The experience of mankind has effectually elucidated the truth of these remarks. Greece, Rome, and the great nations of modern Europe, are all evident proofs of the intricate connection between Conquest and ruin; and Carthage and Holland are strong exhibitions of the perishing nature of society, which rests on the specious and treacherous support of unlimited Commerce.

The plans of those, who hitherto have chiefly planned for mankind, appear to have been formed principally for the purpose of fixing securely that state of society, which they found, a little, if at all, for its melioration. For this end, they appear to have aimed merely to strengthen the existing government against invasion and insurrection. Men, they seem to have supposed, must continue to e what they found them; ignorant, vicious, and unhappy. To render them as quiet as possible, in that state, is naturally concluded to have been the highest object of their policy, so far as it is exhibited in history. Hence they labored much to consolidate the elements of the government, and to secure to it that reverence, submission, and strength, which promised undisputed dominion. When the promotion of science became a part of the political system, it was principally adopted, for the purpose of qualifying individuals to govern, and furnishing useful agents to those who governed, in the prosecution of their measures; and rarely, and scantily, for the purpose of improving the mass of men. The Object was not so to rule, as to engross the esteem and affection of subjects; or to enable them to know when they were so ruled, as to make their rulers the proper objects of their esteem and affection. The Object was not to prepare subjects by information, happiness, and virtue, to understand, to love, and to preserve their state; but to make them quiet in that state, whether disposed, or indisposed. Hence, policy became an art; and government a trick. Rulers were employed in plotting against their subjects; and subjects either quietly sunk into torpid insensibility, or, awakened by oppression extended beyond every bound, rose to insurrection and madness.

This system, though it has been almost the only human system, has never appeared to be of real use to man. It has often defeated itself, and frustrated the designs of those, by whom it has been adopted. Assyria, Persia, Macedon, Rome, and France, are all proofs, that carefully supported, as it has been by all the arts of policy, and the utmost accumulation of power, it has still sown in itself the feeds of dissolution; and that those, whom it was intended to aggrandize, have fallen into the same gulf of perdition, with those whom it was intended to enslave. The Character of the mass of people, in each of those monarchies, was the real cause of its political ruin; and the nature of the political system was as really a principal cause of that character. In Africa, where Oppression has more effectually wielded her iron rod, and where man has been more entirely shorne of his intellectual dignity, a more uniform course of society has been accomplished. But here quietness has existed without happiness; a stagnant lake, filled with pollution and death; and nations, commuting reason for instinct have shrunk into brutes. In India, and in China, where the same system has long, tho’ not uninterruptedly prevailed, the inhabitants have indeed risen to higher grades of manual ingenuity, but, as moral beings, are nearly on the same level.

Under the influence of freedom, man has been roused from this lethargy, and shaken himself with a returning consciousness of energy and action. In this superior situation, his powers, his views, his efforts, enlarged with a portentous growth; but they grew chiefly by the aid of soil, climate, and accident. The cultivation which they received, was the cultivation of chance, of passion, and of appetite; not of system, wisdom, or virtue. Greece became a Giant in war, in science, and in arts; but was still an infant in moral improvement, and useful policy. No regular plan of amending the human character appears to have been thought of by her most admired sages; and, while her efforts in the field, and in the study, awed mankind to astonishment, her citizens were merely a collection of superior savages. Their depravity assumed, indeed, a more elegant form, but not an essentially different character. Rome systematized, and in a higher degree than any other State has ever done, war, oppression, and devastation. Her government, also, was more skillfully adjusted, and more firmly compacted than the Grecian systems; but it was still tossed by tumult, and shattered by frequent violence. Her citizens were left to the same accidental improvement; and, though possessed of a more specious stateliness than those of Greece, were debased with the same grossness and immanity [barbarity]. Accustomed, from our infancy, to study their history, to admire their talents, and to celebrate their exploits, we are prone to form a different estimate of these nations; yet by a very moderate examination we shall find, that they furnish us many things to admire, but few to approve, that, as moral beings, they are distinguished with little advantage from various nations whom they contemptuously styled barbarians. Indeed, one of the first political errors of later ages appears to be too high a respect for the state of society in Greece and Rome.

There is, I believe, a more rational policy, beginning with a different aim, and pursuing public quiet in a nobler and more effectual manner. The primary mean of originating and establishing happiness, in free communities, is, I imagine, the formation of a good personal character in their citizens. Good citizens must of course constitute a happier community than bad ones, and must better understand the nature and causes of their happiness. They may safely be governed by a milder policy, and cannot but be better judges of the desirableness of such policy. More the children of reason, and less the slaves of appetite and passion, they will naturally be more satisfied with real happiness, and less allured, by that, which, however shewy, is unsubstantial; will need fewer restrictions, and be more contented under such as are necessary; will prize more highly such liberty, as it suited to the condition of man, and proportionally disregard that, which is Utopian. Hence, such citizens may probably be governed by justice, and common sense; and will not necessitate the adoption of force and oppression, or the employment of circumvention and statecraft.

A family is, in some respects, a state in miniature. Children of bad personal characters can scarcely be governed at all, and never, without constant exertions of terror and force. Children of a good character are easily swayed, without either. Mild and equitable measures, few and gentle interpositions of mere authority, united with argument and persuasion, will, in a family composed of such children, effectually establish domestic order, peace, and happiness. This difference of regulations, this exemption from the necessity of exerting force and inspiring terror, depends wholly on the character of those, who are to be governed. To a State these truths are not less applicable. If the personal character of its citizens were perfectly good, there would be neither necessity, nor opportunity, of governing by force. That train of penalties, which constitutes a great part of the business of every Legislature, and of the contents of every statute book, would cease to exist, as it would cease to be necessary; and the mere expression of the public will would execute itself. The Sheriff would enjoy a sinecure, and the jail moulder without an inhabitant.

On this general principle was the prophecy of the Text written. Wisdom and knowledge, the prophet declares, shall, at some future period, some period which I apprehend to e still future, be the stability of the times, to which he refers: i.e. the public stability of the age; of one, or of more than one nation: or, in other words, the means of establishing on firm foundations public happiness.

By Wisdom, all Persons who read the Bible know the Sacred Writers commonly intend Virtue; and Virtue in that enlarged and Evangelical sense, which embraces Piety to God, Good-will to mankind, and the effectual Government of ourselves. “The fear of the Lord,” said Jehovah, when disclosing this inestimable and hitherto unexplored subject, “that is Wisdom.” “The fear of the Lord,” says Solomon, (Heb.) is the chief part of Wisdom.” “The Wisdom, that is from above,” says James, “is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy.” As Wisdom is properly defined to be that attribute of mind, which aims at the best ends, and chooses the best means to accomplish them; so Virtue, which steadily aims at the Glory of God, the Good of mankind, and the Good of ourselves, the best possible ends, and which more naturally than any other disposition directs to the best means of accomplishing them, was, with peculiar propriety, styled Wisdom by the penmen of the Scriptures.

Virtue may be defined—The Love of doing good. It will be easily seen from this definition, if allowed to be just, that it can be but one indivisible Attribute of mind. Yet, as the objects, towards which it is exercised, are materially different, it has been divided, for the purposes of consideration, into the three great branches already mentioned. It ought to be observed, that it is not a passion, nor an aggregate of passions; but a principle, or disposition, habitual, active, and governing. It is the mental energy, directed steadily to that which is right.

God, the greatest object in the Universe, and infinitely more important and worthy than all others, demands, of course, the supreme regard of every rational being. The first, the most obligatory, and the most noble exercise of Virtue is the Love and Reverence of this Glorious Being, generally termed Piety.

Our fellow creatures, collectively, form the next great object of our regard. Virtue, exercised towards them, has very properly been denominated Good-will or Benevolence; a name descriptive of all right affections towards them, and including justice, faithfulness, kindness, truth, forgiveness, and all those, which are frequently styled the Social Virtues.

To himself every Man is also an important object of regard. Virtue, as exercised towards ourselves, includes every just desire and vindicable pursuit of our real good; but it is principally employed in regulating and confining within due bounds our appetites and passions; principles in the human mind, which perpetually prompt to wrong, and which, without a continual and vigorous restraint, invariably dishonor God, injure our fellow men, and ruin ourselves. Thus exercised, Virtue is termed Temperance, or Self-government.

It is unnecessary for me to remark to this Audience, that all human conduct springs from the human will; that this is the only active principle in man; and that, as the will is directed to good, or evil, right, or wrong, man invariably does that, which is evil, or that which is good. The real importance of Virtue to the happiness of Society lies in this; that Virtue is an uniform direction of the will to that which is good. When man is virtuous, therefore, his disposition, the source of all his conduct, being steadily pointed to that, which is good, and right, his conduct must, of course, be also right and good. Hence Virtue of necessity aims at the happiness of Society. A man’s private interest may, for a time, and in his own view, be promoted by wrong; but the interests of a community can never be, for a moment, promoted but by that which is right. A selfish, separate interest clashes with that of every neighbor, and cannot be advanced, but to the injury of the common good. Avarice always robs; ambition always oppresses; and sensuality always wounds. Virtue, on the contrary, invariably seeks the common welfare, and gives no pain, where it is not indispensably necessary for the promotion of that welfare.

Virtue is, also, a principle sufficiently powerful and active to make all the happiness, which Society can enjoy. It is the whole energy of the Deity; and of every perfect being; and may become the whole energy of man. It often has become sufficiently powerful to produce the highest self-denial, of which man in his present state is capable; and is not uncommonly of such strength, as to constitute the only active character. Greater exertions have rarely sprung from selfishness, than have sprung from virtue. The labours of Alfred were not inferior to those of Caesar; nor were those of the proudest and most ambitious Philosopher to be named with those of Paul.

As Virtue is the genuine, the invariable, and the efficient source of public happiness, so it is in the same degree its stability. As it is its natural tendency to produce happiness, so this is always and equally its tendency. Wherever, and how long soever, it exists, the happiness, of which it is the parent, will also exist.

Good-will to Mankind, accomplishes directly most of those desirable objects, at which the political Constitutions, and the Laws, of Society aim; It makes men honest, just, faithful, submissive to government, and friendly to each other, without restrictions, or punishments; and renders magistrates equitable, public spirited, and merciful, without checks, factions, or rebellions. And all this it can accomplish, without labour, or expense, without force, turmoil or terror.

Self-government, on the other hand, effectually restrains from all those evils in Society, to prevent which is the principal employment of Laws and of Magistrates. With far more efficacy, and incomparably more ease, than the post and the prison, the gibbet and the cross, does it deter from fraud, revenge, impurity, theft, robbery, treason, and rebellion. At the same time, it guards from ten thousand other evils, which no Law can restrain, and which, often, are not less pernicious to Society, than those overt and glaring acts, which are the objects of judicial decision. Its influence on the Magistrate is equally propitious; nor are the private evils, which I have specified more effectually prevented, than the extensive and enormous mischiefs of corruption, peculation, and tyranny.

