Sermon – Death of George Washington – 1800


Peter Thacher (1752-1802) graduated from Harvard (1769), was ordained pastor in Malden, MA (1770), and also served as pastor to the Brattle Street church (1785-1802). He was a supporter of the Americans during the Revolution, preaching a sermon against standing armies and publishing a “Narrative of the Battle of Bunker Hill.” Thacher was also a delegate to the Massachusetts state constitution convention (1780) and served as chaplain to one or the other of the branches of the state legislature for 15 years. The following sermon was preached by Thacher after George Washington’s death.


sermon-death-of-george-washington-1800

A

SERMON

Occasioned By The Death Of

General George Washington,

And Preached Feb. 22, 1800, By Their Direction,

Before His Honor MOSES GILL, Esq. Commander in
Chief, the Honorable COUNCIL, the Honorable
SENATE and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Of The

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY PETER THACHER, D.D.
Chaplain to the General Court.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In Senate, Feb. 24th, 1800.

 

Ordered, That Jona. Mason, Esq. with such as the Hon. House may join, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Doct. Thacher, and present him the thanks of the Legislature for the Discourse he delivered on the 22d instant, before His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Hon. Council, and the two branches of the General Court, and request a copy for the press.

EDWARD M’LEAN, Clerk of Senate.

 

SERMON

II. CHRONICLES, XXXV. 25.

And they spake of Josiah in their lamentations to the day, and made them an ordinance in Israel.

We cannot wonder that the people of Israel were thus deeply affected by the death of a good prince who was their warm friend and their great benefactor. Josiah was the common centre around which every good citizen of Judah revolved; and on him they relied, under God, to defend their country if invaded from abroad, and to crush, with the weight of his name, and virtues, faction and rebellion at home.

How melancholy is the reflection that in the universal dominion of death over the human race, men of the most sublime virtues and most illustrious talents, are not only subjected to it, but frequently become the more early victims of his power; while some others who cumber the ground, and infest society, still live to disturb and distress all around them! We cannot comprehend the designs of Providence! It becomes us only to submit and to adore, to bow before the throne of the highest, encircled as it may be with the thickest clouds, and to know that “the Judge of all the earth will do right.”

Alas! that the empire of death is so universal; that the wise and the prudent, the brave and the virtuous, must submit to its power, as well as “the fool and the brutish person.” It is indeed “appointed unto all me once to die, and there is no discharge in that war.”

When the power of the king of terrors is exercised over those who, like Josiah, where highly esteemed and fondly beloved; when it levels, with its fatal wand, the men who stood high above their fellow mortals, and removes to their long home those whose services and suffering had purchased the freedom and happiness of a nation, we cannot be surprised that uncommon grief should possess the heart, and uncommon tokens of mourning should be displayed.

The people of Judah, not content with simply committing their hero to the tomb, and bedewing his hearse with the tears which a recent loss occasions, resolved to manifest their grief by long an uncommon mourning. All Judah and Jerusalem we are told, mourned for Josiah. They attended his remains to the sepulcher of his fathers, with deep and solemn grief. But they did not cease the expressions of it, when the clods of the valley covered him, and the grave concealed him from their view. But, “led by Jeremiah, the prophet of the Lord, they lamented for Josiah.” Determined to perpetuate their gratitude, “the singing men and women (the poets and historians of that age) spake of Josiah in their lamentations to the very day” in which the chronicles were written. This was many years after the death of Josiah; probably after the return of the Jews from the Babylonish captivity, when the sacred cannon was completed, under the auspices of heaven, by Ezra the high priest of the Lord.

When we lose those who are peculiarly dear to us, and those whom we highly honor, we cannon endure the idea of their being forgotten. We determine that they shall live in our remembrance, and that their names shall be transmitted with honor and respect to the “generations which are yet to be born.” It is a sentiment similar to these which led our civil fathers to institute the religious solemnities in which we are now engaged. Some weeks have elapsed since we were deprived of the great and good man who was so long the pride and the father of his country. Everything which gratitude could dictate, affection inspire and eloquence express has already been said and done on this occasion. The service before me is therefore a difficult one.

But, this solemnity is of a religious nature. The humble worship of the Deity is our object, and a moral improvement of a death so affecting, our design in the exercise before us. My duty is not that of the eulogists, whose classic elegance and glowing description have drawn the character of the illustrious dead, and richly emblazoned his fame. No; it belongs to the present discourse to lead our thoughts from earth to heaven; to adore the divine sovereignty; to acknowledge his gracious hand in all that the departed was himself and did for us; and to point out the lessons of wisdom, from earth to heaven; to adore the divine sovereignty; to acknowledge his gracious hand in all that the departed was himself and did for us; and to point out the lessons of wisdom, civil and religious, which we may learn from the affecting event!

The sovereignty of God, like the thunders and lightnings and thick cloud which surrounded him on Mount Sinai, veils from our eyes many of the motives which influence the divine conduct, and operate in the government of the world. Without control or restraint he does his pleasure in heaven above and on earth beneath. God is absolute and unlimited in hi will and purposes., himself the first cause, the source, the fountain of all existence and energy, he has communicated to his creatures whatever they possess, and the highest archangel in heaven is as entirely subjected to the divine sovereignty as the meanest reptile on earth. “God is a rock, and his work is perfect.” The plan of his government is fixed beyond alteration, and all creatures are in his hands as the “clay is in the hands of the potter.”

The divine sovereignty would be a doctrine f terror and distress to us, did we not know that it resided in a being perfectly wise and essentially good. It is not the exercise of power, prompted by caprice, actuated by resentment, or dictated by folly. It is the result of infinite wisdom which beholds the past, the present and the future at one view, which beholds the past, the present and the future at one view, which knows the nature and the consequences of all events, and will bring them to pass in the time and by the means which are most honorary to him, and the most beneficial to his creatures. Viewed in this light, the sovereignty of God should calm our hearts, engage our trust, command our obedience, and elevate our affections. With the inhabitants of heaven we should in humble devotion and grateful rapture, exclaim “Alleluia, the Lord God omnipotent reigneth!”

In all the circumstances which relate to the world and to man, from the revolution of a kingdom to the lighting of a sparrow, we view and should acknowledge this sovereign providence of the most HIGH. “In him we live and move and have our being.” We are supported by his bounty, defended by his power, pardoned by his grace and sanctified by his spirit. Surrounded by his immensity, we are always before his eyes. He upholds us in life. His “visitation preserves our spirits.” And he has determined the bounds of our habitations which we cannot pass.”

Death is an interesting period to us all, and for wise purposes we are made to dread its approaches. When its icy hand is laid upon us, or when its fatal vortex swallows up those who are dear to us as ourselves, then we should realize the sovereignty of God. “Behold, he taketh away, who can hinder him? There is no man who hath power over the spirit to retain the spirit in the day of death.” When the decree goes forth from the eternal throne, when the “time, the set time” is come, then the grim tyrant performs his fatal office. The prayers and tears of an assembled nation; the fondest affection of immediate friends; the most brilliant virtues; the most illustrious character; the esteem and honor and veneration of a world cannot for a moment arrest the progress of prevent the approach of death! The great and the small; the high and the low, the rich and the poor, bow their heads and die!

But under the exercise of this act of sovereignty, at a day of lamentation like the present, let us contemplate the wisdom and goodness and righteousness of God “He is in heaven and we are upon earth, and therefore it becomes us that our words should be few.” Our understandings, darkened by sin and clogged with the ways of God. But submission to his will becomes us who “are of yesterday, and know nothing.” We are as certain as he exists that God cannot do wrong. When therefore we mourn a loss like that which now covers America with sadness, we are to submit without a murmur to those dispensations which we cannot comprehend, and keep “our hearts fixed, trusting in the Lord.”

But when, in our lamentations, we speak of the friends, the patrons whom we have lost, we cannot fail to recollect their amiable characters and their excellent virtues.

Let us constantly remember that God is the source of all virtue and of all excellency; that mortals are good in themselves and useful to us as he makes them to be so. We may meditate with pleasure on their virtues. We may remember them with the warmest esteem and tenderest affection; but we should never be unmindful, that to every talent of nature, of reason and of art, descends from him who is “the father of our spirits, the former of our bodies, and the author of all our mercies.”

We mourn this day “a prince and a great man fallen in our Israel;” a man more truly elevated in the esteem of the world than any monarch who wields a scepter, or any hero who commands an army! The people of America have borne witness to his numerous virtues; and now, we will summon his illustrious shade to aid us in support of the religion which he honored, and to make those men virtuous and good whom he was instrumental of making free and happy.

Too often the public virtues of great character are clouded by private views. Sometimes those who are most useful to the world, and whose solid services and brilliant talents, compel our respect and admiration, prove themselves in the more retired walks of life to be “weak like other men.” It is happy for America, now she mourns her darling son, that not even the envenomed tongue of malice, battening on the faults of its neighbours, nor the rageful voice of party, more cruel than the grave itself, can assail the fair fame of the man whom she laments! In the domestic relations; in his private dealings; in his daily department, you always beheld him discreet, amiable dignified! He shone, not with the lustre which dazzles courts and armies, but with the purer, the more honorable rays of private virtue.

Was it not a sense of religion which led out late excellent friend to acknowledge, when at the head of our armies, and more lately when he presided in the nation, our absolute dependence upon the God of providence, ascribing the honor of his victories and our deliverance to him who “setteth up one and putteth down another!” In his public instruments; in his last precious legacy to his country and in his private conversation he expressed the deepest reverence for the infinite and eternal being who is “in all and over all, and by whom all things consist.” His constant attendance on the Christian church, is reverend observation of the Lord’s Day, as well as his whole behavior, demonstrated his belief in the religion of the Cross.

“He that is slow to anger is better than the mighty, and he that ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a city.” Never does a man appear so truly great as when he subdues those passions which infuriate others, and hurry them to the most fatal excesses. And here our beloved chief discovered true greatness, and placed before our eyes and illustrious example. His mildness, his patience, his impartial benignity enabled him to control the passions of others, and reconcile contending interests. His self command enabled him to rule those who did not possess their own minds. A reserve, partly the gift of nature and partly the effect of prudent habit, prevented him from betraying his own purposes or expressing sudden and unfruitable feelings. His patient endurance of wrong from the envious and the mistake, made him their superior, and converted his enemies into friends. The enemies of his country I mean; personal enemies he had none.

“He that walketh uprightly, walketh surely.” The blessing of God, the favor of men, and the testimony of a good conscience are the consequences of an honest and faithful discharge of our duty. These consequences of his integrity did our late excellent President enjoy. Neither wealth nor flattery nor clamour nor violence could corrupt his heart, or detach him from his duty. Honestly did he exert his whole power and influence to serve his country, nor can an instance be produced of his having neglected its concern, or betrayed its interests.

It is recorded of Naaman that “by him God gave deliverance to Syria.” And him whom we mention in our lamentations this day, God made the principal agent in giving freedom and deliverance to America. A soldier in early life, when he was highly useful to his native province, he possessed a cool judgment and a determined courage. Without the ardent impetuosity, the furious valour which some times give success to folly and prosperity to injustice, he was intrepidly brave. His love of liberty, his well known military talents, led the venerable band of patriots who, at the commencement of the revolution, conducted our councils, to consign to him the chief command of the American forces. Many of us remember this period, when at the hazard of his life and fortune, he first headed our feeble armies — “Gallant mortal” — how did our souls love him when first we beheld him on yonder plains flying to the relief of the oppressed, and defending the freedom of his country! How anxiously did we watch his footsteps through the dangers of our revolution, and how did our hearts warm with gratitude to heaven to him, when we found that the soldier had not destroyed the citizen; that the lust of power which led so many generals, the Caesars of old and the Cromwells of later days, to destroy their country and advance themselves, had no existence in his noble bosom; but that he could cheerfully resign his brilliant and flattering command, and seek the shades of private life! — Tither did he modestly retire from the applauses of his country and the world, and shook from his venerable brow the laurels which oppressed him!

To such a man it was self denial to leave the happiness and the security of private life, and again to enter on the fatigues and hazards of elevated station. — But the call of his country General WASHINGTON never declined. The unanimous suffrages of his fellow citizens (an election without a parallel in the history of the world) selected him to administer the free and excellent constitution of government which he had assisted in forming. In the cabinet he shone equally as in the field. The interests of the Union and of several States he guarded with tenderest care. Our foreign relations he conducted with a temperate firmness which defeated the designs of faction, crushed the efforts of rebellion, and prevented us from being fatally affected with the convulsions which have shaken Europe to its centre, and agitated the whole world!

Like Joshua, the brave leader of Israel to independence and Canaan; like David, the intrepid defender of his country; our late illustrious chief, when manly dignity and patriotic affection he retired from the chair of government, left a legacy the most valuable and important to his country. While we are governed by the moral and religious principles, and preserve the policy with respect to our internal and external affairs which he recommends, we shall be free and happy. When we leave them to adopt other principles and maxims, we shall deserve any consequences which may take place.

No man’s character is fully ascertained till his death. And happy is he who dies as he has lived in the exercise of firmness of spirit and benevolence of heart. So died our beloved friend! Without the sickness long debility which sometimes precede death; in the full exercise of reason, of humanity and patriotism, he suddenly encountered the universal conqueror. He submitted, for resistance was vain! — But nobly, and like a hero he submitted! — Great in his last moments, with his own hands he closed his own eyes, and gave up the Ghost!! — Happy man! Useful and beloved in live, calm and composed in death, embalmed with the tears of thy friends and thy country, God did bless thee above other mortals!

And now, let us make a solemn pause in our lamentation, and amidst our grief acknowledge the goodness of God in raising up this great man, in qualifying him so essentially for the service of his county, and continuing him to us for so many years. On this day when we used to celebrate his birth with warm and grateful pleasure, we feel his loss most deeply. But, now much more deeply should we have felt it, had he been taken away from us at any period of our revolutionary war; or when the whole weight of his influence and character was necessary to preserve us from being involved in the confusions of the European world, or when insurrection reared its hydra head, and threatened the most fatal of consequences?

But that God who has always been kind to America in raising up from among her own sons those who “naturally care for her state” and watchfully guard her interests, continued his life till a period when our excellent constitution is firmly established, and the prospects of disuniting and destroying us are greatly weakened. While we mention WASHINGTON in our lamentations this day, let us be thankful that so many great and good men in our Federal and State Governments are still spared to us; men whom God has qualified for eminent service, and called to fill the most important stations. Let us be thankful for the inestimable life, the un corrupted integrity, the superior wisdom, and the pure patriotism of Adams, the wise and the good who now presides over these states! May the Almighty continue him for many years, to be the father of his country, and the friend of mankind!

Let us be deeply humbled before God, this day, under the frowns of his providence in taking away men so great, so good, so useful as those whom we have lately been called to deplore.

When God removed from his ancient Israel “the stay and the staff, the mighty man and the man of war, the prudent and the ancient, the honorable man and the counsellor,” it was considered a token of the divine displeasure, and called not only for grief but humiliation. Great and good men are instruments in the hands of God to effect his purposes. They accomplish his will, and by them he does good to us. When they are taken away therefore, we ought to humble ourselves in his sight. When those by whom God has been used to do good to us are removed by death, have we not reason to fear that he means to deprive us of the good itself?

God is, we trust and hope, the guardian and friend of America, and his gracious favor is the palladium of our country. Its existence and prosperity do not depend upon any one man, or any number of men, let them be ever so wise or good. “The Lord is our defence, and the holy one of Israel is our king.” It is true that when we sustain the loss of such men as a WASHINGTON and a SUMNER, we are constrained to say, “Help Lord, for the godly man ceaseth, the faithful fail from among the children of men.” When those who “seemed to be pillars” are removed, we feel the goodly fabric of our government shaken. But, “the residue of the spirit is with God.” He gave us these excellent men. He continued them to us as long as he saw to be best. And not what he has taken them away, we will submit to the will of Heaven, and rely on him who has never forsaken us nor our fathers.

But surely when we mention the virtuous and the good in our lamentations, we should be stimulated to emulate their virtues, and be studious to follow their advices, founded on experience, wisdom and love of their country.

It is not to the parade of mourning, nor to the dictates of affectionate feeling only that we should this day attend. We ought to be made wiser and better by an event so affecting, and services so solemn as we are now performing. Our civil rulers have called us to celebrate the days of mourning for our beloved friend, in order to fix deeply in our minds a reverence for his character, and a respect to the principles which he practiced himself, and in his dying legacy recommended to us. You, especially, venerable fathers, who compose the executive and legislative powers of the commonwealth: You who so lately solemnized the obsequies of our own beloved Chief Magistrate, will suitably meditate on the uncertainty of human live, and the vanity of human greatness. You will feel the importance of faithfully discharging your whole duty, both public and private, so that you may be approved of God, and “accepted of the multitude of your brethren.” Go ye and imitate the self-command, the disinterestedness, the cool wisdom and warm patriotism of the man whom a nation this day laments. Go ye and serve God and your generation according to his will!” Go ye, continue in your uprightness, and still preserve the usefulness which gives us security and prosperity! — This is an awful and solemn scene! Here the supreme executive power and the high legislative authority of the Commonwealth, assemble in religious worship, to acknowledge and adore the governor of the universe under one of the most distressing events in his providence, and to condole each other on this melancholy dispensation. All the people of the Commonwealth unit this day in the expressions of their grief, and sympathize with their civil rulers on the great and universal bereavement! May our mourning be useful, and may we be “taught to profit by the things which we suffer.”

On imbibing the principles recommended by our late illustrious chief, equally distant from tyranny and licentiousness, depends the safety of our country. If we wish to be great among the nations abroad, and to be peaceful and happy at home, we must preserve inviolably our union. We must guard against improper foreign connections. We must maintain a spirit of mutual forbearance and good will, and must cultivate especially those principles of religion and morality which are the only solid cement of society, and the only firm foundation of liberty. Where God is neglected; where the religion of Christ is denied; where men are governed not by reason or religion, but by party views and furious passions, there may be the name of liberty, but the thing never can exist. If we are careful to preserve and to foster the universities the schools we now maintain : If we honor and respect the day and the ordinances of God: If we despise and neglect vice, and honor and support virtue : If we embrace the doctrines, and submit to the precepts of the Gospel, we shall be a happy people, and transmit our civil and religious liberties, a fair and large inheritance, to the latest posterity.

But while we sympathize with a nation in their afflictions, let us not forget the private distresses which this solemn event has occasioned. We mourn with the desolate widow, who is deprived of the “guide of her youth,” the friend of her riper years, and the most valuable of her earthly blessings! Calmly and with composure may she submit to this afflictive event; and sincer her attachments to earth are diminished, may she prepare to join the “desire of her eyes” in a better world! May his friends, his relatives, his domestics, while they mourn his loss, imitate his virtues, and may non who bear his illustrious name, tarnish its lustre, or bring disgrace upon it.

And now, friends and fellow-citizens, let us “cease from man whose breath is in his nostrils, for where is he to be accounted of!” If those who are the delights of their country and the veneration of the world : If men of the purest characters : I f those for whom prayers are continually ascending, that they may be spared and blessed: If they are taken away : If they are laid low in the dust, how shall we escape this common lot of humanity! If these cedars of Lebanon, “the height whereof reacheth up to heaven, and the fight thereof unto the ends of the earth:” If they bow and break what shall become of the “hyssop which springeth out of the wall!” — Surely we are hastening to the silent tomb, “the house appointed for all living!” We shall soon follow the friends whom we deplore, the wise and the good, whom we honor, through “the dark valley of the shadow of death!” — Let it be therefor our most earnest solicitude, to partake of the grace of the Gospel, to do our whole duty, and promote the welfare and happiness of our fellowmen, so that when we fall asleep, we may be “found of our judge in peace” and be “received into everlasting habitations!”

And now unto him, who is “prince of the kings of the earth,” “before whom” all nations are as the drop of the bucket, and the dust of the balance,” to the infinite, perfect and eternal mind, “the same yesterday, today, and forever,” be glory and honor, dominion and power, both now and forever.

AMEN.

Sermon – The Voice of Warning to Christians


John Mitchell Mason (1770-1829) was a minister from New York. He received a doctor of divinity degree from Princeton University in 1794 and was a pastor of two churches in New York City during his lifetime. Mason founded the first seminary of the Associate Reformed Church, in New York City (1804), was president of Dickinson College (1821-1824), and was a trustee (1795-1811) and provost of Columbia College (1811-1816).

Rev. Mason, a close friend of Alexander Hamilton who attended Hamilton at his death, preached the following sermon in 1800 in opposition of the idea of Thomas Jefferson being elected President. (Read more about clergy opposition to Thomas Jefferson, along with other issues, in The Jefferson Lies.)


sermon-the-voice-of-warning-to-christians-1800

THE

VOICE OF WARNING

TO

CHRISTIANS,

ON

THE ENSUING ELECTION

OF

A PRESIDENT

OF

THE UNITED STATES.

Blow the trumpet in Zion – Who is on the Lord’s side?

TO CHRISTIANS,
Who price a good conscience, a consistent character, and the honor of their Redeemer, above all personal and political attachments;
THE FOLLOWING PAMPHLET
IS DEDICATED:
With the single request, that, laying aside passion, they will give it such a calm, serious, and considerate perusal, as they owe to an argument relative to the best interests of themselves, their families, their country, and the Church of God.

-N. York, September 30, 1800.

THE
VOICE OF WARNING, &c.

If a manly attempt to avert national ruin, by exposing a favorite error, should excite no resentment, nor draw any obloquy upon its author, there would certainly be a new thing under the sun. Men can seldom bear contradiction. They bear it least when they are most demonstrably wrong; because, having surrendered their judgment to prejudice, or their conscience to design, they must take refuge in obstinacy from the attacks of reason. The bad, dreading nothing so much as the prevalence of pure principle and virtuous habit, will ever be industrious in counteracting it; and the more candid, rational and convincing the means employed in its behalf, the louder will be their clamor, and the fiercer their opposition. On the other hand, good men are often led insensibly astray, and their very honesty becomes the guarantee of their delusion. Unaware, at first, of their inconsistency, they afterwards shrink from the test of their own profession. Startled by remonstrance, but unprepared to recede; checked by the misgivings of their own minds, yet urged on by their previous purpose and connection, the conflict renders them irritable, and they mark as their enemy whoever tells them the truth. From the coincidence of such a bias with the views of the profligate and daring, results incalculable mischief. The sympathy of a common cause unites the persons engaged in it; the shades of exterior character gradually disappear; Virtue sinks from her glory; Vice emerges from her infamy; the best and the basest appear nearly on a level; while the most atrocious principles either lose their horror, or have a veil thrown over them: and the man who endeavors to arrest their course, is singled out as a victim to revenge and madness. Such, from the beginning, has been the course of the world. None of its benefactors have escaped its calumnies and persecutions: not prophets, not apostles, not the Son of God himself. To this treatment, therefore, must everyone be reconciled, who labors to promote the best interests of his country. He must stake his popularity against his integrity; he must encounter a policy which will be contented with nothing short of his ruin; and if it may not spill his blood, will strive to overwhelm him with public execration. That this is the spirit which has pursued a writer, the purity of whose views is equaled only by their importance – I mean the author of “Serious Considerations on the Election of a President,” I need not inform any who inspect the gazettes. To lay before the people of the United States, proofs that a candidate for the office of their first magistrate, is an unbeliever in the scriptures; and that to confer such a distinction upon an open enemy to their religion, their Redeemer, and their hope, would be mischief to themselves and sin against God, is a crime never to be forgiven by a class of men too numerous for our peace or prosperity. The infidels have risen en masse, and it is not through their moderation that he retains any portion of his respectability or his usefulness. But in their wrath there is nothing to deprecate; nor does he deserve the name of a Christian, who, in order to avoid it, would deviate a hair’s breadth from his duty. For them I write not. Impenetrable by serious principle, they are not objects of expostulation, but of compassion; nor shall I stoop to any solicitude about their censure or applause.

But do I represent as infidels all who befriend Mr. Jefferson’s election? God forbid that I should so “lie against the truth.” If I thought so, I should mourn in silence: my pen should slumber forever. That a majority of them profess, and that multitudes of them really love, the religion of Jesus, while it is my terror, is also my hope. Terror, because I believe them to be under a fatal mistake; hope, because they, if any, are within the reach of conviction. I address myself to them. The latter, especially, are my brothers, by dearer ties and higher interests than can be created or destroyed by any political connection. And if it be asked, why mingle religion with questions of policy? Why irritate by opposition? Why risk the excitement of passions which may disserve, but cannot aid, the common Christianity? Why not maintain a prudent reserve, and permit matters of State to take their own course? I answer, because Christians are deeply engaged already: because the principles of the gospel are to regulate their political, as well as their other, conduct: because their Christian character, profession and prosperity are involved in the issue. This is no hour to temporize. I abhor that coward spirit which vaunts when gliding down the tide of opinion, but shrinks from the returning current, and calls the treason prudence. It is the voice of God’s providence not less than of his word, “Cry aloud, spare not; lift up thy voice “like a trumpet, and show my people their transgression, and the house of Jacob their sins.” With Christians, therefore, I must expostulate; and may not refrain. However they may be displeased, or threaten, I will say, with the Athenian chief, “Strike, but hear me.”

Fellow Christians,

A crisis of no common magnitude awaits our country. The approaching election of a President is to decide a quest5ion not merely of preference to an eminent individual, or particular views of policy, but, what is infinitely more, of national regard or disregard to the religion of Jesus Christ. Had the choice been between two infidels or two professed Christians, the point of politics would be untouched by me. Nor, though opposed to Mr. Jefferson, am I to be regarded as a partisan; since the principles which I am about to develop, will be equally unacceptable to many on both sides of the question. I dread the election of Mr. Jefferson, because I believe him to be a confirmed infidel: you desire it, because, while he is politically acceptable, you either doubt this fact, or do not consider it essential. Let us, like brethren, reason this matter.

The general opinion rarely, if ever, mistakes a character which private pursuits and public functions have placed in different attitudes; yet it is frequently formed upon circumstances which elude the grasp of argument even while they make a powerful and just impression. Notwithstanding, therefore, the belief of Mr. Jefferson’s infidelity, which has for years been uniform and strong, wherever his character has been a subject of speculation – although that infidelity has been boasted by some, lamented by many, and undisputed by all, yet as it is now denied by his friends, the charge, unsupported by other proof, could hardly be pursued to conviction. Happily for truth and for us, Mr. Jefferson has written; he has printed. While I shall not decline auxiliary testimony, I appeal to what he never retracted, and will not deny, his Notes on Virginia.1

In their war upon revelation, infidels have leveled their batteries against the miraculous facts of the scripture: well knowing that if its historical truth can be overturned, there is an end of its claim to inspiration. But God has protected his word. Particularly the universal deluge, the most stupendous miracle of the Old Testament, is fortified with impregnable evidence. The globe teems with demonstrations of it. Every mountain and hill and valley lifts up its voice to confirm the narrative of Moses. The very researches and discoveries of infidels themselves, contrary to their intentions, their wishes and their hopes, are here compelled to range behind the banner of the Bible. To attack, therefore, the scriptural account of the deluge, belongs only to the most desperate infidelity. Now, what will you think of Mr. Jefferson’s Christianity, if he has advanced positions which strike directly at the truth of God’s word concerning that wonderful event? Let him speak for himself: “It is said that shells are found in the Andes, in South America, fifteen thousand feet above the level of the ocean. This is considered by many, both of the learned and unlearned, as a proof of a universal deluge. But to the many considerations opposing this opinion, the following may be added: The atmosphere and all its contents, whether of water, air, or other matters, gravitate to the earth; that is to say, they have weight. Experience tells us, that the weight of all these columns together, never exceeds that of a column of mercury of 31 inches high. If the whole contents of the atmosphere then were water, instead of what they are, it would cover the globe but 35 feet deep: but, as these waters as they fell, would run into the seas, the superficial measure of which is to that of the dry parts of the globe, as two to one, the seas would be raised only 52 ½ feet above their present level, and of course would overflow the land to that height only. In Virginia this would be a very small proportion even of the champagne country, the banks of our tide-waters being frequently, if not generally, of a greater height. Deluges beyond this extent then, as for instance, to the North mountain or to Kentucky, seem out of the laws of Nature. But within it they may have taken place to a greater or less degree, in proportion to the combination of natural causes which may be supposed to have produced them. But such deluges as these, will not account for the shells found in the higher lands. A second opinion has been entertained, which is, that in times anterior to the records either of history or tradition, the bed of the ocean, the principal residence of the shelled tribe, has, by some great convulsion of nature, been heaved to the heights at which we now find shells and other remains of marine animals. The favorers of this opinion do well to suppose the great events on which it rests to have taken place beyond all the eras of history; for within these certainly none such can be found; and we may venture to say further, that no fact has taken place either in our own days, or in the thousands of years recorded in history, which proves the existence of any natural agents within or without the bowels of the earth, of force sufficient to heave to the height of 15,000 feet, such masses as the Andes.”2 After mentioning another opinion proposed y Voltaire, Mr. J. proceeds, “There is a wonder somewhere. Is it greatest on this branch of the dilemma; on that which supposes the existence of a power of which we have no evidence in any other case; or on the first which requires us to believe the creation of a body of water and its subsequent annihilation? Rejecting the whim of Voltaire, he concludes, that “three hypotheses are equally unsatisfactory, and we must be contented to acknowledge, that this great phenomenon is, as yet, unsolved.”3

On these extracts, I cannot suppress the following reflections.

1. Mr. Jefferson disbelieves the existence of a universal deluge. “There are many considerations, says he, “opposing this opinion.” The Bible says expressly, “The waters prevailed exceedingly upon the earth, and all the high hills that were under the whole heaven were covered.”4Mr. Jefferson enters into a philosophical argument to prove the fact impossible; that is, he argues in the very face of God’s word, and, as far as his reasoning goes, endeavors to convict it of falsehood.

2. Mr. Jefferson’s concession of the probability of deluges within certain limits, does not rank him with those great men who have supposed the deluge to be partial, because his argument concludes directly against the scriptural narrative, even upon that supposition. He will not admit his partial deluges to rise above 52 ½ feet above the level of the ocean. Whereas the scripture, circumscribe its deluge as you will, asserts that the waters were fifteen cubits (27 ½ feet nearly) above the mountains.5

3. Not satisfied with his argument, Mr. Jefferson sneers at the scripture itself, and at the credulity of those who, relying upon its testimony, believe “that the bed of the ocean has by some great convulsion of nature, been heaved to the heights at which we now find shells and other remains of marine animals.” “They do well,” says he, “to suppose the great events on which it rests to have taken place beyond all the eras of history; for within these none such are to be found.” Indeed! And so our faith in God’s word is to dwindle, at the touch of a profane philosopher, into an “opinion,” unsupported by either “history or tradition!” All the fountains of the great deep, says the scripture, were broken up.6 Was this no “great convulsion of nature?” Could not this “heave the bed of the ocean to the height at “which we now find shells?” But the favorers of this opinion suppose the great events on which it rests to have taken place beyond all the eras of history. And they do well, says Mr. Jefferson: the plain meaning which is, that their error would certainly be detected if they did not retreat into the darkness of fable. Malignant sarcasm! And who are “the favorers of “this opinion?” At least all who embrace the holy scriptures. These do declare most unequivocally, that there was such a “great convulsion of nature” as produced a deluge infinitely more formidable than Mr. Jefferson’s philosophy can digest. But he will not so much as allow them to be history: he degrades them even below tradition. We talk of times for our flood, he tells us, “anterior to the records either of history or tradition.” Nor will it mend the matter, to urge that he alludes only to a profane history. The fact could not be more dubious or less deserving a place in the systems of philosophy from the attestation of infallible truth. And is this truth to be spurned as no history; not even tradition? It is thus, Christians, that a man whom you are expected to elevate to the chief magistracy, insults yourselves and your Bible.7

4. Mr. Jefferson’s argument against the flood is, in substance, the very argument by which infidels have attacked the credibility of the Mosaic history. They have always objected the insufficiency of water to effect such a deluge as that describes. Mr. J. knew this. Yet he adopts and repeats it. He does not deign so much as to mention Moses: while through the sides of one of his hypotheses, he strikes at the scriptural history, he winds up with pronouncing all the three to be “equally unsatisfactory.” Thus reducing the holy volume to a level with the dreams of Voltaire! Let me now ask any Christian, would you dare to express yourself in a similar manner upon a subject which has received the decision of the living God? Would you patiently hear one of your neighbors speak so irreverently of his oracles? Could you venture to speculate on the deluge without resorting to them? Would you not shudder at the thought to them? Would you not shudder at the thought of using, in support of a philosophical opinion, the arguments which infidels bring against that WORD which is the source of all your consolation; much more to use them without a lisp of respect for it, or of caution against mistake? Can he believe the Bible who does all this? Can an infidel do more without directly assailing it? What then must you think of Mr. Jefferson?

But it was not enough for this gentleman to discredit the story of the deluge. He has advanced a step farther, and has indicated, too plainly, his disbelief in the common origin of mankind. The scriptures teach that all nations are the offspring of the first and single pair, Adam and Eve, whom God created and placed in paradise. This fact, interwoven with all the relations and all the doctrines of the Bible, is alike essential to its historical and religious truth. Now what says the candidate for the chair of your president? After an ingenious, lengthy, and elaborate argument to prove that the blacks are naturally and morally inferior both to white and red men; and that “their inferiority is not the effect merely of their condition of life,”8 he observes, “I advance it therefore as a suspicion only, that the blacks, whether originally a distinct race, or made distinct by time and circumstances, are inferior to the whites in the endowments both of body and mind.”9 He had therefore asserted, that “besides those of color, figure, and hair, there are other physical distinctions, proving a difference of race.10 He does, indeed, discover some compunction in reflecting on the consequences of his philosophy. For to several reasons why his opinion “must be hazarded with great diffidence,” he adds “as a circumstance of great tenderness,” that the “conclusion” to which his observations lead, “would degrade a whole race of men from the rank in the scale of beings which their Creator may perhaps have given them.”11 Much pains have been taken to persuade the public that Mr. Jefferson by “distinct race” and “difference of race,” means nothing more than that the negroes are only a branch of the great family of man, without impeaching the identity of their origin. This construction, though it may satisfy many, is unfounded, absurd, and contradicted by Mr. Jefferson himself. Unfounded: For when Philosophers treat of man as a “subject of natural history,” they use the term “race,” to express the stock from which the particular families spring, and not, as in the popular sense, the families themselves, without regard to their original. A single example, embracing the opinions of two philosophers, of whom the one, M. de Buffon, maintained, and the other, Lord Kames, denied the common origin of mankind, will prove my assertion.

“M. Buffon, from the rule, that animals which can procreate together, and whose progeny can also procreate, are of one species, concludes that all men are of one race or species.”12 Mr. Jefferson, writing on the same subject with these authors, and arguing on the same side with one of them, undoubtedly uses the term “race” in the same sense. And as the other construction is unfounded, it is also absurd. For it represents him as laboring through nearly a dozen pages to prove what no man ever thought of doubting, and what a glance of the eye sufficiently ascertains, viz. that the blacks and whites are different branches of a common family. Mr. Jefferson is not such a trifler; he fills his pages with more important matter, and with deeper sense. And by expressions which cut off evasion, contradicts the meaning which his friends have invented for him. He enumerates a variety of “distinctions which prove a difference of race.” These distinctions he alleges are not accidental, but “physical,” i.e. founded in nature. True, alarmed at the boldness of his own doctrine, he retreats a little. His proofs evaporate into a suspicion; but that suspicion is at a loss to suspect, whether the inferiority of the blacks (Mark it well, reader!) is owing to their being “originally Branches of the same stock originally distinct, is a contradiction. Mr. Jefferson therefore means, by different races, men descended from different stocks. His very “tenderness” is tinctured with an infidel hue. A conclusion corresponding with his speculations, affects him, because it “would degrade a whole race of men from the rank in the scale of beings which their Creator may perhaps have given them.” So then; the secret is out! What rank in the scale of beings have we, obeying the scripture, been accustomed to assign to the injured blacks? The very same with ourselves, viz. that of children of one common father. But if Mr. Jefferson’s notions be just, he says they will be degraded from that rank; i.e. will appear not to be children of the same father with us, but of another and inferior stock. But though he will not speak peremptorily, he strongly insinuates that he does not adopt, as an article of his philosophy, the descent of the blacks as well as the whites from that pair which came immediately from the hands of God. He is not sure. At best it is a doubt with him – “the rank which their Creator may perhaps have given them!” Now how will all this accord with revealed truth? God, says the Apostle Paul, “Hath made of one blood all nations of “men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth.”13 Perhaps it may be so, replies Mr. Jefferson; but there are, notwithstanding, physical distinctions proving a difference of race. I cannot repress my indignation! That a miserable, sinful worm, like myself, should proudly set up his “proofs” against the truth of my God and your God, and scout his veracity with a skeptical perhaps! I entreat Christians to consider the sweeping extent of this infidel doctrine of “different races.” If it be true, the history of the Bible, which knows of but one, is a string of falsehoods from the book of Genesis to that of the Revelation; and the whole system of redemption, predicated on the unity of the human race, is a cruel fiction. I ask Christians again, whether they would dare to speak and write on this subject in the style of Mr. Jefferson? Whether any believer in the word of the Lord Jesus, who is their hope, could entertain such doubts? Whether a writer, acute, cautious, and profound, like Mr. Jefferson, could as he had before done in the case of the deluge, pursue a train of argument, which he knew infidels before him had used to discredit revelation, and on which they still have great reliance – Whether, instead of vindicating the honor of the scripture, he could, in such circumstances, be as mute as death on this point; countenancing infidels by enforcing their sentiments; and yet be a Christian? The thing is impossible! And were any other than Mr. Jefferson to be guilty of the same disrespect to God’s word, you would not hesitate one moment in pronouncing him an infidel.

It is not only with his philosophical disquisitions hat Mr. Jefferson mingles opinions irreconcilable with the scriptures. He even goes out of his way for the sake of a fling at them. “Those,” says he, “who labor in the earth, are the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people, whose breasts he has made his peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue.”14

How does a Christian ear relish this “profane babbling?” In the first place, Mr. Jefferson doubts if ever God had a chosen people. In the second place, if he had, he insists they are no other than those who labor in the earth. At any rate, he denies his privilege to the seed of Abraham; and equally denies your being his people, unless you follow the scythe and the plow. Now, whether this be not the lie direct to the whole testimony of the Bible from the beginning to the end, judge ye.15

After these affronts to the oracles of God, you have no right to be surprised if Mr. Jefferson should preach the innocence of error, or even of Atheism. What do I say! He does preach it. “The legitimate powers of government,” they are his own words, “extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbors to say there are twenty Gods or no God. It neither picks my pocket nor breaks my leg.”16

Ponder well this paragraph. Ten thousand impieties and mischief’s lurk in its womb. Mr. Jefferson maintains not only the inviolability of opinion, but of opinion, propagated. And that no class or character of abomination might be excluded from the sanctuary of such laws as he wishes to see established, he pleads for the impunity of published error in its most dangerous and execrable form. Polytheism or atheism, “twenty gods or no god,” is perfectly indifferent in Mr. Jefferson’s good citizen. A wretch may trumpet atheism from New Hampshire to Georgia; may laugh at all the realities of futurity; may scoff and teach others to scoff at their accountability; it is no matter, says Mr. Jefferson, “it neither picks my pocket, nor breaks my leg.” This is nothing less than representing civil society as founded in atheism. For there can be no religion without God. And if it does me or my neighbor no injury, to subvert the very foundation of religion by denying the being of God, then religion is not one of the constituent principles of society, and consequently society is perfect without it; that is, is perfect in atheism. Christians! What think you of this doctrine? Have you so learned Christ or truth? Is Atheism indeed no injury to society? Is it no injury to untie all the cords which bind you to the God of Heaven, and your deeds to his throne of judgment; which form the strength of personal virtue, give energy to the duties, and infuse sweetness into the charities, of human life? Is it indeed no injury to you, or to those around you, that your neighbor buries his conscience and all his sense of moral obligation in the gulf of atheism? Is it no injury to you, that the oath ceases to be sacred? That the eye of the Omniscient no more pervades the abode of crime? That you have no hold on your dearest friend, farther than the law is able to reach his person? Have you yet to learn that the peace and happiness of society depend upon things which the laws of men can never embrace? And whence, I pray you, are righteous laws to emanate, if rulers, by adopting atheism, be freed from the coercion of future retribution? Would you not rather be scourged with sword and famine and pestilence, than see your country converted into a den of atheism? Yet, says Mr. Jefferson, it is a harmless thing. “It does me no injury; it neither picks my pocket, nor breaks my leg.” This is perfectly of a piece with his favorite wish to see a government administered without any religious principle among either rulers or ruled. Pardon me, Christian: this is the morality of devils, which would break in an instant every link in the chain of human friendship, and transform the globe into one equal scene of desolation and horror, where fiend would prowl with fiend for plunder and blood – yet atheism “neither picks my pocket, nor breaks my leg.” I will not abuse you by asking, whether the author of such an opinion can be a Christian? Or whether he has any regard for the scriptures which confines all wisdom and blessedness and glory, both personal and social, to the fear and the favor of God?

The reader will observe, that in his sentiments on these four points, the deluge; the origin of nations; the chosen people of God; and Atheism, Mr. Jefferson has comprised the radical principles of infidelity in its utmost latitude. Accede to his positions on these, and he will compel you to grant the rest. There is hardly a single truth of revelation which would not fall before one or other of them. If the deluge be abandoned, you can defend neither the miracles, nor inspiration of the scripture. If men are not descendants of one common stock, the doctrine of salvation is convicted of essential error. If God never had any chosen people but the cultivators of the soil, the fabric of the New Testament falls to the ground; for its foundation in the choice of Israel to be his peculiar people, is swept away. And if the Atheism of one man be not injurious to another, society could easily dispense not only with his word but with his worship.

Conformable with the infidelity of his book, is an expression of Mr. Jefferson contained in a paragraph which I transcribe from the pamphlet entitled “Serious Considerations,”&c.

“When the late Rev. Dr. John B. Smith resided in Virginia, the famous Mazzei happened one night to be his guest. Dr. Smith having, as usual, assembled his family for their evening devotions, the circumstance occasioned some discourse on religion, in which the Italian made no secret of his infidel principles. In the course of conversation, he remarked to Dr. Smith, “Why your great philosopher and statesman, Mr. Jefferson, is rather farther gone in infidelity than I am;” and related, in confirmation, the following anecdote: That as he was once riding with Mr. Jefferson, he expressed his “surprise that the people of this country take no better care of their public buildings.” “What buildings?” exclaimed Mr. Jefferson, “Is not that a church?” replied he, pointing to a decayed edifice. “Yes,” answered Mr. Jefferson. “I am astonished,” said the other, “that they permit it to be in so ruinous a condition.” “It is good enough,” rejoined Mr. Jefferson, for him that was born in a manger!!” “Such a contemptuous fling at the blessed Jesus, could issue from the lips of no other than a deadly foe to his name and his cause.”17

Some of Mr. Jefferson’s friends have been desperate enough to challenge this anecdote as a calumny fabricated for electioneering purposes. But whatever they pretend, it is incontestably true, that the story was told, as here repeated, by Dr. Smith. I, as well as the author of “Serious Considerations,” and several others, heard it from the lips of Dr. Smith years ago, and more than once. The calumny, if any, lies either with those who impeach the veracity of a number of respectable witnesses, or with Mazzei himself. And there are not wanting, among the followers of Mr. Jefferson, advocates for this latter opinion. He must have been a wretch indeed, to blacken his brother-philosopher, by trumping up a deliberate lie in order to excuse his own impiety in the presence of a minister of Christ! If such was Mazzei, the philosopher, it is our wisdom to think, and think again, before we heap our largest honors upon the head of his bosom-friend.

Christian reader, the facts and reasoning which I have laid before you, produce in my mind an irresistible conviction, that Mr. Jefferson is a confirmed infidel; and I cannot see how they should have a less effect on yours. But when to these you add his solicitude for wresting the Bible from the hands of your children – his notoriously unchristian character – his disregard to all the ordinances of divine worship – his utter and open contempt of the Lord’s day, insomuch as to receive on it a public entertainment;+ every trace of doubt must vanish. What is a man who writes against the truths of God’s word? Who makes no even a profession of Christianity? Who is without Sabbaths; without the sanctuary; without so much as a decent external respect for the faith and the worship of Christians? What is he, what can he be, but a decided, a hardened infidel?

Several feeble and fruitless attempts have been made to fritter down and dissipate this mass of evidence. In vain are we told that Mr. Jefferson’s conduct is modest, moral, exemplary. I ask no odious questions. A man must be an adept in the higher orders of profligacy, if neither literary occupation, nor the influence of the surrounding gospel, can form or control his habits. Though infidelity and licentiousness are twin sisters, they are not compelled to be always in company; that I am not a debauchee, will therefore be hardly admitted as proof that I am not an infidel. In vain are we reminded, that the “Notes on Virginia” contain familiar mention, and respectful acknowledgment, of the being and attributes of God. Though infidelity leads to Atheism, a man may be an infidel without being an Atheist. Some have even pretended, that anxiety for the honor of God, prompted them to fix the brand of imposture upon the scripture! But where has Mr. Jefferson, when stating his private opinions, betrayed the least regard for the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ? In vain is it proclaimed, that he maintains a Christian minister at his own expense. I shall not enquire whether that maintenance does or does not arise from the product of glebe lands attached to many southern estates. Taking the fact to be simply as related, I will enquire whether prudent and political men never contribute to the support of Christianity from other motives than a belief of its truth? Mr. Jefferson may do all this and yet be an infidel. Voltaire, the vile, the blasphemous Voltaire, was building churches, and assisting at the mass, while he was writing to his philosophical confidants, concerning your divine Savior, Crush the wretch! In vain is the “Act for establishing religious freedom,” which flowed from the pen of Mr. Jefferson, and passed in the Assembly of Virginia, in 1786, paraded as the triumph of his Christian creed. I protest against the credibility of the witness! That act, I know, recognizes “the Holy Author of our religion,” as “Lord both of body and mind,” and possessing “Almighty power;” and by censuring “fallible and uninspired men,” tacitly acknowledges both the inspiration and infallibility of the sacred writers. But Mr. Jefferson is not here declaring his private opinions: for these we must look to his Notes, which were published a year after, and abound with ideas which contradict the authority of the scriptures. He speaks, in that act, as the organ of an Assembly professing Christianity; and it would not only have been a monstrous absurdity, but more than his credit and the Assembly’s too, was worth, to have been disrespectful, in an official deed, to that Redeemer whose name they owned, and who was precious to many of their constituents. Such Christianity is common with the bitterest enemies of Christ. Herbert, Hobbes, Blount, Toland, Tindal, Bolingbroke, Hume, Voltaire, Gibbon, at the very moment when they were laboring to argue or to laugh the gospel out of the world, affected great regard for our “holy religion” and its divine author. There is an edict of Frederic the II, of Prussia, on the subject of religious toleration, couched in terms of the utmost reverence for the Christian religion, and yet this same Frederic was one of the know of conspirators, who, with Voltaire at their head, plotted the extermination of Christianity: and whenever they spoke of its “Holy Author,” echoed to each other, Crush the wretch! This act, therefore proves nothing but that, at the time of its passing (we hope it is so still) there was religion enough in Virginia, to curb the proud spirit of infidelity.

Christians! Lay these things together: compare them; examine them separately, and collectively: ponder; pause; lay your hands upon your hearts; lift up your hearts to heaven, and pronounce on Mr. Jefferson’s Christianity. You cannot stifle your emotions; nor forbear uttering your indignant sentence – INFIDEL!!

This point being settled, one would think that you could have no difficulty about the rest, and would instantly and firmly conclude, “Such a man ought not, and as far as depends on me, shall not, be President of the United States! But I calculate too confidently. I have the humiliation to hear this inference controverted even by those whose “good confession” was a pledge that they are feelingly alive to the honor of their Redeemer. No, I am not deceived: they are Christian lips which plead that “Religion has nothing to do with politics” – that to refuse our suffrages on account of religious principles, would be an interference with the rights of conscience – that there is little hope of procuring a real believer, and we had better choose an infidel than a hypocrite.

That religion has, in fact, nothing to do with the politics of many who profess it, is a melancholy truth. But that it has, of right, no concern with political transactions, is quite a new discovery. If such opinions, however, prevail, there is no longer any mystery in the character of those whose who conduct, in political matters, violates every precept, and slanders every principle, of the religion of Christ. But what is politics? Is it not the science and the exercise of civil rights and civil duties? And what is religion? Is it not an obligation to the service of God, founded on his authority, and extending to all our relations personal and social? Yet religion has nothing to do with politics! Where did you learn this maxim? The Bible is full of directions for your behavior as citizens. It is plain, pointed, awful in its injunctions on rulers and ruled as such: yet religion has nothing to do with politics. You are commanded “in ALL your ways acknowledge him.”18 IN EVERYTHING, by prayer and supplication, with thanksgiving, to let your requests be made known unto God,”19And WHATSOEVER YE DO, IN WORD OR DEED, to do ALL IN THE NAME of the Lord Jesus.20 Yet, religion has nothing to do with politics! Most astonishing! And is there any part of your conduct in which you are, or wish to be, without law to God, and not under the law of Christ? Can you persuade yourselves that political men and measures are to undergo no review in the judgment to come? That all the passion and violence, the fraud and falsehood, and corruption which pervade the systems of party, and burst out like a flood at the public elections, are to be blotted from the catalogue of unchristian deeds, because they are politics? Or that a minister of the gospel may see his people, in their political career, bid defiance to their God in breaking through every moral restraint, and keep a guiltless silence because religion has nothing to do with politics? I forbear to press the argument farther; observing only, that many of our difficulties and sins may be traced to this pernicious notion. Yes, if our religion had had more to do with politics, if, in the pride of our citizenship, we had not forgotten our Christianity: if we had prayed more and wrangled less about the affairs of our country, it would have been infinitely better for us at this day.

But you are afraid that to refuse a man your suffrages because he is an infidel, would interfere with the rights of conscience. This is a most singular scruple, and proves how wild are the opinions of men on the subject of liberty. Conscience is God’s officer in the human breast, and its rights are defined by his law. The right of conscience to trample on his authority is the right of a rebel, which entitles him to nothing but condign punishment. You are afraid of being unkind to the conscience of an infidel. Dismiss your fears. It is the last grievance of which he will complaint. How far do you suppose Mr. Jefferson consulted his conscience when he was vilifying the divine word, and preaching insurrection against God, by preaching the harmlessness of Atheism? But supposing Mr. Jefferson to be conscientiously impious, this would only be a stronger reason for our opposition. For the more conscientious a man is, the more persevering will he be in his views, and the more anxious for their propagation. If he be fixed, then, in dangerous error, faithfulness to God and truth requires us to resist him and his conscience too; and to keep from him the means of doing mischief. If a man thought himself bound in conscience, whenever he should be able, to banish God’s Sabbath, burn his churches, and hang his worshippers, would you entrust him with power out of respect to conscience? I trust not. And why you should judge differently in the case of an infidel who spurns at what is dearer to you than life, I cannot conceive. But in your solicitude for the conscience of Mr. Jefferson, have you considered, in the mean time, what becomes of your own conscience? Has it no rights? No voice? No influence? Are you not to keep it void of offense towards God? Can you do this in elevating his open enemies to the highest dignity of your country? Beware, therefore, lest an ill-directed care for the conscience of another, bring your own under the lashes of remorse. Keep this clear, by the word of God, and there is little hazard of injuring your neighbor’s. But how can you interfere with any man’s conscience by refusing him a political office? You do not invade the sanctuary of his bosom: you impose on him no creed: you simply tell him you do not like him, or that you prefer another to him. Do you injure him by this? Do you not merely exercise the right of a citizen and a Christian? It belongs essentially to the freedom of election, to refuse my vote to any candidate for reasons of conscience, of state, of predilection, or for no reason at all but my own choice. The rights of conscience, on his part, are out of the question. He proposes himself for my approbation. If I approve, I give him my support. If not, I withhold it. His conscience has nothing to do with my motives; but to my own conscience they are serious things. If he be an infidel, I will not compel him to profess Christianity. Let him retain his infidelity, enjoy all its comforts, and meet all its consequences. But I have an unquestionable right to say, “I cannot trust a man of such principles: on what grounds he has adopted them is not my concern; nor will his personal sincerity alter their tendency. While he is an infidel, he shall never have my countenance. Let him stay where he is: and let his conscience be its own reward.” I could not blame another for such conduct to me; for he only makes an independent use of his privilege, which does me no injury: nor am I to be blamed for such conduct to another, for I only make the same use of my privilege, which is no injury to him. Mr. Jefferson’s conscience cannot, therefore, be wronged if you exclude him from the presidency because he is an infidel; and your own, by an act of such Christian magnanimity, may escape hereafter many a bitter pang. For if you elect Mr. Jefferson, though an infidel, from a regard to what you consider the rights of conscience, you must, in order to be consistent, carry your principle through. If infidelity is not a valid objection to a candidate for the presidency, it cannot be so to a candidate for any other office. You must never again say, “We will not vote for such a man because he is an infidel.” The evil brotherhood will turn upon you with your own doctrine of the “rights of conscience.,” You must then either retract, or be content to see every office filled with infidels. How horrible, in such an event, would be the situation of your country! How deep your agony under the torments of self-reproach!

But there is no prospect, you say, of obtaining a real Christian, and we had better choose an infidel than a hypocrite. By no means. Supposing that a man professes Christianity, and evinces in his general deportment a regard for its doctrines, its worship, and its laws; though he be rotten at heart, he is infinitely preferable to a known infidel. His hypocrisy is before God. It may ruin his own soul; but, while it is without detection, can do no hurt to men. We have a hold of him which it is impossible to get of an infidel. His reputation, his habits, his interests, depending upon the belief of his Christianity, are sureties for his behavior to which we vainly look for a counterbalance in an infidel; and they are, next to religion itself, the strongest sureties of man to man. His very hypocrisy is homage to the gospel. The whole weight of his example is on the side of Christianity, while that of an open infidel lies wholly against it. It is well known that the attendance of your Washington, and of President Adams upon public worship, gave the ordinances of the gospel a respectability in the eyes of many which otherwise they would not have had: brought a train of thoughtless people within the reach of the means of salvation: and thus strengthened the opposition of Christians to the progress of infidelity. You can never forget the honorable testimony which Mr. Adams bore, in one of his proclamations, to a number of the most precious truths of Revelation; nor how he was abused and ridiculed for it, by not a few of those very persons who now strive to persuade you that Mr. Jefferson is a Christian. In short, your President, if an open infidel, will be a center of contagion to the whole continent: If a professed Christian, he will honor the institutions of God; and though his hypocrisy, should he prove a hypocrite, may be a fire to consume his own vitals, it cannot become a wide-spreading conflagration.

Can you still hesitate? Perhaps you may. I therefore bespeak your attention to a few plain and cogent reasons, why you cannot, without violating your plighted faith, and trampling on your most sacred duties, place an infidel at the head of your government.

1. The civil magistrate is God’s officer. He is the minister of God, says Paul, to thee for good.21 Consequently his first and highest obligation, is to cherish in his mind, and express in his conduct, his sense of obedience to the Governor of the Universe. He that rules over men must be just, ruling in THE FEAR OF GOD.22 The scriptures have left you this and similar declarations, to direct you in the choice of your magistrates. And you are bound, upon your allegiance to the God of the scriptures, to look out for such men as answer he description; and if, unhappily, they are not to be had, for such as come nearest to it. The good man, he who shall “dwell in God’s holy hill,” is one “in whose eyes “a vile person is contemned; but he who honors “them that fear the Lord.”23 But can you pretend to regard this principle, when you desire to raise an infidel to the most important post in your country? Do you call this honoring them that fear God? Nay, it is honoring them who do not fear God: that is, according o the scriptural contrast, honoring a vile person, whom as Christians, you ought to contemn. And have you the smallest expectation that one who despises the word and worship of God; who has openly taught the harmlessness of rebellion against his government and being, by teaching that Atheism is no injury to society, will nevertheless, rule in his fear? Will it show any reverence or love to your Father in Heaven, to put a distinguishing mark of your confidence upon his sworn foe? Or will it be an affront to his majesty?

2. The civil magistrate is, by divine appointment, the guardian of the Sabbath. In it thou shall not do any work; thou, nor thy son, &c. nor THE STRANGER THAT IS WITHIN THY GATES.24 “Gates,” is a scriptural term for public authority; and that it is so to be understood in this commandment, is evident from its connection with “stranger.” God says that even the stranger shall not be allowed to profane his Sabbath. But the stranger can be controlled only by the civil magistrate who “sitteth in the gate.”25I therefore belong to his office, to enforce, by lawful means, the sanctification of the Sabbath, as the fundamental institute of religion and morals, and the social expression of homage to that God under whom he acts. The least which can be accepted from him, is to recommend it by personal observance. How do you suppose Mr. Jefferson will perform this part of his duty? Or how can you deposit in his hands a rust, which you cannot but think he will betray; and in betraying which, he will not only sacrifice some of your most invaluable interests, but as your organ and in your name, lift up his heel against the God of Heaven? In different states, you have made, not long since, spirited exertions to hinder the profanation of your Lord’s day. For this purpose many of you endeavored to procure religious magistrates for this City, and religious representatives in the councils of the State. You well remember how you were mocked, traduced, execrated, especially by the infidel tribe. But what is now become of your zeal and your consistency? I can read in the list of delegates to the Legislature, the names of men who have been an ornament to the gospel, and acquitted themselves like Christians in that noble struggle, and yet are expected to ballot for electors, whose votes shall be given to an infidel President. Who has bewitched you, Christians? Or, what do you mean by siding with the infidels to lift into the chair of State, a man more eminent for nothing than for his scorn of the day, the ordinances, and the worship of your Redeemer; and who did not blush to make it, in the face of the sun, a season of frolic and revel?26 Is this your kindness to your friend?

3. The church of God has ever accounted it a great mercy to have civil rulers professing his name. Rather than yield it, thousands of your fathers have poured out their blood. This privilege is now in your hands: and it is the chief circumstance which makes the freedom of election worth a Christian’s care. Will you, dare you, abuse it by prostituting it to the aggrandizement of an enemy to your Lord and to his Christ? If you do, will it not be a righteous thing with God to take the privilege from you altogether; and, in his wrath, to subject you, and your children, to such rulers as you have, by your own deed, preferred?

4. You are commanded to pray for your rulers: it is your custom to pray, that they may be men fearing God and hating covetousness. You entreat him to fulfill his promise, that kings shall be to his church nursing-fathers and queens her nursing mothers.27 With what conscience can you lift up your hands in such supplication, when you are exerting yourselves to procure a President, who you know does not fear God; i. e. one exactly the reverse of the man whom you ask him to bestow? And when, by this act, you do all in your power to defeat the promise of which you affect to wish the fulfillment? Do you think that the church of Christ is to be nurtured by the dragon’s milk of infidelity? Or that the contradiction between your prayers and your practice does not mock the holy God?

5. There are circumstances in the state of your country which impart to these reflections, applicable in their spirit to all Christians, a double emphasis in their application to you.

The Federal Constitution makes no acknowledgement of that God who gave us our national existence, and saved us from anarchy and internal war. This neglect has excited in many of its best friends, more alarm than all other difficulties. The only way to wipe off the reproach of irreligion, and to avert the descending vengeance, is to prove, by our national acts, that the Constitution has not, in this instance, done justice to the public sentiment. But if you appoint an infidel for your President, and such an infidel as Mr. Jefferson, you will sanction that neglect, you will declare, by a solemn national act, that there is no more religion in your collective character, than in your written constitution: you will put a national indignity upon the God of your mercies; and provoke him, it may be, to send over your land that deluge of judgments which his forbearance has hitherto suspended.

Add to this the consideration, that infidelity has awfully increased. The time was, and that within your own recollection, when the term infidelity was almost a stranger to our ears, and an open infidel an object of abhorrence. But now the term has become familiar, and infidels hardly disgust. Our youth, our hope and our pride, are poisoned with the accursed leaven. The vain title of “philosopher,” has turned their giddy heads, and, what is worse, corrupted their untutored hearts. It is now a mark of sense, the proof of an enlarged and liberal mind, to scoff at all the truths of inspiration, and to cover with ridicule the hope of a Christian; those truths and that hope which are the richest boon of divine benignity; which calm the perturbed conscience, and heal the wounded spirit; which sweeten every comfort, and soothe every sorrow; which give strong consolation in the arrest of death, and shed the light of immortality on the gloom of the grave. All, all are become the sneer of the buffoon, and the song of the drunkard. These things, Christians, you deplore. You feel indignant, as well as discouraged, at the inroads of infidel principle and profligate manners. You declaim against them. You caution your children against their infection. And yet, with such facts before your eyes, and such lessons in your mouths, you are on the point of undoing whatever you have done; and annihilating, at one blow, the effect of all your profession, instruction, and example. By giving your support to Mr. Jefferson, you are about to strip infidelity of its ignominy; array it in honors; and hold it up with éclat to the view of the rising generation. By this act, you will proclaim to the whole world that it is not so detestable a thing as you pretended; that you do not believe it subversive of moral obligation and social purity: that a man may revile your religion and blaspheme your Savior; and yet command your highest confidence. This amounts to nothing less than a deliberate surrender of the cause of Jesus Christ into the hands of his enemies. By this single act – my flesh trembles, my blood chills at the thought! By this single act you will do more to destroy a regard for the gospel of Jesus, than the whole fraternity of infidels with all their arts, their industry and their intrigues. You will stamp credit upon principles, the native tendency of which is to ruin your children in this world, and damn them in the world to come. O God! “The ox knows his owner, and the ass his master’s crib: but thy people do not know, and Israel does not consider.”28

With these serious reflections, let me connect a fact equally serious: The whole strength of open and active infidelity is on the side of Mr. Jefferson. You may well start! But the observation and experience of the Continent is one long and loud attestation to the truth of my assertion. I say open and active infidelity. You can scarcely find one exception among all who preach infidel tenets among the people. Did it never occur to you, that such men would not be so zealous for Mr. Jefferson if they were not well assured of his being one of themselves – that they would cordially hate him if they supposed him to be a Christian – or that they have the most sanguine hope that his election to the Presidency will promote their cause? I know, that to serve the purpose of the moment =, those very presses which teemed with abuse of your Redeemer, are now affecting to offer incense to his religion; and that Deists themselves are laboring to convince you that Mr. Jefferson is a Christian; and yet have the effrontery to talk of other men’s hypocrisy! Can you be the dupes of such an artifice? Do you not see in it a proof that there is no reliance to be placed on an infidel conscience? Do you need to be reminded that these infidels who now court you, are the very men who, four years ago, insulted your faith and your Lord with every expression of ridicule and contempt? That these very men circulated, with unremitting assiduity, that execrable book of Boulanger, entitled Christianity Unveiled; and that equally execrable abortion of Thomas Paine, The Age of Reason? That, in order to get them (especially the latter) into the hands of the common people, they sold them at a very low rate; gave them away where they could not sell them; and slipped them into the pockets of numbers who refused to accept them? Do you know that some of these infidels were at the trouble of translating from the French, and printing, for the benefit of Americans, a work of downright, undisguised Atheism, with the imposing title of Common Sense? That it was openly advertised, and extracts, or an extract, published to help the sale?29 Do you know that some of the same brotherhood are secretly handing about, I need not say where, a book, written by Charles Pigott, an Englishman, entitled A Political Dictionary? Take the following example of its impiety: (my hair stiffens while I transcribe it) “Religion – a superstition invented by the arch-bishop of hell, and propagated by his faithful diocesans the clergy, to keep the people in ignorance and darkness, that they may not see the work of iniquity that is going on,” &c.30

Such are the men with whom professors of the name of our Lord Jesus Christ are concerting the election of an infidel to the Presidency of the United States of America. Hear the word of the Lord. “What fellowship has righteousness with unrighteousness? And what communion has light with darkness? And what concord hath Christ with Belial? And what part has he that believes with an infidel?”31 Yet Christians are uniting with infidels in exalting an infidel to the chief magistracy! If he succeed, Christians must bear the blame. Numerous as the infidels are, they are not yet able, adored be God, to seize up on our “high places.” Christians must help them, or they set not their feet on the threshold of power. If, therefore, an infidel preside over our country, it will be YOUR fault, Christians; and YOUR act; and YOU shall answer it? And for aiding and abetting such a design, I charge upon your consciences the sin of striking hands in a covenant of friendship with the enemies of your master’s glory. Ah, what will be your compunction, when these same infidels, victorious through your assistance, will “tread you down as the mire in the streets,” and exult in their triumph over bigots and bigotry.

Sit down, now, and interrogate your own hearts, whether you can, with a “pure conscience,” befriend Mr. Jefferson’s election? Whether you can do it in the name of the Lord Jesus? Whether you can lift up your heads and tell him that the choice of this infidel is for his honor, and that you promote it in the faith of his approbation? Whether, in the event of success, you have a right to look for his blessing in the enjoyment of your President? Whether, having preferred the talents of a man before the religion of Jesus, you ought not to fear that God will blast these talents; abandon your President to infatuated counsels; and yourselves to the plague of your own folly? Whether it would not be just to remove the restraints of his good providence, and scourge you with that very infidelity which you did not scruple to countenance? Whether you can, without some guilty misgivings, pray for the spirit of Christ upon a President whom you choose in spite of every demonstration of his hatred to Christ? Those who, to keep their consciences clean, oppose Mr. Jefferson, may pray for him, in this manner, with a full and fervent heart. But to you, God may administer this dread rebuke: “You chose an infidel: keep him as ye chose him: walk in the sparks that ye have kindled.” Whether the threats of God are not pointed against such a magistrate and such a people? “Be wise, O ye kings,” is his commandment; be instructed ye judges of the earth: serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling; KISS THE SON, lest he be angry, and ye perish from the way when his anger is kindled but a little.”32 What then is in store for a magistrate who is so far from kissing the son,” that he hates and opposes him? “The wicked shall be turned into hell, and all the nations that forget God.”33 And who forgets him, if not a nation which, though called by his name, nevertheless caresses, honors, rewards his enemies? The Lord hath sworn to strike through Kings in the day of his wrath.34 Woe then, to those governments which are wielded by infidels, when he arises to judgment; and woe to those who have contributed to establish them! To whatever influence they owe their determinations and their measures, it is not to the “Spirit of understanding and of the fear of the Lord.” Do I speak these things as a man; or says not the scripture the same also? “Woe to the rebellious children, says the Lord, that take counsel, but not of me, and that cover with a covering, but not of my Spirit, that they may add sin to sin. That walk to go down into Egypt (and have not asked at my mouth) to strengthen themselves in the strength of Pharaoh, and to trust in the shadow of Egypt. Therefore the strength of Egypt shall be your shame, and the trust in the shadow of Egypt your CONFUSION.”35 This is the light in which God considers your confidence in his enemies. And the issue for which you ought to be prepared.

I have done; and do not flatter myself that I shall escape the censure of many professed, and of some real, Christians. The style of this pamphlet is calculated to conciliate nothing but conscience. I desire to conciliate nothing else. “If I pleased men, I should not be the servant of Christ.” I do not expect, nor wish, to fare better than the apostle of the Gentiles, who became the enemy of not a few professors, because he told them the truth.36 But the Bible speaks of “children that will not hear the law of the Lord – which say to the seers, See not: and to the prophets, Prophesy not unto us right things: speak unto us smooth things: Prophesy deceits.” Here is the truth, “Whether you will hear, or whether you will forbear.” If you are resolved to persevere in elevating an infidel to the chair of your President, I pray God not to “choose your delusions” – but cannot dissemble that “my flesh trembles for fear of his judgments.” It is my consolation that my feeble voice has been lifted up for his name. I have addressed you as one who believes, and I beseech you to act as those who believe, “That we must all appear before the judgment seat of Christ.” Whatever be the result, you shall not plead that you were not warned. If, notwithstanding, you call to govern you an enemy to my Lord and your Lord; in the face of earth and heaven, and in the audience of your own consciences, I record my protest, and wash my hands of your guilt.37

ARISE, O LORD, AND LET NOT MAN PREVAIL!


Endnotes

1 The edition which I use is the second American edition, published at Philadelphia, by Matthew Carey, 1794.

2 Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia, p. 39-41.

3 Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia, p. 42.

4 Gen. vii. 19.

5 ib. v. 20.

6 Gen. vii. 11.

7 Nay, as it is only the scripture which authenticates the popular belief of an universal deluge, Mr. Jefferson’s insinuation can hardly have any meaning, if it be not an oblique stroke at the Bible itself. Nothing can be more silly than the pretext that he shows the insufficiency of natural causes to effect the deluge, with a view of supporting the credit of the miracle. His difficulty is not to account for the deluge: he denies that; but for the shells on the top of the Andes. If he believed in the deluge, natural or miraculous, the difficulty would cease: he would say at once, The flood threw them there. But as he tells us, “this great phenomenon is, as yet, unsolved,” it is clear that he does not believe in the deluge at all; for this “solves” his “phenomenon” most effectually. And for whom does Mr. J. write? For Christians? None of them ever dreamed that the deluge was caused by anthing else than a miracle. For infidels? Why then of this “great phenomenon?” The plain matter of fact is, that he writes like all other infidels, who admit nothing for which they cannot find adequate “natural agents;” and when these fail them, instead of resorting to the divine word, which would often satisfy a modest enquirer, by revealing the “arm of Jehovah,” they shrug up their shoulders, and cry, “Ignorance is preferable to error.”+
+Notes on Virginia, p. 42.

8 Notes on Virginia, p. 205.

9 ib. 209.

10 ib. 201.

11 ib. 203.

12 Kame’s Sketches, vol. i. p. 24.

13 Acts xvii. 26.

14 Notes on Virginia, p. 240.

15 Some have been vain enough to suppose that they destroy this proof of Mr. J’s infidelity, by representing his expression “the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people,” as synonymous with the following: “A.B. is an honest man, if ever there was an honest man,” which so far from doubting the existence of honest men, that it founds, in the certainty of this fact, the assertion of A.B.’s honesty. On this wretched sophism, unworthy of good sense, and more unworthy of candor, I remark,
1. That the expressions are by no means similar. The whole world admits that there are honest men, which makes the proposition, “A.B. is an honest man, if ever there was an honest man,” a strong assertion of A.B.’s honesty. But the hundredth part of the world does not admit that God had a chosen people, and therefore the proposition that “those who labor in the earth are the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people,” is, upon this construction, no assertion at all that the cultivators of the soil are his people, because there are millions who do not believe the fact on which it must be founded: viz. that he had a chosen people.
2. That if the expressions were parallel, Mr. J. would still be left in the lurch, because the first asserts A.B. to be as much an honest man as any man that ever lived; and so Mr. J. asserts “those who labor in the earth” to be as much the “chosen people of God,” as any people that ever lived. This is still the lie direct to the whole Bible, and the inventors of this lucky shift, must set their wits at work to invent another..

16 Notes on Virginia, p. 231.

17 Serious Considerations, p. 16, 17.

18 Prov. iii. 3.

19 Phil. iv. 6.

20 Col. iii. 17.

21 Rom. Xiii. 4.

22 Ps. Xv. 4.

23 2 Sam. Xxiii. 3.

24 Ex. Xx. 10.

25 Dan. ii. 49.

26 The Fredericks feast, given on the Sabbath, to MR. J. 1798.

27 Is. xlix. 23.

28 Is. i. 3.

29 The title is a trick, designed to entrap the unwary, by palming it on them through the popularity of Paine’s tracts under the same name. The title in the original, is Le on Sens, Good Sense. It was printed, I believe, in Philadelphia; but the Printer was ashamed or afraid to own it.

30 Pigott’s Political Dictionary, p. 132. This work was originally printed in England; but having been suppressed there, the whole or, nearly the whole, impression was sent over to America, and distributed among the people. But in what manner, and by what means, there are some who can tell better than the writer of this pamphlet. It was thought, however, to be so useful, as to merit the American press. For the copy which I possess, is one of an edition printed at New York, for Thomas Greenleaf, late editor of the Argus: 1796.

31 2. Cor. V. 14, 15.

32 Ps. ii. 10-12 .

33 Ps. ix. 17.

34 Ps. cx. 5.

35 Is. xxx. 1-3.

36 Gal. iv 16.

37 Is. xxx. 9, 10.

Sermon – Eulogy – 1799


Peter Thacher (1752-1802) graduated from Harvard (1769), was ordained pastor in Malden, MA (1770), and also served as pastor to the Brattle Street church (1785-1802). He was a supporter of the Americans during the Revolution, preaching a sermon against standing armies and publishing a “Narrative of the Battle of Bunker Hill.” Thacher was also a delegate to the Massachusetts state constitution convention (1780) and served as chaplain to one or the other of the branches of the state legislature for 15 years. The following sermon was preached by him after the death of former Governor Increase Sumner.


sermon-eulogy-1799

A

S E R M O N

PREACHED JUNE 12, 1799,

BEFORE

His Honor MOSES GILL, Esquire,

LEIUTENANT GOVERNOR AND COMMANDER

IN CHIEF;

The Honorable the COUNCIL, SENATE and

HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

AT THE INTERMENT OF

HIS EXCELLENCY

INCREASE SUMNER, ESQ.

WHO DIED JUNE 7, 1799, ET. 53.

BY PETER THACHER, D. D.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.
In Senate, June 13, 1799.
ORDERED, That the Hon. John Treadwell, Esq. with such as the Honorable House may join, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Dr. Thacher, and thank him for the Sermon preached by him, at the request of the two Houses, at the Funeral of His (late) Excellency INCREASE SUMNER, and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.
Sent down for Concurrence,
JOHN C. JONES, President pro tem.