With regard to the advantage and necessity of Goodwill to public happiness, there has never been any debate, except that, which respects all Virtue, viz. Whether it is necessary, that men should be principled to pursue the good of Society; or whether it is sufficient, to require the actions conducive to this end, without any regard to the principle. This question I shall discuss in the sequel.

With regard to the necessity of Self-government to the happiness of Society a debate has always existed. In every Community men are found, who steadily insist, that the indulgence of those desires which are appropriately termed Appetites is justifiable, and in no way noxious to the public good. Were men brutes, and connected on equal terms with a republic of swine, goats, and swift-peters, this sentiment would at least plead some pretence in its behalf; and Reason would not be obliged so often to blush for the human character, when it read, to this effect, the labours of infidel philosophers, or heard the conversation of equally rational sensualists.

The man of sloth, the drone of Society, who adds nothing to the common stock, and lives on the labours and spoils of others, might yet be borne, were not his sloth the flood-gate of wickedness. Idle to do good, he is a pattern of industry in doing evil. In his merely slothful character, every morsel, which he tastes, is the plunder of his neighbour, and every act of his enjoyment a depredation on Society. To console them for the injustice, with a restless mind, and hands diligent in mischief, he consumes his time, and employs his talents, in gambling, horseracing, cheating, stealing, receiving from thieves, corrupting youth, disturbing good order, and pursuing an universal round of noxious labours and pernicious diversions.

If idleness, prodigality, the ruin of health, reputation, and usefulness, the depravation of every mental and bodily faculty, the mortification of friends, the destruction of the peace, comfort, and hopes, of his family, and the exhibition of a contagious and pestilential example, are not injurious to a Community, the drunkard, and the glutton, will undoubtedly stand on new ground, and may with new confidence bring forward a putrid carcass, and a putrid mind, to the public eye, and insist, that they are found useful, and healthy members of the Body politic.

The man of lewdness is in a condition even less hopeful. He unceasingly scatters fire-brands, arrows, and death, on all around him. He professes, indeed, to be in sport, and merely to pursue his own amusement; but the sufferings of those, who are unhappily within his reach, make that amusement a very serious concern to them. He lives but to injure, and acts but to destroy. The burglar plunders the purse; the murderer cuts off the life, and hurries his unhappy victim to an untimely grave. The man of Lewdness robs the parent of his child, the husband of his wife, and the family of their mother; murders household peace, character, and happiness; plunges the dagger of death into the soul, and hurries the victim of his lust into the abyss of the damned. The plunder of the burglar may be recovered, or the loss may be borne: the victim of the murderer may live beyond the grave, and the unhappy mourners may with this hope soothe their excruciating sorrows: but no means can restore, no mind can sustain, the plunder of peace; no balsam was ever found for the ulcer of infamy; no skill can rebuild a ruined family; nor can any artist repair the wrecks of a soul. Such is the innocence of the Leacher; and, were not too great multitudes interested in protecting and conniving at vice, the chase of the wolf and the tiger would be forgotten, and he, in their stead, would be hunted from the residence of men.

Piety, the remaining branch of Virtue, although its utility, and its necessity to public happiness, has been more frequently questioned, and denied, is, probably at least as useful, and as necessary to this object, as either of the other branches. It will, I presume, be allowed to be wholly rational, and probable, that there are, within the limits of the creation, worlds, where the Creator is wholly respected according to his character; and where infinite greatness and excellence not only demand, but obtain, a love, reverence, and obedience, suited to their nature. That there is one such world, the Bible directly declares. In such a world, it is evident, Piety is the whole source of order, peace, and happiness. Perfect itself, it there renders the whole moral system perfect, and spontaneously produces that obedience to the divine government, which is less effectually produced here by threatenings and judgments. As Piety is the foundation, in that world, of the order and peace, on which all social happiness depends, it is rationally concluded, that it must be the natural foundation, in any other world, of proportional order and peace; and that, so far as it exists, it will benefit earth, as well as heaven, men, as well as angels, and any particular nation, as well as mankind in general. In other words, as Piety appears to be the foundation of the most perfect intellectual happiness; so it is to be deemed the real, the natural, and the universal foundation of social good.

From Piety, also, the other exercises of Virtue derive a higher distinction, are presented with stronger motives, and enforced by more solemn sanctions, than can spring from any other source.

All the duties which we owe to mankind, are, without the consideration of Piety, viewed as merely due to men; worms of the dust, beings of yesterday, and children of vanity and sin. To such beings moral obligation, though real, must be of comparatively little importance, and operate with little force. But in the eye of Piety all these duties are enhanced, beyond measure, by the consideration, that they are enjoined by God, and that, of course, every fulfillment of moral obligation to our neighbour is the performance of a duty to our Maker. The same remarks are, with equal force, applied to the duties of Self-government. As much greater, therefore, as much more excellent, and as much more possessed of a right to require our service, as God is than men, just so much more importance, and distinction, does Piety give to these branches of Virtue, than they could otherwise receive.

The principal motives to virtue are evidently the pleasure found in the practice of it—the esteem, affection, and beneficence which it excites in our fellow creatures—the approbation and love of God—and the expectation of future rewards and punishments. The two first of these motives must certainly operate with as great, and the two last with much greater influence, on Piety, than on any other supposable character. To the eye of Piety God appears, as a Being totally different from that, which is usually formed by every other eye. His character is invested with an importance wholly new. His approbation, love, and rewards, on the one hand, and his abhorrence, anger, and punishments, on the other, appear as objects real and boundless. Primary objects of attention, they become primary concerns; and are not only seen by conclusion, but directly felt to involve all the interests of man. Hence they become the directory of thought, and the law of action.

A clear and fixed sense of moral obligation is, probably, in the opinion of most men, indispensably necessary to the discharge of the duties, and to the production of the happiness of Society. But such a sense, it is presumed, is to be looked for in Piety alone. The strength of moral obligation lies wholly in the conviction, that a constant adherence to it is obedience to the will of God. But almost all the regard, which is rendered to God, or to his will, is rendered by the pious. Imperfect and desultory feelings of this nature, feelings which are yet of no small importance, will generally be found, where a religious education has given birth to just moral sentiments; and especially where general influence and example, united with public instruction, have cultivated such sentiments into habit. Beyond these limits nothing can be expected, nothing is commonly professed, and nothing will ever be found, beside the changing power of fashionable opinion, the slippery dependence of personal honour, and the accidental coincidence of selfishness with duty.

The great support of moral obligation, in the present world, is the belief of God’s moral government, of our accountableness to him, and of an approaching state of rewards and punishments. The desire of happiness, and the dread of misery, is a part of the intelligent, and even of the animal nature, and is inseparable from the faculty of perception. As all happiness, and all misery, are ultimately derived from the hand of God, and as no bounds can be set to the degree, or the continuance, of either, beside those, which he is pleased to set, this object comes home to every heart with a power totally peculiar. Its efficacy reaches all places, times, and persons: all persons, I mean, beside the fool, who hath said in his heart, “There is no God.” Its superior efficacy on men of piety I have already explained.

In a world, like this, where the depravity of man is proclaimed by every Law, is engraven on the altars of every Religion, and is written with a pen of adamant on the iron page of History, how desirable is it, that this great motive to duty, this great sanction of moral obligation, should, instead of being lessened by sophistry, ridicule, and neglect, be preserved and strengthened to the utmost, to save Society from those numerous evils, of which it is the only remedy, and to prompt men to those indispensable duties, to which it is often the only effectual motive?

In addition to these observations it may be justly asserted, that, without Piety, the other branches of Virtue are never found. There has been no proof either from fact, or from argument, hitherto adduced, to shew, that one branch of Virtue can exist independently of the others. All the heathens, both individuals and nations, who regarded their fellow men in the most equitable manner, and who regulated themselves with the greatest decency, were distinguished by reverence for the gods. Among Christians, also, there is no want of evidence, to prove, that impious men are alike destitute of benevolence and self-government, and that the appearances, which are found, of these characteristics, in those who are not pious, are the accidental result of convenience, or necessity.

But the subject will easily, and, I apprehend, perfectly explain itself. Justice in man is the love of that which is just. But can he, in whom this principle exists, be unjust to his Maker? Can he be willing, and principled, to render to Caesar the things which are Caesar’s, and not to God the things which are God’s? Or can anything be Caesar’s with such absolute right, as he, his talents, time, and services, are God’s? Gratitude is an affectionate sense of benefits, and a proportionate love to the Benefactor. But can any man be grateful to a human, who is not grateful to the Divine, Benefactor? Generally, can a man love intelligent being at all, who does not love the Infinite Intelligent; or be at all virtuous, unless his virtue be directed primarily to that Being, who is, infinitely beyond all others, excellent, lovely and beneficent?

Whether it be desirable for Society, that its members should be principled to promote its happiness, or not; is a question, which cannot be asked without a blush, nor answered without a smile. It is to ask whether it would be better for Society, that its happiness should be great, stable, and secure; or small, fluctuating, and accidental. There is no steady source of public or private good, but principle; and there is, in this sense, no principle, but Virtue. To Virtue public good necessarily appears, and is enjoined by an Authority instinctively obeyed (the Authority of God) as a primary object of regard. To a mind not virtuous it is, of course, and always, an object subordinate, accidental, and solitary.

On the inhabitants of a land, universally virtuous, the peculiar blessings of Heaven may, also, be rationally expected to descend. Where human weakness errs, where human power falters, and where human means prove ineffectual, God may, both on rational and evangelical grounds, be expected to open his beneficent hand, and supply the necessary good. Here, also, Virtue may be safely pronounced to be the stability of public happiness.

But it is not enough, that the members of a Society aim at that, which will promote the general good; they must also know what it is. Knowledge is, therefore, with the utmost propriety designated in the text, as another source of this stability.

In examining this part of the subject, it will be useful to consider the kind, the diffusion, and the effects, of that knowledge, which is intended by the Prophet.

It will undoubtedly be conceded, that he intended that knowledge, which is real, and not merely nominal; that, also, which is practical, and therefore useful; and, of course, that, which is moral, or in other words, the most practical, and the most useful.

Almost all real knowledge, and all practical knowledge, is derived either from Experience, or from Revelation. Theories are generally mere dreams, which ought to be placed on the same level with the professed fictions of poets, and to be written in verse, and not in sober prose. Tho’ dignified with the pompous title of Philosophy, they have usually, after amusing the world, a little time, gone down the stream of contempt into the ocean of oblivion. They cannot be practical, because they cannot be true; and hence, being of no use, except to please the imagination, they are of course neglected and forgotten.

There is in the human mind a faculty, called Common-sense, which, though never in high estimation among Philosophers, seems to have originated, and executed, almost all the plans of human business which have proved to be of any use. The reason is obvious. Employed in forming near and evident deductions from facts, and in closely observing facts for that purpose, contented with moderate advances, and cautious of innovation, its step, though flow, has been sure; a real approximation to the end in view. Theory, on the contrary, rapid, but wild, has usually receded more than it has advanced. Untried causes, causes to which a new application is given, and experiments in business, made either anew, or in new circumstances, have always been regarded by Common-sense with a suspicious eye; and a state of things, not perfectly desirable, willingly endured, in preference to the adoption of new systems, of which the effects were uncertain, and the operations dangerous.