In the House of Representatives, June 13, 1799.
Read and Concurred, and Mr. Fessenden, and Mr. Smith of Boston, are joined.
EDW. H. ROBBINS, Speaker.

 

S E R M O N.

I. SAMUEL, XXV. I.

AND SAMUEL DIED, AND ALL THE ISRAELITES WERE GATHERED TOGETHER, AND LAMENTED HIM, AND BURIED HIM AT HIS HOUSE IN RAMAH.

The frailty of human life; the vanity of human greatness; and the uncertain nature of all human events, are now presented to us in a light the most striking. The fable urn before us contains all that was mortal of one of the most amiable and excellent of men; a man who was happy in his family, warmly beloved by his friends, and elevated by the free suffrages of his fellow citizens to the highest station which it was in their power to bestow! In the midst of his days; while the honors of the world crowded thickly upon him; and while we hoped that he might be useful and happy for many years to come; Death, with inexorable hand, has seized him; his sun has gone down at noon; and we are now assembled to pay our last respects to his remains, to consign them, with decent solemnity, to the tomb where they shall moulder into dust, and arise no more “till the trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall be raised!”

To assist us in improving this melancholy providence, is the design of the following discourse. And how could we more naturally introduce it than by the account of the death and funeral of Samuel, who was long the Chief magistrate of Israel, who travelled for many years through the nation to dispense judgment and justice, who maintained a fair and honorable reputation to the end of life; and who, when he died, was attended to the grave by the heads of the tribes of Israel with deep and sincere regret?

Such a testimony in favor of any man, and such universal sorrow when he is taken away from life, are stronger evidences of his real virtue than any which the poetic page, or the sculptured marble can produce. We do not lament the useless or the wicked. We do not mourn for those whom we did not esteem and love. A whole community is never involved in woe and sadness, unless it has lost a friend, a benefactor, and a useful servant. And thus, the tears of the public embalm the memory of a wise and virtuous Ruler. They will transmit his name with honor to posterity in the annals of his country.

Samuel does not appear to have possessed the fire of imagination and brilliancy of genius which too often astonish and delude the world. He was not a conqueror who extended by arms the dominions of his Country, or gave it a false glory by splendid victories. He had a strong and capacious mind, which could easily discern the just and the fit, and could steer calmly the vessel of State when a more impetuous pilot would have dashed her on the rocks. An understanding clear and informed, a will regulated by reason, and never warped or corrupted by passion; with affections warm but not violent, sincere but not ardent; a knowledge of the tempers and feelings of mankind; and an acquaintance with the events of past times and the history of the world, rendered Samuel more competent for the place which he filled, than would those shining talents which too often lead their possessors to distress their country and desolate the world, that they may procure to themselves the fame of victory and the glory of conquest.

Early and sincere piety formed a striking trait in the character of Samuel. Dedicated to God by a pious parent, he was stationed in the tabernacle from his youth. Through a long life he preserved the “fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom,” and the respect to duty which is the strongest incentive to public virtue, and the most powerful restraint from a breach of trust. We find him strictly attentive to the ordinances of religion and the institutions of divine worship. But we find him more careful of the weightier matters of the law, of the great duties of morality and obedience. For, he expressly declares to Saul, when he had neglected submission to the plain will of God, under pretence of reserving an offering to the Lord, “to obey is better than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams.”

In the present age of wonders, when the results of the wisdom and experience of many ages are viewed as the dreams of aged and feeble insanity; when nature is placed in the throne of nature’s God; and the religion of Christ, mild, gentle and benevolent, like its Divine Author, is represented as a cruel and ferocious superstition: In this age of theory and innovation, Religion has been considered by some men and some nations as an injury to society, and incompatible with the character of a good Ruler. But, when we consider the deep influence which Christianity felt in its power, has upon the very tempers and dispositions of men; how it leads them to fear doing wrong ever so privately, and desire to do right, though no praise should attend them; how it places us always under the ye of the Deity, and brings death and judgment near to our view. When we thus view Religion in its nature and effects, we shall perceive it to be one of the most powerful and energetic principles which can operate upon the human mind. This principle reaches where no human law nor earthly consideration can extend. It operates as powerfully when no eye beholds it as when surrounded by thousands. It penetrates the heart. It governs the temper. It guides the conduct. It fortifies us against affliction, and renders prosperity more valuable and sweet. The Ruler who embraces the spirit, and copies the example of Christ; who relies on the promises, and is animated by the hopes of the Gospel, will “serve his generation according to the will of God,” and will be “received into everlasting habitations.”

When a man is under the influence of Religion, it will make him strictly upright, and will lead him to pay a close attention to the great duties of justice and integrity. This effect had religion upon Samuel. For many years he was a Judge among the People, and distributed justice to the aggrieved and oppressed. “And Samuel,” says the sacred historian, “judged Israel all the days of his life, and he went from year to year, in circuit, to Bethel and Gilgal, and Mizpah, and judged Israel in all those places, and his reurn was to Rama, for there was his house, and there he judged Israel, and there he built an altar unto the Lord.” His patient attention to the parties who litigated, his enlightened endeavors to find out the truth, and his candid, impartial decisions according to the evidence produced, procured him the esteem and veneration of all, even of those whom justice obliged him to condemn. We find Samuel always honored and esteemed in the nation of Israel. He was received with he utmost respect wherever he went. His decisions were implicitly followed. “When the ear heard him, then it blessed him, and when the ye saw him, then it gave witness to him.”

When he acted as Chief Magistrate of Israel, he “approved himself to every man’s conscience in the fight of God.” Although his sons conducted improperly in their subordinate capacity, yet it does not appear that he counte4nanced or supported them, nor do we ever find a single charge of incapacity, of partiality or injustice brought against him. His administration was easy to himself and useful to the People, and would have continued to the end of his life, had not that love of change, which strongly marks the human character, but often defeats its own purposes, led the People to desire a King. Then how must his heart have triumphed, when, with the firm and manly voice of dignified integrity, he could appeal to the assembled tribes of Israel, in this energetic language! “Behold, here I am; witness against me before the Lord and before his Anointed. Whose ox have I taken? Or whose whose ass have I taken? Or whom have I defrauded? Whom have I oppressed? Or of whose hand have I received any bribe to blind mine eyes therewith? And I will restore it to you.” His satisfaction must have been perfect, when the People with one heart and one voice replied, saying, “Thou hast not defrauded us nor oppressed us, neither hast thou taken ought of any man’s hand.” Happy Magistrate! Who was not only “approved of God, but accepted of the multitude of his brethren!”

Samuel was a man of mild and gentle manners. When the most direct attacks were made upon his family, and when the People applied to him to resign his power, he possesses, perfectly, calmness of mind. We do not hear a reproachful word from him, nor a single reflection on the ingratitude of those whom he had so long and so faithfully served. Mildly he remonstrates with the People upon the impiety and folly of their conduct. He does not suffer himself to be affected with personal flight to him which their application implied. He does not assail them with the asperity which stings, or the bitterness which provokes. This mildness of manners, this patience of contradiction, is of great use to those who rule over men, because it gives dignity to the character. It disarms resentment, and conciliates esteem.

But with all this mildness of manners the Patriarch of Israel still possessed the firmness and decision which his religion dictated, and his station required. When the Hebrews required to have a King, like the nations about them, Samuel did not hesitate to reprove them severely for their ingratitude to God, who was then their Ruler, and to shew them that they were enslaving themselves and their posterity, in order to attain an empty pageant. Superior to the love of popularity, which induces a man to conceal his sentiments or flatter a multitude, he firmly and decidedly proves to them that they are injuring themselves and destroying their own security. So honest and independent was he, as to hazard the displeasure of the People and his own influence over them, rather than encourage them to that which was hurtful to their true interest. It was in obedience to God alone, that the Prophet fixed Saul on the throne; and God gave them a King in his anger, and took him away in his wrath.”

It was the earnest solicitude of the Prophet of Israel to establish such a constitution of government as should guard them from the dangers which they had precipitately brought on themselves. “Then Samuel told the people the manner of the kingdom, and wrote it in a book, and laid it up before the Lord.” He knew that such a precaution was necessary to prevent the Israelites from becoming subject to the capricious humors or tyrannical passions of their King. Where the powers of Government and the liberties of the People are accurately defined, and proper checks are established to prevent the encroachments of one upon the other, there true freedom is enjoyed, and there alone man exercises his rights. From this principle, the wise, the patriotic and the good have always exerted themselves to form and to support definite and free Constitutions of government.

The love of God, and his country, animated this good man, to exert himself in the cause of Religion and liberty. These noble principles warmed his bosom, governed his mind, and regulated his whole conduct. A respect to the approbation of God, “who hath pleasure only in uprightness,” a sincere wise to promote the spiritual and temporal happiness of the People, whom he loved, induced him to exert his utmost energies in serving the religious and civil interests of his fellow-citizens. The prosperity of his Country gave him the most sensible pleasure; and when the clouds of adversity enveloped it, when it suffered from its own folly and rashness, his joy was turned into sorrow.

The unsullied reputation and the faithful services of Samuel, during his life, made his death a subject of deep regret to the people of Israel. They loved him while his existence here was continued, and when the common lot of all men befell him, they deeply mourned the melancholy event. The tribes of Israel assembled; they bedewed his hearse with the tears of genuine affection and gratitude, and buried him honorably in the tomb of his ancestors. This is the duty which we are now called to perform.

The character, briefly drawn, of Samuel in the past discourse, so strongly resembles that of our deceased Friend and Governor, as that little need be said in addition to it. Your own minds must have made the application.

Endued with strong and vigorous faculties of mind; favoured with the advantages of a public and liberal education; impressed with a sense of that Religion which forms men to virtue, kindness and charity, he was early called by his fellow-citizens to fill places of public trust and honor. As a Magistrate, a Legislator, and a Judge, he discovered the wisdom, the firmness, and impartiality which are so justly celebrated in the character of the text. His honor and integrity were never impeached, and had he made the same appeal to the People as Samuel did, he would have received the same answer.

His wife and faithful conduct in office of less dignity; their confidence in his patriotism, integrity and abilities, led the People of this Commonwealth to call him to the office of their Chief Magistrate. This confidence was fully gratified. The warm and decided Friend of our Federal and State Constitutions; the warm and decided enemy of all foreign interference in the affairs of our government; the watchful Guardian of the Civil, the Judicial and the Military interests of the Commonwealth, he was daily more and more esteemed and respected. His appointments were judicious, and he meant to confine them to men of virtue and abilities. He supported the honor of the State with dignity. His own deportment, while it was easy and agreeable, while it discovered the mildness of manners, the unassuming kindness which formed so striking a part of his character, was never such as to diminish our respect and esteem for him.

Kind, charitable and good; wishing well to everyone, and desirous of promoting their interests, Governor Sumner was universally beloved and honored. He was among the few men who, though he had many friends, warm and affectionate friends, yet, so far as my knowledge has extended, never had a personal enemy. Even those who on political subjects differed from him, and the interests of whose party led them to oppose his election, expressed personal respect for him in life, and now profess deeply to lament his death.

This good man was a warm and decided friend to the Religion of Christ. He early professed this religion, and his life appeared to be formed by its divine and sacred precepts. Thus influenced by its temper, and governed by its commands in life, he was animated by its hopes, and supported by its consolations, when he came to die.

Shall I call upon you, my brethren, on this occasion to admire and imitate the tender husband, the wife and affectionate father, the dutiful son, and the faithful friend! The grief which rends the bosoms, and the tears which fill the eyes of those to whom he was thus related, prove the justice of this part of his character, and display its amiableness in the most striking manner.

And now, seeing “a Prince and a great Man has fallen in our Israel this day,” let us humble ourselves under the divine correction! Let us admire and adore those dispensations of Providence which we cannot comprehend! And let us learn the lessons of wisdom, which an event so solemn and affecting is calculated to teach us.

His Honor, the Commander in Chief, while he laments the Friend, whom, with so much harmony, he accompanied in the public walks of life, will hear the voice of Providence speaking loudly to him, and teaching him that the most elevated station, the most affluent circumstances, and the warmest esteem and affection of our friends and fellow-citizens, cannot secure us from the arrests of the King of Terrors. The duties, to which he is now called, are difficult and important. May God give him wisdom and grace to discharge them usefully and well! “As his day is, so let his strength be also!” And when the common lot of the great as well as the small, the rich as well as the poor, shall befall him, may he, like his excellent Predecessor, leave behind him the “good name which is better than precious ointment.”

Let me call upon our Civil Fathers of the Council, the Senate and the House of Representatives, to contemplate the solemn scene before us, and see the vanity of human greatness, he insufficiency of the highest honors to “retain the spirit in the day of death!” There you behold the end of all flesh! – There you see the goal at which every man, who runs the race of life, must, sooner or later, arrive! – Thence you may learn that the hour hastens when all those distinctions, after which many men eagerly pant, will soon be leveled, and become lighter in our view than the dust of the balance! – Although “ye be called Gods,” yet here you find that “ye shall die like men and fall like one of the princes!” Remember, when discharging your important public trust, that the eye of God is upon you; that “he has pleasure only in uprightness;” and that when your bodies shall lie under the cold hand of Death, like the beloved dust before you, it will be of more importance in your view to be conscious of one act of true Religion or of public virtue, than to have possessed the highest honors which man can bestow. Learn, from this affecting Providence, to be more diligent, active and faithful in all the relations of life; so that, when you shall be gathered to the dust of your fathers, those around you may “mark the perfect man and behold the upright, for the end of that man is peace!”

With the afflicted widow, the fatherless children, the bereaved sisters, and the numerous relatives and friends of this excellent man, we mingle our tears! We hold out to them, while we wish to feel ourselves, the consolations and supports of Religion. We do not “mourn as those who are without hope.” Our Friend is gone from us, but we rust that his unembodied spirit now inhabits the courts of glory, and has become “a pillar in the temple of our God!”

And now behold, my brethren and fellow-citizens, behold how the “fashion of this world passeth away!” See how insufficient are the best earthly enjoyments to satisfy the cravings of the immortal foul, or to protract for a moment our existence in this world! Learn that the faith of Christ and the discharge of our duty, is the “one thing needful;” that while life, and health, and reason are granted us, they should be improved for the purpose of preparing for another world by performing the duty which we owe to God and man in this! “Now is the accepted time”! Let us improve it to secure “an interest in the better part which can never be taken away from us,” and to prepare us for the “rest and the triumph which remain to the people of God!”

The Religion of Christ, our guide in life, and our support in death, which regulates us in prosperity and guilds our darkest moments with light and comfort – This Religion teaches us to look beyond the grave to an heaven of infinite glory! It teaches us to deposit the precious remains of our Christian friends in the dust, with “a sure and certain hope of their resurrection unto eternal life.” Yes, my brethren, Death shall not retain his dominion over them! They shall burst asunder his iron bands! They shall awaken to a new and eternal life! They shall ascend to “their Father and our Father, to their God and our God;” and “with the ransomed of the Lord shall return and come to Zion with songs and everlasting joy upon their heads!”

Amen.

Sermon – Protestant Episcopal Church Convention – 1799


This sermon was preached by Reverend William Harris in 1799 at the Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church.


sermon-protestant-episcopal-church-convention-1799

A

S E R M O N

DELIVERED AT

TRINITY CHURCH

IN

B O S T O N,

BEFORE THE

ANNUAL CONVENTION

OF THE

PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH

IN

M A S S A C H U S E T T S,

On Tuesday the 28th of May, 1799.

By WILLIAM HARRIS,
RECTOR OF ST. MICHAEL’S CHURCH, MARBLEHEAD.

 

A Prayer compiled from the Liturgy of the Church,
Used before the Sermon.

ALMIGHTY GOD, the Giver of all good Gifts, who by thy divine providence hast appointed divers Orders in thy Church; Give thy grace, we humbly beseech thee, to all who are called to any Office and administration in the same; and so replenish them with the truth of thy doctrine, and endue them with innocency of life, that they may faithfully serve before thee, to the glory of thy great name, and the benefit of thy Holy Church—And humbly we beseech thee, most Gracious God, to bless those who are in authority over us. Direct and prosper all their consultations to the advancement of thy Glory, the good of thy Church, the safety, honor, and welfare of thy People; that all things may be so ordered and settled by their endeavours, upon the best and surest foundations, that peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety, may be established among us for all Generations—These and all other necessaries for them, for us, and thy whole Church, we humbly beg in the name and mediation of Jesus Christ our most Blessed LORD and SAVIOUR.

A M E N
 

A S E R M O N.

St. Matthew’s Gospel xxviii, 20th.
And lo, I am with you always even unto the end of the World.

THESE words were spoken by our Blessed Saviour, to comfort and encourage his Disciples just before He was taken from them into Heaven. He had previously assured them, that all power was committed to him, both in Heaven, and Earth, and he engaged to be with them even unto the end of the world. Amidst the many and great discouragements which the faithful Minister of Christ is sure to meet with, these words of his divine Master, cannot but afford him consolation and encouragement. It is not, I conceive, to be doubted, that the promise here made was to be extended, not only to the Apostles, but to their Successors and to every succeeding faithful Minister of Christ, “Lo I am with you always,” &c. That is, I am and will be with you and your Successors, I will strengthen you by my power and authority, I will encourage you by the blessing and assistance of my Holy Spirit, I will be with you to uphold my Ordinances, to protect, encourage and reward you, and all your Successors in the faithful discharge of your trust. This promise, my Brethren, has been most remarkably fulfilled. God has never at any period been wanting to this Church. He has often rescued it from impending ruin. He has raised up, successively, able defenders of it, and has carried them through the greatest troubles, distresses and persecutions. Even in the present degenerate age, he still upholds his faithful Ministers, and by his mighty power will continue so to do till the end of the world. He has engaged to defend them, not only against all the subtleties, the craft and cunning of evil and malicious Men, but even against the enmity and malice of Satan himself, so that the Gates of Hell shall never prevail against his Church.

This gracious promise of protection and support is, my Brethren, at the present day, a great encouragement to us in the faithful discharge of our duty. It is our lot to live in a degenerate age; an open and professed disregard to religion is become, through a variety of unhappy causes, the distinguishing character of the present times. And the evil, far from receiving any check or opposition, is fast increasing. When did Infidelity and the contempt of everything serious and sacred, when did strife and division, envy and malice, when did the profanation of God’s holy name and Sabbaths, and the utter contempt of all laws civil and sacred, so shamefully abound? Where is that sense of the divine presence, that regard to the divine Authority, that hope of the favour and approbation of Heaven, which once directed the views, and influenced the actions, of our pious Forefathers?

When did we ever stand in more need of the aid and support of religion; and when was there ever such wicked arts employed, secretly to undermine its foundation, to destroy its influence and weaken its hold on the publick mind?

How is our holy religion treated with every possible mark of ignominy and insult by the Scorner? How have they endeavoured to hold up its divine Author, his laws, his ordinances, his institutions, his Ministers and his Altars, to universal abhorrence and contempt?

How often do we hear them affirming that Christianity is only a cunningly devised fable, when it is in truth a Revelation from Heaven—a Revelation supported by such a body of evidence as is sufficient to convince every unprejudiced mind; by a long train of prophecies, most undeniably completed, “by the most astonishing and well attested “miracles, by the strongest internal marks of truth, by the purity of its precepts, the sublimity of its doctrines, the perfect and unspotted character of its divine Author, by an innumerable company of Confessors, Saints and Martyrs, who have sealed their testimony to it with their blood,” and lastly by its wonderful prevalence and success, against all the combined efforts, of the wit, malice and power, of men and Devils. If to these arguments of its truth, we add the visible good effects it has had in promoting the welfare, comfort and happiness of mankind, where shall we find a religion so worthy of our belief, so deserving of our veneration, gratitude and love.—A Religion so holy and so pure, we every day hear the Infidel proclaiming to be no other, than the contrivance of Statesmen and Priests to rule and deceive the people.

Would to God, the people could see the hearts of these their pretended friends—They would then no longer glory in that, which ought to be their shame, nor be ashamed of that, which ought to be their glory!

But Mankind, lest they should be thought over zealous, have not become indifferent to all religion. Hence the cause of the rapid progress of infidelity. Hence it is that a plan has been laid to subvert our holy religion. A Plan dark and subtle as the Agents who have been, and still are, employed in its execution. It has for its object, the renovation of Society—an entire alteration in the religious, moral and civil principles of Mankind.

As Religion is the basis of all order and virtue, it was necessary to accomplish their scheme, to make that, the first object of attack. They well knew that it would be in vain to attempt so thorough a change, while religion and the fear of God, had any hold upon the minds of men—but if they could only succeed in removing this principal obstacle; they conceived that their plan might be executed, not only without difficulty, but with the greatest ease and dispatch. Accordingly, they first begun by undermining the foundations of the Gospel. If some of them extolled one part of Christianity, it was in order to subvert the rest. If they approved of the moral precepts, they denied the miracles, and all the characteristic doctrines of the Gospel. It was their first object to reduce the Gospel simply to a moral system, and if we believe the Philosophers, or rather the Philosophists of the present age, we are under no more obligation to receive and practice the precepts of Christianity, than we are to receive and practice the rules contained in any other moral tract. Volney’s treatise of the Law of Nature, is with them of equal authority with the precepts of the Gospel. These were their first attempts, and it is greatly to be lamented, that they were so fortunate in their beginning—their success has encouraged them to proceed to greater lengths; and for many years they have been indefatigable in spreading their licentious and irreligious tenets. Societies have been established in almost every Christian Country, for the express purpose of disseminating their poisonous principles, and now it is evident, that the subversion of Christianity, is only a part, and the beginning of their diabolical plan. Their horrid designs, could not be accomplished, while any fear of God or dread of futurity existed in the minds of men. In order therefore, to extirpate every religious sentiment, and to introduce the true principles of modern infidelity, one of their Champions has entirely thrown off the mask, and without disguise speaks the sentiments, and discovers the principles of the whole sect. “We want (says he) no other sermon but the rights of man—no other doctrine but the constitutional precepts—no other Church than where the Section of the Club hold their meeting. Man when free wants no other Divinity than Himself. This God will not cost us a single farthing,–not a single tear—nor a drop of blood. Reason dethrones both the Kings of earth and the Kings of Heaven—no Monarchy above, if you wish to preserve a Republick below. Volumes have been written to determine whether a Republick of Atheists could exist. I maintain that every other Republick is a Chimera. If you admit the existence of a heavenly Sovereign, at that instant you introduce the wooden Horse within your walls, and your Republick is no more.”1

These my Brethren, are the principles which the Philosophists of the present age, are so industrious in propagating. If they are successful in their endeavours, it needs little foresight to predict the consequences. It is an indisputable fact, that nine tenths of Mankind have been governed more or less by religious principle; take off this restraint—persuade the multitude that there is no future state—no God, to whom they are accountable, and you open a door to every kind of wickedness. The most horrid crimes would then be committed without shame or remorse. In vain would the rich have recourse to Bolts and Bars to secure their property, neither would they find any better security in the Laws of the Land; the unjust Steward in the parable, characterizes the great body of Mankind, if they fear not God, neither will they regard Man. “Human Laws, says an elegant writer, will be of little avail without a sense of divine Legislation, and the sanctions of Men have little force, unless they are supported by the Authority of God. Thus without religious principle, there would be no security for the public peace—the mutual confidence between man and man would be destroyed. The bond which keeps Society together would be broken—Oaths would become mere words of course, and an appeal to the great God of Heaven no more regarded, than if he were an Image of Stone. Human life would be thrown into the utmost confusion—the safety of Mankind would be endangered, and the moral World totter to its ruin, if such a Pillar as Religion were to fall. We ought, says Bourdaloue, to consider the principle of Religion in Individuals and Societies, as we do the first moving power of the Universe—this first moving power hath an influence so great, that is not only maintains all the Heavenly Bodies in their order and motion, but extends itself also to the bosom of the Earth, and is the cause of all the beauty, harmony and usefulness, of this lower would; were this first moving power, to suspend its operations, all nature must be destroyed; all must be trouble, confusion and ruin; so if you take away the principle of Religion from Individuals, especially from the leading Members of Society, you destroy all principle of obligation, you are no longer to look for charity, regularity or order among Individuals, or in human Societies; so true it is, that the tie which binds us as Brethren to each other, is our common obligation to God.

It is against this religious principle, the foundation of all order and happiness in Society, that the Infidels of the present age are contending. In France they have obtained a temporary victory, but not satisfied with that, they strive with unwearied industry, to obtain a similar triumph over morals and religion in every Country upon Earth. Nor will they be diverted from their purpose, unless their own pernicious principles should prove their destruction, until they have effected an entire change in the face of Society—all religion, morals and Government, shall fall before them, and Mankind will be brought back once more, to a state of ignorance, darkness and barbarity.

How justly has St. Paul, in his description of the Romans, delineated the Character of these modern Heathen. They were, says he, filled with all unrighteousness, fornication, wickedness, covetousness, maliciousness full of envy, MURDER, debate, DECEIT, malignity, whisperers, backbiters, HATERS of GOD, DESPITEFUL, PROUD, BOASTERS, INVENTORS OF EVIL THINGS, disobedient to Parents, without understanding, COVENANT BREAKERS, WITHOUT NATURAL AFFECTION, IMPLACABLE, UNMERCIFUL. Such a race of MONSTERS, we could scarcely have believed that the Earth ever bore, were not the fact asserted by an Apostle; and did not the present day afford us an example of their equals, if not of their SUPERIORS, in every species of wickedness and vice.

In short the French have not only an Army of Veterans, but what is worse, and more dangerous to the World, a Satanic Host of Principles, and where the former cannot reach, they make their boast, that the latter will penetrate to accomplish their horrid work of Revolution, anarchy and ruin. To effect this, their Philosophers have been most wickedly industrious in printing and disseminating their licentious Pamphlets. In these publications they address the multitude, and in order the more effectually to dupe them, they bring down their reasoning to a level with their comprehensions. “The whole poison of Infidelity is compressed into the narrow compass of an essence, or an extract, to render irreligion easy to the meanest capacity. It was by such small tracts disseminated among the lower Orders in every part of France, that the People there were prepared for that most astonishing event, the public renunciation of the Christian Faith.” 2 From these artful snares of their Philosophers, we are more in their power, than they can accomplish by their Arms—here lies our greatest danger. It is their Army of Principles which we have to oppose—and he must be blind indeed, who does not see that the present contest, is a War of Principles—its baneful effects are not confined to the European Powers now at variance—but in every Country, it is a war of vice against virtue, of Infidelity against Religion—of the Savage and brutal part of Mankind, against the refined and civilized.

Against such Men, and such principles, it is the duty of every pious Pastor to guard and defend his Flock.—And, my Reverend Brethren, at this eventful period, how can we be silent, consistently, with the solemn engagements we have made? At the peril of our Souls we have undertaken the Office of the Ministry. As the Messengers, the Watchmen and Stewards of the Lord, it is our duty to teach and admonish, to use all faithful diligence to oppose every error, either in faith or practice, nor are we to cease our labour, our care or diligence, until we have done all that lieth in us, according to our bounden duty, to bring all that are committed to our charge, to a due faith and knowledge of God, to a ripeness and perfection in Christ, so that no place be left among us, either for error in Religion, or viciousness of life. 3

It is therefore our duty, and becomes an important part of our sacred trust, publickly to bear testimony against those impious and destructive principles; which have proved so ruinous in other Countries, and which, unless they are speedily and successfully opposed, will prove no less ruinous and destructive in our own.—And in order that we may oppose them with success, it should be our first and principal care, to revive a spirit of Religion and Virtue, both among Rulers and People.

It is truly an alarming symptom, when there prevails in any Country, a cold indifference towards Religion—A greater calamity cannot befall a Nation—The Pestilence, the Famine, and the Sword, are often commissioned by Heaven to waste and destroy a negligent and careless People.—After every other method has been tried to awaken them from their slumbers, here remains but one expedient: The divine Judgments will then be poured out, effectually to rouse them to a sense of their duty and danger. That this is true of us, that, as a Nation, we deeply partake of this Character, is too evident to require any proof, or admit of any doubt.—Indifference in matters of Religion, is become an epidemic, which few, if any, have escaped.

I know that the degeneracy of the times has been a common complaint in all ages; but nevertheless, some periods have been more sunk in dissoluteness and irreligion, than others,–never surely was there juster foundation for complaint than at the present day. The great prevalence of infidelity, the profligacy of multitudes—the utter neglect of their eternal interests—the shameful profanation of God’s holy Name and Sabbaths—the wonderful increase of false philosophy, together with an unbounded love of pleasure and dissipation—these, to say nothing of other things,–are truly characteristic of the present age, and exhibit a most distressing and discouraging prospect, to the sincere friends of Religion and Virtue.

At this alarming period, my Reverend Brethren, all our zeal, our utmost diligence, our most fervent prayers, together with the most exemplary patience, prudence, fortitude and compassion are required.—It concerns us to be more active and faithful, than ever we have been, in discharging the duties of our functions; and above all, to be careful, at all times and in all circumstances, to cause our light so to shine before men, that by our example, credit and honor may redound to the Holy Religion we profess, and to the sacred doctrines that we teach.

To revive a true spirit of piety and virtue among the People, much will undoubtedly depend on our exertions; for no class of Men, are capable of doing greater service, or greater prejudice, to the interests of Religion; but our endeavours however earnest, though we should redouble our care and diligence, will not be sufficient.—If we are left alone in the arduous task of reformation, to what purpose are our most zealous exertions? Would those who are in the higher stations of life, vouchsafe to add their countenance and example, it would be of the greatest efficacy, not only to revive our spirits, but also to enkindle a true spirit of piety and virtue, and to diffuse it through every class of men. Their example would soon bring the study and practice of Religion into repute. Acts of impiety and profaneness would then become matter of shame and reproach, in the eyes of men, as they always are in the sight of God.

And believe me, my hearers, at this alarming crisis, good men ought not to forsake their Ministers; it is a time when the united efforts of virtuous and religious Men of every description should be exerted, in order to oppose those pernicious principles which threaten, like a deluge, to overwhelm our Country, and to subvert the fair fabric of our Government, Laws, and Religion.—It is not now a question, whether this or that Church shall prevail; whether this or that mode of worship is best; but the question is, whether there shall be any Church—whether there shall be any such thing as Christianity? We have not now to contend with Christian Brethren who hold to the essentials of Religion, and differ from us only in points that are immaterial. But our contest is with the bold unbelieving Infidel, “who is against the Gospel, because the Gospel is against him.” We have those for our adversaries who will not be satisfied with correcting errors, and reforming abuses:–Nothing less than the total subversion, and utter extermination of Christianity can content them.

Let it not be said that these are idle conjectures, and vain apprehensions—that there is no danger—that we “fear where no fear is.” Other Nations have flattered themselves that they were equally secure, and never could be persuaded to suspect, that either their Religion or their liberties were in danger, till sudden desolation and destruction came upon them. Let their fate be a warning to us. We had better be despised for too anxious apprehensions, than ruined, as they have been, by too confident a security.

It therefore becomes Christians of every rank and description to stand forth in defence of their holy faith, and to use their most zealous endeavours to enkindle, if possible, the almost “expiring lamp of Piety.”

To this end, let all who are in authority have the fear of God before their eyes, and the good of their Country at heart.—Let them remember that their success will depend not only on their political, but on their moral, and religious conduct, for except the Lord keep the city the watchman waketh but in vain.—Let them no presume to leave the Supreme Governour of the World out of their Councils, neither form Plans independent of him and his Providence, lest he should blast all their councils, and defeat their most vigorous exertions.

Let the Ministers of Religion, by an exalted piety, and exemplary virtue, add dignity and efficacy to their religious instructions; carefully preserving themselves, not only from the guilt, but even from the suspicion, of impiety and wickedness.

Finally, Let all who are any ways distinguished either by their education, wealth, or wisdom, add the weight of their example, and manifest their regard for Religion, and their love of their Country, by a serious and constant attendance on Public Worship, and by becoming models of everything that is great and good.

If we are thus sincere in our exertions, the restitution of religious principle, and virtuous practice, will not be so difficult a task as is imagined. We may then confidently expect the aid of our divine Master, who has promised to be “with us even to the end of the world.”—While we value the Christian Religion according to its real worth—while we are prudently zealous for its honor, and strive to recommend it to the world by an exemplary piety and virtue, we have no reason to fear the loss of this best of blessings, but if we are careless and indifferent—if we can patiently hear its holy Author—its divine precepts and heavenly doctrines ridiculed, despised and trampled upon, then surely we are unworthy of so great a benefit, and shall have reason to fear that the kingdom of God will be taken from us, and given to those who will duly value and improve the inestimable gift.

But thanks be to God, we are not so degenerate a People, but that there may be found, even in this age of Infidelity and Indifference, some eminent examples of real piety and virtue.—We have still those among us “who are not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ, and whose praise is not of Men only, but of God.” Who knows how far the influence of their example may extend. That it may become universal, is most devoutly to be wished. Then our holy Religion and invaluable privileges would be safe and secure. While we are with him, the Lord hath promised to be with us, and if He be for us, who can be against us. What though “the Heathen rage, and the People imagine a vain thing, He that sitteth in the Heavens shall laugh them to scorn.” If we have either secret or open enemies, their hearts are in his hand, their designs are always under his eye, and he can change them as he pleases. He can humble their pride—assuage their malice and confound their devices—He can prevent the mischief they contrive, or cause what they design for our destruction, to prove the means of our happiness and salvation—“He who stilleth the raging of the sea and the noise of his waves, an also at his pleasure restrain the madness of the People.”—The righteous Lord loveth righteousness, and to favour a righteous and religious nation, he will, should there be occasion, bring light out of darkness, good out of evil, and order out of confusion.

Wherefore, dearly beloved, let us hold fast the profession of our faith without wavering, since we are assured that he is faithful who hath promised to be with us always, even unto the end of the World.

May this gracious promise of Christ’s spiritual and perpetual presence with his Ministers excite us, my Brethren, to greater diligence, zeal and fervor in the cause of piety and virtue,–may we account no labour too great, no services too painful, and no sufferings too severe, so that we may finish our course with joy, and fulfill the rust committed to our charge. And since we all profess to believe in Christ; and are well assured that our faith is not founded on the cunningly devised fables of Men—since as Christians, we cannot but be interested in the honor of his Gospel, and are bound by the most sacred and solemn engagements to advance its reputation and success—since as protestant Episcopalians, we still hold fast to the form of sound words, and continue steadfastly in the Apostles doctrine and fellowship; Let us, therefore labour, more and more, that the “word of Christ like a fountain of living water may dwell richly in us in all wisdom, and flow liberally from us, in all holy conversation and Godliness.”

Now to the Father, to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, the One Eternal and ever blessed GOD, be ascribed by us and by all Men, all possible adoration and praise, might, majesty and dominion, world without end.

A M E N.
 


Endnotes

1 See the speech of Anacharsis Cloots, published by Order of the National Convention in France.

2 Vide Bishop Porteus’s last Charge to his Clergy.

3 See the form and manner of ordaining Priests.

The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Election – 1799, Connecticut


Cyprian Strong (1743-1811) graduated from Yale in 1763. He served as a town clerk in Farmington, Connecticut (1766) before becoming pastor of a church at Chatham, CT (1767-1811). Strong preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 9, 1799.


sermon-election-1799-connecticut

THE KINGDOM IS THE LORD’S.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT

HARTFORD,

ON THE DAY OF THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

May 9, 1799.

By CYPRIAN STRONG, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN CHATHAM.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday, of May, A.D. 1799.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Thomas Seymour, and Mr. Hezekiah Goodrich present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Cyprian Strong, for his Sermon delivered before them, at the General Election, on the 9th of Inst. May, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by

Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

 

An Election Sermon.
 

I CHRONICLES xxix. 11.

–Thine is the Kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as Head above all.

 

In the passage which has now been read, we have the devout acknowledgment of king David, who was the first magistrate, in the most respectable kingdom, which, at that time, existed. He was as remarkable for piety and religion, as for eminence and distinction, in the Jewish nation.

It was not an inconsiderable evidence, of the fervor of his piety, that he maintained the most exalted and reverential conceptions of God, in the height of earthly magnificence, amid the splendor and pomp of a Court, which so commonly dazzle the eyes of mankind, and plunge them into scenes of voluptuousness.

Nebuchadnezzar, who was at the head of the Chaldean Empire, was so intoxicated, with the splendors of royalty, that “his heart was lifted up and his mind hardened in pride,” so that he did not know and consider, “That the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men.” And, fact and experience afford the most convincing evidence, that worldly distinctions and honors, through the native corruption of the human heart, have a most powerful tendency to render men unmindful of Him, by whom “kings reign and princes decree justice.” But, this was very far from being exemplified in David. Although, from a shepherd, he was raised to a throne, and exalted as the head of a respectable and truly great nation, which always reverenced his authority; yet, he did not, through pride of heart, so rate his dignity and worldly consequence, as to think it beneath him, devoutly to acknowledge God, as the Supreme Ruler of the universe. He was sensible, that his elevated station and worldly magnificence, were the fruit and effect, of God’s sovereign disposal. In the text, he most devoutly ascribes everything to Him. “Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all.” And, in the succeeding words, “Both riches and honors come of thee—in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all.”

It may be further observed, that king David was not only ready, most solemnly to acknowledge, the existence of God; but he viewed and reverenced him “as head above all.” Not as the prophet Elijah sarcastically described Baal, as an idle talker, or as pursuing a journey, or as sleeping; or, in a word, as being an idle and unconcerned spectator of the world; but as being particularly concerned in the government and control of the universe.—“Thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou art exalted as head above all.”

The text will naturally direct our attention, to the two following things.

I. The nature of that kingdom, which is said, in the text, to be the Lord’s.

II. In what sense the kingdom may be said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all.

It is hoped, that in the prosecution of what has now been proposed, such observations and remarks will be made, as will render the discourse both seasonable, and pertinent to this public anniversary.

I. It is proposed, to attend to the nature of that kingdom, which, in the text, is said to be the Lord’s.

The inhabitants of this world, are divided into many kingdoms and governments, which, in the sacred scriptures, are called “the kingdom of men.” But that kingdom which is said, in the text, to be the Lord’s, has not a respect to any one of those kingdoms, in exclusion of the rest.

The time has been, indeed, when God took upon himself the government of the Hebrews; and, in his dispensations, a very special respect was paid them. His administrations were particularly directed, to the establishment of that favorite people; yet God was, at the same time, as truly at the head of other nations, and did dispose of and superintend all their affairs, in the same manner that he did the affairs and concerns of the Jews. God had purposes to answer, relative to the Jewish nation, which he had not respecting other nations; for they were a chosen people. Although the allotments of God, to other nations, were subordinated to the advancement of the Hebrews, yet, events were allotted out to the former, in as immediate and efficient a manner as they were to the latter. The purposes of God, respecting different nations, have been different; yet God has not at the present time, nor ever had in time past, a more immediate disposal of the affairs of one nation than of another. The kingdom, which in the text is called the Lord’s, is not limited by or confined to any earthly kingdom.

But, the kingdom which is the Lord’s does, in a sense, embrace the universe; consisting of all ranks and grades of creatures, throughout all worlds. The government of God extends to all things, both animate and inanimate. All the worlds and creatures which God hath made, constitute one system. The various orders of existences, from the archangel to the most inconsiderable insect, constitute the links of a perfect chain, and are like wheels which are necessary to complete a perfect machine. They are all necessary to form a perfect system. And, as the Lord is “exalted as head above all,” so all things which exist, are comprehended in his kingdom. God manages every part of the universe, in such a manner, as shall best answer the purposes which he had in view, when he brought them into being.

The sacred scriptures teach us, thus to consider the extent of the kingdom which is the Lord’s. In them, God is said to rule among the nations—to build them up or pluck them down at what instant he pleases. Famine, pestilence and the sword are said to be under his control. It is God who balances the clouds, and gives the former and the latter rain in their season. And it is further asserted, that the superintending care and disposing hand of God are concerned, even in the falling of the sparrow to the ground. The kingdom which is the Lord’s, therefore, comprehends the universe. Hence, in the text, God is said to be “exalted as Head above all,”—above everything which exists.

Again; to our having proper apprehensions of the kingdom which is the Lord’s, it is necessary to bring into view not only its extent, but the object or end of it.

God does not exercise a control over the universe, and concern himself with the affairs of all ranks of creatures, as a mere amusement; he has an important object in view, in all his administrations; and, that is to raise up and establish a kingdom of holiness and righteousness.

The government of God does consist, summarily, in so conducting and arranging events, as shall, eventually, advance the spiritual and moral good of the universe, or establish a holy and spiritual kingdom. All the plans, institutions and operations of God are directed to that end. The end of the natural is the moral world. As all the ranks and orders of existencies are to be considered, as so many links of a perfect chain, so all the events which take place, and all God’s appointments and institutions are to be viewed, as so many means to advance the moral and spiritual good, or the holiness and happiness of intelligent beings; and so to establish and perfect a kingdom of holiness and righteousness. And, all being united, do form a perfect system of means and events, for the security of so important an object.—As the advancement and establishment of a kingdom of righteousness require, God builds up or pulls down earthly kingdoms. The great Monarchies of the world, which have been raised up and again tumbled into ruin, have been subordinated to this interesting design. The constitution and laws of the natural world, when they cease to contribute to the establishment of such a kingdom, will be abolished; yea, the whole natural world, when it shall have accomplished everything of that nature which it can answer, will be consigned over to destruction. Events will roll on until a holy and spiritual kingdom shall be established and become triumphant. Then, the rotation of events, like the present, shall cease. Earthly kingdoms and empires shall sink into ruin—the sun shall shine no more, the various parts of the natural world shall be unhinged—a universal conflagration will take place, and former things shall be remembered no more.

That this representation, of the object of God’s government, is real and not imaginary, appears from many considerations, which can be but very briefly mentioned, at this time.

It appears, very particularly, from the design of the incarnation and sacrifice of Jesus Christ; or the introduction of the mediatorial plan.

This great event is considered, in the sacred writings, as above all others calculated, to answer the purposes, which God had in view, in the whole work of creation and the government of the world. And, the end which God had in view in that astonishing event was, indubitably, the establishment of a kingdom of holiness. Hence it is said, that he “gave himself for us, that he might redeem us from all iniquity, and purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works.” 1 And the church is said to be redeemed by his blood, “to the intent, that now unto the principalities and powers, in heavenly places might be known, by the Church, the manifold wisdom of God; according to the eternal purpose which he purposed in Christ Jesus our Lord.” 2 And, Jesus Christ is now exalted at the head of all principalities and powers, and will reign until all enemies are brought at his footstool. And the issue of this great affair is summed up in this, that God shall “reconcile all things to himself, by him, whether they be things in earth or things in heaven.” From these passages of scripture, as well as from the declarations and prophecies concerning the increase, progress and issue of the kingdom of Christ, which is founded in his blood, it is extremely evident, that the end God had in view, in the incarnation, death and sufferings of Jesus Christ, and in the whole work of redemption, was the advancement and establishment of a kingdom of holiness and righteousness. And, from thence we may certainly infer, that this is the great object, which God has in view in his whole government.

The same conclusion becomes further evident, from the end, which God has in view, in the religious institutions he hath made. The end proposed in institutions of a religious nature, is, unquestionably, to render mankind holy and spiritual.

Again; that the end of God has in view, and that the object of his government is, the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness is evident, from the great and fundamental laws of his kingdom; or, from what he chiefly requires, of his intelligent creatures. God’s requirements are all summed up in holiness and righteousness—in universal love and good will. This clearly indicates what that is, at which God is aiming in his government; and, particularly, that it is the advancement of a kingdom of righteousness.

That the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness, is the great object of the government of God, appears, not only, from the end proposed in the work of redemption, in all religious institutions, and from the requirement of the laws he has established; but, it is also evident, from the design of civil government.

Civil government was not instituted, merely to amuse men; nor, to lift up some over the heads of others, without proposing an important object. And, although it is an institution, which is peculiar to this world, and may seem more immediately designed to protect men from injury and violence; yet, is it not certain, that like the other institutions of God, it is ultimately designed for and to be administered, with a view to the advancement and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom?

I am not insensible, that some are fond of making, a total separation between civil government and the protection or establishment of religion, or advancement of a spiritual kingdom; and do even consider the former as having nothing to do with the latter. But, I beg leave to inquire, whether the prosperity and advancement of a kingdom of holiness and righteousness among men, be not the great object of civil government? And, whether every civil constitution, which is not ultimately calculated to nourish and cherish true religion, and so to advance a spiritual and holy kingdom, be not, in the view of God, whatever it be in the view of man, not merely censurable, but absolutely abominable? Take a retrospect of the ancient dispensations of God, and you will see, how God views civil governments and administrations in this respect. Is it not evident, from the past dispensations of God, that he approved or censured civil governments, according to the respect or disrespect paid by them, to his church and the advancement of a kingdom of holiness? This was certainly the case, respecting the administrations of the kings of Israel. This was also the case, respecting the Chaldean monarchy. It is the very reason offered, why God brought ruin on that mighty empire. It was because it rejoiced in the ruin, and was instrumental in destroying the heritage of God. The vengeance of God was, also, denounced upon the Ammonites, upon Moab and Seir, upon Tyre and Egypt for their opposition to and derision of church of God. We are, also, assured, that it will always be thus, that God will pull down kingdoms and utterly destroy them, when they stand in the way to the prosperity and advancement of his church, or a kingdom of righteousness.

It may here be said, that there are none, who suppose, that civil government and administrations are to oppose, the advancement of a spiritual kingdom, or the progress of religion; all which is contended for is, that civil government should be neutral. But, in answer, it may be asked, whether it be possible that civil government should take such a position? Our Saviour asserts, “He that is not with me is against me: and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad.” 3 There is according to these words of Christ, no such thing s neutrality. And this is as true, respecting civil government, as respecting an individual. A mere neglect to countenance and support religion, or a kingdom of righteousness, in a civil administration, will operate against it. It was always supposed of old, that the conduct of rulers, or their administrations, had a very great influence on the religious state and character of the Jews. It is impossible, therefore, that civil government should take a neutral position, respecting religion or a kingdom of holiness. It must aid and countenance it, or it will discourage and bring it into contempt.

Without attempting, particularly, to point out what aid or support civil government may and ought to give, to religion or the Church of Christ, I would only further observe, that the sacred scriptures do teach, in a very direct manner, that civil government is designed by God, ultimately, as a mean and expedient to advance religion, or a kingdom of righteousness among men. It is not directly and positively asserted, by the prophet Isaiah, that in a future period, when civil government shall be rightly applied and faithfully administered, “Kings shall be nursing fathers and their Queens nursing mothers,” to the Church of God? And, does not the apostle Paul most expressly teach us, what the end of civil government and magistracy is?4Rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same, for he is the minister of God to thee for good. He beareth not the sword in vain; for he is the minister of God—a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil.” Does not this account of the design of civil government and magistracy, clearly teach, that they were designed to encourage and support a kingdom of righteousness among men? And, the same apostle direct, “that prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made—for kings and for all that are in authority, that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty.”5 It must be clear, from what is said concerning the design of civil government, in the sacred scriptures, that it was instituted as a mean, to advance and support a kingdom of holiness and righteousness: And, therefore, it is one thing which serves to point us, to the great object which God has in view in his government; or the nature and design of his kingdom.

Again; the use and improvement, which God requires us to make of the various allotments of his providence, farther point out the end of his government, or the nature of his kingdom; and that it is a kingdom of righteousness.

The improvement God requires us to make of providence is this, that we grow in righteousness and holiness. The goodness of God is to lead us to repentance. Under adversities, we are to “learn righteousness.” Or, to adopt the language of an apostle, when speaking of trials and adversities, he says they are sent “that we may be partakers of his holiness.” Now if our holiness, be the end of divine allotments, it becomes evident, that the advancement of a kingdom of holiness, is the end of God’s administrations.

The same truth will appear with additional clearness, if we turn our attention, to the particular designs of God, and his providential dispensations, as they are stated in the sacred scriptures.

If we take a view of events under the former dispensation, we must see, that the establishment of a holy and spiritual kingdom was, uniformly, the object which God had in view in all his allotments. It is evident, that his Church was kept constantly in view, as the chief object of attention. God set up the Church as his great object. This appears, incontrovertibly true, not only relative to those administrations, which respected the Jews in particular; but the affairs of all other nations, were subordinated to the prosperity and advancement of the Church. Whole nations were exterminated and utterly destroyed, as the prosperity of the Church demanded. God conducted and disposed, not only, of the affairs of the Jews, but of all the nations around them, with a direct and immediate reference, to the enlargement and prosperity of his Church. Of this, no one can doubt, who has attended to the history of God’s proceedings, as they are stated in his word. Which point us directly to a kingdom of righteousness, as the object of God’s government.

Furthermore, the declarations and prophecies contained in the sacred scriptures, relative to the future dispensations of God, point us to the same object.—They are all aimed at the advancement of a kingdom of righteousness, as the great object which God has in view.

God has actually decreed that all other kingdoms shall come to an utter end—That his spiritual kingdom “shall break in pieces and consume all other kingdoms, and it shall stand forever.” And that, as the great Monarchies which have already existed, have, one after another, been utterly destroyed, to make way for the enlargement of his Church, and the advancement of his spiritual kingdom, so it shall be hereafter. Although God may suffer the powers of this world, to trample on his Church, for a season; yet He assures us, that “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it”—That he will suffer the wrath and madness of men to proceed no further, than shall be necessary, to prepare the way for its establishment. “The wrath of man shall praise thee, the remainder of wrath wilt thou restrain.” And, we are further assured, that such will be the allotments of providence, and that the affairs of all nations shall be so over-ruled, as that, eventually, “The earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord”—That the corrupt passions of men, which are naturally so violent and overbearing, shall be softened down, so that nothing shall hurt or destroy, in all God’s holy mountain—That all shall know him “from the least to the greatest.”

Hence it appears, that the great object, which God has kept in view, in former dispensations, and which he will keep constantly in view in his future, is the advancement and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom.

But one consideration more will be suggested, to show that the end of the kingdom, which is the Lord’s, is the establishment of a kingdom, of holiness and righteousness, and that is the result and final issue of his administrations.

In what the administrations of God, or the various dispensations of providence will end, we have full information in the sacred scriptures: and information can be derived from no other source. We are clearly informed, by the word of God, that one event after another shall roll on, ‘till all God’s designs are completed—that in the end of the world, the whole number of the righteous shall be gathered together, into one society—that the wicked shall be separated from them, with everyone that “loveth and maketh a lie.” So that the righteous will form, a perfectly holy and pure society.—We are further informed, from the oracles of God, that when all the righteous shall be gathered in, from out of every nation under heaven, the ends and the purposes of God, in all preceding dispensations, will be attained—that there will be no further employment for the kingdoms and nations of this world—that the wicked, although they have been improved as instruments to accomplish the purposes of God, will be improved no longer; but will be turned down into destruction, from which they will never be recovered—and, the material world, the earth with all its apparatus, which has served as a theatre on which the affairs of God’s kingdom, while in an infantile state, have been transacted, (when the righteous are all gathered in,) will be of no further use; and, therefore, will be subjected to absolute destruction.—“The heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll,” and “shall pass away with a great noise: and the elements shall melt with fervent heat.”—National distinctions shall be known no more—the scepters of kings and the swords of magistrates shall be laid aside—the sun shall withdraw its shining, and the moon will be turned into darkness—“the earth and the works that are therein shall be burnt up;” and there will be no more remembrance of former things. The grand drama will then be closed.—From a consideration of the final result of things we learn, with the utmost certainty, that the object which God ever had in view was, the establishment of a kingdom of holiness.

Thus the design of Christ’s incarnation of religious and civil institutions—the requirements made in the law of God, of moral and intelligent beings—the improvement to be made of providential dispensations;–together with the final result or conclusion of things, when a holy and pure society shall be formed and rendered triumphant; all these various considerations unite, in pointing out to us, that the great object of God’s government is, the formation and establishment of a spiritual and holy kingdom.

Although so much has already been said, concerning the kingdom which is the Lord’s, one observation more must be added, which is, that the important ends and purposes of that kingdom, are to be secured, through the medium of the mediatorial plan, and under the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king.

An illustration of this truth I shall only observe, that the sacred scriptures very expressly teach us, that in consequence of Christ’s faithfulness, in executing the work of redemption, God did invest him with kingly authority, and empowered him to call in and train up for glory, all those that were given him. And the affairs of angels as well as of men were committed into his hands. Accordingly we read, that when Christ was raised from the dead, God “set him at his own right hand, in the heavenly places, far above all principality, and power, and might and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come: and hath put all things under his feet, and gave him to be head over all things to the church.” 6 And, in another place, concerning Christ it is said, “Who is gone into heaven, and is on the right hand of God, angels, authorities and powers being made subject to him.”7 We are further assured, that in the course of his government, he will “reconcile all things to himself, whether they be things in earth or things in heaven.” Which imports, that Christ will unite, in one society, the sinless angels and elect men. The apostle Paul expressly asserts, that his kingdom will not be delivered up, ‘till “he shall have put down all rule, and all authority and power: for he must reign till he hath put all enemies under his feet.—And, when all things shall be subdued unto him, then shall the son be also subject unto him, that put all things under him, that God may be all in all.”

Without any comment on these passages, thus much must be evidently taught in them, that the great purposes of God in his universal government, in erecting and establishing a kingdom of righteousness, will be accomplished, under the reign and by the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king; or through the medium of the Christian system.

From the foregoing observations it appears, that the kingdom which is the Lord’s, is one which is universal—extending to all things throughout all worlds. The end of it is, to raise up and establish a kingdom of perfect holiness and happiness—the great object is to be secured, under the reign and through the administration of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king. I now proceed,

II. To consider, in what sense the kingdom may be said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all.

As great brevity will be observed, in attending to this inquiry, as its importance will admit.

1. It may be proper to observe, that such ascriptions and acknowledgments, as those contained in our text, very frequently occur in the sacred scriptures.

The pious psalmist says, “The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice, and the multitude of isles be glad.” Our Saviour, in that form of prayer which he gave his disciples, taught them always to pray, “Thy kingdom come:” and to conclude in this manner; “For thine is the kingdom, the power and the glory.” And he enjoined it on his disciples, to live in a firm belief of the agency of God, as being concerned in the most minute events—that a sparrow does not fall to the ground, without their heavenly Father.

2. The propriety of its being said in the text, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, appears from his being the maker, and so the original owner and proprietor of all things.

The universe, comprehending all worlds and creatures, owes its existence to God. The highest archangel is as dependent on God, for being, as the meanest insect. This being the case, the kingdom is the Lord’s. All the kingdoms of the earth are the Lord’s, as he raised them up. Kings and magistrates, and all who are in authority are the Lord’s, as he has invested them with all that power and authority which they possess.

3. It is with propriety, that the kingdom is said to be the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, as He is, most certainly the rightful ruler and governor of the universe.

The Lord, who made and upholds all things, has, certainly, an original right to dispose of them, according to his good pleasure. He must have a right to do what he will with his own. He must have an original and exclusive right, to turn every wheel in government, and to ascertain every event, so as to accomplish his own purposes.

4. I shall only observe further, That the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, not only as he is the maker and proprietor of all, and so has an original and independent right to reign; but as he does, in fact, exercise a government over the whole universe, comprehending all creatures and all events.

Indeed, if God did not constantly exercise his Almighty power and superintending care over the universe, it would immediately cease to exist. That same power which created can, alone, uphold the things which are made. The absolute and constant dependence of all things on God, renders it certain, that he must be “exalted as head above all”—that he must rule over the whole universe.

Some have, indeed, represented it as too trifling a business, for the Supreme Being, to concern himself with the affairs of creatures; and, had rather consider God, only as an unconcerned and uninterested spectator of the affairs of the world.

But such may be asked, Why God did not consider the creation of the universe as too trifling a business for him to undertake! If it be now beneath his notice and care, it was beneath him to exercise his wisdom in contriving, and his power in giving it existence.

We can hardly conceive it to be possible, that God should bring such a universe into being—that he should construct such a complicated machine as the natural world; and introduce into existence, intelligent and moral beings, with capacities for immortal happiness, without proposing some important end in it. If God had an important end originally in view, we may be assured, that he will concern himself, so far, in the affairs of the universe, as to order and arrange events, in such a manner, as to secure it. Either God had or he had not an important end, in creating the universe. If he had not some important object in view, Why did he make the worlds which now exist? Was it for mere diversion and amusement! But, if he had a sufficient end for creating there certainly must be a sufficient reason, for his exercising a constant government over the created universe.

That there is so much apparent evil—so much seeming confusion—so many jarring and mysterious events extant in the world, has sometimes been considered, as a forcible objection to the supposition, that God is at the head of all things, and exercises a universal government.—But it ought to be considered, that short-sighted men, who are full of sinful biases and prepossessions, are very miserable judges, as to the events which are necessary to take place; so as to secure the welfare of a kingdom, which is as extensive as the universe, and as durable as eternity itself. The little concerns and exigencies of an earthly kingdom, or a petty state, yea of a family or an individual, often confound the wisdom of men. The most dark and mysterious events are often found to be pregnant with the highest good. The little occurrence of Joseph’s brethren selling him into Egypt, was a dark and gloomy event, and foreboded great evil, in the view of Jacob; yet, eventually, it proved to be of the utmost importance.

But, whatever the ignorance, pride or vanity of man may suggest, the sacred scriptures do assure us, that God does reign, and is particularly concerned in the production of all events—that cold and heat—summer and winter, rain and drought, seed-time and harvest—health and sickness—war and peace—good and evil; yea, all the affairs of the natural and moral world, are under the government and control of God—that he raises up empires and pulls them down—creates king and magistrates and deposes them, according to his sovereign pleasure.

We are taught very particularly, in the sacred scriptures, as appears from what has been said, that God disposes of nations and arranges all events, with a view to one object; and that is, The establishment of a kingdom of righteousness; and that he will continue to do so, till that kingdom shall be established and rendered triumphant. Then his purposes will be answered—the drama will be finished, and God will be all in all.

It now only remains, to point out the use and improvement that may be made of the subject, which we have considered, in a few particular inferences and remarks.

1. As the kingdom is the Lord’s, and He is exalted as head above all, obligations to obedience and subjection to God, must be universal.

It must be the incumbent duty, not only of those, who are ranked in the lowest class of men, and are busied in the most humble employments, to yield a universal obedience to the will of God; but obligations of the same nature, are incumbent on those, who are exalted to places of the highest dignity and honor among men. They are equally under the government of God, and their obligations to reverence and obey him, are, in kind, the same. Yea, the obligations on those, who are in the higher walks of life are, in some respects, peculiarly enhanced. Their example will have a peculiar influence, on the conduct and morals of those, who are in more humble stations. Hence that demand of the prophet, “O heads ,i>of Jacob, and ye princes of the house of Israel; Is it not for you to know Judgment.” Hence, also, that direction of the psalmist, “Be wise now, therefore, O ye kings, be instructed, O ye judges of the earth; serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the son lest he be angry and ye perish from the way.”

2. Is this kingdom the Lord’s, and is He “exalted as Head above all, We see, that we have a stable and unfailing source of comfort, in the most dark and gloomy times, and amidst the changes and revolutions which take place, in the rotation of events, respecting the present world.

If clouds and darkness surround our nation—if foreign powers threaten us from without—if convulsions and civil dissentions do exist within—if vice, immorality and the most outrageous wickedness do prevail, far and wide in the earth; yet the consideration, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that He is exalted as head above all, affords the most ample support, and lays a foundation for the most substantial peace. God is both able and fully determined, to establish his kingdom.

We live in a day of mighty revolutions. Great events are rolling on in quick succession, and presage some great and interesting changes in the state of this world. The prophet Jeremiah demands, in the language of surprise, “Hath a nation changed their Gods, which are yet no Gods!” as if it were an unheard of affair, that a nation had laid aside its false Gods. But we live in a day, when a powerful nation, which had ranked itself among those, who acknowledge the true and living God, has absolutely rejected and disowned Him, and even proceeded to abolish the ordinances of heaven! “The mystery of iniquity,” as the apostle expresses it, “doth already work.” A deep concerted plan to spread infidelity far and wide—to subvert religion and undermine government—to give to the lusts and passions of men full scope, has been propagated among the nations of Europe, with surprising success. Its bitter consequences and baneful influence have already produced, “distress of nations, with perplexity,” and even in America, the leaven has begun to ferment, and is, most probably, the source of the opposition which has been, to the administration of our national government—but we have a substantial and unfailing source of consolation, under all those gloomy appearances—the kingdom is the Lord’s.

Indeed, were we to have our views directed by the prophetic declarations, contained in the sacred scriptures, we should be led to expect, instead of being surprised to see such events. Amidst the confusion, and infidelity of the present day, we see, that the man of sin is in a measure destroyed; and that the papal hierarchy is crumbling into pieces. Nor are we to expect that the scenes of distress, which are now experienced in Europe, will terminate, till something still more important is produced. The clouds appear to be gathering and preparations are making, for scenes far more extensively distressing, than those which have been, as yet, realized.—But God reigns—the kingdom is his. He will take are of it. Neither earth nor hell can prevail against Him—the wrath of man shall praise him, the remainder of wrath will he restrain.

3. From the observations which have been made, we are led to see the important nature of the institution of civil government.

The kingdom is the Lord’s; and all the institutions which God has made, as well as all the events which take place, have a reference to the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness—are designed, by God, as means of accomplishing and perfecting so important a purpose. I do not say, that this is the object which mankind have had in view, in forming civil constitutions and qualifying governments. Nothing, perhaps, has been further out of view. They have, probably, for the most part been dictated by worldly views and motives. But God has instituted it, as one mean and expedient, to advance the progress of a spiritual kingdom. This gives the institution of civil government, an aspect of great consequence. It teaches us, that it was not contrived, merely to exalt some men over the heads of others; or to secure to the members of society an equal enjoyment of privileges of a worldly nature; or, merely, to protect life and property; but it has a further reach and more important design. It is nothing less, than one of the expedients which the Supreme Governor of the world has adopted, to forward the great and important purposes of establishing a spiritual kingdom. Viewed in any other point of light, it dwindles into nothing, in point of consequence and importance.

I am not insensible, that writers on civil government, have generally considered it, as a mean to secure the peace and welfare of society in this world; and as having no concern with or reference to a spiritual kingdom. But can it be so, that in the institution of civil government, which has such prodigious influence on the state of this world, the Supreme Being has forgotten the great object he has in view in his government! Must civil government be considered, as a solitary exception, as to its design, from all the works and other institutions of God! Can we suppose, that God would build up and pull down kingdoms, on account of their influence and tendency, to build up or obstruct the progress of religion, and the establishment of a kingdom of righteousness, if civil government were not designed as a mean to advance and promote them?

Were it not for the treaty of peace which God is now carrying on, through Jesus Christ, civil government and earthly kingdoms would be utterly abolished: and the whole material world would be destroyed. The advancement and progress of that treaty, is the end of all God’s administrations. Hence we find, that when civil government is rightly applied and administered, kings will be nursing fathers and their queens will be nursing mothers to the Church of God. In this view of the design of civil government, it appears to be an institution of great consequence.

4. We are naturally to conclude, from what has been said, that such men as have fixed moral and religious principles, are the only characters which can, with any propriety, be elected into offices of trust, to direct the affairs and concerns of civil government.

This inference is fairly deducible, from the design of civil government. If civil government be designed, as an hand-maid to religion—as a mean to advance and forward a kingdom of righteousness, it must be important, that those, who are elected into civil office, and especially into the principal offices of government, should be friends to the cause; and so, men of fixed and established moral and religious principles. Yea, may we not proceed so far as to say, that they should be firm believers in Christianity? For the kingdom which God is raising up among men, is founded on the Christian system; and is to be advanced, under the reign of Jesus Christ, as mediatorial king. That such characters alone are to be fought and elected into places of trust, in a civil government, is not only dictated by the design of the institution; but is enjoined by God. “Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness,” &c. men of no other description are friendly, to the real end of civil government.

The liberalizing spirit of the present day (which looks with indifferency and patience, on everything, excepting strict religion and fervent piety,) I am aware, inculcates a different doctrine. Such as are under its influence will tell us, that moral and religious principles are of no importance; yea, it is a discovery made by the modern Illuminati, that both religion and government are enemies to the happiness of mankind. Hence it is, that extensive combinations have been formed, and unwearied efforts made, to overturn religious and moral systems, as well as to unhinge and subvert civil constitutions and governments. But, it happens fortunately, that what may be expected, from a government administered by men, who are void of moral principles, and are plunged deep into infidelity, has been so openly exemplified. When moral feelings and religious restraints are eradicated, and God is not acknowledged and reverenced, the barriers against the most atrocious wickedness are removed, and the lusts of the human heart will be unrestrained. With men of such a character at the head of government, we could hardly expect anything else, than that the rights of men should be trampled on—the laws of humanity be sported with, and an ambition prevail, which knows no bounds.—All this we see exemplified in Europe, at the present time. No more striking picture can be given, of the baleful influence and effects of infidelity, when dictating the measures of government, than are exhibited in the rise and progress of the revolution in France. When we review the various measures which have been adopted—what rivers of blood have been spilt—with what coolness and deliberation the lives of the old, the young and the innocent babe have been despoiled—the property of subjects seized—the boundless ambition and insatiable thirst for domination which has prevailed—the piracies which have been committed on the seas—and the insidious and wicked policy which has been practiced, respecting other nations; or to sum up the whole in a word, when we behold a nation, once famous for its civility and polished manners, changed into a nation of barbarians; I say, when we see these things actually existing, and can be accounted for in no way, unless from the influence of infidelity, Can we need anything further, to teach us the importance of placing men of fixed moral and religious sentiments, at the head of government? The Supreme Governor of the world, has designedly given the nations of the earth, a striking picture and example of the baneful influence and ruining tendency of infidelity. And, no nation which, after this solemn warning and admonition, shall act the same part, by committing the management of the concerns of society, into the hands of infidels, or of men whose feelings are loose and unhinged, respecting religion and morality, can expect less, than to share, in a higher or lower degree, in the same plagues.

There can hardly be a greater inconsistency, than for a Christian people, to appoint such men, as the guardians of their rights, and as nurses to the Church of God, who have not fixed moral and religious principles; and, who are nearly afloat respecting Christianity in every view of it.

5. The subject, which we have been considering and illustrating, is of use, and may be particularly improved, by civil rulers and legislators.

Although they are placed at the head of government, and have authority to enact laws, to regulate the community over which they are placed; yet, they are to consider, that there is a higher power, which presides over and controls the affairs of men. The kingdom is the Lord’s and He is exalted as Head above all. Civil rulers and legislators are but servants or ministers of God. Their work is assigned them by Him. They are servants, raised up by God, to forward the great object of his government, in forming and establishing a kingdom of righteousness. At the same time therefore, they are framing laws, for the security of the lives and properties of their constituents, and for the equal administration of justice, they are not only to be cautious, that they do no harm to religion and the Church of God, but to be careful to do everything, in their power, to countenance and support them.

It is not pretended, that civil rulers and legislators have a right, absolutely and authoritatively to impose creeds and confessions of faith; yet, most certainly, it must be incumbent on them, in all the measures they adopt, to manifest a governing regard for God and the interests of his kingdom. It must be their indispensible duty, to adopt such measures, as will, most directly, encourage and promote, the progress of that treaty of peace and reconciliation, which God is carrying on with men.

It is in the power of civil rulers, in many respects, to prepare the way, for an advantageous tender of salvation to mankind. They may set up their banners against vice—encourage men of religion and virtue, and support the institutions of Christianity.—Many of the subordinate officers of government are appointed, by the legislature. If men of virtue, who are professed friends to the Christian system, as well as of good government, were distinguished as objects of particular favor; and if, on the contrary, the profane—the despisers of religion and fervent piety, and those who neglect religious institutions were rejected, it would, certainly, be a worthy testimony of regard to the kingdom of God; and an encouragement to men to do well.

Dissoluteness of manners, if not a contempt of Christianity has been, within a few years, greatly increasing. It would be very unhappy, indeed, if those, who are distinguished as rulers and legislators, should be wanting, in their exertions, to stem their progress; but above all so, if they, by their example, should countenance them.—The influence of rulers is great and extensive; although they are often the objects, at which the shafts of envy and malice are leveled. Their station respecting religion and virtue cannot be neutral. Their transactions and examples will, necessarily, have an extensive influence.

The people, in this state, have reason to be very thankful that the Supreme Ruler of the world has given them such a succession of rulers, as have, not only been firm friends to their civil rights, but have been disposed to encourage the cause of religion and virtue.—And it is no small occasion of joy to the friends of Zion, that the late legislature of this state, while the zealous advocates for religion, in England and Scotland, have provided missionaries, to found the glad tidings of salvation in Africa, in the East-Indies and in the islands of the Pacific ocean, have adopted measures, to make provision, for the preaching of the gospel among the new settlements, in this country; and, if possible, to Christianize the heathen nations.

As the kingdom is the Lord’s, we may assure ourselves, that he will take care of it; whether earthly powers nourish and cherish, or neglect and abandon it. It will certainly flourish and finally triumph. Yet, let it be remembered, that those who are raised to places of trust and influence, as well as those in private life, must, finally, give up a most solemn account to Him, who is exalted as head above all.

6. The subject which we have had under consideration, may be improved, to animate and encourage the ministers of the gospel.

The ministers of Christ are officers in the kingdom of the Lord; and their direct business is, to be “workers together with him.” They are sent out, purposely, to explain the nature of God’s kingdom—to plead its cause among men, and to persuade them to enlist as subjects in it. The kingdoms of this world are to be managed by other hands. Ministers are, by office, to exert themselves, in endeavouring to build up and establish a spiritual kingdom. And, since God is at the head of it, what encouragements have ministers to be zealous and active? Did success depend, merely on their strength and efforts; and had they not reason to expect the interposition of no higher power, they might well be discouraged. But the kingdom is the Lord’s. He will succeed and prosper its advancement. He is, at this time, most evidently disposing of the affairs of earthly kingdoms, so as to prepare the way for the establishment of his own kingdom. He has given the most absolute assurance in his word, that all the evils which are extant—the distress and revolution of nations, shall conspire to advance a kingdom of righteousness; however gloomy it may appear to short-sighted men—that one event shall roll on after another, till all God’s designs are accomplished. However weak and depressed this kingdom may now appear, the time is coming, and probably is not far distant, when “it shall break in pieces and consume all” other “kingdoms and it shall stand forever.”

There is, therefore, from the nature and importance of the kingdom; and, especially from the determinations and power of Him, whose is the kingdom, the most abundant encouragement, for the ministers of Christ to be active and zealous. Besides, their only encouragement of sharing in the triumphs and glory, which await the kingdom of God, does arise from their being “faithful unto death.” 8

CONCLUSION.
My Brethren and Fellow-Citizens.

LET us rejoice in the goodness of Him, who is exalted as Head above all, that we, according to the invariable practice of our ancestors, are permitted to celebrate the religious solemnities of this anniversary, with so few things to interrupt our religious joy. Although disease and death have, the year past, spread desolation in some of our capitals, yet the heads of our tribes have been preserved, and we are permitted to meet them, this day, in the house of God. 9—Although we have been threatened with war, by a nation, which is neither bound by the ties of honor or justice, yet, He, who ruleth among the nations, has, as yet, preserved us so deplorable a calamity.

Our nation, which has been considered as divided, has been led to unite in adopting spirited measures for our national defence.

We enjoy privileges and blessings, which are not realized by any other nation on earth. Let us unite, in a firm and manly support of our national government and constitution. Be careful to guard against the intrigues of designing men. Let infidelity and modern liberality find no countenance, nor have any hand in the administration of government. Avoid them, as you would avoid that plague, which has already interrupted the peace—unhinged the government—destroyed the order—and bathed the plains of almost all Europe with human blood.

Be careful, to enroll your names among the subjects and citizens of the kingdom of God. Be assured, that this kingdom will prosper, for it is the Lord’s; and He is the head of it. The time for securing a part in its triumphs is short and uncertain. But a short delay may be fatal.

May the Supreme King and Lord of the universe, engage all our hearts and feelings in his cause and kingdom; and dispose us to spend and be spent in his service. That, at the time, when earthly kingdoms and empires shall be destroyed, and the whole material world shall be dissolved, we may be safe in the kingdom of God, and unite in his praise forever and ever. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. Titus ii. 14.

2. Ephes. Iii. 10, 11.

3. Matth. xii. 30.

4. Romans xiii. 3-5.

5. I Tim. ii. 1, 2.

6. Ephes. i. 20-22.

7. I Peter iii. 22.

8. Since the last anniversary election, there has been but two instances of mortality, among the pastors of the Churches in Connecticut; viz. The Re. Nathan Fenn of Worthington. The former was advanced in age; the latter was in the prime of life and usefulness.

9. Although God has been pleased to preserve the lives of those, who were acting in the first offices in this state, through the last year; yet he has removed by death, His Excellency Matthew Griswold, Esquire, formerly a Governor of the State; whose faithful services and persevering integrity, through life, entitle him to the most grateful remembrance of all its citizens.

Sermon – Fasting – 1799


Manasseh Cutler (1742-1823) graduated from Yale (1765), and worked as a schoolteacher, store clerk, and an attorney. He was minister to the Congregational Church in Ispwich, Massachusetts (1771-1823). Cutler served as military chaplain for multiple American units during the Revolutionary War. This sermon was preached by Cutler on the day of national Fasting proclaimed by John Adams in 1799.


sermon-fasting-1799

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED AT

H A M I L T O N,

ON THE DAY

OF THE

NATIONAL FAST,

APRIL 25, 1799;

APPOINTED BY THE

President of the United States of America.