The system of government, formed for South-Carolina, by Mr. Locke, may stand as a portrait of all political theories. Fair and rational on paper, but deformed and useless in practice, it suited the real circumstances of that Colony, just as a map, drawn by the fancy of a Geographer, would suit an undiscovered country; or a chart of soundings, marked by the Navigator, in sport, would suit the real state of an untraversed ocean. If this Giant in understanding failed so entirely in an attempt to form a theoretical system of government, reducible to practice, of what character must be the attempts of modern pygmies?

That the knowledge, communicated by Experience and Revelation, was intended in this prophecy, will be evident to all persons, who remember, that this was the only knowledge in existence, when the prophecy was written. Visionary Philosophy had not then begun to mislead mankind. The world was contented with real knowledge; and, although its stock was small, it was genuine and unalloyed, and therefore of a currency and use, suited to human purposes. Had its progress been uninterrupted by war and devastation, and unbewildered by theoretical Philosophy, we should now probably be removed, in real knowledge, many degrees beyond our present advances.

A general diffusion of knowledge, was undoubtedly designed in this prediction. In no other sense could knowledge be supposed to be the means of general stability.

The effects of knowledge, thus defined, are evidently of high importance to social happiness. The Legislator it will enable to understand the state, the interests, and the duties, of a people; to form regulations suited to their state, promotive of their interests, and coinciding with their duty; to discern, with a freedom from low and pernicious prejudices, that equitable government is the true source of honour to himself, and of prosperity to his people; to cast his eyes abroad, without the purblind confusion of narrow minds, and see clearly the real condition of other nations, and their proper connection with the affairs of his own; to look back with distinctness, and with comprehension, on the past state of human society, and forward, with rational prediction, to events which are rising on the surface of futurity. In a word, placed by such knowledge on a lofty summit, he stands as a Watchman for the welfare of millions, unobstructed by mists, and undazzled by the height to which he is elevated, with a steady eye marks distinctly the surrounding progress of things, and is enabled with confidence, and with safety, to utter alike the quieting voice of peace, and the timely alarm of danger.

In the same manner is the Judge enabled to understand and interpret law, to form equitable decisions, to exercise his discretionary authority in extending or restricting penalties, and generally to hold with an equal hand the balance of right, between neighbour and neighbour, and between subjects and the state.

To maintain the dignity of government, to impress respect for his own office, to secure the general approbation in the execution of punitive justice, to stop at the bounds of law and right, and to mingle mercy with judgment by choosing the least distressing methods of enforcing judicial decisions, are employments which constitute the duty of the Executive magistrate; employments, which demand, perhaps in an equal degree, clear understanding and extensive information, and which hazard, without it, the public prosperity, and the public peace.

Nor are the people at large less interested in the knowledge above described. Stability of public happiness, especially in free States, depends wholly on the character of the citizens in general. Nor can it exist, unless they understand distinctly the rights and the duties freemen, the duties of magistrates, the requisitions of law, the common interest and the means of promoting it, the ruinous nature of war, the beneficent influence of peace, the relations of men in Society to each other, and the character, which those ought to sustain, who are contemplated as objects of the public suffrage. Equally useful is knowledge in teaching them the duties of Parents, children, friends, and neighbours, the nature and importance of a happy domestic education, the advantages of mild and obliging conduct, the universal profit of virtue, and the mischiefs of vice of every kind, in every degree, and towards every person. Highly important is knowledge, also, to give that personal respectability, and to secure that rational esteem, which excites and gratifies laudable ambition; to fill with profitable amusement the hours of leisure, and of age; to capacitate for the discharge of useful and necessary business; and to furnish means of improvement in the several arts and employments of life. In a word, from knowledge must, in a great measure, be derived that steadiness of character, that possession of comforts, and that rational estimation of things, which form the useful citizen, and the respectable Society.

From these observations, I flatter myself, it will appear, that the stability of public happiness is produced by Knowledge and Virtue; and that the diffusion of these through a Community is the true and the only method of solving that political problem, which has so long perplexed the rulers of mankind. By these great attributes men are made good members of society; and, composed of such members, a Society must be happy. They form, they finish, the magistrate and the citizen alike. They teach every duty, and prompt to every performance. They originate wise and equitable laws, just decisions and useful administrations. They create the amiable conjugal and household offices, produce effectual domestic education, train to early and happy habits, and conduct to family peace, neighbourly kindness, a cheerful submission to law, a steady love of rational government, and an universal growth of social enjoyment. Sweet and salubrious streams, they nourish happiness wherever they pass; and, enlarging and mingling in their progress, spread, in the end, an ocean of blessings over the millions, who inhabit an empire.

It will not be improper to add, that the most respectable political writers have, with one voice, declared Virtue to be indispensably necessary to the existence of a free Government. As this sentiment has been adopted in opposition to many prejudices, and interests, religious and secular, and adopted by them all, it may be fairly supposed to be the result of conviction and evidence. Perhaps it may have arisen, in part, from the following view of the subject.

Government is rendered effectual by two great engines—force and persuasion. Force is the instrument of despotism, and persuasion. Force is the instrument of despotism, and persuasion of free and rational government. To produce persuasion, it is always necessary to inspire confidence. To inspire confidence in subjects towards rulers, it is necessary for subjects to be satisfied, that their rulers are possessed of knowledge to discern, and of virtue to aim at, the general good. To inspire confidence in rulers towards subjects, it is necessary for rulers to be satisfied, that their subjects possess knowledge to discern, and virtue to approve, the real wisdom and equity of public measures. With these prerequisites, rulers will with confidence pursue the public interest; and subjects will with equal confidence support their administration: without them, the ruler, fearful and suspicious, always in perplexity and always in danger, will feel himself obliged to have recourse to art, cabal, and contrivance, to keep in motion the wheels of government; and subjects, anxious, jealous, and impatient, will continually fluctuate between hope and fear, flock at every call to the standard of faction, and prove the prey of every demagogue.

Facts, also, lend their evidence to support this doctrine. Sparta and Rome were the most stable of all the ancient republics. Virtue, in the sense of the Gospel, they had not; but, in their early periods, they were, to an unusual degree, possessed of what is called heathen virtue. Beyond most, perhaps beyond all, the heathen nations, they feared their gods, reverenced an oath, and believed in a providence, which rewarded the good, and punished the evil. Their ideas of truth and justice, however crude, were fixed; and they admitted fewer corruptions and violations of the principles, which they esteemed sacred, than most other nations. While this was their conduct, their public happiness, though imperfect, was stable; and, with the fall of these principles, it tumbled to the ground.

Among the modern nations of Europe, Switzerland, especially in some of its Cantons, holds the highest rank in public happiness. For more than 400 years, this distinguished country has withstood every shock from within, and from without, and appears still to rest on firm foundations. Equally remarkable has this country been for knowledge and virtue. In no State, in Europe, have the inhabitants at large possessed equal information, or exhibited equal proofs of piety and unblemished morals. To these causes their happiness is directly traced by every enlightened traveler. Happy Switzerland! God has created for thee thy walls and thy bulwarks. Under his good providence, thy bravery has made thee free, and thy knowledge and virtue have made me happy.

On this side of the Atlantic, Connecticut, by an extensive and increasing acknowledgement, appears to hold, in this respect, the first station. The happiness of this State, for one hundred and fifty years, has suffered, except from external enemies, little diminution. Its government, customs, manners, and general state of Society, have scarcely been changed, but by the gradual progress of refinement. Formed, at first, in all the great outlines, and nearly filled up, by men, whose distinguished rectitude of disposition, led, of course, to justness of opinion, and whose found Common-sense, improved by close observation, did not lead to error, its Constitution, although, in many respects, a violation of political theory, has been found more than any other to be fitted for practice. Public and private happiness its inhabitants have, in a high, perhaps an unrivalled, degree, enjoyed. In no country has Virtue, for so long a period, been held in higher estimation, received more marks of public regard, or more emphatically formed the general character. Knowledge, at the same time has, in an almost singular manner, been diffused through the mass of people. Every parent in the State has a school placed in his neighbourhood; and every child is furnished with the means of the most necessary instruction. To aid, and to complete, these peculiar advantages, a church in every district of a moderate size, opens its doors to the surrounding inhabitants, and invites every family to receive the knowledge, communicated by the Word of God.

The same doctrine might be even more strongly illustrated, if the time would permit, from the deplorable contrast to the picture already drawn, presented by the desolations and miseries of vice and ignorance have in most instances prevailed without a mixture, and reigned without control. Rulers have trampled on the necks, rioted on the spoils, and sported with the miseries, of their subjects. Subjects have fallen before them with impious homage, and slavish brutism, or rescued themselves from oppression, to run mad with the frenzy of anarchy, and to wanton in plunder and blood. Nations, as if in love with misery, and unsatisfied to see their sufferings so small, have reached out an eager hand to grasp at woe. War has been the profession of man, and arms his instruments of business, and of pleasure. Conquest, like a roaring lion, has stalked round the desolated globe, seeking whom he might devour. In his trains, Ambition has smoked with slaughter; Avarice has ground the poor into dust; and Pollution, like the messenger of death to the army of Sennacherib, has changed the host of man into putrefied corpses. Fiends have looked on, and triumphed; Angels have wondered, and wept; and Heaven, as if discouraged from efforts, has given up its work to waste and destruction.

The end of the observations, which I have made, is to impress on the minds of this audience the importance of public and individual exertions to promote knowledge and virtue in this State. If the observations are just, the value of the object will not be disputed. But it is one thing to be convinced of the importance of an object, and another to feel it in such a manner, as to be roused into exertion in its behalf. Ignorance of the most proper methods of exertion, difficulties always presenting themselves in its progress, and doubts concerning its success, added to native indolence, easily damp the rising effort, and incline us to shift the burden from ourselves to others, and to rest satisfied with the general opiate of conscience, that our attempts will be vain, and may, therefore, be safely neglected.

To strengthen this enervating conclusion in our minds, we naturally summon to our aid the general voice of human experience. “The course of human affairs,” we easily say, and say with some degree of truth, “has been a constant exhibition of extreme difficulty, ever found in extending and establishing virtue in the present world. The volume of man is written only in black; and page after page, when carefully turned over, is seen to be marked only with lines of vice, ignorance, and sorrow. Centuries have rolled on, without a beam of light; and Continents, throughout their expanded regions, have reeked with the slaughter of man, and echoed to the voice of mourning and misery. Intervals have indeed appeared of a brighter aspect; and favoured tracts have, at times, enjoyed the twilight promise of approaching day. But how few have been these envied exceptions to the general character of time, and to the general state of the world! What miniatures of happiness, knowledge, and virtue must we oppose to the gigantic figures of war, and woe, of idolatry and brutism! A few years form the only contrast to sixty centuries; and Switzerland is that small dust of the balance, which must be weighed against Africa and Asia.”