By MANASSEH CUTLER, LL. D.
Minister of the Church in Hamilton.

A

FAST SERMON.

JEREMIAH ix. 9.

Shall I not visit them for these things? Saith the LORD:

Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?

SOLEMN were the warnings given to the Jews before they were visited with distressing judgments. But solemn as they were, they had, generally, very little effect. Some instances of reformation, however, encourage the hope, that seasonable warnings may not be in vain. In a preceding chapter the Prophet had twice addressed the Jews in the words I have now read. The repetition of the same question the third time, shews an earnest solicitude to awaken their attention. It is an appeal to their own consciences—to that faculty of the mind which is least debased. If they had any plea to make in their own behalf, if they had any reasons to offer for longer forbearance and the continuance of mercies, opportunity was given them. But so degraded was their moral character, so notorious were their ingratitude and obstinacy, they could not be insensible of it themselves. Being judges in their own cause, they must acknowledge the threatening, however severe, to be perfectly just.

Although the question is proposed to the Jews, the form of it does not permit us to confine the application to that nation. It is not said on this nation, but on such a nation as this. The alarming question must equally apply to any other nation, whose moral character resembles that of the Jews. In the preceding part of the prophecy their character is given. They are represented as a stupid, senseless, needless people. Many highly aggravated national sins are specified. Kind instructions and faithful warnings were disregarded. Neither prosperity nor adversity produced any desirable change in their obstinate temper.

At this time they seem to have been in a particular situation. The Prophet complains of a factious spirit. Treachery, discord and falsehood were prevailing vices. Principles were disseminated, and practices indulged, subversive of every religious, moral or social obligation. In their solemn meetings for religious exercises, or the administration of justice, the Prophet calls them an assembly of treacherous men. Ingenuity was employed, and the art of deception was cultivated, to overcome the natural reluctance of conscience. They bend their tongues like their bows—they teach their tongues to tell lies. Take heed, says he, every one of his neighbor, and trust ye not in any brother—they will deceive every one his neighbor—through deceit they refuse to know me, saith the Lord.

Such is the character given of Israel at the time when the Prophet addressed them in the words of the text. In the history of this nation lessons of instruction and warning are given to every nation under the sun. In the oracles of God we are furnished with a rich fund of light and truth, happily accommodated to all the variety of circumstances in which any people can be placed. There we find an admirable uniformity in the great plan of Providence, carried on by means infinitely various, and sometimes the most improbable and contradictory. To deny God’s particular providence, and the occasional exertions of his power, in an extraordinary manner, to answer extraordinary purposes, in his moral dealings with man, would be to exclude him from the immediate government of the world which he has made. Exceedingly contracted must our views be, not to perceive his superior direction—not to discern his hand in all those means which have derived their existence and their agency from him.

The occasion of our present assembling is interesting. Our Illustrious President, alarmed at the critical situation of our country, and ever watchful over its best interests, has requested the American nation to devote this day to humiliation, fasting and prayer. The sacred passage we have now before us, in its connection with the state of Israel and Judah, suggests to us subjects suited to this day’s solemnities. The question proposed in the text naturally leads to another—Is this a nation whose moral character resembles that of the Jews? It is a question that deserves serious reflection. It will direct our contemplations—to the moral state of our country—to attend to the warnings given us—and the duty of a people under our present circumstances.

In the first place we shall take a concise view of the present moral state of our country.

Like the Israelites, we are a people that have been highly favoured of the Lord. It may well be asked, What could God have done more for his vineyard? Indulgent Heaven has bestowed upon us a rich assemblage of religious, political, social and domestic blessings. The institutions of the Gospel—the means of religious instructions—the rights of conscience—the equality of all denominations of Christians—are privileges nowhere more amply enjoyed. By a wise, powerful and merciful Providence, we have been guided through perils—we have been delivered by the most unexpected means, and raised from small beginnings to national respectability and importance. Our social and domestic enjoyments, as well as national safety, are secured by a government which originated in the power of the people, and is, as near as possible, the work of each individual hand:—a government well guarded with checks, and, while the whole train of patriotic virtues are prevalent, sufficiently energetic to guaranty to every citizen the unmolested security of life and all he possesses. What returns might not be expected from such a nation as this? It is the abuse of the rich, distinguishing blessings of Heaven, which gives the proper colouring and aggravation of our national offences.

Those practices, customs and habits which are generally prevalent, are national; and such of them as are opposed to, or are inconsistent with, the will of the Deity, however made known to us, are, in the strictest propriety, the sins of a nation. Like Israel, with all our forms of piety and religion, we have been thoughtless, ungrateful and disobedient. The honour of God, and the interests of religion—objects of infinite importance to the well-being of man—have either been wholly neglected, or too generally treated with the coldest indifference. Can it be said, the true spirit of that religion to profess has been a prominent feature in our national character? Has the gospel, by its benign influence, led us to that purity of heart—to those amiable and elevated virtues—to that dignity of conduct, which raises our fallen nature to a resemblance of its Divine Author? Have we not, like the Jews, been slaves to our own corrupt affections, neglectful of our own best interests, and destroyers of our own happiness?

We have it to lament, that immoralities, of various kinds, have abounded in our land. Particular vices are always more prevalent in some parts of a country, than they are in others. Some are more fashionable at one time than at another. Vices are to be found among us of foreign importation, which, we hope, are not yet naturalized to the American soil. But in every part of our country immoralities are practiced, which, when contrasted with our distinguished advantages and blessings, sadly darken the shades of our national character, and justly provoke the divine displeasure.

The Christian Sabbath is an inestimable privilege to the church of Christ, and highly beneficial to civil society. It is the pledge of God’s distinguishing goodness to man. It was appointed for purposes the most useful and important—for keeping alive piety and devotion—for religious and virtuous instructions—and for grateful acknowledgments of the divine beneficence. But is not the design of this day shamefully perverted? Is not public worship notoriously neglected? Is not the Sabbath, to many, the most useless and burthensome day of the week? God has expressly commanded us to remember the Sabbath-day to keep it holy; and has solemnly threatened, If ye will not hearken unto me, to hallow the Sabbath-day, then will I kindle a fire in your gates, and it shall devour the palaces of Jerusalem, and it shall not be quenched.

Reverence of the Supreme Being is at the foundation of all religion. The name of God is great, admirable and holy. It ought to be used with the deepest veneration, and magnified above all things. But is it not boldly blasphemed, and impiously dishonoured?—dishonoured by customary and wanton profanity? Habits of profanity are highly injurious to society. By divesting the mind of all reverential fear of God, they lessen the solemnity and obligation of an oath. In a country where oaths are multiplied, interwoven with commercial as well as civil concerns, such habits become the more dangerous. Will the common swearer regard an oath, when administered under the most solemn forms? Is it not to be feared that perjury is among our national sins? We may, at least, adopt the language of the Prophet, and say, Because of swearing our land mourneth.

It is our happiness that the laws of our country, more, perhaps, than any other, are founded on the purest principles of religion and morality. Some of them are made for the express purpose of supporting a decent observance of the Sabbath, an attendance on public worship, and the suppression of profanity and other immoralities. Are our magistrates and civil officers sufficiently mindful of their solemn oaths, in causing a due observance of those laws?

Another evil, that may well excite serious apprehensions, is, the artful dissemination of atheistical, deistical and other loose and pernicious principles. If it can be doubted whether atheism, in its strictest sense, can become general in civilized society, it cannot be denied, that a belief in a Supreme Being may become so weakened as to lose its practical influence—that skeptical principles and sentiments subvert all religious and moral obligation, and lead to the most hardened impiety. Infidelity may be diffused under the pretext of liberality of sentiment: it may be gilded over with the specious, but perverted name of philosophy. But it requires a very small share of philosophy to know, that man is more under the influence of his feelings and passions, than his reason. Let him fully believe he is not accountable to his Maker—not destined to immortality—and what sense of moral obligation, what tie to virtue, what check upon his corrupt propensities, will there remain? What crime, when he can elude the laws of his country, will he not perpetrate? It is not possible, in the nature of things, that human laws, or principles of honour, can be adequate substitutes for religion. They are continually varying, and they will be in conformity to reigning opinions and sentiments. They may even sanction that most dangerous of all maxims, that “the end sanctifies the means.” Infidelity is a formidable enemy to the true principles of liberty. It erases from their foundation the main pillars that can support a free government. Freedom deigns not to dwell with general immorality: it cannot be enjoyed without virtue, nor an virtue be maintained without religion. Infidelity raises the floodgates of corruption—deluges society with crimes—and awfully accumulates the mass of human misery. Its prevalence is sufficient to account for the neglect of religious institutions—the violation of every sacred, civil and social duty—the practice of fraud, injustice, intemperance, debauchery, profanity, and every evil work.

In the train of vices which have stained our moral character, detraction, falsehood and discord have been too notorious to be silently passed over. The united voice of reason and divine revelation condemns them; and we find them particularly noticed by the Prophet among the national sins for which God threatened to visit the Jews. This evil spirit is not merely the disturber of domestic peace, but hostile to all the ends for which men unite in society. When discord is engendered, it makes its progress to faction, insurrection and treason, by casting reproach on rulers, and deceiving and misguiding the people. Foreign intrigue, it is well known, is the parent and the nurse of the demon of discord which troubles our nation. It has been operating by every secret art and insidious effort to weaken the powers of government. It has filled our ears with calumnies against our rulers, misrepresented public measures, excited discontent, and conjured up phantoms of despotism in the minds of the people. A people enjoying a constitution of their own forming—rulers of their own choice—and laws, as near as possible, of their own creation—who have sensibly felt the advantages of order and good government, it might reasonably be expected, would vigorously oppose attempts to disturb their political felicity. But many, it is to be feared, have, indirectly, lent their aid in lessening public confidence, in exciting opposition to government, and in bringing public measures into disrepute, without being sensible of the consequences. The maxim, which seems to have been generally adopted, that “a free people should always be jealous of their rulers,” has been carried to a dangerous extreme.

No community can enjoy the blessings of freedom unless government be respected, and the laws obeyed. In this land of liberty, public characters and public measures may, at all times, be examined with the utmost freedom. But it is only a candid, fair and upright examination that is consistent with order, moral obligation, and the true spirit of liberty. We have happily seen men placed in the highest and most responsible offices of government, who have given unequivocal proofs of their wisdom, penetration and unshaken patriotism;—men who have been instruments in procuring our numerous public blessings, and have justly merited our confidence. But with what offensive intemperance and indecency have their characters and their measures been canvassed! What numberless libels have issued from the presses against those who would guard—who would vindicate—and who would defend our country, against the intrigues, injustice and power of a despotic nation! What measures have government adopted, for our safety or defense, which have not been condemned? Who can be insensible that our freedom is in the most imminent danger, when the minority will not yield to the voice of the majority, and when party assumes the prerogative of dictating and controlling public measures. Happy would it be if the people duly appreciated the blessings of order and good government, and were disposed to pursue the means of preserving them. Let it be impressed upon our minds, that every disorganizing, demoralizing principle, and every vicious habit and practice, is hostile to freedom.

We shall only add, that deficiency in public virtue is a reproach to our nation, and endangers our safety. Nothing within the compass of human ability is so strong a safeguard to rational independence as that love to our country which is commonly styled public spirit or public virtue. Love to our country attaches us to its best interests, and elevates the mind above private advantages or selfish views. In ancient Rome this principle was the life and soul of the state. It was always awake to public danger, and active in public defense. That man is not a patriot, who prefers his own private ease and interest to the public good when his country calls for the sacrifice. Never were a people, perhaps, more devoted to the pursuits of interest, and the accumulation of wealth, than this nation. There is a laudable spirit of industry and enterprise, consistent with every public, industry and enterprise, consistent with every public, social and religious duty. But this spirit may be extended beyond the limits which bound the public safety. The public good, now, if ever, calls for the general attention, and vigilant exertion, of all its friends. Our present danger is much concealed from the public view, and on this account our state is the more hazardous. Where is the security of our possessions, when our country is infatuated by foreign intrigues, and distracted with the spirit of discord and insurrection? What value can we fix upon our wealth, when we are subjugated to the vilest, and tributary to the most tyrannic, government on earth? Our liberties are a sacred deposit, which a kind Providence has consigned to our care; and can we be so degenerate, so base, as to desert or give it up? If we are deaf to the calls of public safety, liberty and virtue, we are traitors to our country, we are criminal in the sight of Heaven, and deserve its chastisements.

In this concise view, we have only a faint sketch of our moral state. It ought to be recollected that the sin of a nation is the aggregate of the sins of all who reside in it. No individual can exculpate himself from the charge of having contributed a part in swelling the measure of our national iniquities; and all must expect to be sharers in public calamity. Whatever we may vainly think of our own state, however we may be lulled by a fatal security, it must be acknowledged, that great and manifold are our errors, and heavy and numerous are our transgressions. Were we able to bring into view the whole mass of wickedness that has been accumulated in our land, exceeding all the rules and powers of arithmetical computation, can we wonder if God should avenge himself of such a nation as this? But his ways are not as our ways, nor are his thoughts like ours. His threatenings are intended to awaken our attention. His merciful admonitions are accompanied with sufficient opportunity for repentance and amendment.

We therefore proceed, as was proposed, in the second place, to attend to the warnings which are given us.

We learn from the sacred scriptures, and from general history, the usual methods of Providence, in the government of the world. There seems to have been no period of time, when general and distressing calamities came upon a people without previous warning. The deluge came not upon the earth, until Noah, a preacher of righteousness, had, for a course of years, warned that corrupt generation of approaching ruin. Sodom and Gomorrah were not reduced to ashes, before they had been faithfully admonished by Lot, whose soul was vexed by their corrupt deeds. Pharaoh and the Egyptians were visited with a series of milder judgments, as so many kind admonitions, before their final overthrow. Jonah was sent, as the messenger of Heaven, to denounce against Nineveh its total destruction. Happily for this city, its inhabitants, from the king on the throne to the beggar in the streets, were awakened to a sense of their danger and their duty. Although an heathen people, they humbled themselves before the most high God, and were graciously spared. The history of Israel furnishes us with numerous instances of faithful admonitions given to them, and of the most persuasive entreaties to escape from impending judgments by turning unto the Lord. Our Saviour himself was the benevolent monitor to Jerusalem, before its final destruction. While he foretold that awful catastrophe, which would be more distressing than had been known from the creation, he entreated them, in the most tender and pathetic strains, to have mercy upon themselves. The sacred scriptures are a standing memento to us, under all the aspects of Divine Providence. The apostle, after mentioning what had been the conduct of the Jews, and the divine dispensations towards them, in a number of instances, adds, Now all these things happened unto them for ensamples: and they are written for our instruction, upon whom the ends of the world are come.

Other nations, besides the Jews, exhibit to us the most solemn admonitions. We have interesting lessons for our instruction in the revolutions which have desolated so many independent states in Europe. We have seen their errors and their fate, and we should avoid the rock on which they have been broken and ruined. In many interesting particulars, we read our own history in theirs.

Holland was the first that fell a prey to the intriguing arts of French revolutionists. The people, allured by the salacious hope of mending their government—seduced by solemn treaties—and flattered with the promise of assistance and protection—admitted the armies of their pretended ally into their cities. Their government was new modeled by the French Directory, and subjected to its absolute control. Heavy contributions were exacted, which have since been frequently repeated, and the immediate collection ensured by an armed force. The treasures, the magazines, the naval and military forces, of Holland, fell within the grasp, and became subject to the requisitions, of the French government of their own, the rich, frugal, industrious people of Holland now groan under the most tyrannic oppression. They are obliged to support, in their own bosom, an army of Frenchmen, to keep themselves is awe.

Geneva, a little happy republic, which had long viewed France as her friend, has suffered a more deplorable fate. The people were pleased with their government, were flourishing in manufactures and commerce, and were distinguished for their religion and good morals. The government of Geneva made every exertion to maintain a scrupulous neutrality, through a strong party, by “diplomatic skill,” was gained over to the French interest. Emissaries were sent to excite a spirit of faction, and to corrupt the morals of the people. These harbingers of ruin too well succeeded. Divisions, tumults and massacres were the fruit of their exertions. At length, when the favourable moment arrived, an army approached, and, by insidious arts, found means to enter the city. The eyes of the people were now opened, but I was too late. The united, fought, bled, and were conquered. Geneva surrendered at discretion—was pillaged by a merciless soldiery, and degraded to a humble department of France.

Another victim to the secret arts and duplicity of France, is the ancient republic of Venice. Under a government of wise laws, the republic abounded in commerce and wealth. The French resorted to their usual intrigues, which had never failed of success; but they were greatly counteracted by a wise and discreet Senate. Impatient to seize upon the wealth of Venice, they wished to find some pretext for open hostilities. This they found in a stratagem, which, one would think, none but a Frenchman could have devised. 1 Venice was attacked, conquered, partitioned, bartered and sold. It is with the fate of this devoted republic that France has threatened the American States.

The time will not permit us to notice all the governments which have felt the scourge of the French revolutionary pestilence. It would fill volumes to detail the general wreck of order, the scenes of slaughter, plunder, conflagration, distress, and ruin, which the French, by their intrigues, arms and usurpation, have spread over the fairest parts of Europe. In Suabia, from well attested accounts, the progress of their armies was marked by crimes at which humanity shudders—crimes, which savages were never known to commit. The common people were ready to receive them with open arms, and to embrace them as their friends and deliverers; but they found them the most detestable monsters. 2

We must not pass over the fate of unhappy Switzerland. This country in many respects resembled our own. It gives us warning, so solemn, so well adapted, that Americans must be inexcusable not to improve it to their own advantage. The Republic of Switzerland consisted of twenty smaller republics in federal union. Common interest and long experience had strengthened the ties of a formal league, and closely cemented them together. It was a nation of warriors and statesmen—of frugal, hardy, industrious citizens;—a nation jealous of its rights, and watchful over its liberties. While the torch of revolutionary fanaticism was flaming around them, the government, aware of its dangers, made every exertion, and every sacrifice, to preserve an unblamable neutrality. The emissaries of France had not been able to do so much in deluding the people, as they had done in many other places; but with the government they had better success. Their councils were divided and indecisive. Every measure for the public safety was opposed and embarrassed. Little was done in making arrangements for defense, until a French army was upon their borders. The people, more alarmed, and better united, than their rulers, flew to arms, and determined to defend a government that had not the spirit to defend itself. A few veteran officers placed themselves at their head; but orders and counter orders defeated their best plans of operation. Obstinate battles were repeatedly fought, with great slaughter and various success. Such was the general enthusiasm, that the women repaired to the field of battle, and fought and bled by the sides of their husbands and sons. 3 At this moment, the French, with an address peculiar to themselves, renewed a mock negotiation, made and violated solemn agreements, and found means to make the people believe their own civil and military officers had betrayed and sold them. This last artifice, more than any other, proved fatal to Switzerland. The cry of treachery, in their camps and among the people, excited a general ferment of distrust and dissension. Some of the bravest of the Swiss officers fell victims to the rage of their own men. Unable to repel an enemy, more formidable in artifices than in arms, the greater part of that once happy country was ravaged. Murder, rapine, pillage and desolation marked the footsteps of its conquerors. The ancient government of Switzerland was dissolved, and a new constitution, fabricated by the French Directory, imposed on the people. In eight days was overturned the work of five centuries. What scenes of misery have the French revolution, perfidy and arms exhibited! What stately edifices of political society have been laid in ruins! Vice has been armed against virtue. The warmest professions of friendship have been accompanied with the practice of the most savage cruelty. France has demonstrated to the world, that its sole object is plunder and tribute, and that it regards not the means by which it can be attained.

Such are the beacons erected in Europe, to caution and warn Americans. Can we stop our ears against the cries of these desolated republics? Can we be deaf to a voice, like peals of thunder, charging us to beware of the perfidy of France?

We shall, then, in the last place, turn our attention to our own duty, at a crisis so important as the present.

It is our duty, attentively to consider the dangers that threaten us. I wish not to excite groundless apprehensions; but to me it appears, that the situation of our country was never more hazardous, and that the great body of the people are too insensible of it. Dangers, concealed from the public view, will not impress the public mind. They resemble a disease upon the vital parts, which excites no alarm, till it is too late for a cure. Were armies marching to invade our country, or ships of war approaching our shores, the people would be alarmed—-the true American spirit would be roused—and the united efforts of our citizens, under the favour of Heaven, might bid defiance to the powers of Europe. But the enemy, with whom we have to contend, is carrying on a different mode of warfare. She is pursuing her hostile designs, not by a manly, open declaration of war, but by salacious pretensions of friendship—not by attacking us with fleets and armies, but by her “diplomatic skill,” by every species of deception, and by making our own citizens the instruments of their country’s ruin.

To meet the dangers that threaten us, it is our duty to be firm, united, and faithful to our country. France has told us the humiliating truth, that we are “a divided people;” and she is determined to profit by the spirit of discord she has found means to diffuse among us. Every artifice is employed, every engine is at work, probably with more system than ever, to strengthen the party her influence has created. The increase of public expenses, the burthen of taxes, the establishment of a navy, and raising an army, are topics well adapted to excite uneasiness among the people. It is true, our national expenses are great, and must probably be still increased. But, what!—is not our independence and property worth defending? Can we hesitate a moment at the burthen of expenses, when they may be the price of the ransom of our liberties? Why have we been at the expense of so much treasure and blood to obtain our freedom, if we intend not to maintain it? Can Americans be so debased, as to be dupes to any foreign government? Can they suffer themselves to be crushed, and ruined, without making every exertion in their own defense? Can they admit the thought, even for a moment, of submission to an ignominious tribute, which can be limited by nothing but the rapacity of their masters, and their own utmost ability to pay? Let those who complain of the increase of taxes and expenses, consider from what cause they have arisen. Had Americans unitedly and firmly attached themselves to their own government—had France been unable to gain over a party, would she, as she has done, have preyed upon our commerce, and risked the loss of supplies from our country? It is not to our own government, but to the party opposed to it, that we are to charge our burdens, depredations and dangers.

Another artifice is, the cry that our own government is for war, while France wishes for peace. Although the falsity of this cry has been proved by a glare of evidence, it is still continued. The measures of our own government, and the conduct of the French, have given the fullest proof, that an honourable or a safe peace has not been attainable. Peace we most ardently desire; but not upon terms more dangerous to our liberties, more destructive to ourselves, than war. Besides, were the most flattering terms to be offered, what dependence could we place on a government of atheists, constantly acting in conformity to their principles? What solemn contract have the Directory respected, any further than they found it convenient for themselves? What man in his senses would depend upon a contract with a burglar or highway robber not to injure him? When a government sports with natural justice, national laws and usages, which a savage would hold sacred, it forfeits every claim to confidence. It is ardently to be hoped that America will never form an alliance with the present government of France.

It is now evident, if the measures which the French party would have dictated to our government had been adopted, that, long before this time, the yoke which France has been preparing would have been fastened upon our necks. To the wisdom, firmness and patriotism of our government, under Providence, we owe the freedom we this day enjoy. Every man that feels as every American ought to feel, will confess that measures for national defense were indispensable. The protection already given to our commerce we have seen to be highly beneficial. What immense property has been heretofore lost for the want of it; and what would the state of our trade now have been, if no protection had been afforded! The laborious farmer, the industrious mechanic, as well as the adventurous merchant, are sharers in the benefits of a prosperous commerce.

Leaving the administration of government to the wisdom of those in whose hands the people have placed it, every true friend to his country will cheerfully contribute his part to defend and support it. To withhold that portion of our property which the public safety requires, is cheating ourselves. The first establishment of a direct national tax must be attended with great expense, difficulty and inequality. Can it be imagined that Congress, who had the best means of information, and must pay their proportion, did not adopt the best mode their wisdom could devise? The spirit of faction and insurrection has already cost us millions;—and is it still to be cherished? It is a happiness to know, that I am addressing an assembly so entirely united in their general ideas of public men, and public measures, and steadily opposed to a spirit of faction. But you have need to be upon your guard, left this evil spirit should make you a visit. Let one common cause, one common interest, and one common danger, keep us united. Following the guidance of Heaven, and attentive to all the means in our power, let it appear that we have not lost that noble, determined spirit, which gained our independence.

Further, it is especially our duty to attend to our moral character. When we seriously reflect on the moral and political state of our country, we must be sensible that our offences are great and manifold, and that God, in his righteous displeasure, is visiting us for our national sins. Penitent confession, humble prayer, and sincere and effectual purposes of amendment, are indispensable duties on this day. And it is only in the right discharge of these duties that we have ground to hope, that God, in the rain of his providence, will remove the evils we feel, and avert those we fear. Happy would it be, if a general spirit of repentance and reformation were to spread throughout our land. We have individually added to the mass of national iniquity: it therefore concerns us, individually, to be humble, and to reform what is amiss in ourselves. As in the day of battle, every man should behave as if on his single arm depended the victory, so let every one feel as if on his piety and virtue depended the salvation of his country.

It should be our concern to arrest the progress of infidelity and irreligion, by living like Christians ourselves. The most effectual method, perhaps, to prevent the spreading of loose, pernicious, demoralizing sentiments, is to put them out of countenance by our own conformity to the spirit of sincere, practical religion. If we truly embrace he doctrines, and conform to the precepts, of the gospel of Christ, the benign influence of this Heaven-born religion over all the affairs of human society, and all the concerns of man, will be apparent. Example may do more to confute gainsayers, than a thousand opposing arguments. Let the fool say in his heart, There is no God. Let the infidel glory in mere hypothesis, and depend upon artificial conjecture: it is all he can produce in support of his principles. The believer finds himself upon a foundation that cannot be moved. God is the rock of ages. The dictates of common sense teach him, that God is to be seen in everything around him, heard in the voice of every creature, felt in every motion, and read in every page of the book of nature. The good man finds infinitely more satisfaction, in believing in the perfections of the Deity, the wisdom and equity of Providence, and the great plan of redeeming mercy, than all the systems of philosophic infidelity are capable of yielding. The infidel lays the axe to the root of the tree, and cuts down with one stroke the hope and confidence of man. But the believer has a fortress in every danger; a refuge in every storm; an abiding friend in all the vicissitudes of human life; and a safe conductor to eternal rest.

It cannot be too deeply impressed upon our minds, that without public and private virtue, a free government cannot be supported. The Creator and Governor of the Universe is, and was, and ever will be, the supporter of order and virtue. The Christian religion is, in the highest degree, friendly to rational liberty. It teaches a proper conduct in all the relations we sustain in society. The origin of all society is in our families. They are the nurseries from which every citizen in the state is transplanted. In them the foundation of order and good government should be laid. By daily attention to the scriptures and family devotion, by training up our families in a religious observance of the Christian Sabbath, and in attending on public worship, we take the most direct methods to qualify them for good citizens, and to give an early check to all those vices which are ruinous to society.

When religion and virtue are urged as the main pillars of national freedom and prosperity, will it be said that France is an exception?—that with all her atheism, corruption and crimes, she is prosperous?—that her government is supported?—that victory attends her arms?—and that her wealth is accumulating by piracy and plunder? If so, it may be answered, that freedom is not to be found in the present government of France. A military government requires neither religion, nor virtue. By renouncing all religion she is making an experiment, which is not yet come to a result. It is such an experiment as the world has never before seen, and may, in the event, throw more light upon the real state of man, in his social relations, than all the disquisitions that have ever been written. Vice has often been permitted to prosper for a time; but the end has been ruin. The ways of Providence are intricate. The vilest of men have been, and may be, employed as instruments in the accomplishment of the wisest and most benevolent purposes. The Almighty said to Sennacherib, O Assyrian, the rod of mine anger, and the staff in their hand, is mine indignation. I will send him against an hypocritical nation; and against the people of my wrath will I give him a charge to take the spoil, and to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire of the streets. It is added, Howbeit he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so. But it is in his heart to destroy and cut off nations not a few. 4

We shall only add, that, at a time like this, it concerns us to be deeply sensible of our dependence upon Heaven. It is our duty to look through all means and instruments—all the relations of causes and effects, to Him who is the Supreme Ruler and Judge among the nations; and to place our dependence on that Being, who is able to save, or destroy. In vain shall we confide in political expedients without his concurrence and blessing. If infidelity, irreligion, discord and faction should increase and abound, must we not expect that God will visit, and will avenge himself on such a nation as this? But if the professed designs of this day’s solemnityies should meet his benediction and acceptance; if a sense of our national offences, and the warnings given us by his word and providences, should lead us to a proper temper and conduct; if the numerous blessings we enjoy should excite in our minds sincere gratitude; if, by piety and prayer—by a continual concern to practice that righteousness, and those patriotic virtues, which exalt a nation; and if by a studious care to put away that sin which is a reproach to a people, we place our dependence upon Heaven, then may we hope to enjoy all those natural, civil and religious privileges and advantages, for which our country has been distinguished. Then, indeed, may we be assured that God will visit us, not in judgment, but with the desirable blessings of national protection, peace and prosperity. May God, of his infinite mercy, through the Mediator, make this the happy state of our country; and to him be glory forever.

AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. “The destruction of Venice was determined on. This republic had a wise government, good laws, and great wealth. But Venice had observed so scrupulous a neutrality, with respect to this dangerous neighbor; its senate had conducted itself so uprightly and irreproachably, that the Directory had not the least grounds for a declaration of war. It was therefore obliged to have recourse to trick, and to form this stratagem:
“A dozen officers, clothed as citizens, were ordered to repair to Venice, and to assassinate some of the French soldiers whom the Venetian government had kindly admitted into the city hospitals. The officers obeyed their orders precisely. About disk they poignarded four or five of their countrymen, and immediately returned to camp, with the alarming intelligence that the Venetians were massacring the French republicans, and on the following day Venice was no more. In the course of a few hours it was converted into a theatre of carnage and proscriptions, and delivered up to be pillaged by the soldiery. This was the real cause of, or rather pretext for, the destruction of a republic, flourishing in laws, in commerce and wealth.”
Extract of a letter written by a gentleman in Paris.

2. “The village of Bremen, on the 6th of October, was beset by a band of robbers, under the denomination of republican soldiers, who, mad with wine, rushed into the houses with the most hideous war-whoops, and had immediate recourse to their well known system of plunder. All the coffers and closets were broken open and rifled—all the household furniture was destroyed—the peasants were required, with loaded pistols at their breasts, to deliver up their money—the beds and bedding were unripped and examined—and, under pretence of searching for concealed treasure, not only the floors of the rooms were torn up, but even infants were vehemently dragged from their cradles, and many families were deprived of nearly all their property. But still more terrible to these peaceable and innocent country people was the infernal manner in which the female sex was treated by these villains. In the whole village there was neither maiden, wife, nor widow, who was not forcibly and repeatedly dishonoured; and such was the depravity of these miscreants, that eight, ten, and frequently more than that number, successively insulted the same unfortunate victim, with the accomplishment of their brutal purposes. Neither early youth, nor hoary-headed age, nor deformity, nor yet the most offensive disorders, could abate the fury of their passions; and not only husbands, but fathers and children, were made to be witnesses of these abominable outrages”
Cannibal’s Progress, by Anthony Ausrer, Esquire.
The above is only a specimen of the general conduct of the French army in passing through the whole circle of Suabia. It was nearly the same in every place. This and a copious number of similar facts were taken by the magistrates, and are published under the sanction of their authority. All their outrages were in violation of a solemn contract. The circle of Suabia entered into an agreement with the French General, Moreau, to pay the enormous tribute of about 8 millions of dollars, which they punctually performed, on condition “that the persons and property of the inhabitants should be strictly respected.”

3. The environs of Berne, eight hundred women took up arms, and joined the last battle. At Frauenbrun, two hundred and sixty women and girls received the enemy with scythes, pitchforks and axies; an hundred and eighty were killed; among them was one named Glar, who had at her side two daughters and three grand-daughters, the youngest scarcely 10 years old: these six heroines were slain.”
J. Mallet Du Pan’s Hist. of the destruction of the Helvetic Union and Liberty. This Book ought to be read by every American.

4. Isaiah x. 5, 6, 7.

Sermon – Fasting – 1799


This is a fast sermon preached by Eliphalet Gillet (1768-1848) in Hallowell, Maine on April 25, 1799. This national fast day was proclaimed by President John Adams. The text of the sermon has been updated to reflect modern spelling and grammar.


sermon-fasting-1799-2


A

Discourse,

Delivered at

Hallowell, April 25th, 1799.

Being

The Day Appointed

By The

Chief Magistrate

Of The

United States,

For A

NATIONAL FAST

By Eliphalet Gillet, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in Hallowell.

NUMBERS, xvi. 14.
”Wilt thou put out the eyes of these men? We will not come up.”

To administer government, whether civil or ecclesiastical, in such a manner as not to give offence, is peculiarly difficult. The meekness of Moses was proverbial; and yet it did not shield him from the tongue of slander. His designs were presumed to be unfavorable to the people, and his measures criminated as the height of usurpation. The opposition began by secret murmurs against his administrations, and afterwards broke out into open rebellion. At the head of these malcontents were Korah, Dathan, and Abiram. The opposition was formidable—the mutinous spirit pervaded all ranks; and it must necessarily have issued in the subversion of their government, and the prostration of civil and religious order, had not the Lord miraculously interposed. For there were embarked in this iniquitous cause “two hundred and fifty princes of the assembly, famous in the congregation, men of renown.” [Numbers 16:2]

They had, it seems, by some Paine or Godwin who was among them, been infatuated with the visionary idea of an “Age of Reason,” and of unrestrained “Liberty and equality.” This so possessed their minds that they could not yield submission to the constituted authorities, even though they were of divine appointment. In their wild career they had lost sight of the excellence and necessity of subordination in society. And they were far from rendering honor to whom honor was due. “They gathered themselves together against Moses and against Aaron, and said unto them, Ye take too much upon you, seeing all the congregation are holy every one of them, and the Lord is among them: wherefore then lift you up yourselves above the congregation of the Lord?” [Numbers 16:3] Moses went out and expostulated with them. He entreated them to canvass the matter coolly, and see whether they were not actually gathered together against the Lord. “For what is Aaron, says he, that ye should murmur against him?” [Numbers 16:11] But their passions were too violent to be reasoned with, and they were too impatient of restraint to suffer either God or man to rule over them. They reply with a zeal that borders upon desperation—“Is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of a land that floweth with milk and honey, to kill us in the wilderness, except thou make thyself altogether a prince over us.” [Numbers 16:13] Their ULTIMATUM is then subjoined, “Wilt thou put out the eyes of these men? We will not come up.” From this passage of scripture, in its connection, we are naturally led to speak of

THE DANGER OF A SPIRIT OF INSUBORDINATION, AND THE MEANS BY WHICH IT IS EXCITED.
That God designed the state of man as a state of subordination is very evident from their different endowments of mind, and the diverse gifts of providence. The same might with truth be remarked of the angels, and all superior intelligences. There are thrones, dominions, principalities, and powers; as also Cherubim and Seraphim. And much of the beauty and harmony of any system depend upon a regular disposition of its component parts. But the lust, pride and selfishness of mankind, the fatal effects of the apostasy, render other distinctions necessary among them, arising from civil offices, either immediately bestowed by God, or granted by the suffrages of their fellow men. There must be “ministers of God, for good, to be a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well.” [Romans 13:3-4]

A spirit of insubordination may be considered in two respects

1. In reference to God, and
2. In reference to civil government.

In reference to God, there can be no longer danger of there ultimately overthrowing His government, because He has all power in His hand. This sinning angel found by fatal experience, when thrust out of heaven, and “reserved in everlasting chains, under darkness, unto the judgment of the great day.” [Jude 1:6] This our first parents found, when banished from the Garden of Eden, and condemned to till a soil which “brought forth thorns and thistles.” [Genesis 3:18] This the Israelites found, when slain in the wilderness for their murmurings, or sold to their enemies for their idolatry. And indeed this all mankind have found, in the troubles and calamities of life, which come in consequence of sin, and rebellion against God. “Sin entered into the world, and death by sin; and so death, with its numerous trains of evils, hath passed upon all men, for that all have sinned.” [Romans 5:12] It is a melancholy truth that there is by nature, universally, in man a total submission to the law of God. “They are not subject to His law, nor indeed can be. [Romans 8:7] The law is holy, just and good,” [Romans 7:12] but they are under the dominion of sin, and cannot serve two masters. This spirit is not only universal; but it is a dangerous spirit. It exposes men to condemnation. It subjects them, if persisted in, to eternal death.—For almost six thousand years, God has proclaimed His few, comparatively, in every age, have yielded to His solicitations. He has given up His own Son as a propitiation for their sins: so that God is in Christ reconciling the world unto himself, not imputing their trespasses unto them. —-And he committed the word of reconciliation to the apostles, and their successors in the gospel ministry, who are ambassadors for Christ, and who are praying the world, in Christ’s stead, to be reconciled to God. Still the “world lieth in wickedness.” [1 John 5:19] Well might God say, as in Isaiah 15:2,3, “I have spread out my hands all the day to a rebellious people, which walketh in a way that was not good, after their own thoughts: a people that provoketh me to anger continually to my face.” And Proverbs 1:26,27, “I also will laugh at their calamity, and mock when their fear cometh; when their fear cometh as desolation and their destruction as a whirlwind.”

But our subject leads us more particularly to consider the danger of a spirit of insubordination to civil government.

I wish here to be understood, as meaning a good government—calculated for the benefit of those who contribute to its support. There have been tyrannies and usurpations, both in church and state, which ought to be resisted and which every good man would feel in duty bound to resist, even unto blood. He must have an obdurate heart who can shut his ears against the cries of the oppressed; and a want of resolution who can forbear to redress their grievances even though at the peril of life. The ancient exploded doctrine of non-resistance in every situation is as inconsistent with the well-being of society as the equalizing principles of infidel philosophy so current at the present day.

But when a good government is opposed and resisted, the consequences are serious. There is danger both in reference to the government itself and those who endeavor to counteract its operations. When Moses heard the rebellious language of Korah and his company, “he fell upon his face.” [Numbers 6:4] He viewed it as portending evil to the Commonwealth of Israel. And so indeed it terminated. For the anger of the Lord went out against those who had mutinied, “and the earth opened up her mouth, and swallowed them up, and their houses, and all the men that appertained unto Korah, and all their goods. And all Israel that were round about them fled at the cry of them: for they said, Lest the earth swallow us up also.” [Numbers 16: 32-34]

One of these two consequences generally follows an opposition to government; either an entire suspension of law and justice, or a more rigid administration. The reason why the Israelites felt neither of these consequences was the immediate interposition of God in cutting off the adversaries. Now the suspension of law, or the subversion of government is in itself a very great evil, and warrantable only in cases, of imperious necessity. Anarchy is worse than almost any kind of government. Even the arbitrary measures of Charles I and the oppressions of that day were exceeded by the anarchy and confusion, or perhaps more properly speaking, by the despotism, which accompanied the temporary subversion of the monarchy. So that, in certain circumstances, where there is a real evil, a remedy injudiciously applied may be worse than the disease. But however a body politic, that is disordered in its functions, may justify a hazardous regimen; the suspension of the operation of a good and equal government must be matter of regret to all who wish for “liberty with order.” Government is the good man’s security. It guarantees his property and his peace. It is like a city which hath “gates and bars.” And he might as well think of hating his own flesh, as to hate that which nourisheth and cherisheth it. The penal consequences of a good government do not affect righteous men, but the lawless and disobedient. The ends which it has in view are a restraint upon wickedness, and the advancement of the general good.

But, suppose the government maintain its ground against all encroachments and a check is put to every aspiring faction; the evil does not end here. An additional burden is laid upon society; the public expenditures are necessarily increased; and the peaceable share with the restless the bitter fruits of their ill-judged labors. Every tumult, which calls forth the arm of authority for its suppression, is a draught upon the public treasure. And not only so but it has a tendency to cause the cords of government to be drawn tighter to prevent, in the future, similar events. This seems to be a necessary consequence. Government must have energy enough to secure the ends and designs of it. People must give up so great a portion of their natural liberties and privileges as to enjoy the remainder in tranquility and peace. And it must be obvious to everyone, that the more a spirit of insubordination prevails, the more our liberties must be curtailed, in order to give efficacy to the administration. If therefore a nation would live free—if they would relinquish the smallest portion possible of their natural rights and privileges, they must put on the “ornament of a meek and quiet spirit.” [1 Peter 3:4] They must not, like Korah and his company, fly into a passion because they despair of the first offices of state or because they are called upon to support that government which is the guardian of their dearest treasures.

I now proceed to mention the means by which a spirit of insubordination is excited.

First, The spread of irreligious principles.—Irreligion made war in heaven. And it is the source of war and contention on earth. If the Holy Scriptures can be brought into disrepute and no longer considered as the law of our actions, much is done towards the subversion of a government founded in justice and administered by wisdom. Because our religion inculcates obedience, “not only for wrath but conscience sake.” [Romans 13:5] Our religion inculcates a quiet, pacific disposition. And a good government cannot be resisted without a very different temper of mind. Where the principles of irreligion are deeply rooted in the soul, you will find a uniform opposition to every kind of punishment under the divine government. They declaim warmly against the idea of God’s vindicating the honor of his law by chastising the rebellious. And hence they renounce the Governor of the universe in His true character and paint to themselves a Being who is reconciled to them in their courses of iniquity. Such principles necessarily operate against restraints and punishments under human authority. The idea of a day of judgment and a state of retribution is very efficacious in promoting not only piety towards God but order, peace, and harmony in the world. Irreligious principles may be necessary to the support of tyranny or oppression. It cannot well be carried on unless the leaders have drunk deep in this spirit. But they are the bane of good government. They unhinge every connection in society. The tenderest ties in families are dissolved, and this influence extends to the great family of the nation.

It is a common observation, and erroneous as it is common, that principles have no influence upon practice: and therefore it is of very little importance what persons believe. Paul judged very differently. “Shun profane and vain babblings; for they will increase unto more ungodliness: and their word will eat as doth a canker.” [2 Timothy 2:16-17] An irreligious principle is like gangrene in the soul. It taints the whole system. The man, like Ahab, sells himself to work wickedness. He becomes a fit instrument for the service of those who wish to sacrifice their country in hopes of rising upon its ruins. And until such instruments are multiplied, the prostration of those establishments, which promote order and peace and secure the public good, can never be accomplished. It is the bulk of mankind that bring about great events. It is not a few visionary philosophers, immured [imprisoned] in their closets, that can do it. I mean, not by their own strength. But fatal experience proves they may by the dissemination of irreligious principles. If they can debauch the public mind and bring people to think they ought to be under no restraints, either human or divine, the work is almost fitted to their hands. They can then, by an imperceptible exertion, guide the multitude in their own way and accomplish their most atrocious purposes. “Behold the ships which though they be so great, and are driven of fierce winds, yet are they turned about by a very small helm, whithersoever the governor lifteth.” [James 3:4] After the principles of infidelity are sown, and the roots of bitterness begin to spring up, they systematic votaries of faction and discord look upon the victory as obtained. They have little else to do than to bear away the spoil.

The false prophet, Balaam, was “wiser in his generation than the children of light.” [Luke 16:8] He saw that it was in vain to curse Israel so long as they remained true to the principles of their religion. But if he could call them off to idolatry and cause them to bow the knee to the gods of the Moabites, he looked upon his atrocious designs as accomplished. He justly viewed it as no difficult task to curse a people that had brought down a curse upon themselves. The Scribes and Pharisees pursued the same measures in procuring the crucifixion of Christ. They would persuade the multitude not to adhere to his doctrines of religion. “Have any of the rulers, or of the Pharisees believed on him.” [John 7:48] And after they had proscribed his religion, and by their hypocrisy made it appear that his principles were hostile to the public good, they had the voice of the multitude at their command, whenever they wished to cry, “Crucify him, crucify him!” [Matthew 27:22; Mark 15: 13-14; Luke 23:21; John 19:6]

I have dwelt the longer upon this head from the consideration that our eternal as well as temporal interest is involved in it. The principles of irreligion unfit the mind for the service of God here or for His glory hereafter. They unfit us for usefulness in our day and generation and deprive us of that continual feast, which is served up by a “conscience void of offence towards God, and towards man.” [Acts 24:16] They lie at the bottom off all those crimes, which have blackened the pages of history; and their pernicious influence is too frequently visible in seas of blood. They cause different nations to encroach upon each other’s rights and privileges. They cause brothers to fall out by the way. And they cause a man to fall out with himself. Nothing but infidelity could inspire a man with rashness enough to precipitate his own death or, I might say, with more propriety perhaps, with too much cowardice to live. “The ravages of Alexander, were probably less injurious to the human race, and less guilty before God, than the ravages of the moral world by Hume or Voltaire.” 1

Secondly, Another mean of exciting on opposition to government is the perversion of that most salutary principle that “Men are born free and equal, and 2 have certain natural, essential and inalienable rights.” 3 Because one man has no natural to tyrannize over another, it does not follow that persons may not surrender a portion of their original and natural privileges for the sake of security and peace. Suppose men naturally possess an equal right to exercise authority or, which is the same thing, that there is no inherent right in any—a truth essential to all free governments, and suppose further, that which never takes place, that property, strength, and wisdom, were in equal measure bestowed, it would not disprove the necessity of inequality and subordination, when they enter into civil society, and cast in their influence and energy into one common stock, for their better security against unjust encroachments. “Everybody politic is formed, in the first place, by a voluntary association of individuals, who have entered into a mutual engagement; and, in the next place, by a social compact, in which the whole people covenants with each citizen, and each citizen with the whole people, that all shall be governed by certain laws, in one uniform manner, 4 for the common good; 5 that THE RIGHT IN THE PEOPLE TO PARTICIPATE IN THE LEGISLATURE IS THE BEST SECURITY OF LIBERTY, AND THE FOUNDATION OF ALL FREE GOVERNMENT.” 6 Were power equally vested in every individual of a nation, they would be in no posture of defense. In order for the accomplishment of any beneficial purposes there must be a head, and he must have authority and power enough, under constitutional limitations, to guide the whole body. Much of the strength of a nation depends on concentrating its energies. The scattered rays of the sun afford but a feeble heat, but collected by burning glass, their operation is visible. An equality, therefore, is absolutely impossible. It is a thing entirely visionary under any kind of government. Whoever is vested with authority, as the minister of justice, whether for a longer or shorter space of time, whether by hereditary right or by the suffrages of his fellow citizens, is, for the time being, from the nature of his office, above the people, and they are necessarily in a state of subordination—of subordination to laws, and to men, only as they are the appointed guardians of those laws.

And this to many a “sore evil under the sun.” [Ecclesiastes 5:13] The language of Korah and his company was, “Ye take too much upon you.” And why? Was there any oppression? Was there any extortion? Had Moses and Aaron iniquitously invaded the property of the people, and ground the faces of the poor? Moses appeals to God. “I have not taken one ass from them, neither have I hurt one of them.” [Numbers 16:15] Nay, they do not so much as accuse them of any such thing. They were rather deemed guilty of the unpardonable presumption of fulfilling the duties of their station—a station above those who were private members of the Commonwealth. “Seeing all the congregation are holy, say they, every one of them, and the Lord is among them; wherefore then lift you up yourselves above the congregation of the lord?” Why should one man be lifted above another, in order to exercise authority? Why not administer government in such a manner that there should be a perfect equality? Or, in other words, why not govern us without any government at all? And this is a state which desperate characters would rejoice in, who have everything to gain and nothing to lose by inverting the order of things, and who long to riot in the spoils of their fellow-men, without fear of those punishments which their crimes deserve, and to which god and wholesome laws subject them.

Thirdly, Another mean of exciting an insubordination to government is suggesting that the restrictions under which we are placed, and the burdens which are laid upon us are unnecessary and, at the same time, entirely arbitrary. This was the method Satan took to excite our first parents to revolt from God. He did not openly attack the divine government. This might have shocked them and frustrated his diabolical purpose. But he slyly insinuated that some things were wrong. They were under certain restrictions, which were of no benefit, and which prevented them from the enjoyment of a great portion of happiness. “Yea, hath God said, ye shall not eat of every tree of the garden?” [Genesis 3:1] It is hardly credible. And of this tree, more especially. He might as well have forbidden you every other tree in the garden. This tree, you see, is good for food, pleasant to the eyes, and a tree to be desired to make one wise. And God doth know that in the day ye eat thereof, instead of dying as ye suppose, your eyes shall be opened, and ye shall be as gods, knowing good and evil. They yielded to his solicitations, and a strange kind of gods they found themselves transformed into. They knew good and evil, it was true: they knew the worth of good by its loss, and the misery of evil by suffering it.

This mode, however disingenuous, is calculated to ensure success. For we are apt to think we could bear any kind of burden better than that which is laid upon us. Though we would not exclaim against every kind of restraint and think every burden unjust, yet we may be easily made to feel that those we have to struggle with are, in their nature, the most insupportable, and must certainly have arisen from the negligence or, what is worse, the caprice of those who enjoined them. Resistance against such measures, therefore, may be thought a duty instead of a crime because it has a tendency to cause those in authority to bethink themselves and amend their ways. Which leads me to observe,

Fourthly, That another mean of exciting insubordination is weakening the confidence of people in their rulers. Certain among the children of Israel, when they saw that Moses delayed to come down from the mount, gathered themselves together unto Aaron, and said unto him, “Up, make us gods which shall go before us; for as for this Moses, we wot not what has become of him.” [Exodus 32:23] After persons can be induced to think and speak lightly of the ruler of the people, they have but a step further to go to contemn his authority. They will soon call upon Aaron to make them a “golden calf.” Anything but their present rulers will be acceptable. In their frenzy they will pass by wisdom, experience and integrity, as well as forget a long list of past services, and marshal themselves under some leader who has courage enough to embark in the storm or too little discernment to see the danger. Those therefore possess great power in causing opposition to constituted authorities, who can weaken our confidence in reference to their characters or public measures. This is a poison which, though gradual, is effectual. Nothing more certainly answers its end. It deprives the ruler of weight and prepares the public mind to withstand his operations.

Fifthly, Ascribing all calamities to the bad management of those in authority is another mean of exciting opposition to government. It is very wrong for people, when their sins have brought down the judgments of God upon them, to lay them to their rulers account and say, as Ahab did to Elijah, in the time of the famine, “Art thou he that troubleth Israel?” [1 Kings 18:17] “Thou hast not brought us,” say the discontented Israelites to Moses, “into a land that floweth with milk and honey, or given us inheritance of fields and vineyards.” [Numbers 16:14] And what was the reason? Was it not their persevering obstinacy and unbelief? Yet they could complain of Moses being about “to kill them in the wilderness.” [Numbers 16:13] This is a dangerous fire when once kindled because there is enough fuel to keep it burning. There are calamities and evils enough under the best of governments to bring those who are in authority into disrepute if they must all be laid to their charge. When the rain of heaven is withheld or the public treasury exhausted by the depredation of lawless men, it is very easy and very popular for persons to rise up and exclaim against the management of the rulers. It is very easy for them to report concerning the best of rulers and, in such circumstances, not difficult to give it currency, that they are aspiring after their own aggrandizement and are very prodigal of the public wealth. And that if the present characters were displaced, and they allowed to succeed them, there would immediately be a retrenchment of the expenditures, and the public would be served for one half of the present revenue. But those public services, my hearers, which through a love of pre-eminence are to be given away, are always to be suspected. Men who zealously seek offices are not always those who fill them with most honor to themselves or with most profit to the nation.

Lastly, Professing an unusual degree of respect for the liberty and the happiness of the people has ever proved a most powerful and successful mean of exciting opposition to the administration of government. If a person is considerably exalted by office, by property, or by influence; and has the address to make us believe, when he attacks the administration, that he has much more regard to our happiness than he has to his own, he becomes a fit engine for the destruction of government. His efforts shake the pillars of the edifice and, unless timely checked, will end in its ruin.

Those who rose up against Moses and Aaron did it not so much on their own account, if we may credit their assertions, as they did on the account of those who were below them. For these, they sighed in the most pathetic manner. A fight of their calamities pierced them to the heart. “Wilt thou put out the eyes of these men?” It is not our own cause we are pleading. Being princes in the assembly, men famous in the congregation, we do not so sensibly feel your oppressions. But so long as the yoke of tyranny is upon the necks of these people, “we will not come up” nor submit to your authority. And many were credulous enough to believe them. Hence they rallied round their standard in the true spirit of anarchy: and never left them till a sense of their own danger awakened them. When the earth clave asunder and swallowed them up, then they fled, and cried, “Lest the earth swallow us up also.”

Absalom, in his endeavors to usurp the kingdom of his Father David, made use of the same hypocritical pretensions. As he was the king’s son and most tenderly beloved, he had no grievances of his own to complain of; but he was very much affected for the grievances of the people. “He rose up early and stood beside the way of the gate; and it was so that when any man that had a controversy came to the king for judgment, he called unto him, and said, see thy matters are good and right, but there is no man deputed of the king to hear thee. Absalom said moreover, oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto me, and I would do him justice. And it was so, that when any man came nigh to him to do him obeisance, he put forth his hand and took him and kissed him.” [2 Samuel 15:2-5] These soothing arts did not fail of success. The greater part of the whole nation cried, “God save king Absalom.”

The histories of Greece and Rome furnish numberless instances of the same nature; where addresses to the passions of people have issued in a victory over their reason and a sacrifice of their happiness. Cromwell, in England, had a most passionate regard for the liberties of the people. This stimulated him with much violence against the reigning monarch. It was this that led him to the determination not to leave him so long as his head remained on his shoulders. And as soon as this important object was accomplished, he took the reins of government into his own hand, and under the gentle title of protector, exercised the most arbitrary sway they had ever felt since the Norman Conquest. And we have still more recent instances in the regicides of France. Out of a pure, disinterested love for the people, they have filled the streets of their cities with rivers of blood, If such characters think they have the good of mankind in view, they “know not what spirit they are of:” [Luke 9:55] and those who put confidence in them will find them, as Egypt was to Israel, a “reed that will pierce through their hand.” [Isaiah 36:6]

IMPROVEMENT
If the spread of infidelity, the inculcation of a visionary system of equality, complaint of arbitrary restrictions, speaking evil of our rulers, and laying the calamities of the nation to their charge, and hiding the designs of ambition under the cover of a pure, disinterested respect to the liberty and happiness of the people, are means of exciting a spirit of insubordination, dangerous to civil government, and fatal to our future peace, we have reason to fear for the state of our country, and look to the God of our fathers for our protection. These means have been used in America. “Principles subversive of the foundation of all religious, moral, and social obligations, that have produced incalculable mischief and misery in other countries, have been disseminated among us:” 7 and they will be fatally successful, unless resisted by the piety, good sense and wisdom of the people. Nothing proves so effectual a barrier to dangerous innovations or is so happily calculated to secure peace and perpetuate the dignity of a nation as vital and practical godliness. A friend to God cannot be a foe to civil order. Whatever reasons persons in other countries may have to justify their conduct in rising up against government on account of tyranny and oppression, we can have none. We have a government of our own choice and we have a mild government. Our public men have no authority only what we invest them with at very short intervals. And if their conduct displease us, we remove them at our pleasure. We have as much liberty as we can possibly enjoy and have our lives, property and privileges secure.—And there is reason to fear that the restless, disorganizing spirit that prevails in the land, will render it impossible for us to continue so great a share as we now possess. When I say our government is good, I speak the language of the whole nation. There are none who avow the contrary, however zealous they may be for its subversion. This would be affronting the good sense of the people. They have all felt its beneficial effects. If our government is not good, we have spent a great portion of blood and treasure to very little purpose. It is much more sure way of exciting a seditious spirit to attack those who administer it, and to resist all its particular operations. They are friends to government but enemies to its administration. To this subtle policy, as its source may be traced the late insurrection 8 which, though matter of deep regret as it is “discord among brethren,” affords a timely discovery of the genuine fruits of those principles against which we ought to be on our guard. When those in authority inveigh against the law of the land, it is no more than a reasonable calculation to expect an open resistance. I know we do not deserve peace or any other blessing from God. And if He should always continue us in broils and contentions and dash us one against another, it would not be the one half of what our sins deserve. To all, therefore, who are stirred up to rebellion which is as the sin of witchcraft, we may say in the words of David to Saul, “If the Lord have stirred thee up against us, let him accept an offering; but if they be the children of men, cursed be they before the Lord.” [1 Samuel 26:19] – That person should differ in their views, respecting the good of their country, from their diversity of circumstances and local situations or from want of extensive information, is neither strange nor uncommon: but that they should adopt measures to resist the operations of government, to throw the nation into confusion, can be accounted for in no other way, only that they are “foolish Galatians” and somebody hath “bewitched them.” [Galatians 3:1]

In addition to all the evils we have to encounter at home we are exposed to danger from the Punic faith of the Republic of France.

Or, as the President has well expressed it in the Proclamation, “The most precious interests of the people of the United States are held in jeopardy, by the hostile designs and insidious arts of a foreign nation.” Our danger arises from the consideration of our being “too slow of heart to believe” [Luke 24:25] they are inimical [unfavorable] to us, and inimical to all those institutions which are calculated to promote the glory of God and the good of mankind. They may be the most humane, the most benevolent, and the most religious nation in the world: but if so, the tree is not known by its fruit. The grapes are certainly the grapes of Sodom and the clusters are the clusters of Gomorrah. If they gain an ascendency over us, farewell to that subordination which is necessary to our peace, liberty, and happiness; and farewell to that reverence which is due to God and to the religion of Jesus.

In the beginning of their struggles, their object was in some measure concealed; but we no longer “see through a glass darkly.” [1 Corinthians 13:12] Nothing less than the subjugation of all nations can satisfy their rapacity. The ambition of these modern Caesars and Alexanders has no line of demarcation but the horizon. It is a gigantic, colossal monster that is bestriding the universe. Fraternizing the Hollanders, subjugating the Geneveans, and massacring the Swiss 9 was considered by them only as a Prologue to the tragedy they designed to act upon the great theatre of the world. And hitherto it has been a very moving tragedy. Each Act has presented no imaginary Scenes of the sacking of kingdoms and slaughtered nations weltering in blood. “Instruments of cruelty are in their habitations. O my soul, come not thou into their secret; unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united: for in their anger they have slain men, and in their self-will they have dug down walls. Cursed be their anger for it was fierce; and their wrath, for it was cruel.” 10 If the destruction of America does not swell the catalogue of their enormities, it will be prevented, under God, by our union, by our submission to the laws, by our support of the constituted authorities, and by our adherence to the blessed religion of the Gospel.

It may be said, however, Though the nation by whom our interests are considered as held in jeopardy has, in time past, treated us roughly and though, as one of her own poets 11 hath said, she meant to “fleece” us, yet her language now towards us assumes a different tone. To which I would reply in the words of the Mantuan bard,

“Timeo Gallicos et dona ferentes.” 12 [“I fear the __ even when they bear gifts.”]

Their words are softer than oil, yet they are drawn swords. 13

Charity hopeth all things, but it will be early enough to give full credence after their works manifest it. “By their fruits ye shall know them.” [Matthew 7:16, 20] Should they ever become “clothed and in their right mind,” [Mark 5:15; Luke 8:35] a door is open on the part of America for a friendly negotiation.

Happy for the cause of Zion, that amidst the concussion of nations and shaking of empires, One rules over all, who is able to bring light out of darkness, and order out of confusion, and to make even the wrath of man praise him. To this Almighty Being may we look for divine grace, to prevent s from going in the way of Cain, or running greedily after the error of Balaam for reward, or from perishing in the gainsaying of Korah. AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. Dr. Dwight.

2. Massachusetts Constitution, Part 1, Art. 1.

3. Pennsylvania’s Const. Chap. 1, Art. 1.

4. Virg. Const. Art. XVI.

5. Preamble to Mass. And Penns. Const.

6. Maryland Decla. Of Rights, Art. V.

7. Proclamation.

8. In the counties of Northampton, Bucks and Montgomery (Pen.).

9. Vide J. M. DuPan on the destruction of the Helvetic Union.

10. Gen. lxix. 5, 6, 7.

11. Mr. Barlow of Connecticut.

12. Aeneid B. II.

13. Ps. 55. 21.

* Originally posted: Dec. 26, 2016.

Sermon – Election – 1801, Massachusetts

Aaron Bancroft (1755-1839) was a minute-man who served during the Revolution, fighting at Lexington and Bunker Hill. He graduated from Harvard in 1778 and was a missionary in Yarmouth, Nova Scotia for 3 years. Bancroft served as pastor of the Congregational Church in Worcester, MA (1785-1839). The following election sermon was preached in 801 in Massachusetts by Rev. Bancroft.


sermon-election-1801-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, Esq. Governour,

THE HONOURABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 27, 1801,

THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By AARON BANCROFT,
MINISTER OF THE SECOND CHURCH IN WORCESTER.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

In SENATE, May 27, 1801.

ORDERED, That the hon. Elijah Brigham and John Treadwell, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Bancroft, and in the name of the Senate, thank him for the Sermon this day delivered by him, before his Excellency the Governor, the Hon. Council, and the two Branches of the General Court, and request of him a copy for the press.

GEORGE E. VAUGHAN, Clerk.

 

AN

ELECTION SERMON.

ISAIAH LX. 21, 22.

Thy people shall be all righteous: they shall inherit the land forever; the branch of my planting, the work of my hands, that I may be glorified.
A little one shall become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation. I the Lord will hasten it in his time.

These verses contain a prophetic description of the influence and the effects of Christianity upon a community. They need not be exclusively applied to any one nation. It is the appointment of God—it is order of nature, that a course of good moral practice shall promote the strength and happiness of a nation. We see this truth illustrated in the pages of sacred and profane history: Our nation must furnish one more example to illustrate and enforce the divine maxim.

The passage before us I have chosen with a design to review the principles and habits, under the influence of which this Commonwealth has attained to its present state of population and strength, wealth and dignity; and to enforce the necessity of their preservation to our future welfare and prosperity.

The review will not be thought impertinent to the occasion, on which we are assembled. The commencement of a new century is an era, which invites to retrospection. We cannot too often recur to first principles. In the review, rulers will find the lines of their duty, and subjects the means of their happiness.

The settlement of America by Europeans is an event interesting to the man of piety and the philosopher. It was one of the boldest enterprises, which ever entered the human mind; and was prosecuted with an effort and constancy honorable to man. It originated neither in the lust of conquest nor the desire of gain. It was the love of civil and religious liberty, which animated our venerable ancestors to attempt the American colonization. They preferred freedom to ease, and the liberty to worship their God agreeably to the dictates of their consciences, to the affluence and splendor of the old world. They fled not from the wholesome restraints of government, but indignantly left a country, which denied them the exercise of the rights of Christians and of men.

The first emigrants to our shores were venerable for endowments, excellent in the human character, and conducive to the well-being of a community. Many of them possessed the essential attainments of solid literature: They lived under habitual impressions of a presiding Deity, and cherished a sacred regard to moral obligations. Their religion was an effectual principle of good practice through all the transactions of social and civil life. They felt the spirit of patriotism, and laid the foundation for a great and happy nation. They adopted the best measures to render their posterity the safe repository of the invaluable privileges, which, with infinite labour and hazard, they were enabled to transmit. While their security against the assault of their Indian neighbours, and the supply of their daily bread, were objects, on which to exercise all the energies of their minds, they opened temples for the worship of God; founded seminaries of literature; and established schools for the education of children.

The wisdom of their system was unfolded in the progress of their settlement. In families children received a religious education, and saw examples of piety and order. The surest principles of virtuous practice were impressed upon the infant mind, which grew with its growth, and were strengthened with its strength. With the incorporation of towns, schools were established upon a plan new to the world; supported at the public expense, they were alike open to the rich and the poor. Here the American youth were initiated into the elements of useful learning, were fitted for the business of society, and were prepared to support an independent and useful character. The general employment was the business originally assigned to man, the tillage of the ground, the natural exciter of sober habits.

Attendance upon the public institutions of the Sabbath was universal; and the adoration of divine perfections, the supplication of divine blessings, which formed the addresses to the throne of Deity; the unchangeable truths and duties of a religious and moral nature, which were explained and enforced in every sermon, tended, by their very reiteration, to keep alive deep impressions of the superintendence of God, a reverence for the divine character, and a view to the final issue of human action. These impressions were carried into all the transactions of the world.

The general influence of the above system was salutary to all the interests of society. The public opinion was formed to a sense of propriety of character and conduct. All orders felt the importance of a pure example. Irreligion and immorality were holden in universal disgrace; or, if the force of religion was not felt, deference to public sentiment constrained to decency of exterior behavior. The votaries of infidelity, impiety and vice dreaded the light of day, and sought darkness and concealment for their unhallowed communion. The evidence of these principles and practices in individuals was a bar to the attainment of every object of popularity and ambition. In this state of society, the love of applause, the desire of distinction, and every similar principle, combined their influence with motives of religion to preserve purity of general practice.

Elections to office by popular suffrage were conducted with purity and delicacy. Every imposition and interference were resented. The attempt of an individual to solicit suffrage was sure to defeat his ambitious wishes. A good moral character was considered an essential qualification in a candidate. Men of exemplary life were alone thought worthy of confidence.

A decent respect was paid to rulers, as the means to facilitate the object of their appointment. The public mind was not poisoned with groundless suspicions of evil designs in those, who managed their concerns. The traduction of public reputation was deemed a malignant vice. The watchful waited until trust was violated, and treacherous measures were adopted, before the confidence of people in their officers was attempted, by artful insinuations, to be destroyed, or the passions of the populace excited in opposition to the measures of government.

The business of government was a plain path, and led to the general good: It was easy, because it was managed without intrigue, upon system, and by uniform principles. The administrators of it were rewarded for their patriotic endeavours by the approbation and gratitude of their constituents.

The excellent judicial arrangements of the parent State were happily accommodated to our circumstances; and by our courts of justice, life, liberty, and property were secured. The execution of government in all its branches was aided by general opinions, customs, and manners favourable to the operation of wholesome laws; and by the sanction, which time always gives, in virtuous minds, to measures of wisdom and expedience.

The clergy of our country were denied that power, which ever inspires ambition, and excites, in eccesiasticks entrusted with it, the attempt to exercise spiritual domination over their fellow men. Those emoluments were not annexed to their offices, which furnish a temptation to luxury and dissipation: confined strictly to their profession, their influence was great and salutary.

A just apprehension of the encroachment of the parent government upon our colonial rights, kept in exercise a vigilant care of public liberty. The danger from the Indian tribes nourished a martial spirit, and habits of industry and sobriety gave nerve to the American character. If our countrymen possessed not the manners of a refined state of society, they were free from its dissimulation: If they were destitute of the blandishments of polished life, they were happily ignorant of the corruptions of old countries.

The American picture doubtless had its shade. With the purest piety, the spirit of religion in some instances, was intolerant; and a greater stress was often laid upon forms and ceremonies, than their nature and design will justify: but intolerance was the weakness of the age; and superstition is less dangerous than indifference to the concerns of religion. Our ancestors, religious in their principles, and chaste in their opinions, simple in their manners, and sober in their practices, rise to our view in the dignity of the human character. The good effects of their principles and habits appeared in the progress of our country from infancy to national manhood. Under the hand of her hardy sons, the wilderness blossomed as the rose; and the desert became a fruitful field. Her resources were increased with the exigencies that required them: She furnished characters to manage her important concerns; and numbered her proportion of men of science and wisdom in the roll of fame. Her growth was like the vigorous expansion of the human frame: The heart was found, and the head was healthy. There was no schism in the body. The head said not to the limbs of immediate action, I have no need of you; nor these to the head, we have no need of you; but whether one member suffered, all the members suffered with it; or one member were honoured, all the members rejoiced with it.

The strength of our countrymen was not to be estimated by their numbers; their principles and habits gave them a force superior to the physical powers of a despotick government. The influence of these was fully displayed, when our country assumed her place among the sovereign and independent nations of the earth. She was prepared in her genius and manners for a free, a republican form of government. Her patriots, educated in her own schools, discovered an acquaintance with political science, which had never been exceeded in the old world: they exhibited an acumen and energy of mind equal to the arduous post they were called to fill.

The habit of order was so effectually interwoven into the national character, that, in the suspension of the administration of justice, between the death of the colonial government, and the life of independence, great evils did not ensue. Our streets were not infested with robbers, nor our houses assaulted by thieves. When the publick mind was agitated by the hazard of objects the most interesting to man; when fear was awake to every impression of danger; when enthusiasm was excited as a necessary stimulus to endure the conflict; although suspicion was pointed against numbers among ourselves as hostile to the interests of the community, yet no individual through our Commonwealth, during the contest, lost his life by an act of popular violence. The men of our country, feeling the dignity of freemen, the lords of the soil, understood the worth of the rights, for which they contended; they were consistent in the measures of defence, and by their energies rose superior to the exertions of a kingdom powerful in the means of annoyance.

Independence acknowledged, we were enabled by the collected wisdom of the country to form, and on the result of due deliberation to adopt, “constitutions of government which combine liberty with order,” and the security of individual right with the necessary energy of the ruling power. The quiet and manly exercise of the highest freedom, which before had never been exercised by any people.

The united influence of the above causes has ripened a state of social order and happiness as near perfection, as the world has known. In our country, the prophetic description of our text has been verified. Our people have been righteous; by the benediction of God they have inherited the land, and risen superior to the thousand difficulties, which rendered the undertaking doubtful even to the sanguine mind. The branch planted by heaven, has been watered by streams of divine munificence; and our God, by it, has been glorified. A little number has become millions; and a weak band a strong nation: The Lord has accomplished it in his time.

Must the period that is now passed, in future, be remembered as the golden age of America? In a conformity to the customs, and in the imitation of the examples of our ancestors, we, their descendants, shall secure our social order and happiness. But is there no appearance, which darkens the prospect of the future glory and prosperity of our country? Is there no danger lest prosperity will intoxicate us? Have not too many fallen off from the principles and habits of their ancestors? Is not publick opinion in a degree corrupted? Are we not threatened with the loss of that spirit of religion, purity, and order, which thus far has been our union and strength, our honour and happiness? Is merit a security of reputation? Is patriotism sure of its reward in the approbation and gratitude of the community? Is not every candidate for public office made, through the virulence of party, the object of calumny and abuse? In the struggle of party for superiority, are there not given false representations of facts and measures? Under artful pretensions of patriotism, are not groundless insinuations brought into view, of dispositions and designs hostile to publick liberty and publick good? Must not every man, who consents to serve his country in publick life, expect that his character will be tortured upon the rack of jealousy; and even his good name be made to pass through the ordeal of slander and detraction?

Another dark appearance in our political horizon, is a system of philosophy, which, under the spurious pretence of raising man to his perfectibility, destroys the fine feelings and ingenuous sensibilities of the human heart; which, while it dazzles the undiscerning mind with views of philanthropy, that have no distinct object, removes every restraint from the dissocial passions of human nature, and undermines every security of individual right. It degrades man from his rank, makes him the being of the moment, the sport of accident, and the absolute victim of death. The apostles of this philosophy disregard the wisest maxims of experience, and endeavour to introduce a national administration in politicks and morality, upon abstract principles. With the love of country and of man on their lips, they discover a disposition to demolish those pillars of society, which the world has holden sacred, and time proved to be necessary.

These sophists are not merely the growth of the present day; under other forms they have existed in past ages; and were ever found to be the enemies of the general order and social happiness. In the Roman story we find an order of the Senate to banish this class of men from the city of Rome, one hundred and sixty years before the birth of Christ. The reason assigned for their banishment gives a true character of the brethren of the order in modern times: “Because,” says the historian, “they were looked upon as dangerous talkers; who, while they reasoned on virtue, sapped its foundations, and were capable, by their own sophisms, of corrupting the simplicity of ancient morals, and of spreading among young people, opinions dangerous to their country.” 1 The revival of this philosophy in the present age, has been in the old world; but the corrupt passions of men render every country a soil too fertile in its growth: Wherever it spreads, it must prove destructive to the peace and happiness of human nature, and to the order and welfare of society.

Infidels of the last age generally acknowledged the moral government of the Deity, the immortality of the soul of man, and a future state of retribution. Although they aimed to deprive us of the more animating motives, and the superior hopes of revelation, they left us our God: they left us the system of moral obligation; natural religion was allowed its force. While men acted under the eye of Deity, and with a view to his approbation, we had some security for their probity and general good conduct; but, in the present age, Infidelity has assumed a more daring attitude, and uttered her blasphemies in a bolder tone. She has called in question the government and being of God. She has represented the whole universe, with all its orders of being, in all the variety of its works and harmony of its laws, as existing without an intelligent cause, or a moral end. These positions enervate all the principles, which bind society together, form the security of every valuable right, raise man to the dignity of his character, and direct his exertions to objects worthy the pursuit of a rational and accountable being. The disciples of the system have felt the spirit of proselytism; they have multiplied publications of a skeptical and blasphemous nature, which have too generally circulated in our land.

Experience will correct the error of sophists; but the evils, which operate this correction, may be incalculable. The work of mischief is much easier than that of good. The axe soon prostrates the tree, which time and nature have reared. The brand in a moment consumes the edifice, which years of labour and experience have erected. It is the same in the moral world. The insidious arts of the profligate may soon corrupt the pure mind of the youth, whose moral principles and sober habits were the result of the unwearied attention of a solicitous parent. The evil pens and contagious examples of some few characters of splendid talents and captivating address, may weaken the moral principles and corrupt the manners of a community, which required ages to establish, and which have formed the characters of successive generations of men. The publick opinion once corrupted, and the religious and moral habits of the people destroyed, the strong band of society is broken, and civil liberty is no more. We shall experience the decrepitude of national age, before, in the order of nature, we shall have attained to the full strength of national age, before, in the order of nature, we shall have attained to the full strength of national manhood. The forms of our government may remain, but its spirit will be fled; and some aspiring individual, like the artful Augustus, may adopt our forms to subserve his own ambition. Our nation will be rent by party, or we shall lie in the stupor of despotism. By our vices we shall forfeit the blessings of our God; our own doings will beset us about, and we shall suffer the miseries of impiety and wickedness, of faction and anarchy, of tyranny and oppression.