Such is the language of sloth and discouragement. In the main it is true; but it is not the whole truth. The few experiments, which have been imperfectly made, to diffuse knowledge, and implant and cultivate virtue, in the mass of mankind, have sufficiently proved, that efforts for this end may be successful; and that, when man has prepared the ground, and sown the seed, Heaven will refuse neither the rain, nor the sunshine.

The whole cultivation of virtue is a conflict with vice; but the warfare is honourable, and the victory fruitful in advantage, beyond the reach of computation. Nothing valuable comes to man, without his cooperation; and the toil is commonly proportioned to the worth of the acquisition. As the diffusion of Virtue over a Community is the first social blessing, so it ought, according to the analogy of Providence, to be expected to demand greater efforts, than any other blessing. Liberty has often been the price of lives scarcely numerable, and of property exceeding calculation. Yet Liberty is a profession of less importance than Virtue. Had half he efforts been made to promote virtue, which have been made to extend war and slaughter, virtue would not, probably, constitute the prevailing human character. But Virtue, though the first good of man, has least engaged his attention.

Wherever exertions have been made for the extension of virtue, success has followed. Under the superintendence, and by the labours, of the Apostles, its progress was a greater miracle to the eye, than all those, which they performed, as means of its existence. With the gradual decay of effort it gradually ceased. At the Reformation, exertion rose to a character almost Apostolic, and success attended it, like that of the Apostles. In Switzerland, Holland, Scotland, England, and in some parts of the American States, the growth and prevalence of Virtue has, at times, and through a considerable period, been fully proportioned to the efforts in its behalf, and answered every rational hope. There is, therefore, from experience, no reason for discouragement.

It may, perhaps, be said, that Virtue is the gift of God. This is no objection to the sentiments, here advanced. It is their support. Every blessing is the gift of God. The harvest is as truly his gift, as Virtue. Nor is there a reason to believe, that he will less willingly meet, with his blessing, him, who labours to adorn the mind with moral beauty, and to plant in it the feeds of righteousness, than him, who, with equal industry, is employed in dressing the earth in verdure, and in filling the field with bread.

That knowledge may be effectually diffused through a Community will not be doubted.

On the methods, by which these great attributes of the mind, these great means of Social happiness, may be most effectually cultivated, and established, I have much to say; and feel it to be a misfortune, that so large a part of my time seemed necessary to prepare a foundation, when the whole was necessary to raise the structure. To the time, however, I must conform, and important as I deem the subject, must dismiss it with mere hints, and heads of discourse.

The Laws of every country have all, or may have, an important influence on this subject. The formation and establishment of knowledge and virtue in the citizens of a Community is the first business of Legislation, and will more easily and more effectually establish order, and secure liberty, than all the checks, balances, and penalties, which have been devised by man. With the Legislature this business should begin; and with reference to it most, if not all, their important measures ought to be concerted. They wish, doubtless, to do good to their country. In this way they can do more good to it, than in any other. Were this sentiment, in full strength, in the mind of every Legislator, the object could not fail of being accomplished.

In the exact execution of Law, those magistrates, to whom this duty is entrusted, may find an extensive field for the employment of this most honourable patriotism. It is not an uncommon, nor unfounded opinion, that the duties of executive officer are, here, less punctually performed, than the public good demands; and that too strong a spirit of accommodation is become their customary character. Little crimes appear, unhappily, to be passed over with inattention, and thus prepare the way for those which are greater. It is desirable, that no laws, beside necessary ones, should exist; but is equally and even more desirable, that every existing Law should be executed. In an effectual Grand-Jury this State is unhappily and singularly defective, and suffers daily from the defect. Until this evil shall be remedied, one wide door to immorality and unhappiness will be unnecessarily left open.

Calumny against the several Officers, employed in governmental duty, is one of the most obvious methods of weakening government. The esteem of the Community is, in all countries, an object of no small importance to persons in public agency; but, in this country, it is of the highest importance. The magistrate, here, is raised above others by his office only; and the esteem, which he wishes to obtain, is the esteem of his peers and companions. To deprive him of this esteem is to deprive him, in a sense, of his all; and to do it wantonly and maliciously is to act the part of an enemy, and a savage. “Thou shalt no speak evil of the ruler of thy people” is equally a law of Revelation, and of Common sense. If Rulers transgress, and act with fraud, or injustice, the path of regular impeachment is open, and ought to be pursued. Mere political slander is the result of ambition, or of malice; and is as mischievous in its effects, as base in its origin. The length, to which it has already proceeded, is great; the length, to which it will proceed, cannot be calculated. A small degree of foresight, will, however, enable us to decide, that, should it not be checked, the possession of office will, of itself, be esteemed, ere long, an adequate proof of dishonesty.

But as Public happiness depends, in this country, at least, on the personal character of its inhabitants at large, so the promotion of public happiness must, in a great measure, rest on personal exertions. Men of every description, who wish the end accomplished, must unite to furnish the means.

The primary mean of this end has, I flatter myself, been proved to be Virtue. States may be rich, powerful and free; and yet not be happy. Antiquity furnishes us with a long and pompous list of rich and powerful States; but scarcely with one, in which the great body of citizens in this State would not, if fairly informed in the history of those States, be wholly unwilling to live; life, in our view, being hardly worth possessing, if it must be passed in so wretched state of Society. The same observation, with nearly the same force, may be applied to almost all the present States of Europe. The Grisons, allies of the Switzers, are, by their Constitution of government, the freest people, perhaps, of any on the Eastern Continent. Still they are an unhappy people. They have neither virtue to desire, nor knowledge to understand, the common interest. Justice, suffrages, and the whole public weal, are, among them sold annually, like goods in the market. Hence, with the fullest possession of liberty, they are equally contemptible and wretched.

There are two great means of promoting virtue; Religious Education and Public Worship. Religious education prepares the mind to love, to attend, and to profit by public worship; and public worship supports and regulates religious education. Without public worship, children would cease to be religiously educated; and without religious education, public worship would cease to be attended.

To render public worship useful, it must be frequented; and, to make it frequented, it must, so far as consists with its nature, be made pleasing. For this purpose, the ministers of this worship must, so far as the circumstances of men will allow, be persons of knowledge, virtue and dignity. To secure, in any country, a succession of such ministers, their support ought to be comfortable; the source neither of splendor and luxury on the one hand, nor of suffering and meanness on the other. Opulent livings would invite, and would be filled by those, who most covet opulence; the aspiring, and the unprincipled. A bare living would be left to sloth, and ignorance. A rich and proud ministry would be inaccessible to the poor, and the humble; a ministry struggling under penury would tremble at the frowns of the rich, and the great. The support of ministers ought also to be secure, and endangered by nothing, but their misconduct. Precarious livings, beside their exposure to all the evils of scanty ones, would furnish, to the incumbents, daily temptations to sacrifice conscience and duty to the whims, and the vices, of those, from whose goodwill they hoped to derive their daily bread. No Youth, possessed of learning, dignity, and worth, can be expected to venture himself on the ocean of life, in a bark, which so evidently announces a speedy and certain shipwreck, by its total want of strength, and safety, for the voyage.

Religion is always estimated by the character of its ministers. If they are generally vile, the religion, which they profess, is generally abhorred; if contemptible, it is despised; but, if worthy and dignified, it cannot but be respected. Thus intimate and inseparable is the permanent and sufficient support of the ministers of religion with virtue, and of course with the existence, and the stability, of public happiness.

Religious education, in the first instance, is domestic. To the early mind, parents are the ministers of religion appointed by God himself, and invested by him with authority, and advantages, wholly peculiar. On that mind it is in their power to make impressions, of the highest importance, and the most benign efficacy; impressions, which extend to all the great concerns of man, which mould the whole future character, and which stand, thro’ life, as prominent features in the conduct of every day. “Even a child may be known by his goings,” says Solomon; or, as in the Hebrew, “By the goings of a Child may be know his future character, when a man.” In the earliest stages of childhood may be implanted such a sense of right and wrong, of truth and falsehood, of honesty and fraud, of good will and malice, of accountableness and judgment, of heaven and hell, of the glorious character of the Redeemer, of the presence, inspection, agency, and government, of God, as will remain, influence, and govern, through every succeeding period; such a sense, as will, in a great measure, form for every social duty, and preclude the necessity of most political restraints, and of all political violence. To communicate a religious education to their children is the greatest blessing, which parents can usually confer upon them; the highest service, which they can render to society; and the most important duty, which they can perform to God. Yet there is, perhaps, no duty more neglected.

To the efforts of parents those of Schoolmasters ought to be added. Where parents perform this duty, the Schoolmaster may happily increase, and rivet, the impression: where they neglect it, he may, in no small measure, supply the defect. Moral instruction of every kind ought invariably to form a material part of school education. To this end, it ought to be exacted of every Schoolmaster, that he be, in the public eye, a virtuous man.

For this, and every other purpose, which is expected from schools, it is necessary, that the legislature should steadily interfere. Private efforts may do much; but they cannot do all. Where the suffrages of all concerned are of equal influence, measures are merely the effect of compromise, and incapable of system, or regularity. Hence the absolute necessity of some superior control. Visitors, under Legislative authority, ought to be empowered, and obliged, to inspect the knowledge, and the morals, of the teachers, the system of education, the diligence with which it is pursued, and the progress of the pupils in knowledge, manners, and morals. Regular returns ought to be made to Commissioners of Government, concerning the whole state of education; and public benefits should invariably reward such persons, as originate essential improvements.

Example, Union, Concert, are primary wheels in every system of improvement. All things flourish, where all hearts are engaged. The great object, here urged, has never been, but very imperfectly, made a national object. It ought to be the first end of all measures national and personal. Power, wealth, and splendor, cannot be more certainly acquired. It is as easy to bless, as to conquer; to enrich a land with virtue, and to adorn it with knowledge, as to store it with silver, and load it with villas and palaces. Man may as easily be a Saint, as a Savage; and Nations as easily enlightened with Millennial glory, as overcast with the midnight of Gothicism. All that is necessary, on the part of man, is to bring the subject home to his heart, to feel its inestimable importance, to realize its practicability, and to make it the chief aim of his fixed endeavours.

Confident of the justice, and of the interesting nature, of these observations, let me ask, is there in the wider regions of the universe, an object, which ought more to engross the attention, and the labour, of man? Is there a more honourable patriotism, or a truer friendship to liberty, than thus to aim, and thus to labour? Ought it not to seize the heart, to inspire the voice, and to command the hands, of every citizen? Who can say, “My labours will be useless”? Who is so poor, so lowly, so ignorant, as not to be able to cast in to the public stock []? Who among the richer, the more enlightened, the more dignified, can, to any other purpose, so nobly contribute, of his abundance?

Connecticut can never be distinguished for extent of territory, superior wealth, or great numbers of inhabitants. This, instead of being a misfortune, ought to be esteemed a blessing. A nobler distinction is thrown by a good Providence into its hands. It may rise to pre-eminence in knowledge, virtue, and happiness. We need not grudge the dross, while the gold is ours. It may be the Athens, not of a savage, idolatrous, and brutal world, but of a world enlightened, refined, and Christian. Let its citizens unite in well concerted and determined efforts, for this end; and it will be accomplished.