Had the founders of the Commonwealth established the plan of society upon a different basis, should we have attained our present state of respectability? Would not their successors have suffered by the weakness of the foundation, on which the superstructure was to be erected? Subsequent wisdom might have been insufficient to correct the errour of the first settlement. The future efforts of patriotism would have been ineffectual to raise the Commonwealth to its present state and dignity.

Try the supposition by the experience of those of our sister states, which were formed on different principles. We conceive, that we have maintained a superiority over them on many points of national importance; and we laudably wish to preserve our preeminence. In the above review we find the causes, and they are still operating, although, I fear, with weakened force. To the general information, the religious principles, the industrious and orderly habits, the sober and manly character of our people, we must attribute every superior excellence in our national features and condition. If we part with these for the worst of the maxims and practices of those states, whose social order has been less perfect, we shall sink below their level of worth and dignity.

It cannot be denied, that our whole system of religion and education has been attacked. When this is endangered, we may tremble, as the Israelites trembled when the ark of God was on the field of battle, or in the hands of the enemy. It is the palladium of our liberty, the security of our publick prosperity, and the foundations of our individual happiness.

Christianity assumes no other authority over the affairs of the world, than that, which arises from the influence of its doctrines and precepts upon the lives of men. Its connection with civil society results from its tendency to enrich the heart with every virtue which adorns human nature, or increases social happiness; and to enforce the duties of rulers and subjects by sanctions, which the occurrences of this world cannot weaken. This influence is infinitely important.

The experiment of conducting the concerns of civil government without the aid of religion, has recently been made in the old world, and reason is abashed, and humanity blushes at the scenes of oppression and cruelty that ensued. Religion legitimates every subordinate principle of action: It ennobles ambition, by directing it to its proper object: It renders the love of same safe and laudable, by making it the motive of salutary conduct: It gives to benevolence its active force, by the assurance of its ultimate reward. When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn. Religion, in all its aspects, is favourable to liberty: It restrains the turbulent passions of men, renders them submissive to good laws, and, in the disposition of their minds, prepares them for the utmost extent of freedom. But when moral restraints are removed; when dissocial passions have uncontrolled license; when the spirit of party and faction is prevalent, energy of government becomes necessary. Unable to govern itself, such a people requires severity in the ruling power, and in some form it will arise.

The situation of the United States is daily changing. Commerce has opened all her sources of wealth to our enterprising merchants; and the luxuries, which the increase of riches has introduced, threaten to contaminate our purity and enervate our strength. The political state of Europe has flung many foreigners among us, whose genius and habits will not amalgamate with the American character. With this unhallowed mixture, our national manners and character are in danger of being corrupted.

The resources of our country are abundant, if the minds of our people can be kept fixed to their interests, and their patriotism and virtue be preserved. With these guards upon our nation, we need not fear foreign powers. If we fall, it will be by our own vices. If we must run the race of impiety and folly, of party and faction, of dissipation and vice, in which all Republicks have preceded us, let the wise and good unite their energies to procrastinate the catastrophe, and to the utmost, continue the reign of virtue and happiness.

In this view, a sacred and important duty devolves upon men in conspicuous stations, and of influential characters, by their example to encourage attention to institutions, which have proved salutary to our country. The force of example is great. The example of those, who move in elevated spheres, and possess commanding talents, has superior influence. Men of this description possess high means of publick good; motives of religion and patriotism conspire to induce their exercise. They may exert themselves free of the prejudice, which often attaches itself to characters, whose professional business is moral instruction and persuasion. They will not be suspected of interested motives in the support of a system of religion, by which they gain their bread, and acquire an influence over the minds of their fellow-men. Their endeavours will probably have effect upon many, who are prejudiced against the common methods of instruction and improvement. These will certainly be effectual with all, who are governed by the fashion of the day, and implicitly follow the direction given by the great and splendid.

The association of distinguished persons in England, to discountenance infidelity, irreligion, and immorality; and to encourage the observance of the Christian Sabbath, attention to the institutions of the gospel, and the general practices of piety and virtue, is worthy the imitation of similar characters in our country.

The political opinions of the speaker will be discovered by the tenour of his observations: But he addresses himself to no party. He disavows the spirit. Of the evils which menace our peace, all complain: In the preservation of the principles and habits recommended, all discerning patriots will be united. He has not the presumption to dictate to the rulers of the Commonwealth, the measures of their publick conduct: Yet they will permit him to suggest the importance of an adherence to a system which has been productive of so much publick good. Religion, as a transaction between God and the souls of men, is too sacred for human regulation. Civil government may not intermeddle with this holy subject. But it clearly falls within the province of a Christian legislature, to support institutions, which facilitate the instruction of people in the truths and duties of religion, which are the means to give efficacy to the precepts of the gospel, and are calculated to instill the spirit of morality and order into the minds of the community. The oath of office makes this the duty of our Legislature, by the third article of the Bill of Rights. The denial of the being or government of God, blasphemy, and the derision of moral obligation, destroys the solemnity and use of oaths, and weakens the principles, on which the administration of justice and the peace and order of society are suspended; laws, therefore, against these crimes, the freest governments have conceived to be within their powers, and have enacted. To regulate the dissocial affections, to restrain the licentious passions of human nature, and to render “man mild and sociable to man,” is one essential end of civil government. Errours of speculation, which sap not the foundation of society, must be left, for their correction, to the natural force of truth. Many errours in practice we must leave to the operation of moral causes; suffer their endurance until a remedy shall be found in their consequences; until the misery they produce shall correct them. If profligate publications cannot be prevented, their deleterious influence may be counteracted by habits of wise reflection and sober practice. As the means of this important end, government will extend its patronage to our university, colleges, and schools. On these institutions are dependant our prospects for characters to fill the publick stations of society, and to defend our country from the insidious attacks of the disciples of infidelity and vice.

The general education of youth is a subject of as high importance as can occupy the mind of the patriot or the Christian. To render them the worthy heirs of the invaluable inheritance, which we hope to transmit, they must understand the nature of a free government; distinguish social order from anarchy; liberty from licentiousness; the freedom of law from the unrestrained freedom of the savage. They should be inspired with moral principles, as a security against the seductions of a country, rapidly increasing in the means of dissipation and voluptuousness: by habits of piety and virtue, their minds should be armed to repel the assaults of infidelity and libertinism.

The speaker wishes, with deference to suggest, whether some plan might not be grafted into our general system of education, to disseminate the political information necessary to a republican government; and to secure the rising generation from that spirit of innovation, and rage for change, which endanger the primary principles of good order. Care will be taken, that our youth fall not into the hands of instructors of profligate characters, and abandoned principles. The purity of elections will be guarded, and encouragement given to the wise and faithful exercise of the rights of suffrage; that our government may not become corrupt in its first operation. By measures directed to these important objects, our civil rulers will be the nursing fathers of the Christian church, and the guardians of the manners and habits of the community.

The large majority, by which his Excellency is re-elected to the chief seat of government, evidences the approbation of the Commonwealth, of his past services, in this elevated and responsible office. Unanimity, at this day, was not an object of expectation. It is an honourable testimonial of personal merit, that his support has been the greatest where his private character was best known. The unanimous suffrage of those, who were conversant with his walks in social life, must be grateful to the feelings of his Excellency. Confident, that he will lend the united force of his authority and example, to support the institutions of religion, and to preserve the purity of publick morals; that he will execute his trust in righteousness, and with an impartial view to the general good, we wish him the guidance of heaven. May the measures of his administration be applauded by the wise, and approved by the just: May he possess the increasing confidence of his country, and obtain the reward of his God!

The present state of politicks renders the publick service of the two Branches of the Legislature arduous and difficult. They will be watched with critical attention. Their best designs may be attributed to impure motives, and their wisest measures censured. Under these circumstances, worldly principles of action would fail; but the man, who looks within himself for the rule of his publick conduct, will never want support. In the testimony of his heart to the purity of his intentions and the rectitude of his actions, he will find a reward. He will be strengthened to persevere in the path of patriotism and virtue, from a regard to the approbation of Him, who is higher than the highest, whose eyes survey the children of men, and who requires that which is altogether just. Although they now fit as gods, they will reflect, that they must die as men, and give account like one of the people. May wisdom direct their deliberations, and the benediction of heaven render the measures of their adoption beneficial to their country!

To pass unnoticed, on this occasion, the general government of the United States, might be deemed critical omission.

It has been our happiness, that the men placed at the head of the government, were distinguished as well for their piety, as for their political wisdom. Its administration has accorded with the characteristic maxims of our own Commonwealth. Never was a people under higher obligations to a government, than we are to that of the Union. At its organization, the country was embarrassed in every national operation. In each department, the administration was without a precedent: It had new paths to explore, and first principles to adopt. The state of Europe rendered its connexions with foreign nations critical and hazardous. The convulsions of that country soon reached us: We were annoyed by the maritime force of the powers at war: We were the objects of their diplomatick artifice and intrigue: The honest prejudices of our own countrymen aided the interested designs of one of the belligerent powers, and made the business of our rulers the more delicate and laborious. War, like a portentous cloud, hung over our land, and threatened us with all its evils. Under these perplexing circumstances, the administration firmly took the ground of neutrality, and with moderation exercised its rights. It sacredly preserved publick faith; impartially executed national justice and in this way secured us the blessings of peace and tranquility. While the stablest pillars of old governments, and the long established order of society were convulsed, under the auspices of the general government, the resources of our country were called into action; publick credit was established; individual right secured; and the property of the nation doubled. As the price of these blessings, we have paid but one direct tax. Is not a debt of gratitude due to those, who, under God, have been the instruments of this unexampled prosperity? That no mistakes have been committed in the management of our national concerns, is not presumed. Infallibility is not the portion of man: But experience, the best test of the wisdom of publick measures, has given its sanction to those of the federal administration.

Our own venerable patriot, who has now retired to private life, to enjoy dignity with ease, demands the grateful acknowledgements of his signal services. He was among the first to vindicate the invaded rights of his country. He was a primary agent in the establishment of independence; and the confidential minister of the publick during the revolutionary war. By his diplomatick negotiations, he conciliated the friendship of some respectable nations in Europe to our infant Republick, and obtained a loan of money, when our exigencies were the greatest. Under his auspices, as the federal head, our country has probably passed the crisis of danger from the commotions of Europe. His active life has been devoted to publick employment, and through all his stations of trust and responsibility, his integrity and patriotism have been without a stain. Difference of opinion on questions of high national moment, may, for the present, prevent his worth from being duly appreciated; but the impartial historian will do justice to his merits: In future time, the State which gave him birth will derive a lustre from his name.

The return of this anniversary is calculated to animate the minds of all, who attend upon it. The human heart must be enobled by the reflection, that our governours and legislators are raised to office by our own suffrages. To behold them assembled in a body, by their united wisdom, to consult the welfare, and transact the business, of the Commonwealth, is a sight to give joy to every lover of liberty and of country. What impressions would this sight make on the reflecting minds of those, who groan in the chains of despotism? To behold this venerable body around the altar of God, to implore divine wisdom in their deliberations, and the blessing of Heaven upon the measures of their future adoption, must raise every soul in devout gratitude to the original author of all mercies.

Happy America, didst thou know thine happiness! Would to God, that all nations of the earth might annually pass in review before thee, to teach thee the excellence of thy situation, and to inspire thee with a conduct necessary to perpetuate thine advantages! Search the globe, and where can be found, a people, among whom, civil and religious privileges are more perfectly enjoyed? What people of the earth may more justly be attached to their country, than those of Columbia? Where may the spirit of patriotism be cherished with brighter prospects? O! that I could speak with an energy to reach the hearts, and animate the practices, of all the citizens of the United States. Our governments, with all their attendant blessings, are bottomed on the broad basis of publick opinion; and in their support, require the individual exertions of our countrymen.

Can prosperity never content the human mind? Having obtained the highest object of freedom, do we desire a change? From a jealousy that our rulers may do us evil, shall we deprive them of the means to do us good? Shall we leave the protecting arm of Deity, to become the sport of atheistical chance and accident? Shall we turn from the light of revelation to follow the blind guides of infidelity, that we may be left in dark and desolate regions, where there is no path to direct our steps, no object to reward our labours? Shall we give up the enobling hope of immortality, to become like the brute, the victim of perpetual sleep? Shall we part with the maxims of our venerable ancestors, which time has proved to be wise, for a spirit of innovation, which nothing sacred or profane can restrain? Shall we part with the certain blessings of civil freedom and social order, for the fanaticism of ideal liberty and equality, which the nature of man, and his condition of action make it impossible to realize?

God grant, that the spirit of our text may possess the hearts and regulate the lives of our countrymen. Our people being all righteous, the work of righteousness will be peace; and the effect of righteousness, quietness and security forever. Our rulers being just, ruling in the fear of God, they will be to us like the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.

Under this spirit, the general and state governments will operate on each other like the laws of cohesion and attraction, in nature; like the heavenly bodies, they will revolve in harmony, and from their combined influence we shall derive national prosperity and individual security. We, the branch which God has planted, shall inherit the land to His glory. With the steady progress of time, we shall advance towards national perfection, for our God will bless us.

 


Endnotes

1 Suctonius in his book of Rhetoricians.

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Sermon – Fasting – 1799, Massachusetts


Leonard Woods (1774-1854) graduated from Harvard in 1796. He was a pastor in Newbury, Massachusetts (1798-1808), and a professor of Christian theology at the Andover theological seminary (1808-1846). Woods was active in establishing the American tract society, the Temperance society, and the board of commissioners of foreign missions.


sermon-fasting-1799-massachusetts

TWO

S E R M O N S

ON PROFANE SWEARING,

DELIVERED

APRIL 4, 1799;

THE DAY APPOINTED BY

The GOVERNOR of Massachusetts

For Humiliation, Fasting and Prayer.

By LEONARD WOODS, A. M.
Pastor of the third Church in Newbury.

DISCOURSE I.

Exodus, xx. 7.

Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain.

The sin here forbidden is obviously unreasonable. The mere dictate of an intelligent nature we should suppose would prove an effectual barrier against the commission of it. It is directly opposed to the deep reverence, the sincere piety, the grateful love, which the divine majesty and goodness naturally tend to inspire. But we have an express command. God descended in awful dignity on Mount Sinai, and with a voice infinitely more solemn and terrible, than the loud thundering and lightnings, and sound of the trumpet, proclaimed in the audience of the Israelitish nation, Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain. Now should we not imagine, if left to judge from the nature of the thing, that the command of God delivered in terms of such dreadful authority, and enforced by a sanction infinitely momentous, would fill the hearts of men with reverence and awe, and prevent the most distant approaches to the crime forbidden. But history and experience teach us a truth far less probable, and far less delightful. If we trace the history of the Israelites, to whom the law was first announced, we shall soon observe in them a total want of reverence for the character and name of God. And if we have lived only a few years, and had opportunity to make but very limited observations on mankind at the present day, we have already learnt that the third commandment, which has lost none of its original authority, is by most men in some degree disregarded, and by innumerable multitudes held in hearty contempt, and grossly violated. This deplorable fact is not an unfit subject of serious contemplation and penitent regret for a day of fasting and prayer. It may well lead us to humiliation and sorrow, and excite our most fervent intercessions, to think that any of our highly favored race should be guilty of profaning the name of Almighty God. But when we consider that such an aggravated crime is chargeable upon a great majority of mankind, and that most, if not all of us are implied in that number; how deep should be our abasement; how melting our grief; how penitent and lowly our confessions; how earnest, and yet how submissive our supplications.

That we may more clearly apprehend the extent and importance of the command in the text; that we may be roused and assisted to yield due obedience to it, and be more humble and penitent under the consideration, that ourselves and others are guilty of so repeated a violation of it; let the following things engage our serious and devout attention.

I. Several ways, in which the third commandment is transgressed.

II. The unreasonableness and futility of several arguments, which are sometimes urged as excuses for the use of profane language.

III. Some of the reasons that may be offered against it.

IV. A few directions how to avoid it.

V. Some reflections arising from the subject and the present occasion united.

Before I enter on particulars, permit me, my beloved hearers, to bespeak your patience and candor. As you have chosen me for your minister, you ought to feel willing, that I should be faithful to God and to you. I could not be so, should I omit the mention of a sin, because I fear some of you are chargeable with it. If any of you are guilty of the sin prohibited in the text, you must expect to have your consciences disturbed and wounded by the following discourses. You ought, however, to remember that it is not an object of the preacher ‘to torment you before the time;’ but by setting before you the nature and consequences of sin, to bring you to repentance, and thus to promote your present and future happiness. This desirable object I cannot expect to obtain, unless I adopt the wise resolution of Micaiah, as the Lord liveth, what the Lord saith unto me, that will I speak.

First. We are to consider several ways, in which the third commandment is transgressed.

I. By perjury; which is the making use of the name of God in confirmation of a falsehood, or the non-performance of the religious oaths we have made. For the security of reputation and property, and the good of society in many other respects, civil government has ever deemed it necessary, in certain cases, to bind the consciences of men by solemn religious oaths. The reason why this measure is adopted seems to be this; that a direct appeal to omniscient God, as the witness of what is said and the judge and avenger of a lie, will to men in general be an additional inducement to speak the truth. It is doubtless so. Many persons, who can utter falsehood in common conversation without trembling, and without a blush, dare not do it, when they have lifted up their hand towards heaven, with a solemn appeal to Almighty God for the truth of what they say. Indeed one would think that no man could be so regardless of that infinite wisdom, which cannot be deceived, and of that infinite power, which will not be mocked, as to call expressly upon God to attest a falsehood. But alas, this is no uncommon crime. Many men, through the original and superinduced blindness of their hearts, have so little sense of the majesty and holiness of God, that they are not afraid to go into his sacred presence, call him by name, and then lie to his face.

Men are guilty of perjury, not only when they swear to a thing, which they know to be false, but also when they swear to a thing, while uncertain of its truth. Nor does their guilt appear small when they give testimony to a falsehood, though they suppose it to be a truth. For we must conclude they are not necessarily deceived, but might, by using the means in their power, have gained proper information. At least, we may safely say, they cannot know that to be a truth, which is in fact a falsehood, and are criminal for positively asserting it, while any doubt remains.

Further, a man is guilty of that, which bears a near resemblance to perjury, and seems to partake of its nature, when he positively engages upon oath to do what he knows not to be in his power. But when some unforeseen providence renders it impossible for him to perform his vow, we cannot see that he is criminal for not performing it. Yet even here it may with propriety to said, that he ought to have entered into his engagement or vow in dependence on divine providence; which would have rendered the necessary omission altogether harmless.

Perjury, in every shape and degree, arises from irreverence and contempt of God; and thus appears to have a near connection with what we shall consider as

The second way of violating the command under consideration, which is, taking an oath without that deep reverence and awe, which are due to the character of the Supreme Being. This is plainly intended in the prohibition. In vain, as it is used in the text, signifies lightly, inconsiderately, and irreverently, as well as falsely. Now although a person is, by some selfish consideration, secured from false swearing; yet, if he make use of the name of God, as a mere form, or civil engine, without being penetrated with a solemn sense of the divine presence and majesty, he is most evidently guilty of transgressing the command before us. The name of God is great and venerable, and ought at all times to be pronounced and contemplated with humble fear as well, as with ardent love; especially when it is formally introduced in confirmation of what we declare. To mention and swear by his name with as little reverence, as we feel in speaking of a fellow creature, is a gross violation of the dictates of reason, an extensive injury to society, and a daring insult to the Sovereign of the world.

3. If it be taking the name of God in vain to introduce it without seriousness and reverence even in confirmation of a truth, when called upon by civil authority; what shall we say to the light and frequent mention of it in order to confirm what is said in common conversation. This, I apprehend, is one of the chief things forbidden in the text. This is surely taking God’s name in vain, in every sense of the word. It is in vain, as it is not necessary; in vain, as it answers no good purpose; in vain, as it is done in a light and inconsiderate manner; in vain, as it is often done in confirmation of a lie.

Altho a person do not often expressly mention the name of God; yet he is a transgressor of the divine law, if he allow himself to swear by any of the works or creatures of God. That the command is of such an extent is plainly declared by Christ. The Jews had perversely limited its meaning, and confined it to false swearing, or perjury. ‘Ye have heard it said by them of old time, thou shalt not forswear thyself, but shalt perform unto the Lord thine oath;’ and ye arrogantly suppose that this is all the law forbids or requires. “But I say unto you, swear not at all; neither by heaven, nor by the earth, nor by thy head. But let your conversation be yea yea; nay, nay;’ simple affirmations, and simple negations. ‘For whatsoever is more than these, cometh of evil;’ or, as it may be rendered, ‘from the evil one.’ ‘It comes from the Devil,’ says Mr. Henry. “It comes from the corruption of men’s nature, from passion and vehemence, from the reigning vanity of the mind, and a contempt of sacred things.”

Are any of my hearers guilty of thus trifling with sacred things? Do you allow yourselves in it? ‘Tis high time you should have your sins brought from under the screen of retirement and darkness, and viewed in the light of God’s house and word. Consider then, how odious, now horrid it is for persons profanely to introduce the name of the eternal God or of the holy Jesus in order to add confirmation or emphasis to their assertions! Their wickedness appears so great, that I feel impelled to say here, what I shall largely insist upon under another head; if they persevere in such a daring violation of God’s holy law, they shall assuredly perish forever, unless they can overturn the throne of omnipotent Jehovah. Let all, who hear, remember this solemn warning against the great day.

Some men, scrupling to make use of the name of God directly, swear by some of his works or creatures; as by heavens, by the foul, &c. And when a person simply says, I swear, it is necessarily implied, that he swears by something; which is a direct transgression of Christ’s command, ‘swear not at all.’

4. Persons are guilty of taking God’s name in vain, who introduce it by way of exclamation, saying, on some striking occurrence, good God, – oh Lord, &c. not from a religious sense of God, but to give utterance to the unhallowed emotions of profane mirth and levity; or at best, to express sudden joy or surprise. Nothing need be said to prove, that this is taking the name of God in vain.

5. Persons violate the third command, when they make use of imprecations, or call upon God to inflict some evil upon themselves or others. To pray for blessings upon all mankind, even our enemies, is an indispensable duty. But, from anger or malice, to imprecate damnation, or any temporal evil upon our fellow men is, in such creatures as we are, a crime peculiarly heinous and detestable.—Shall we, guilty rebels, presumptuously attempt to direct God in the distribution of punishments?—Dare we ask him, who is infinitely wise and good, to conform his dispensations to our partial views and malicious desires? Shall we, who must perish, unless we are saved by an act of sovereign forgiveness, call upon God to take vengeance on those, who happen to offend us? To use the name of God for such purposes is to use it worse than in vain. There is nothing which shows greater impiety, more towering pride and arrogance, or more hellish spite, than to call upon God to inflict damnation upon a fellow creature. It is to forget that we are sinners. It is to forget that we are men.—It is an expression of malice and revenge, which ought never to be heard, except from the mouth of Devils. Still more unnatural, more unaccountably wicked does it appear, to call down divine vengeance upon one’s self. But so it is, that if none should be lost, but those, who have expressly asked, or challenged God to damn them, the infernal regions would not want inhabitants. Let me tell you, my hearers, when you thus profanely invite the vengeance of God, there is a dreadful probability that he will take you at your word.

Another kind of wickedness, which may fall under this head, and by which men break the commandment in the text, is the venting of their unreasonable resentment against their beasts in profane and impious curses. The mention of this vice is enough to make human nature blush. That a man should feel such anger and malice against his poor laborious beast, that is destitute of reason, and therefore, incapable of having a bad meaning or design, as to imprecate divine vengeance upon it, is amazingly stupid as well as sinful. When you hear a man damn his beast, you may tell him, if his madness will admit, – it may be, my friend, it may be, that you will know what damnation is long before your beast. – That stroke of vengeance, which you call down upon him, may fall upon one, who deserves it.

A man’s profanity grows still more inconsistent and wanton, when in cool blood, perhaps with emotions of kindness at heart, he mingles curses and oaths in his addresses to his friends. ‘Tis true, he means not as he says; and this proves him guilty of falsehood and profanity at the same time.

We must observe, in the sixth place, that there are many little expressions, sometimes thought to be harmless, which approach so near the boundaries of profanity, that they may, in the sight of God, amount to a violation of the third command, and are evident transgressions of some precepts in the Gospel. I shall not enter into particulars; but only request you to bear in mind, that all idle words and all little profanities, whether polite or vulgar, are recorded in the book of God, and must be answered for at his tribunal.

Should I stop here, there would, perhaps, be some present, who might thank God, that they were not like other men; that they had, to a considerable degree, kept this commandment. But I must add, in the seventh place, that God’s name is taken in vain by insincere and formal devotions. Instead of requiring arguments to prove this, all those who make conscience of family or secret devotion, are ready to own and lament, that they have often, very often taken the name of God into their mouths, and addressed him in words of solemn import, while their hearts were destitute of homage, gratitude, and love. How many times, in the course of one prayer, do some persons take the name of God in vain! How few are free from this charge, when they ask God’s blessing upon their daily food? How few are entirely guiltless in their public religious transactions! How great a part of those, who pretend to pray, do it without humility, without sincerity; without any real desire of the favors they ask, or any love to the character and laws of God. Oh solemn mockery! Oh vain attempt to impose deception upon God! Is this such prayer, as the Almighty requires of us, and will accept? To those, who offer him such hypocritical devotion, God puts the alarming question, ‘who hath required this at your hands?’

We proceed to the second thing proposed; which was, to point out the unreasonableness and futility of several arguments, which are sometimes urged as excuses for the violation of the third commandment. The principal thing I shall keep in view is what we commonly call profane swearing; yet not excluding any of the methods, by which the command in the text is violated.

1. An argument, which many bring to justify profane swearing, at least to palliate the criminality of it, is, that they mean no harm.—-If a man should cast firebrands and arrows at those about him; none surely would think he had offered a reason sufficient to justify his conduct, by his saying, I am in sport; or, I mean no harm. That which was sport to him might be death to them. How strange it is, for a man to break the law, to despise the threatenings, and to pour contempt upon the name of God; to do that, which draws after it consequences pernicious to the interests and to the souls of men; and after all this to say, he meant no harm. There is scarcely a crime committed, which does not admit the same justification. In whatever wickedness a man allows himself, you will not find it easy to make him own, that he really means any hurt by it. The man, who neglects his family and secret prayer, who feels quite regardless of the honor of God, and ungrateful for his infinite favors, will tell you, at least he himself thinks, that he means no harm. The man who disbelieves the sacred scriptures, or rejects any of the doctrines therein contained, pacifies his conscience by pretending, that he means no harm. Whatever duty a man neglects, whatever sin he habitually commits, this is still the plea he makes, that he has no bad meaning—What a striking instance of the deceitfulness of sin, and the almost total ignorance of men in respect to their own hearts! When the Holy Spirit gives men a just and reasonable view of divine things, he makes them feel and acknowledge, that they never committed any sin without a bad intention. God, who looketh on the heart, on the designs and motives of our conduct, will never judge that to be sin, or a violation of his law, which is done without any bad intent. It is absurd then for the profane swearer to endeavor to justify himself by the argument above-mentioned. For however ignorant he may be of it, no command of God can be transgressed without implying a sinful design in the transgressor. And if his saying, he means no harm, will justify his profanity; there is scarcely any crime, for which upon the same principles, a justifying reason may not be assigned. Let it always be remembered, that voluntary self ignorance, or willful self delusion is so far from being an excuse or palliation of a crime committed, that it is a great crime itself. Christ forewarns his disciples of a time, when whosoever killed them should think he did God service. By this, however, he did not mean to exculpate those, who should murder his followers; but to exhibit the united guilt of their superstition, self-delusion, unhallowed zeal, and impious rage.

2. Let us consider another argument, by which men attempt to justify themselves, in part at least, for profanity; that they have a habit of swearing so deeply rooted and inveterate, that they cannot break off from it. They are fully persuaded it is a folly, and dishonor, and sin. But their habit of swearing has become so interwoven with their nature, that when temptation presses them to it, they cannot refrain.

In reply to this, it is by no means difficult to show, that a habit of sinning is so far from being a justification of the crimes committed, that it is a circumstance, which greatly enhances guilt; and that a person’s ill desert is aggravated in some proportion to the strength and fixedness of his vicious habits. What is a bad habit, but an inclination to commit sin strengthened & confirmed by frequent indulgence? Is this a thing that palliates guilt? Is a crime less heinous, because it has been committed many times before? Does guilt decrease, as the number of crimes increases? The repetition of a crime is, by civil law, often condemned by a penalty much more severe, than the first offence. Who ever doubted the justice of this? Who ever thought that a thief deserved less punishment for stealing the tenth time, than the first? Let reason and common sense decide.—The man, whose offence arises from inadvertence or sudden surprisal, is accounted far less guilty, than he who offends from fixed principle. The stronger, the more irresistible a man’s inclination is to commit sin, the more depraved do we think him, and the more deserving of punishment. A long practiced thief or highwayman has an unconquerable propensity to rob and steal. His dishonest, unrighteous principles are so powerful, as to sway all the active energies of his foul. No reason or argument, which can be proposed, has the least effect to turn him from his steady purpose. It is as natural for his thoughts, desires, and actions to be dishonest and wicked, as it is for water to descend. Now will any one say, that the strength of his wicked inclination and habit is a circumstance, which renders him less guilty, less worthy of punishment? Is not the contrary position evidently true, that the resistless source of his depraved disposition and habit raises his guilt to the highest pitch of aggravation? An old miser, whose heart is glued fast to his treasure, who is incapable of entertaining a liberal design or doing a generous action, is looked upon by all, as a depraved wretch, that deserves nothing but mingled pity and contempt from man, nothing but misery from God. The cruel tyrants of the Roman empire, who could no more abstain from oppression and murder, than from their daily food, are justly tho’t to be more guilty, than those, whose temper was less confirmed in cruelty, whose iniquities were less rare. All these instances, which are perhaps unnecessarily multiplied, are introduced to evince, that the strength of a depraved disposition and the invincible firmness of a vicious habit are so far from being a sufficient apology for sin, that they render it much more inexcusable and aggravated.

Let this reasoning, which I think you will allow to be just, be applied to the subject in hand. A man offers it as a plea to justify himself for profane swearing, that he has such a strong and confirmed habit of indulging himself in it, that he cannot leave it off. In other words, you have such a strong and habitual inclination to profane the name of God and to break his righteous law, that you cannot leave it off. Be not offended, if I tell you, according to the tenor of the preceding discussion, that such a disposition and habit are, both in the sight of God and man, awful aggravations of your guilt; and, unless reformed, will add dreadful weight to your future misery. Consider how this plea from the inveteracy of habit would appear at the bar of God. Shall you be able to lift up your head there, and say to Almighty God, —I had such a strong inclination to disobey thee, and my custom of doing it was of so long standing, that I could not leave it off: I therefore hope to be excused?

But I would observe, as a further answer to this plea, that it is possible for your habit of swearing, inveterate as it is, to be subdued. In the presence of great and good men, whom you respect and fear to offend, is not your language decent and pure? Does not this prove that you have power to govern your tongue; and consequently that your profanity is without excuse? Does it not likewise appear from this consideration, that a becoming sense of the presence and the perfections of God would effectually preserve you from the guilt of profaneness? Realizing that the Supreme Being observes all your conduct, loving and adoring his character, desiring to please and honor him, should you dare to profane his sacred name? Your profanity then does not arise from want of power to avoid it, but from want of consideration and sobriety. —Further, the numberless instances of reformation in the most profane, most hardened sinners prove the possibility of yours; and point you to that almighty and compassionate Redeemer, whose peculiar office it is to save his people from their sins. By submitting to the grace of Christ you will become entitled to that most important promise, that no sin shall have dominion over you. When such help is provided and offered, how can you plead, as an excuse for profane swearing, the impossibility, or even the difficulty of reformation?

3. Another reason, by which some men attempt to apologize for swearing, is, that they were in a passion. —Does God, who certainly knows our frame, feels all possible compassion towards us, and makes all reasonable allowances, anywhere excuse men for breaking his commandments, because they are blinded and overcome by passion? It is a sin, my hearers, to be in a passion; that is, to suffer our angry emotions to cloud the eye of reason, or to throw the mind into disorder. Precepts in rich abundance are found in the Bible, which enjoin a meek, placid calm, forgiving temper, and prohibit the indulgence of anger, high spirit, malice, and revenge. Now can one sin excuse another, which is occasioned by it? Can your being in a passion, which is itself a sin, excuse profane swearing, which is a still greater sin?

Some perhaps begin to think that the preacher is too strict, too severe; that he ought to be a little more candid and charitable, and allow that something may be said in excuse for profaneness, as well as many things against it. But my hearers, I must enter into some other school, besides the school of reason, or the school of Christ, before I can learn, that sin, that rebellion against God admits any excuse whatsoever. There is a day not far distant, when every mouth shall be stopped, and all impenitent sinners, in particular profane swearers shall feel and acknowledge themselves to be inexcusably guilty before God.

 

DISCOURSE II.
We now proceed to the third thing proposed, which was, to offer some reasons against profane swearing.

1. It essentially injures a person in the present life. Depraved as the world is, virtue, those branches of it in particular, which have an immediate and evident connection with the good of society, are generally rewarded with the esteem, at least the veneration of mankind at large, and with that which is much more to be desired, the approbation and love of the good; while vice of every kind, much ore a barefaced iniquity eventually robs a man of his dearest goodly treasure, his reputation. This is emphatically faced in regard to the sin, which we are opposing. —earth not take any pains to prove, that the profane swearer, whether old or young, is on the whole loved much more coldly, and held in much lower estimation, that he would be, were his language at all times pure. Even his wicked associates, though they may for the present applaud him for the countenance he gives to their beloved vices, yet retaining some remainder of common sense, must consider him, as unworthy of their sincere love, esteem, and confidence. But the approbation and friendship of the wise and good are of much higher importance. Of these a man infallibly deprives himself by profane swearing. There is not a sober and sensible man of your acquaintance, who does not esteem and love you less, for every instance of your profanity. It is a disgrace, my hearers, a horrid disgrace. It is a black stigma upon a man’s character, as a rational being, as a citizen, as a friend, and above all as a Christian. Can any be so thoughtless as to suppose it an honor? Will you glory in that, of which you ought to be ashamed? Will you be ambitious to imitate the most low, vulgar, vile creatures, that our country affords, who are often as notorious for their profaneness, as for their ignorance and vulgarity? Will you follow the example of those who are far beneath the common level of human nature? Will you leave your own rank in life to herd with those, who are, in knowledge, only one grade above, in character many grades below the brutal creation?

It may be added, that a custom of using profane oaths for confirmation will be so far from answering your design, that it will in fact render your veracity suspected. The man is indeed an object of pity, who has not reputation enough to be believed, without having recourse to swearing. But, my friend, this will not help the case. No man of sense will have any higher opinion of your honesty and fidelity on account of your profane oaths. If you were conscious of possessing an upright principle at heart, and had proved yourself an honest man, you might justly think yourself insulted and injured, if any one should refuse to credit your assertions. —May we not fear that no profane swearer has a principle of truth and honesty at heart? Do not a man’s impious oaths often spring from the base consciousness, that he has forfeited his character? Is not his readiness to establish in this way what he has said, an implicit confession, that his naked word may be doubted; that his veracity may be justly called in question? So unhappily does he counteract his own intentions. Seeking honor and applause, he meets disgrace and contempt. Seeking to gain credit to his word, h renders it more suspected. What unnatural folly and cruelty it is thus to injure himself! But the injury stops not here. I add

In the second place, profane swearing is, in its consequences, very detrimental to society. The security of our dearest rights depends in a great measure upon the reverence which men have for an oath. Almost all the decisions in our courts of justice are formed on the supposition, that men under oath will strictly adhere to the truth. If therefore men have not proper respect for an oath, nor feel the solemn obligation under which it lays them, one mighty instrument of justice is wrested from the hands of civil magistrates, and our property and reputation left exposed to the assault of dishonest and villainous men.

Now there is nothing which tends so much to wear away all religious reverence of God and all suitable respect for an oath, as the prevalence of profane swearing. To hear those around us lightly mention the name of God, and intermix impious asseverations with their common discourse is apt to inspire us with the same low & dishonorable conceptions of God, the same disregard and insensibility to the solemn obligation of an oath, as appear in them. If to hear profane swearing in others have this tendency, much more does the indulgence of it in ourselves. It is impossible that the man, who is guilty of profaneness, whenever temptation urges him to it, should feel a religious regard for the oath, which he takes before a civil magistrate. —Thus you see that the sin prohibited in the text has a most pernicious influence on the interests of society, by diminishing in ourselves and others that religious reverence, which is due to an oath; thereby freeing men from a most weighty motive to speak the truth, and opening a door for mistaken and injurious decisions in our courts of justice. Its baneful influence extends likewise to all those officers, who are by oath bound to fidelity in the trusts committed to their hands.