How honourable, how enviable a task, how glorious a crown of patriotic labours already undergone, would it be to the officers of an Army, distinguished by unprecedented and most public-spirited efforts, in the cause of their country, to stand foremost in the pursuit of this first interest, this supreme glory, of that country? With that courage with which they braved a foreign invader, that patience of suffering with which they encountered toil, and want, and that perseverance with which they surmounted difficulty and discouragement, to meet every foe employed to attack, every art exerted to undermine, and every obstacle raised up to hinder, our public prosperity? What a wreath of laurel will be twined around their memory, whenever it is rehearsed, that they were, alike, the best soldiers, and the best citizens? The path to this glory, I flatter myself, I have disclosed.

Such efforts are visibly demanded of all citizens to preserve, as well as to increase, the happiness, for which that Army so bravely fought, and so largely bled. Our very Government, so mild, so useful, and so harmoniously adopted, has been attacked by intrigue, calumny, and insurrection. This evil has existed, while the chair of Magistracy has been filled by a [] has probably wrought for this country [] than were ever wrought by any man for any country: whose wisdom has proved superior to every perplexity, whose patriotism to every temptation, and whose fortitude to every trial: a Man, who can pass through no American States, survey no field, and tread on no spot of ground, which he has not saved from devastation; who can mix with no assembly, visit no family, and accost no person, who must not say, “Our freedom, our peace, our safety, we owe first to God, and next to you:” who can turn his ear to no sound of joy, which he has not a share in exciting; and open his eye on no scene of comfort, which does not trace him as its origin; a man to whom poets, orators, sages, legislators, and the nations of two worlds, have eagerly paid their tribute of esteem, admiration, and love. Against this very man have these evils been directed. What they must be looked for, when the same seat shall be filled by inferior talents, sustained by a patriotism less unequivocal, and sanctioned by a popularity less complete? What, but an event, at which philanthropy shudders; and, with the existence of which, the hopes of the wise, and the good, will be extinguished forever? To avert such a catastrophe, and under the banner of such a leader, his illustrious companions in the field will cheerfully unite, and call to the standard every virtuous citizen, every friend of man, to preserve all that, for which they fought, and to increase all that, in which they glory. Thus will they secure the peace of an approving conscience, enjoy the transports of an expanded benevolence, and commence a career of honour which will know no end.

Stanley Griswold (1763-1815) served in the Revolutionary War and graduated from Yale in 1786. He also served as a pastor in Connecticut, as a newspaper editor (1804), as a United States Senator (1809), and as a judge for the Illinois Territory (1810-1815). Griswold preached this sermon in 1801, shortly after Thomas Jefferson was elected President.

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED AT

Wallingford, Connecticut,

March 11, 1801,

Before a Numerous Collection of the Friends

Of The

Constitution,

Of

THOMAS JEFFERSON, President,

And Of

AARON BURR, Vice-President

OF THE

United States.

By STANLEY GRISWOLD, A. M.
Of New-Milford.

A SERMON.

My RESPECTABLE AUDIENCE,

I CAME not hither to preach a system of party-politics, nor to excite nor indulge ravings of faction. I came in obedience to what I conceived to be the duty of a Christian and a patriot, to contribute my most earnest endeavors toward healing the unhappy divisions of our country.

Unfortunately some individuals are to be expected to be beyond cure, especially from such remedies as I shall apply, having drank down the poisonous virulence of party too copiously to admit of an easy recovery. But the citizens at large I cannot consider by any means in this predicament. They have ever been honest, are still honest, and desire nothing but to be honest.

If unhappily any individuals be past cure, the lenient remedies of the gospel, which I purpose to apply on this occasion, upon such will be thrown away. And for such nothing seems to remain but the severer applications of reproof and rebuke, which our Saviour occasionally exhibited to some in his day, while he spake to the multitudes with the greatest mildness and affection.

The method I have judged most proper to attain the object suggested, is to address a few considerations more particularly to the injured,–those of every denomination and description of sentiment in our country, who may have suffered wrongfully,–who have received wounds, and whose wounds have not yet forgotten to smart.

On such the peace and tranquility of our country, I conceive, very greatly depend. Their conduct and the course they adopt are to have no inconsiderable share in determining, whether this country is to settle down in quietness, and harmony to be restored to its citizens,–or whether it is yet to be agitated and shaken to its centre by the outrages of party.

Far would I be from impeaching the prudence, the patriotism or the Christianity of any who hear me. But it must be confessed, that we are all men, and men of like passions. Hence the necessity of repeatedly calling to remembrance the maxims of sound wisdom and the wholesome precepts of religion.—If by suggesting any of these I might contribute in some small degree to the felicity of my country, I could easily forego the ambition of appearing a political preacher on this occasion, and should consider myself well rewarded for any calamities which are past, or for any which are yet to come.

For pursuing the object proposed, the gospel of the benevolent Jesus affords themes in abundance. I have chosen that cluster of directions recorded.

YOU will at once recognize these precepts as being peculiar to our holy religion. However different they may be from the suggestions of flesh and blood, however contrary to the habits of unholy men or to the temper and practice of the world, on candid examination they will be found perfectly to consist with reason and sound philosophy,–and they bear excellently the test of experience.

If anything like policy and art may be conceived of the religion of Jesus Christ, the sentiment which runs through the passage we have read and is summed up in the concluding words, has an eminent claim to such a character,–overcome evil with good.—A harmless policy indeed! Yet the most effectual to accomplish the purpose designed. If the expression may be used, it is to revenge one’s self by benevolence,–it is to take vengeance by shewing kindness. Would you melt the obdurate heart of your foe, would you conquer him and lay him completely at your feet, the surest and most effectual way to accomplish it, is to do him good. Heaping upon him acts of kindness will have a similar effect as the smith’s heaping coals of fire upon a crucible whose obstinate contents he wishes to resolve; they will soften the injurious passions, they will melt down the heart of iniquity and enmity:–the first effect will be shame,–the next, reconciliation and love.

If this be not the directest way to conquer and get recompense for evil, it is certainly the most noble way. If it is not the most effectual, it is certainly the most godlike. This is the policy which God Almighty pursues toward our wicked race. This is the policy by which he conquers evil. We behold it in every morning’s sun which he raises upon our world. We behold it in every shower of rain which he sends upon our earth. We behold it more gloriously still in the face of Jesus Christ, the Saviour. It shines in the redemption he wrought out for sinners. It is conspicuous in the example he set for mankind. It distinguishes he system of morals which he taught. It is the glory of the gospel. Much did he urge it upon men as what alone could make them truly the children of their Father who is in heaven, and in pursuing of which only, they could be accounted genuine Christians and be said to do more than others.

This divine, this peaceful policy, my hearers, is what I wish now to urge upon you and upon myself; and could my voice extend through my country, it should be urged upon every citizen of America.—Would to God! an angel from heaven might descend at this important epoch, that he might fly through our land, and in strains of celestial eloquence impress upon all the injured in it, the glory of rendering blessing for cursing, of overcoming evil with good.—But I hope such have no need of miraculous means to convince them of the excellence of this gospel-policy and of the propriety and urgent necessity of putting it into eminent practice at the present time.

How desirable,–what an epoch to be remembered indeed would this be, if the wounds of our country might now be healed!—if henceforth she might bleed no more through intestine divisions, party-virulence, the ravings of faction and the mad acts of blind infatuation!—How happy, if mutual good will, heavenly charity and justice might once more be revived among us! How glorious, if the new order of things, as it is called, (I care not whose order nor what order it is called) might prove but the abolition of hatred, calumny, detraction, rigid discrimination, personal depression and injustice, and instead thereof restore the old order of social felicity, mutual confidence, benevolent and candid treatment which once distinguished the citizens of this country!—If one sincere desire is cherished by my soul, it is, that this happy old order of things might be restored,–that we might see an eternal end to the little, detestable maxims of party, and that the generous principles of the country might come forward and reign.—O Genius of America! Arise; come in all the majesty of thine ancient simplicity, moderation, justice; re-commence thine equal empire; drive the demon, Party, from our land: From henceforth let the order among us be thy order.

To insure such a glorious and most desirable order of things, my hearers, it is absolutely necessary that the injured among us, of whatever sentiment or character, should not think of revenging, should not think of revenging, should not think of retaining prejudices and a grudge against their fellow-citizens;–but if they revenge at all, let it be by benevolence. The only strife should now be, who can shew the most liberality and kindness,–who can do an enemy the most good. Let those who have been the most wronged, be the first to come forward and forgive. Let them bury in magnanimous amnesty, all that is past; and let them exhibit an example of what it is to be truly great,–great like a Christian,–great like God.

In this sublime policy of the gospel it is by no means implied, that we should be stoics, indifferent to good and evil, or that we should be reconciled to abuse, or that we should not rejoice and be thankful to heaven when we are delivered from it. Christianity was never designed to impair the noble sensibilities of our nature.

I profess no great skill as a politician;–nor does it belong to me to say, whether the sufferings which have arisen in our country from political causes, be now certainly at an end. But this I say, if there be well-founded reason to think they are at an end, if the present epoch in American affairs may really be considered as a deliverance on all hands from that unparalleled injustice, those overbearing torrents of abuse and accumulations of injuries, which for some time past have been heaped upon worthy and innocent men, and stained, I fear, the annals of our country beyond the power of time to obliterate,–if, I say, this be really the case and may be relied on as fact, then I declare the present occasion an occasion of great joy, deserving our most fervent gratitude to God.—And if it be an epoch to prevent still greater abuses from coming on, if it is to set back the tide of party-rage from reaching any farther, if it is to say to that boisterous deluge, which was rolling on in such terrible floods and already swept away much that is dear to us, Hitherto hast thou come, but no farther,–and here shall thy proud waves be staid,–if it is to prevent a relentless civil war from existing among us, whose flames, alas! lately appeared to be fast kindling, and in the apprehension of many, threatened by this time to have exhibited the awful scene of brother armed against brother—and garments rolled in blood through our land,–if henceforth nothing more is to be feared for personal character, liberty, life, the safety of our Constitution and government,–the peace of our country and our social happiness, then I declare it an epoch deserving eternal remembrance and the most heart-felt exultation before the God of heaven. God grant, it may prove such an area, and that our dear country may once more be happy.

But it requires no great political skill to see that all this in a measure depends on conditions: and one principal condition unquestionably is, that the injured forget their wrongs and be above revenge.

This leads me to suggest a few considerations to recommend the precepts in the text, or the gospel-policy of overcoming evil with good.

No one can doubt, that this is an eminent and very distinguishing part of the system taught by the author of our religion. Forgiveness of injuries, love to enemies, charity, a mild, inoffensive behavior, and even literally the rendering of good for evil, were themes much upon his tongue, continually urged and enforced by him. By the authority of our Lord, then, we are bound to practice these virtues.

And his example was strictly conformable to these his precepts. Never man endured so much contradiction of sinners against himself, so much enormous outrage, such monstrous abuse, as Jesus Christ endured. Yet never man behaved so perfectly inoffensive, or so unremittingly persevered in doing good.—He was reproached as a glutton and a drunkard, a friend and associate of publicans and sinners, a petulant fellow in community, an enemy to Cesar and all government, a low-bred carpenter’s son, a turner of the world upside down, a foe to religion, a vile heretic, a perverter of the good old traditions of the elders and the commands and institutions of the fathers, a despiser of the Sabbath, a blasphemer, a deceiver of the people, an agent of Beelzebub—But the time would fail me to tell of all the reproaches and all the hard names with which he was reviled.

Nor did his sufferings rest only in what pertained to reputation. His whole walk on earth was amid snares and plots craftily laid to take, not only his liberty, but his life. And everything was favorable to render those snares successful:–they were laid by a powerful hierarchy, seconded by the Rulers of the day, and the Evil One must come and render his aid. Much did he suffer:–but never did he manifest a single wish to injure them,–The people generally were more friendly to him:–they frequently flocked in multitudes around him, and often did they form a defence for his life which his foes dared not provoke.—But sometimes means were found to inflame them also, and set them against him. In these cases he was left alone to sustain the vengeance of an enraged world.—He could not live long. He was too honest and too good for this earth. At an early period of life he fell a victim to the powers combined against him.

But what was his conduct under these sufferings? What was his conduct even in that last trying hour, that hour of darkness, when perfect innocence was about to suffer indignities which should belong only to the foulest guilt? Now we should expect revenge, if ever. Now, that the measure of his injuries was full, might we not look for some capital blow to retaliate for the whole at once? Why did he not shake the earth out of its place and crumble his enemies to dust? Why did he not bid his waiting legions of angels empty the realms of heaven—fly and smite his abusive foes to destruction?—Good God! what do we see!—he goes as a lamb to the slaughter, and as a sheep before her shearers is dumb, so he openeth not his mouth! His dying breath wafts a tender prayer to the throne of mercy for his murderers, Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do!

Shall such an example shine before us, and not ravish us with its glories? Shall we boast such an Author of our religion, and not be ambitious to imitate him?—How do all the injuries which we endure and all our sufferings dwindle into nothing compared with those of our Master? And oh! How should all dispositions of vengeance melt away from our souls before the burning lustre of his example?

But let us look at the intrinsic merits of this conduct, thus exemplified by Jesus, and so eminently required by his precepts.—This conduct may be justified both on the ground of good policy and of moral obligation.

First, on the ground of policy. The apostle evidently suggests the idea of policy in these words,–for, in so doing, thou shalt heap coals of fire on his head. We have already explained this figure. It alludes to a smith’s heaping coals of fire upon a crucible, or any hard substance which he wishes to soften or solve. A very happy allusion to set forth the power of kind actions upon the hearts of our abusive enemies. If we wish to conquer them most effectually, this is the way to do it. We all, I presume, have witnessed somewhat of this in our intercourse with mankind. If we ourselves have ever unjustly abused another, for him to return us obliging and good actions upon it, makes us ashamed, and we soon desire to forget what we have done. This kind of conduct, well-timed and properly directed, is absolutely irresistible. It puts upon man the appearance of a superior being, and compels regard.—To repulse evil with evil, tends only to sharpen the hostile passions and to fix the parties in everlasting hatred. This is not conquest,–it is only continuing the battle without ever deciding the victory.

I suppose it likely, that it was on account of this peculiar feature in the character of Christ and his religion, that so many of his crucifiers were afterwards pricked in the heart and turned to be his followers, as we are told three thousand did at one sermon of Peter’s, on the subject of the crucifixion. And on the same account the religion of Christ made rapid progress in the world, so long as its supporters exhibited this its peculiar feature. But when they assumed the power of the state and the power of armies to assist the power of Christianity, and its advocates became fierce, revengeful, intolerant, then its spread was retarded, and even Mahometanism outstripped it in progress.

But secondly, the gospel-conduct in question, may be justified upon the ground of moral obligation. Our enemies and abusers, be they who they may, have something in them or pertaining to them which deserves our regard, and I will say, our love,–notwithstanding the malice and depravity which they may also possess.

In the first place they have existence. And is not existence valuable?—Think of annihilation! See how anxious all are to preserve their lives, not excepting the very brutes.—What is thus demonstrated to be valuable by every testimony around us, and by our own irresistible feelings, ought surely to be prized at some rate and to be treated accordingly.

They have also rational faculties. And are not these valuable?—Look at the idiot or at the delirious wretch! What an afflicting sight is the absence of mental faculties?—They are to be regarded, then, where they exist.

Our enemies possess immortal natures. This confers inestimable worth. The fly, that lives and sport a summer, is a being of small value. The brute, that protracts his life to a few years, is more valuable. But man, who is destined to live when the sun and the stars are no more, who is to travel onward and grow in excellence through eternal ages, possesses a value beyond all computation, beyond all conception. Our Saviour estimates a soul above the whole world. Is such an object to be dealt lightly with? Is he rashly to be consigned over to utter hatred, and shall every sentiment be expunged from our hearts which should excite us to consult his welfare?

They also have a capacity for virtue and happiness. However depraved at present, yet they are not beyond recovery. If malice now rankles in their hearts, yet their hearts are capable of being receptacles of benevolence. They are salvable creatures, restorable to virtue and felicity. Shall they be thrown away as good for nothing, and all regard be withdrawn from them, when this capacity is in them and they may yet be ranked with ourselves in dignity and bliss? Ought they not rather to be considered as a valuable machine, disordered truly, but capable of repair? Do we throw away our gold and silver utensils, because for the present they may have gotten out of order? Moral evil is but a disorder of the mind, and is removable. The evil should be hated; but the unhappy subject of it is still to be regarded. Our desire and endeavor should be to rectify,–not destroy.

The dignified nature of man, and his capability of being restored to virtue and felicity, were what rendered him in his sins an object of regard to his Maker, and procured for him the merciful provision of the gospel. What if God had treated our sinful race according to the dictates of enmity and hatred? Who would ever have found mercy?—No, he loved us notwithstanding we were enemies in our minds by wicked works. God so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten son to die. Herein is love, not that we loved God, but that he loved us, and sent his Son to be the propitiation for our sins. God commendeth his love towards us, in that while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. From the example of our Maker, then, as well as by looking directly at the subject, we see there is something in enemies and wicked men, which is a proper foundation for love, and demands benevolent treatment.

Another consideration which should commend our enemies to our affectionate regards is, they are our brethren, children with us of one great Parent, members together of one great family. Their blood is a branch of the same fountain which flows in our veins. They are “bone of our bone and kindred souls to our’s.”

—”Pierce my vein,”—says a poet,
Take of the crimson stream meandering there
And catechize it well:–apply thy glass,
Search it, and see now if it be not blood
Congenial with thine own.”—

They exercise all the functions which we exercise. They weep as we weep. They feel as we feel. They suffer as we suffer.—If some of the family are proud, selfish, disposed to be injurious and trample on the rights of the rest, let them be brought to know their places—but let them still be beloved. What is here suggested is the foundation of philanthropy, or universal benevolence, which unquestionably is the benevolence of the gospel, and what we all ought to entertain.

Thus on the solid basis of moral obligation rests the duty of loving and treating well our enemies.

I shall now mention a few considerations of another kind, which should make us extremely cautious how we indulge revengeful feelings toward those who may have abused us.

First of all, we ourselves are frail, fallible beings, and therefore may mistake the intentions of our fellow-creatures, misapprehend their motives, or may see their actions in a distorted form. Perhaps they are not so guilty as we imagine. Or it may be, through frailty we have offered unwarrantable provocation. In either of these cases revenge would be unjust.

We are further to consider, that our enemies and abusers are also subject to frailties. Great allowances are to be made on this account. The God of nature seems to have created some souls on an extremely little scale. Such are they who, capable only of being actuated by party-spirit, do nothing, think nothing, feel nothing, but just as party-spirit dictates. Some of this description have been known not to be able to hold common good neighborhood, nor Christian fellow-ship, nor to celebrate an anniversary festival, nor to communicate with their God, no, not even to hear a prayer, with one not of their particular party, be is character as bright as an angel’s. Shall we be disposed to revenge upon such little creatures?—pity, pity, nothing but pity is called for.

Others may become enemies and abusers merely because they mistake the intentions, the principles, the views of each other. They may see you through a false medium. Their enmity may be founded on some false report. They may be acted upon by an influence which they do not perceive;–may be led by the interested and crafty; may be deluded, deceived, excited by groundless alarm and cajoled in a thousand ways, which they themselves would despise, had they better information.—I verily believe, that more than one half of the feuds, animosities and enmities which afflict mankind, flow from these sources, rather than from any real ground of difference, or from downright malice of heart. I am certain this is the case in times of general party, when the people are roused up to oppress and abuse one another.—Oh! It is piteous to see the fatal fruits of this frailty,–to see honest and well-meaning people made to drink down potions of poisonous prejudice against their brethren for no cause,–to see them excited to baleful rage, made to vent reproaches, and ready to whet the sword of destruction, as against cannibals and monsters,–when the principles of both are identically the same, and all are seeking the same object,–only perhaps some party-name, devised and applied by knaves, with a plenty of misrepresentation, is the whole difference between them!—I am bold to say it, this of late years has been afflictingly the case in this country. People, whose real principles differ not one jot nor tittle, have been made most cordially to hate one another. The most genuine patriots have been anathematized by the most genuine patriots,–the truest whigs by the truest whigs,–the best republicans by the best republicans!—It was a pitiable scene.—But ought we to be disposed to revenge? Whoever thou art, of whatever party, that hast suffered in this way, if you hate these good people, you hate your best friends,–you hate your compatriots and real brethren. Moreover, they never hated you; they hated only a phantom in your stead,– a shade, an empty shade, which has been artfully raised up before them and called by your name.—The people at large are honest, and all the sin lies at the door of their deceivers. These may be rebuked sharply: they may be spoken to as the mild Jesus spake to the deceivers of the people in this day, Ye serpents! Ye generation of vipers! How can ye escape the damnation of hell? But to the people we should never speak in this manner. They were never spoken to thus by their friend Jesus. He always addressed the multitudes with respect and tenderness. And even their deceivers should not be devoted to hatred and ill offices. Like our Lord the genuine Christian will pray for them, if he can do no more.

When people are drawn by the designing into deep delusion and high party-rage, it is not to be expected that they all will come out together, that every one so soon as another will have the scales fall from his eyes to see clearly what has been the matter. This depends very much upon accident. The schemes of the crafty are often so deeply laid and so closely hedged about, that it requires years for them to come fairly out and be seen by the greater part of honest people. Often it is true of such schemes, “Longa est injuria,–longae ambages.” Many of the honest and unsuspecting will not be undeceived but by the unfolding of the scheme in serious and alarming facts.—But to some it may by accident be leaked out beforehand, perhaps from the very mouths of its authors. Or circumstances of a local and particular nature may conspire to convince some long before others. When this is the case, the first who are convinced will be thought hard of, and perhaps be calumniated and abused by their own brethren whose conviction is to come later. The schemers will endeavor to make this the case as much as possible, and will foment it by every means in their power. What is here observed may furnish an answer to those who sometimes ask one who differs from them, “How comes it that you know so much more than everybody else?” The true answer is, it comes by accident and various local circumstances, more than from any superiority of understanding or better principles of patriotism.—But it will be acknowledged, I think, that in these cases patience ought to be used, a very mild and gentle conduct ought to be observed. To revenge would be to revenge upon honest men.

We may vary a little the statement of this matter. The difference between honest people at the present day (and such I conceive the great body on both sides to be) is merely a difference of belief. Some individuals, to be sure may be most wicked and designing. But, it is idle to say, that the great body of people on either hand are not honest. They are honest, and most sincerely friendly to the Constitution and their country.—But one of one party believes there is a design on foot to overturn the Constitution and deprive the country of its liberties.—Another of another party believes no such thing. Whereas the latter would equally detest such a design and its authors, could he believe it were so.—Now shall men go to revenging upon one another merely for differences of faith, of belief? It would be reviving the worst doctrine of the dark ages.

Another consideration which should make us cautious not to indulge revenge is, that by so doing we pollute and injure our own souls. Revenge is a foul passion. To be overcome with it, is to be overcome with evil. Be it never so justly provoked, it hurts the temper; and if allowed to continue, will stop little short of entirely ruining it. Revenge is very properly pictured as a chief characteristic of the Infernals.—And the perfection of God is to be ever serene, good and forgiving.—When we can sincerely forgive our enemies, bless them and do them good, it is a token of great advancement in grace: for our Saviour considers this as the badge of Christian perfection, who in view of it says, Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father who is in heaven is perfect.

As a further recommendation of this heavenly conduct, let me observe that whoever finds himself truly disposed to practice it, may have the consolation to think, that most probably he is in the right with respect to those things for which he is abused,–and that his oppressors are wrong. The sure signs of error are a rigid, illiberal conduct, persecution and abuse, a disposition to discriminate, depress and keep down by violence whatever is opposed, and to repay tenfold when we have it in our power. This kind of conduct from of old has always distinguished the advocates of error, and is a certain badge of it. Whereas truth never feels a necessity for these things,–but is always mild, meek, liberal, generous, friendly to moderation and the utmost fairness, asks only an equal chance to be heard, disdaining violence, sure to conquer by her own charms.—The Pharisees and chief-priests on one hand, and Jesus on the other, were perfect examples of the conduct which error and truth respectively inspire.

When parties exist, perhaps there is no better rule to determine which is nearest the truth, than to recur to the manner of their treating each other, and mark the quantity of abuse offered on either side. And among all the species of abuse, perhaps that of epithet is as sure a standard as any. Whichever party invents and applies odious epithets in the greatest abundance and of the most unfounded and scandalous import, may be presumed to be most out of the way.

The peaceful conduct under consideration may be recommended from the excellent effect which will ultimately attend it, although for the present moment it may be unsuccessful. When men are outrageously abused, they are wont to think, there was never anything like it before. And if their abusers prosper over them, they are apt to despair, and imagine all to be lost unless they resort to desperate efforts and oppose violence to violence.—But this is the short-sighted wisdom of the flesh. We at this late age of the world have reason to know better. Have not worthy men, the just, friends of truth, of righteousness, of liberty, of every the most laudable cause, suffered in every age? To omit the mention of others, did not the immaculate Jesus and his first followers suffer, as men never suffered? Yet, what was the effect? Did not the gospel rise, shake itself from ignominy and run triumphantly through the world; while their outrageous foes soon sank out of repute and out of remembrance? There is something in mankind which favors suffering merit, and will assist it in spite of all opposition,–something which approves of moderation and reasonable conduct, and condemns overbearing things. This is a laudable disposition in mankind, and where there is nothing special to repress the public will, it is certain to give eventual triumph to those who under abuse, conduct according to the maxims of Christ; it will in the end bring them, with their cause, out of all their troubles.

Finally, my hearers, if any of you (and I would address those of every description, sentiment and party) if, I say, any of you have experienced the odious effects of a system of conduct the opposite of the one we are considering, if you have experienced those effects in your reputation, business, profession, property or individual freedom,–if your indignation has been roused, or your contempt excited at any little, narrow, malevolent acts of men by which you have been attempted to be injured,–will you not still continue to detest, and forbear to adopt such a despicable system of conduct for your own? I beg to be considered as addressing all of every sentiment and character, who have been abused by any conduct opposite to the liberal precepts of Jesus.—Will you not abominate such conduct as you have been taught to do by your own hard experience? And will you not cleave to the generous, the manly, the godlike deportment prescribed in the gospel? Let me call upon your own sufferings;–let me appeal to your own past feelings,–your sorrow, your pity, your indignation, your scorn,–let me bring them all to your remembrance and conjure you by them, never, never to fall into a line of conduct which you so much disapprove. Never lost sight of those noble sentiments which you so much wished might have been shewn toward you. While they are fresh in your recollection, consecrate them,–santify them,–let them be eternally held sacred. Repay nothing of what you have received: nobly forbear. All things whatsoever ye would, that men should have done to you, do ye even so to them.

As it respects the public welfare and peace of the country, let me ask, Has not the monster, Party, raged long enough? Has he not marched like a bloody Cannibal through our land and glutted sufficiently his abominable maw? Has he not devoured enough of reputation, enough of honest merit, enough of our social peace and happiness? Has not brother hated brother, neighbor neighbor, citizen citizen, long enough? Is it not time to put an end to the wounds of society and to heal our bleeding country?—

I feel the more earnest on this occasion as I consider the present juncture of affairs most important. And I view myself addressing an audience composed in some considerable degree of a description of men through this country on whose prudent and wise conduct, much, very much depends to restore tranquility and happiness to our land.

Let me, then, bring to your view our bleeding country. Let me place her before you in all her deplorable plight,–torn and mangled with faction, poisoned with the venom of party,–wrecked with intestine hatred, strife, division, discord, and threatened with complete dissolution.—Before you she stands—To you she turns her eyes:–she implores your consideration:–she begs to be restored to her wonted dignity and happiness.—“Will you,” she cries, “introduce a system of party, personal depression and abuse, and tear my vitals asunder?—Oh! Remember Jesus, the friend of the world! His precepts will heal me. If you have been persecuted, I beseech you to bless:–if you have been despitefully used, pray for your abusers:–if you have been reviled, revile not again. Render to no man evil for evil, but contrariwise, blessing.—Overcome evil with good. Thus shall my reproach be wiped away:–thus shall my wounds be healed:–thus shall you and all my children be restored to happiness.”

Agreeably to these importunate cries of our country, suffer me to conclude with offering a few particular directions for the observance of all on whom anything depends relative to our country’s peace.

First of all, dropping on all hands every term and epithet of party,–I mean such terms and epithets particularly as originated in rancor, and have no foundation in reality,–carefully consult the ancient spirit of the country, see what its maxims were formerly, and what now are its genuine principles and wishes.—Whatever you find these to be, with them go forward and do the public will. Be not a faction within the country; but be the country itself. Let not your spirit be the passion of party; but let it be the public spirit. Let the Genius of America reign.

Give me leave to say, you will not mistake the ancient maxims of this country nor its present wishes, if you be stedfast, genuine Republicans.—If we recur to our forefathers we shall find them republican from the beginning. The spirit of freedom drove them from their native land and brought them to this then howling wilderness. Genuine principles of liberty were conspicuous in all their early proceedings. No greater liberty-men were ever seen in America, that Winthrop, Davenport, Hooker, Haynes, and all that band of worthies who, under God, were the means of our being planted here. Much has been said about the forefathers of New-England. The truth is, the leading, most distinguishing traits in their character were these two, Liberty and Religion. In both they were sincere, and prized them above all price. With beams extracted from these sources, their souls were illuminated and warmed.—They did not set up an outcry about liberty with an insidious view to root out religion and overturn its institutions: neither on the other hand did they make an outcry about religion and its institutions with a view to cover over an insidious design of departing from the principles of civil liberty. These principles they carefully handed down to their sons, and in every period of the country’s progress they have been conspicuous. They broke out in full splendor in 1775 and ’76, of which the Declaration of Independence is an illustrious proof.—Again they shone forth with effulgent lustre in 1787 and ’88,–and the unparalleled Constitution of the United States was their fruit. These ancient, deep-rooted, republican principles of the country must be most sacredly regarded; for, be assured every variation from them will be resisted and bring on convulsions.

To have said thus much in favor of republican principles I hope will not be deemed to favor of party-spirit. For, I am designating the acknowledged principles of my country. And I beg leave to add, that they are principles of eternal rectitude and equity. Republicanism can no more be considered a party, than immutable truth and righteousness can be considered a party. And Republicans can no more be called a faction, than nature, reason and scripture with their Author, can be called a faction. For, these principles rest on the solid basis of nature, are clear as the sun to the eye of reason, and the Bible is full of them from beginning to end.—Nothing ever appeared to me more preposterous than to say the Bible favors of monarchy.—What did God say to his people, Israel, when they first asked for a king to rule over them? Read the eighth chapter of I Sam. And you will see how he resisted their request and set before them all the evils of monarchy. ¹ But when the people were deaf, and said, (because they could say nothing better) Nay, but we WILL have a king,–then God gave them a king in his wrath. And wrath indeed it was!—If the public mind at any time become so depraved as that they will have a king,–why then there is no help for it; and it becomes the duty of good men to make the best of the evil. Thus did the prophets and good men in Israel.—But because they wished to make the best of an evil, shall it be argued that they were in favor of the evil and were its zealous abettors?

When Jesus Christ came, every maxim and every precept he gave, so far as an application can be made, was purely republican. If we had no other saying of this than this, it would be sufficient to determine the matter. Ye know, says he, that the princes of the nations exercise lordship over them, and their great ones exercise authority upon them. But it shall not be so among you:–but whosoever will be chiefest among you let him be servant of all.—True he did not come to inter-meddle with human governments. But it is plain to see what his real sentiments were. It was not without ground that he was suspected of not being very friendly to Cesar. If he paid him his tribute-money, it was on this principle, lest we should offend them. He was a friend to order,–but he was in favor of righteous order. Mind not high things, but condescend to men of low estate.

If there be a privileged order of men known in the Bible, it is the poor and the oppressed. Such are in Scripture taken to God’s peculiar favor, he appears their special protector and avenger, and denounces terrible woes upon the head of their oppressors.

Is not iniquity condemned in the Bible? But what is iniquity? The word is from in and aequus,–unequal:–not unequal as to property or any other accidental circumstance, or appendage; but unequal as to rights. Thus the thief claims a right to trample on the rights of his neighbor, with respect to property,–the slanderer with respect to character,–the murderer with respect to life. These will not be subject to laws which subject the rest of community; but must claim privileges above them and peculiar to themselves.—The noble lord, who trespasses with impunity upon the enclosures of his neighbors, differs nothing from the thief, except that the iniquitous laws of unequal government protect the one and hang the other.—Iniquity surely is hateful to God. He repeatedly appeals to mankind in his word, Are not my ways equal? Are not your ways unequal?

Thus republican principles are no party-principles, inasmuch as they are founded in nature, reason and the word of God. At any rate, they are the principles of our country; and in exhorting you to abide by them, I am sure I speak the mind of the country, and what she herself would urge with pathetic importunity, were she to rise in my place and address you.

Permit me further to say, you would not mistake the old and genuine maxims of the country, if you should set an inestimable value upon that instrument, called The Declaration of American Independence. There her principles are displayed. There they are graven as in adamant, never to be effaced. That was the banner she unfurled when she arose to assert her rights. Under that banner she marched to victory and glory. On that were inscribed the insignia of all she contended for.

Cherish then, that immortal document of what once were DECLARED in the face of the world to be the principles of this country. I firmly believe they are still its principles.

Give me leave to say further, you will not mistake the will and pleasure of the country, if you give all your friendship, all your best wishes, and all the support in your power to the incomparable Constitution of the United States. This Constitution was adopted by a fair expression of the public will. It is the government of the country and the ordinance of God. When we examine its merits, we find it but another edition of the genuine principles of republicanism,–equal rights its foundation, and the welfare of the people its object. The precious maxims of the Declaration of Independence are transplanted into the Constitution. And as under the former the country marched to victory, so under the latter she may advance to prosperity.

Let the Constitution then, be esteemed the Palladium of all that we hold dear. Let it be venerated as the sanctuary of our liberties and all our best interests. Let it be kept as the ark of God. Obey the laws of government. Be genuine friends of order. Take that reproach from the mouths of monarchs, that Republicans are prone to rebellion. Dissipate that stigma, if it has been fastened upon any of you, that you are Disorganizers, Jacobins, Monsters. Let your love of order consist not in profession, but in reality. Let it be manifested, like true religion, in practice. Love not in word neither in tongue, but in deed and in truth.

Be not devoted to men. Let principles ever guide your attachments. To be blindly devoted to names and man’s person’s, is at once a token of a slavish spirit, and a sure way to throw the country into virulent parties. Be ready to sacrifice a Jefferson as freely as any man, should he become elated with power, exalt himself above the Constitution and depart from republican principles. Our Constitution contemplated independent freemen, men having a mind of their own, when it provided the right of suffrage. If we are to follow a man blindly wherever he leads, and if his coming once into office is to secure him there forever, whatever his conduct be,–in the name of common sense let so idle a thing as suffrage be expunged from our Constitution, and save the people the trouble of meeting so often for election. So long as a man in power behaves well and cleaves to your own principles, give him your support and your applause. But the instant he departs from the line prescribed for him by your social compact, peaceably resort to your right of suffrage, and hurl him from his eminence, be he who he may. In the mean time, always be in subjection to the powers that be.—By thus devoting yourselves to the principles of our excellent constitution and to the existing laws of government, you will be sure to do the pleasure of the country.

Let me say further, the pleasure of our country is to be free from foreign attachments. To be devoted to England or France or any one nation in preference to another, is unjust in itself, and a sure method to convulse the country with parties. We ought to wish well to all nations, desiring their deliverance from evil, and that they may enjoy their rights and happiness, without connecting ourselves intimately with the fortunes of any.—One principal purpose for which we should look at other nations is to learn from their miserable experience how to preserve our own liberties, how to secure our own happiness.

Lastly, to be genuinely and truly RELIGIOUS, would not be mistaking the ancient maxims of our nation. As I have endeavored in this discourse to hold up before you one of the chief and most peculiar features of the gospel, and have urged it by various considerations, I shall not now be lengthy. Give me leave to say, the genuine spirit of the gospel is the very perfection of man. Possessing that spirit, nation would no more rise against nation, nor kingdom against kingdom, the lion would lie down with the lamb, and there would be nothing to hurt or destroy throughout the earth; each one might sit under his vine and fig tree, having none to make him afraid. Genuine Christianity is a system of complete benevolence. Where it enters with its spirit and power, every relation is rendered kind, and every duty is cheerfully discharged. In no relation would its effects be more excellent than between ruler and people. Not that church and state should blended in the manner which has so much afflicted the world. Far from it. Christ’s kingdom, in such a sense, is not of this world. But it would be no matter how much the spirit of Christianity were blended with the spirit of rulers, or with the spirit of the ruled. The more the better. If the spirit of rulers were to be perfectly Christian, tyranny would never more be known. And if the spirit of the citizens were perfectly Christian, there would be little or no need of government.

This peaceful religion is the nominal religion of our country. How would she rejoice if it might be the real religion? Then indeed would she be glad and rejoice and blossom as the rose. She would blossom abundantly, and rejoice with joy and singing. The glory of Lebanon would be given her, the excellency of Carmel and Sharon. Imbibe, then, into your souls the spirit of this most excellent religion, and bring forth its fruits in your lives.

On the whole, my hearers, take the particulars we have mentioned, and blending them into one character, put that character on; and proceed with it in all its dignity and amiableness, along the course before you. Uniting the principles of liberty with order, and crowning the whole with genuine religion, be clear as the sun, fair as the moon, and terrible as an army with banners. Amaze once more the tyrants of the earth when they look toward this land:–let them see that men can be free without licentiousness,–orderly without needing the shackles of despotism,–religious without the impositions of bigotry. By assuming this character, be invulnerable to your foes;–baulk the hopes of the envious.

Let this character be invariably maintained. On no occasion and on no account let it sink into the low regions of party. Ah! Stoop not—stoop not to the extreme littleness—I was going to mention instances, but the dignity of the pulpit checks me.—Far,–far from such despicable things be your conduct.—Let the American character be borne aloft. Let it soar like the Eagle of heaven, its emblem, bearing the scroll of our liberties through fields of azure light, unclouded by the low-bred vapors of faction;–and let it not be degraded into a detestable owl of night, to dabble in the pools of intrigue and party and delight itself in the filthy operations of darkness.

Where are our Fathers? Where are our former men of dignity,–our Huntingtons, Shermans, Johnsons, Stiles’s, who in their day appeared like MEN, gave exaltation to our character, and never descended to a mean thing?—It appears to me, in every department we are dwindled, and more disposed to act like children than men.

Let the spirit of our Fathers come upon us.—Be men:–rise:–let another race of patriots appear:–bring forward another band of sages. Let America once more be the admiration of the world.

Think not that the dignity of a nation can be commuted. Think not that it can be transferred from its only genuine feat, the mind of its citizens, and be made to consist in anything else.

Ou lithoi, oude xula, oude
Technee tektoonoon ai poleis eisin:
All’ opou ot’ an oosin ANDRES,
Autous soozein eidotes,–
Entautha teiche kai poleis. ALCEUS.

“What constitutes a State?
“Not high-raised battlements and lofty towers;
“Not Cities proud, nor spangled Courts.—
“No;–MEN;–high-minded MEN;
“Men, who their duties know;–
“But know their rights,–and knowing, dare maintain.”

Yes, the true and everlasting dignity of a State spurns all commutation. It never can be made to consist in ornamented stone and wood.—You must be MEN, high-minded MEN, else the national character will unavoidably sink, prop it how you may.—What was Greece, what was Rome, when their MEN disappeared, their high-minded MEN? Splendor, pomp, luxury indeed,–enough of it;–but no glory. And soon their pomp was brought down to the grave. What was Egypt after its people became a race of slaves?—did their pyramids prop the falling character of the nation?—O Americans! Be MEN:–let the glory of the nation rest in the dignity of MIND.—Be like the pillars which formerly stood under and bore up your honor. It was a goodly range of plain, hardy, independent, republican Sages.—These are your best props.—Put them under again.—Many indeed are fallen. And chiefly thee we lament, O Washington, who waft thyself half our glory! What a pillar waft THOU in the fabric of our Commonwealth?—When shall another such arise?—But we hope we have others somewhat resembling.—Let us all, my friends, endeavor to be such. The way is open before us; and we have the best of models.—Be great then, like Washington,–be inflexible like Adams,–be intelligent and good like Jefferson.

Give me leave on this occasion particularly to point you to Thomas Jefferson as a laudable example of that magnanimous and peaceable conduct which I have recommended to you in this discourse, and which is so peculiarly necessary to be put in practice at the present juncture.—That he has been abused, I suppose will be acknowledged on all hands.—But have you heard of his complaining? Have you heard him talk of vengeance and retaliation? Do his writings heretofore betray a little foul? Does his late letter to his friend in Berkley, does his answer to the committee of the house of Representatives, does his farewell address to the Senate² breathe the meanness of a spirit bent on revenge? Placid on his mount he seems to have sat, as Washington on his, and beheld the storm of passion among his fellow-citizens with no other sensations than those of extreme pity and deep concern for his country. Like Washington he seems to have looked with an equal eye to the north and to the south to the east and to the west of the Union, and wished them all happiness. Should it come to pass, that he can be so little as to discriminate one half of his fellow-citizens from the other half, and withhold from them all confidence and all respect, brand them for enemies and traitors, deprive them of all offices and honors, and depress and afflict them all in his power,–give me leave to say, I shall be one to execrate his conduct most sincerely. What! Shall the country be thrown into convulsion and wretchedness, and the conduct which does it, not be abominated?

But at present we are persuaded of better things. At least, every thing which as yet has transpired from him is directly the reverse. And it is for this reason that I point you to him for an example of what ought to be the conduct of all in the present posture of affairs.—O my countrymen! Those who have any regard for the peace and honor of America!—if you have been reviled, revile not again;–if you have been persecuted, bless; if you have had all manner of evil spoken against you falsely, recompense to no man evil for evil. In a word, be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good. Come, and in this holy sanctuary of God bring all your grievances, all your resentments, and laying them upon the altar of sacrifice, consume and purge them all away. Turning to the golden altar of incense, inhale largely the sweet perfumes of patriotism, charity and every heavenly grace. Let your breasts henceforth glow with nothing but these peaceful, exalted sentiments.

Then shall your dear country rejoice over you as her genuine sons,–her tears shall be dried, her reproach shall be wiped away,–peace shall be restored to her afflicted bosom; you shall be blessed with your own reflections, and generations to come shall rise up and call you blessed. AMEN.

Endnotes

¹ Note. Those who are able to read the original Hebrew will find in this passage, as generally through the old Testament, ideas which can hardly be communicated by a literal translation.

² The inaugural speech of the President had not at this time arrived. Otherwise a reference to that might have been sufficient, without alluding to the communications here mentioned, which had been seen.
The author presumes he shall not differ from the candid part of his fellow-citizens, if he declares this inaugural speech to be a very excellent specimen of fine sentiment, found policy, and of that magnanimity and moderation which are inculcated in this discourse. And he is happy to observe a very striking resemblance between the writings of President Jefferson and the late illustrious Washington, which augurs well for our country.