As the third reason against profane swearing, we urge the laws of the Commonwealth. The evil has become so extensive and alarming, that our rulers deem it necessary to super add the authority of civil law to that of reason and scripture, hoping thereby to check the spread and influence of so dire a calamity. (Here the ACT against profane swearing was read.) Suffer me now to call upon every one, who lories in being an American, and professes a loyal regard to our Government, to listen obediently to its wise decisions, and not to allow himself in any instance to be guilty of profane swearing. How false is a man’s pretence, that he is a friend to the prosperity of his country, when he lives in the habitual violation of its prudent and salutary laws! Who deserves to be considered, as an enemy to society, if not he who tramples upon the equitable commands of Government? If, my hearers, you have a spark of patriotism in your breasts, any regard to the laws of the land, any desire, or even a cold willingness, that the good of the present and succeeding generations be promoted, be persuaded to revere the name of Almighty God, and to maintain a deep and solemn sense of the obligation of an oath.

4. Profane swearing has a baneful effect upon the minds of men in a religious view. By habituating them to use the name of God without any right conceptions of his character, without religious fear or pious gratitude, their hearts become more and more estranged from the worship of their Maker. —In faithfulness to your souls, I must tell you, that the man, who is in the habit of swearing profanely, is an utter stranger to religion. From the same mouth there cannot proceed blessing and cursing. —A man cannot offer up an acceptable prayer to God, while he allows himself to take his name in vain. —Should a sincere Christian through inadvertence, or the sudden impulse of temptation, be guilty of cursing and swearing, as Peter was; he could enjoy no peace or communion with God, before he went and wept bitterly; before his heart was melted and reformed by deep sorrow and thorough repentance.

Profane swearing tends likewise to injure the minds of others in respect to religion. Its influence is contagious. The contempt of God, the alienation from his service, which you exhibit, others will be apt to catch from you. Thus impiety and irreligion will from you diffuse its deadly poison through the souls of all around.

The fifth reason I shall bring against profaneness is a consideration of the great and holy name of God. —This argument is implied in the text, and more explicitly in what God saith by Moses, ‘Thou shalt no profane the name of thy God; I am the LORD.’ —Permit me to tell you, my hearers, that the word, GOD, which is soften in your mouths, is a word of solemn, of awful import. By the life of your souls, I warn you not to trifle with that momentous word. It points us to the King eternal, immortal, invisible. GOD, —oh weigh the vast meaning of that word, —GOD is an almighty, an all wise, all gracious Spirit. —He is absolutely without beginning, without end. He has created, he supports, he moves the universe. God is everywhere present. Ascend into heaven. He is there. Make your bed in hell. He is there. Fly to the uttermost parts of the earth. He is there. Pass through the starry heavens. Speed your way into the abyss of infinite space. Continue your course swifter than a ray of light, for millions of ages; continue it, while eternity endures; and God is there. And while he is there, while he is everywhere throughout immensity, he is here. He looks on us with as constant attention, as perfect knowledge, as if there were no other creatures in existence, and all his notice were directed to us alone. He is able to save, and to destroy. All nature is at his command, under his control. Before him Angels bow, and Devils tremble. He is our final Judge. His favor is life; his frown eternal death. —Is this a Being to be rifled with, to be mocked, to be insulted? Is the name of this glorious GOD to be profaned?

There is another cogent and moving reason against taking the name of God in vain couched in these words, ‘thy God.’ ‘Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain.’ Although we have renounced our allegiance to God, and exposed ourselves to his eternal wrath; he is pleased, in the dispensation of grace to propose and offer himself, as our reconciled Father and God, and to give us an opportunity of becoming his redeemed people. To use lightly and profanely the name of the Supreme Being, who condescends to stand in such an endearing relation to us, argues an amazing insensibility to infinite obligation. It is a most unnatural wickedness for children to speak lightly of their parents. Whatever be their conduct towards others, if they have a spark of virtue remaining in their breasts, they will feel and manifest great reverence for the name of those, whom they call their parents; especially if those parents be truly wise and good. —The same principle operates in other relations. This even nature teaches. And shall we not revere the name of him, whom we call our God? Is not this a dear and important relation? Whatever we think or say of the Gods of others; let our God be tho’t of and mentioned with grateful respect and filial awe. When God proposes himself, as our God, there is great condescension and goodness implied. Should a man, far above you in rank and merit, condescend to notice you, to confer favors upon you, and to seek to notice you, to confer favors upon you, and to seek your affection, would it not be natural for you to mention him with great respect? Still more, if you lived upon his bounty; if you daily asked of him, and expected daily to receive undeserved protection and support, and in addition to all this were persuaded, that he acted from the purest and noblest principles; should you frequently introduce the name of so worthy a benefactor and friend in a slight and canting way, or as a trivial proverb? And when God, who dwells in the high and holy place, stoops down to notice us and to bless us, to offer us his friendship, and to solicit ours; shall we mention him with contempt? When he has given his Son to die for us, and thereby put himself in the relation of a reconcilable Father and God; shall we not be filled with wonder and love? And is it the way to show our love to the best of beings and the best of benefactors, lightly and irreverently to pronounce his sacred name? Is profane swearing the language of gratitude for infinite blessings, – the language of praise to infinite goodness?

Our last reason, and that of great moment, against profane swearing is suggested in the text. It is the awful sanction, by which the command is enforced. “The Lord will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain.” If a regard neither to your own interest and reputation, nor to the good of society, nor to the laws of the land, nor to the religious concerns of yourselves and others, nor to the great and venerable name of God, —if none of these, nor any other consideration will keep you from profaning the name of the Lord; know assuredly, that He will not suffer you to pass with impunity. He will remember you in the day of his wrath. —My office, my conscience, and the word of God require me to lift up my voice, to cry aloud and spare not; to tell the people their sins, and to hold up the terrors as well, as the mercies of the Lord. —I must therefore declare to profane swearers, however exalted in wealth, in honor, or in pride; however useful to society; however amiable in other respects, —except you repent, you shall all perish. The Lord will not hold you guiltless for taking his name in vain. Whatever becomes of others, it is certain you shall not escape. All the plagues that are written in the book of God shall come upon you. Even in this life your hell may begin. Your conscience will at times be awakened and tormented. The black face of a tempestuous cloud, the flames that dart through the sky, or the assault of a dangerous disease may set the worm of guilt to gnawing, and kindle a devouring fire in your soul. God will by and by come with the sword of death in his hand. You must tremble then, if you never trembled before. At that solemn time, when you will most sensibly need the friendship of God, his face will appear with a killing frown. You will probably think, —alas, it is too late. Prayers are in vain. I have times without number profaned the great name of God. Now he is my enemy, my eternal enemy; and I dare not go into his presence. He once offered himself to me, as my God. But in that character I slighted and rejected him. Now he is my offended Judge. Shortly must I know what it is to stand guilty at his bar, and be condemned and rejected by him. Or if your conscience remain asleep to the last, or if your sickness deprive you of reason, it is but a momentary respite. At death your soul will go into the presence of an angry God. At the resurrection your body will be dragged from its peaceful lodging in the grave. ‘Legions of Angels can’t retain you there.’ You must come, however reluctantly, to the bar of your Judge. Rocks and mountains, deaf to your prayer, will not cover you from the face of him that sitteth on the throne. The time is short. It is but as tomorrow, before you will stand at the judgment seat of Christ. There you must remember, however unwelcome the remembrance, how many times you took the name of God in vain; how many ‘hard speeches’ you spoke against him. What, oh profane swearer, will be your plea? Will you justify yourself to your omniscient Judge by telling him, when you broke his command, you meant no harm, or you had formed an unconquerable habit of doing it, or you were in a passion? No. Your mouth will be stopped. —You will see justice enthroned; and that will speak indignation and wrath to you. Depart from me, ye cursed, will be the sentence of God to those, who have cursed and sworn by his name. There can be no pardon, no appeal. You must be immediately consumed by the breath of his mouth; be driven away from his presence and from the glory of his power. Miserable and in eternal despair, you must dwell with those infernal spirits, whose accomplices in cursing and blasphemy you had been even in this life. Now you will imitate them to greater perfection, forever cursing and blaspheming that glorious Being, whom you might have enjoyed in heaven; that almighty Being, whom you cannot hurt nor molest. Vain will be your rage. The fire you kindle against him, will burn yourself. The sword, which you maliciously draw, will pierce your own soul. That tongue, which has been so often employed in profaneness, will be parched up with unquenchable fire. That damnation, which you have so often wished upon others, perhaps upon yourself, you shall now suffer. —Oh hearers, people of my charge, will any of you rush headlong to this place of torment? Will you, for the sordid pleasure of profane swearing, fall into the hands of Almighty God, whose wrath is a consuming fire? If any of you have heretofore indulged yourselves in profaneness, I hope you are fully convinced of your folly, wickedness, and danger; and are ready to enquire how you shall escape the dominion and punishment of so great a sin? This brings us to what was proposed in the

IV. Division of the subject, —to give some directions to those, who wish to avoid profanity for time to come. The first directions are to those, who have to this day allowed themselves in it.

1. Be persuaded, that your reformation is possible. ‘It is one of the great artifices of the Devil, to persuade the sinner, that it is lost labor to attempt to amend his life; that his recovery is impossible; that his evil has become too deeply rooted to be conquered. Never give heed to this lying spirit.’ 1 The grace of God is all sufficient. Although your sins are like scarlet, he can make them white as snow; though they are red like crimson, he can make them like wool.—If you set about reformation in your own strength, you can expect but little success. But you cannot too firmly believe, that God is able to reform you; able to subdue your evil habits, and implant the seeds of grace in your hearts; and that he will give his Holy Spirit to those, who ask it in sincerity and faith.

2. Labor to impress your mind with an awful sense of sin, in particular the sin of profane swearing. Consider it in all its aggravations. Some, who once had as slight and superficial thoughts of this sin as you have, are now so deeply convinced of the evil and danger of it, that they would not for the world repeat the offence. Let your heart be impressed with a solemn reverence for the Supreme Being, and with a grateful sense of his unnumbered favors. Then think how heinous a crime it is to profane his holy name. Consider further that this vice cannot plead any of those powerful allurements, which delude and destroy the slaves of intemperance and debauchery; and is therefore peculiarly inexcusable. View it in the glass of the divine holiness and the divine law. Ask yourself what profit it was; what reason you had for it, and whether, for the sordid pleasure it afforded, you would be willing the blessed Jesus should suffer to atone for it. Then

3. Go and humble yourself before God. This is a day of pious mourning and humiliation. You would do well to let alone the sins of others, and to mourn and be humble first for your own. Confess to God your aggravated guilt, and your desert of eternal misery. You must be in earnest; for it is an infinite God you have to deal with, and a matter of everlasting consequence, that is at stake. Entreat God for his name’s sake to grant you the pardon of your sins, and the sanctifying influence of his Spirit. Entreat him to give you a gospel view of his holy and merciful character, that you may abhor yourself, and yet hope in him. Pray earnestly for his renewing, purifying, strengthening grace. Cast yourself on the power and mercy of the Redeemer; and humbly beg of him, that this hateful sin may no longer have dominion over you.

4. Let your resolution be firm and universal, though humble and dependant. Resolve never again to profane that holy name, which you have now solemnly addressed in prayer; that merciful name, on which all your hopes depend. Let your mind be kept in a trembling fear, left after all that has been said, after all your resolutions and prayers, you return again to the practice of profane swearing. Alas, my friends, we tremble for you; and did you know the deceitfulness of your own hearts, you would tremble for yourselves. Without the almighty grace of God, how weak are your resolutions? How ineffectual will be your endeavors? How many there are, who mourn for sin, and, in some sense, wish to be delivered from its power; who yet find themselves more than overmatched by the tyrant? Only make the experiment, and you will feel that sin hath not bound you with cords and withs, from which you can, as Samson did, extricate yourself by a single effort. Your strength is weakness, your wisdom folly, when brought into competition with the power and subtilty of your enemy. But let me observe, that however mighty and skillful your foe, you must conquer, or die. You must vanquish sin, or God will destroy you. Let not a sense of your weakness lead you tamely to submit; but make you more humble, watchful and prayerful. Receive Jesus Christ as your friend and Savior, and then his Grace will be sufficient for you.

5. I must add one more direction which may be a little unexpected; that is, break off from all your sins. The surest way to conquer any one vice is to renounce the whole. There is a kind of alliance or near relation between all sins. A common chain so closely unites them, that he, who from right principles rejects one, must reject all; and he, who is habitually guilty of one, is, in the e of the law, guilty of all. While you secretly love or allowedly practice any one sin, your endeavors to avoid or subdue another will be interrupted and enfeebled, and probably rendered ineffectual. When you pray for grace to conquer that one sin, and at the same time fondly cling to another; you cannot expect that God will answer your prayer. Remember & deeply ponder that all important declaration of the Psalmist, if I regard iniquity in my heart, the Lord will not hear me. Let me further observe, that selfish, interested motives may prevail upon you to discontinue the practice of profane swearing, although your heart be not reformed. And even this partial amendment would be matter of joy to all who love you, or regard the good of their fellow men. But there is nothing, except the grace of the gospel, rooted in your heart, and operating in your life, that can save you from eternal ruin.

Suffer me to add a few directions equally applicable to all.

If you would keep yourselves from profanity, avoid all approaches towards it. Allow yourselves in none of the little, half made, vulgar oaths, so common in almost every place. Be careful not to mention the name of God at any time with lightness or vanity. It is recorded of a great Philosopher, that he never pronounced the name of God, without making a solemn pause, as if struck and overcome with the vast idea. There is enough to entertain our cheerful hours, enough to raise our spirits and make us smile, without using the name of God, or any passage of holy writ in a sportive, jesting, or trifling manner.

Another necessary caution is, watchfully guard against intemperance, or excess in drinking. Here is the source of a world of profaneness. A man who, in his sober hours, would carefully shun cursing and swearing, is often known, when partially intoxicated, to break out into the most horrid oaths. A few glasses of spirits often turn a man of decent carriage into a profane swearer, and fill his mouth with such abominable imprecations, as would greatly offend his conscience, if he were sober. Now if you wish to avoid profanity, you must diligently watch against all temptations to it. For the same purpose, keep a constant guard over your passions. If you do not rule your spirit, you will not rule your tongue. Let nothing, therefore, be suffered to raise a commotion in your soul; as this would give great power and advantage to sin. When once you subject reason to the control of passion, you are like a ship without a rudder, or an untamed horse without a bridle. Does not your sad experience prove that you often do things in anger, of which, when your mind was calm, you thought yourself incapable? In particular, that you have no power over your tongue, when your animal spirits are highly raised? Guard then against the first rising of passion; and against those common excitements of anger, warm disputes and contentions upon any subject whatever.

I beg leave most affectionately and earnestly to exhort those, who are young, to shun, with watchful and pious care, every thing that favors of profanity. You have heard others complain, how difficult it is to conquer bad habits; or, if they are beginning to form, to secure a deliverance from them, before it is too late.

Let children hear the same friendly warning. —Dare you speak the name, the awful name of God, while you are sporting and playing? Dare you swear when you are a little angry? Many of you, my young friends, oh that I could say, all of you, have been baptized in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost? Will you profane that holy name, into which you have been baptized; or into which you must be baptized, if ever you would obey Jesus Christ? Dear children, if you have any regard to your blessed Savior, any affection for your parents, any love to your own souls, don’t allow yourselves to use profane words. God, the great God is your Maker. Dare you flight and affront him? Jesus is your Redeemer. If ever you are happy, you will owe it all to him, and dwell with him forever. And will you disobey Jesus, who has said, swear not at all? I hope you will attend to these things; and that you will keep out of the way of all those bad and wicked people, who allow themselves to swear.

Let us now, agreeably to the subject and the present occasion, take a short survey of our country in respect to the sin of profane swearing. The prophet says, because of swearing the land mourneth. –Have not we reason to adopt the same plaintive strain? Is not this one of the prevailing iniquities of the present day? Does not our land lie, as it seems, pressed down with the ponderous load and groaning to be delivered from it? Let us just move our eye charitably over the several ranks and orders of men, and see if enough is not presented to view, to make our heart faint and our eyes dim; and to draw from us the doleful cry, the crown is fallen from our head; woe unto us, as a nation, for we have sinned.

We will just hint at the state of our Colleges and Universities. They ought to be pure fountains of morality and religion, as well as of human science and refinement. They ought to be as distinguished for virtue and piety, as they are for literary advantages. What cause of grief would it be, to hear the name of God lightly and contemptuously mentioned by those, who have the best opportunity to know his adorable perfections; who are exalted above their fellow creatures by the bounties of nature and providence, and under proportionably greater obligations to love and serve their Maker! How deplorable would it be, should any of the sons of science early enlist into the service of iniquity, and employ their superior natural and acquired abilities in corrupting the minds and the language of others! How baneful would be the effects of profanity and irreligion, should they be found in those, who are regarded by many of their friends and relations, as possessed of superior wisdom and judgment; whose sentiments are, therefore, almost implicitly received, and whose example attracts a ready imitation!

Let us now turn our thoughts upon our seaports and populous places, where the standard of manners and politeness is taken. Here the scene is melancholy and alarming. While passing moderately along the streets, you must stop your ears, if you would not hear the name of God taken in vain; if you would not have your feelings shocked with the most horrid oaths and execrations. The throats of multitudes are an open sepulcher; their tongues blaspheme the name of the Lord. Nor is the charge to be confined to those, who are uncultivated and vulgar. In profane swearing, if in nothing else, the merchant and gentleman often unite with the truckman and sailor. Even the parlor is not untainted with this shameful vice. In many friendly circles of those, who call themselves the polite and tasty, an evening cannot be passed without loading the fleeting moments with impure and impious expressions. To these the card table is by no means a stranger. In the dialect of many, who follow this diversion, profanity is a chief ingredient. And the fair ladies, who condescend to be present, will, by their smiles, smooth over the guilty consciences of their admirers, and almost thankfully receive applause and flattery from those very lips, which is a minute before were defiled with cursing and bitterness. And what is the conduct of females themselves? We are backward to say the truth. We wish we could call them purity and perfection. We wish no female ever polluted her lips and her conscience by profane swearing. If any must be chargeable with this vice, we should desire it might be only the unpolished, ignorant, and obscure. If the well bred, the beautiful, and the gay are ever guilty of this detestable crime, I must, in shame, pass it over in silence.

We have not finished our tragical survey. We fear there are some among our rulers themselves, who, strange as it may seem, at times disregard and transgress the very laws, which their lifted hands have publicly confirmed. And we have reason to think that the want of sobriety and religion apparent in many civil officers, in particular, the irreverent and trifling manner, in which civil oaths are spoken of and administered, is one cause of the growing prevalence of profaneness and perjury.

Farmers and mechanics, who are in general most removed from temptation, and whose employment is very favorable to honesty and sobriety, are not all exempt from the guilt of profane swearing. —Their instruments of labor, their shops, fields, orchards, meadows, and dumb beasts are witnesses against them. Nor can the advanced stages of human life be altogether cleared. Old men, greyheaded and feeblehanded, are sometimes heard rolling forth with their trembling tongues hoarse and solemn oaths; as if their load of guilt were not yet so great as they could bear; or as if they could not curse and blaspheme enough in hell, and so would do a little more before they die.

The prospect blackens as we proceed. Heads of families cannot be excepted. Here, if any where, the effects of profanity are awfully pernicious. –We need not go out of the state, nor out of the vicinity to find multitudes, vast multitudes of fathers, who allow themselves to curse and swear in the hearing of their children. In these cases we must expect that all moral and religious instruction will be laid aside, or, if attended to, that it will generally prove vain and useless; while the poor children, horrible to relate, learn to swear, before they learn to pray. Where parents are less blameworthy, their children often have bad examples near, which they too eagerly follow, to the neglect of those that are good. Alas, do we not often hear little children lisping out profane words, before they know their dreadful meaning?

Shall I stop here? Is not the picture already dismal enough to make us mourn and pray? But I must add tears to sighs, and blackness to shade. –There are professors of our holy religion, who have covenanted with God, and attend the sacramental supper, that are not pure from this crying sin. –Some are known to come to the table of the Lord, to eat his broken body, and drink his atoning blood, and then go away and profane his name, and the name of his Father. Here iniquity is full. Here guilt has arisen to its highest pitch. We confidently trust there are none such in this place. But is there not a more refined kind of profaneness chargeable upon professing Christians in general? Do not many take the name of God in vain, by entering into covenant, & renewing it at the table of the Lord, without the exercises of repentance, faith and love? And is there not room to exhort all professors to guard more diligently against idle words, and to pray, as David did, set a watch, Oh Lord, before my mouth, and keep the door of my lips.

Is not the survey we have taken sorrowful and humbling? Passing in silence over most other sins, we have considered only the sins of the tongue. –Is not the vast amount of these sufficient to make us tremble, and to clothe the whole land in sackcloth and ashes? How strikingly is James’ de4scription of the tongue verified among us! The tongue, that noble organ, which distinguishes man from all other creatures on earth, is by its abuse become a fire, a world if iniquity. It defileth the whole body, and setteth a fire on the course of nature, and is itself set on fire of hell. How alarming are these things? It seems as though a great part of our fellow citizens had presumptuously risen up against our Father and our God, and were resolved at all adventures to kindle his almighty vengeance. See them, with self exalting pride and arrogance, trampling upon his sacred ordinances and holy name; causing their threats and impious curses towards his throne, and making one more desperate effort to dethrone and destroy JEHOVAH. Will his anger sleep? Can we expect uninterrupted public prosperity, while this is our national character? Will his patience last forever? Will not God visit for these things? Will not his soul be avenged on such a nation as this? Yes, my brethren; goodness, long neglected and abused, becomes indignation and wrath. But as God delighteth in mercy, let us, adapting the words of Daniel, when he fasted and prayed, to our own circumstances, fall down before him with this humble confession, and this earnest, interceding prayer. Oh Lord, the great and dreadful God, keeping the covenant and mercy to them that love him and keep his commandments; we, as a people, have sinned, and committed iniquity, and done wickedly. Oh Lord, righteousness belongeth unto thee, but unto us confusion of face, as at this day; to the inhabitants of this Commonwealth, and to all America. All our nation have transgressed thy law and profaned thy holy name. Therefore hath the Lord brought evil upon us, and made our cities desolate, and raised up enemies against us. To the Lord belong mercy and forgiveness, although we have sinned against him. Oh Lord, according to thy righteousness, we beseech thee, let thine anger and thy fury be turned away from our land. Oh our God, incline thine ear, and hear; open thine eyes, and behold our danger. For we do not present our supplication before thee for our righteousness, but for thy great mercy. Oh Lord, hear. Oh Lord, forgive. Oh Lord hearken and do. Defer not for thine own sake. Turn us from our sins, and save us; for we are a people called by thy name, and by the name of thy Son. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. Nelions Devotions.

Sermon – Election – 1801, Connecticut


Benjamin Trumbull (1735-1820) graduated from Yale in 1759. He was the preacher for a church in North Haven, beginning in 1760, for almost 60 years. Trumbull served as volunteer and chaplain during the Revolutionary War. This sermon was preached by him in Connecticut on May 14, 1801.


sermon-election-1801-connecticut

THE DIGNITY OF MAN, ESPECIALLY AS DISPLAYED
IN CIVIL GOVERNMENT.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT HARTFORD, IN CONNECTICUT,

MAY 14, 1801.

By BENJAMIN TRUMBULL, D. D.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN NORTH-HAVEN.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1801.

ORDERED, That the Honorable David Daggett, and Mr. Joseph Doolittle, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Benjamin Trumbull, D. D. for his Sermon delivered before them at the General Election on the fourteenth instant, and request a copy thereof for the Press.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by

SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

An ELECTION SERMON.
 

I KINGS ii. 2, 3.

I go the way of all the earth: be thou strong therefore, and shew thyself a man. And keep the charge of the Lord Thy God, to walk in his ways, to keep his statutes, and his commandments, and his judgments, and his testimonies as it is written in the Law of Moses, that thou mayest prosper in all that thou dost, and whithersoever thou turnest thyself.

MEN of the most distinguished fame, piety and usefulness, after a few years of faithful services, must quit the stage, and retire into darkness and silence. Kings, who, like David, have filled the throne with honor, must exchange their robes of royalty, the scepter and the crown, for the shroud and the tomb.

To this solemn and momentous period, David, that eminently pious and magnanimous ruler, was now advanced. And how august, how instructive and interesting is the scene, which his example, as exhibited in the text, presents to our view? We behold a renowned and mighty prince, after achieving wonders in the field, and rendering the most essential services to the church of God, taking leave of the world, resigning his government, and giving his final charge to Solomon, who was to reign after him upon the throne of Israel. I go, says he, the way of all the earth. “Exhausted with years and public labors, I suffer the common lot of man, and must sleep with my fathers. I have done with courts, government and life itself. I am bidding a long adieu to them, to you and to all mankind. You are now to accede to the government of a numerous and mighty nation, the people and heritage of the God of Jacob. Upon this great occasion, in these tender and solemn moments, I therefore entreat and charge you, by the affections of an aged, dying father, by all my desires and prayers for your honor and prosperity, and for the welfare of Israel, God’s chosen people, that you be strong and show yourself a man: That you act up to the dignity and glory of your nature. This your exalted station, as the ruler of God’s people, and the immense interests committed to your care will constantly demand. To you, and to them it will be of incalculable importance.”

The words import, that there is great worth and dignity in man: That to conduct himself agreeably to them is to act an useful, wise and glorious part. They comprise everything which a wise, magnanimous and dying father could wish for a favorite son: Everything which a pious prince, who preferred Jerusalem to his chief joy, could desire to see in him, who was to bear rule over the heritage of the Lord. Indeed in this short sentence, David compriseth distinguishing piety and righteousness, whatever is enjoined in the subsequent verses, relative to keeping the charge of the Lord and walking in all his commandments. It also imports that civil government is an arduous work, equal to the utmost strength of human capacity, challenging all the dignity and powers of the greatest men; and that it is of the highest importance that civil rulers be men, displaying that piety, knowledge, prudence, fortitude and magnanimity which are the glory of man.

In this view of our text it will be natural, for its further illustration, to give some sketches of the dignity of man: To show how this is displayed in civil government, or what it is for rulers to show themselves to be men: And lastly how important it is that they should act in character, agreeably to the dignity and excellency of human nature.

I. It will be natural to give a sketch of the dignity and capacity of man.

To show the dignity and awful weight of government, it is necessary to exhibit the dignity and worth of the creatures governed, and the immense value of their interests. This only can show the magnitude of the trust committed to the civil magistrate and the dignity and importance of his office.

But man, who is a subject of divine and human government, is a creature of vast dignity, worth and interests. This is expressed in the text, in the terms, be strong and quit yourselves like men. Be of good courage, and let us play the men for our people, and for the cities of our God. Man is capable of the most signal usefulness and enjoyment in time and in eternity. In a variety of respects, his Creator hath exalted him, and put a matchless dignity upon him. Though by his apostasy he hath lost the moral image of God, and in that respect the crown is fallen from his head, the gold is changed, and the most fine gold is become dim, yet he still retains resemblances of his natural image, and in many respects is a glorious creature. He is a master-piece of divine workmanship; fearfully and wonderfully made. The erectness of his stature, the convenience and usefulness of his members, the wisdom with which they are all placed, the beauty and majesty of his countenance, the gift of language, and harmony of his voice are endowments by which he is distinguished and exalted above all creatures in this lower system of worlds. But his intelligent soul more especially gives him his dignity and inestimable worth. This is a bright resemblance of the natural perfections of his common father. He is a spirit, so is the soul of man. He is all intelligence and activity, and so is the human mind. Man is the living image of the living God. In him is displayed more of the image and glory of the Deity than in all his other works below the sun.

The worth and dignity of man appear in his capacity, in the great and noble achievements and works which he hath done and is capable of doing. He is capable of thought, reflection, reasoning, consciousness, volition and extensive knowledge:–Of contemplating himself, the heavens, the earth and seas, the variety of creatures and things which they contain, with their natures and usefulness:–Of speaking of trees, from the Cedar that is in Lebanon, even unto the Hyssop that springeth out of the wall: 1 of discovering their various uses, whether for food or physic, for navigation or commerce, for personal or national emolument: And of employing all creatures, elements, trees, plants, herbs and shrubs of every country and climate for his own profit, convenience and pleasure.

He is capable of rising instantaneously, in his contemplations, from earth to the heavens; of traveling among stars and planets; of measuring their distances and magnitudes; and of making vast discoveries in philosophy and astronomy:–Of rising still higher, from the contemplations of nature, to the far more important and pleasing contemplations of nature’s God. He can plan and effect wonderful works; erect cities and kingdoms, found and govern empires. If we look back to the effects of ancient times, in the land of Shinar, Egypt and Palestine, what glorious works there presented themselves, where Babel, Babylon, Nineveh, and the Pyramids, which have been the wonder of the world, were erected! Where stood Jerusalem, the holy temple, and all the magnificent works of Solomon! If we survey the kingdoms of Europe, what super works attract our view and fill us with astonishment!

How great and useful have been the writings of men, in every learned profession! What thanks do the world owe to Hypocrates, Boerhaave, and to several modern writers, for their discoveries and communications in the healing art? To Hale, Cook, Littleton, Montesquieu and others, for the light which they have thrown upon the laws of nature and nations, and upon jurisprudence in general? How have Lock, Sir Isaac Newton, Franklin, and other logicians and philosophers, enlarged the boundaries of human knowledge? With what admiration do we view the works of theologians? Of Pool, Owen, Perkins, Twiss and others? What changes have they effected? Paul propagated and established Christianity through the heathen world; and the pens and eloquence of Luther and Calvin wrought the glorious protestant revolution.

To come nearer to our own times, and to our own country, how great and extensively useful have been the works of our pious and venerable ancestors, in crossing the Atlantic, in planting Christianity in North America, in turning a wilderness, a land not sown, into gardens, orchards and fruitful fields? And in converting thousands of heathen to the knowledge, love and fear of God? Especially, in forming such free, civil and religious constitutions, at a time when the light of liberty was but just dawning upon mankind; and in founding colleges and schools, and making such provision for the general diffusion of knowledge among their descendants, as has rendered us, under the divine smiles, the most free, intelligent and happy people upon whom the fun hath ever shone?

May I not with equal propriety mention the more modern, but not less signal and important works, the American revolution, affected by the energies of the sword and pen of a Washington, aided by the other sages and heroes of America? The peace negotiated by those renowned men, Adams, Franklin and Jay? The constitution of the United States, the counsels and labors by which, in the course of a few years, they have been elevated to such a distinguished point of power, respectability, opulence and prosperity? Do not all these proclaim the capacity, the dignity and worth of man.

But nothing has yet been said of that in which his chief importance appears. He is immortal, capable of more happiness than all the creatures of God, whether angels or men have yet enjoyed, or will enjoy to the consummation of all things. The lives and happiness of the whole intellectual system, collected into one life and sum of happiness, would be a mere nothing, like a drop to the ocean, or spark to the sun, in comparison with immortality, and that far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory and blessedness which one soul is capable of enjoying. The pains and sorrows of all men on earth and of the damned in hell, from the creation to the judgment day, are nothing, when contrasted with that eternity of sufferings which an immortal spirit may endure. As redeemed creatures may be progressing in knowledge, usefulness and bliss, during their immortality, it is not improbable, that the knowledge, usefulness and happiness of every individual saved from among men, will exceed those of all creatures from the day of their creation to the end of time. In this view how does language fail to describe, or imagination to conceive the dignity, capacity and worth of man?

Again, if we consider all the counsels of God from eternity, and all his works in time employed for his recovery; the Son of God dying, rising, interceding and reigning forever for his salvation, how does it aggrandize our ideas of the dignity and worth of man? Saith Dr. Young, In heaven’s great and constant effort for our welfare is capitally written the dignity of man. In what beautiful and striking language does he represent his incalculable worth?

“Know’st thou the worth of an immortal soul?
Behold this midnight glory: worlds on worlds,
Amazing pomp! Redouble this amaze;
Ten thousand add, and twice ten thousand more;
Then weigh the whole: one soul outweighs them all.

A greater than he hath said, What shall it profit a man if he shall gain the whole world and lose his own soul? Or what shall a man give in exchange for his soul?

II. I proceed to show how this dignity is displayed in civil government, or what it is for rulers to show themselves to be men; especially in the sense of our text.

In general it may be observed, that since the dignity and importance of men are of such incalculable magnitude, they must, to show themselves men, at a wise, honorable, magnanimous and glorious part. Their conduct must be in some measure proportionate to their dignity, their high stations and immense interests, and to their capacity, and advantages. They must first seek and promote the greatest and best interests; the highest happiness of themselves and others, and harmoniously treat all objects and interests according to their nature, worth and importance. For men of great dignity and consideration, to act dishonorably, unrighteously, meanly, or wickedly; to neglect great and lasting interests, and employ themselves about those which are trifling and momentary; to prefer private to public good, the honors, wealth and pleasures of time, to those of eternity, are totally inconsistent with the reason and dignity of man.

These observations will apply, in their full force and utmost latitude, to civil rulers. As they stand in the first rank among men, as to their management are committed vast and complicated interests, and as they are distinguished for abilities and advantages for public usefulness; so they should act with views proportionably great, wise, public spirited and magnanimous. Everything selfish, narrow, partial, unrighteous and wicked in them, will appear in a peculiar manner inglorious and inconsistent with human dignity, and especially with that of a civil ruler.

From these general observations it clearly appears that the dignity of man is strongly exhibited, in good government. It will however appear, in a stronger point of view, from a consideration of the immense interests committed to their care, and of the persons for whom they are to legislate and judge. If one immortal creature be of such incalculable worth, how much more valuable must be thousands and millions of them, with all their interests civil and religious? In a Christian state or nation there are many of the sons of God, princes of heaven who shall reign in life by Jesus Christ forever. There are men of whom the world is not worthy; men who shall judge angels, nay judge the world, 2 even the judges and potentates of the earth. So precious are they that God hath said, He that toucheth you toucheth the apple of his eye. 3 In presiding over such beings and interests, the highest dignity is manifested. The greater the trust is, which is committed to men, the greater are the honor and dignity put upon them.

Especially is the case, when they are called to it of God, as are all civil rulers, whatever may be their forms of government, or whatever instrumentality men h=may have in their advancement. For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south. But God is the judge: he putteth down one, and setteth up another. 4 For there is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. 5

They are termed by the high and awful name of Gods, 6 and judge and act for God. They are his ministers, for good to the people. 7 By the very nature and design of their office, they are God’s deputies not for themselves, but for the people, to do them good and nothing but good. Their whole authority, powers and influence should be employed to keep and promote the public peace and happiness; to maintain all the natural, civil and religious rights of their subjects, to suppress all immorality, and to countenance and support everything which is useful, virtuous and praise-worthy. They are represented as the very pillars of the earth, which support it, and prevent its dissolution. 8 In what can the dignity of man be possibly more displayed than in sustaining these high and momentous offices, and in a zealous, wise and faithful discharge of them? Does it not imply everything in which human nature can appear great and good?

Particularly, civil rulers, to show themselves men, must be truly and eminently religious. This is fully implied in the text. Solomon was directed to show himself a man by courageously keeping the charge of the Lord his God, by walking in all his ways, and commandments, and testimonies, as they were written in the law of Moses. The words import that no person can be a man, acting consistently with his rational nature, without it. The same idea is suggested by the prophet Isaiah, who calls upon the Israelites to show themselves men, by renouncing their idols, and acknowledging and submitting to God, as their portion and happiness. 9 David insisted on this in his address to Solomon, not only as absolutely necessary, that he might show himself a man, but that he might be happy either in his person or government. That thou mightiest prosper in all that thou doest, and whithersoever thou turnest thyself. His remarkable words, I Chron. xxviii. 9. Are exceedingly expressive of these truths. And thou, Solomon my son, know thou the God of thy father and serve him with a perfect heart and with a willing mind: for the Lord searcheth all hearts, and understandeth all the imaginations of the thoughts: if thou seek him, he will be found of thee; but if thou forsake him, he will cast thee off forever. Thus did the man after God’s own heart, one of the greatest, most experienced and renowned princes, press religion upon his son, that he might be happy in his person and kingdom, and not be totally and forever rejected by God. Indeed he gives it, as the first and most essential part of the character of a good ruler, that he must be truly pious and righteous. The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God. 10

Those great commands, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself; Whether therefore ye eat or drink, or whatever ye do, do all to the glory of God, are not less binding on the prince than on the peasant, on the ruler than on the subject. These precepts, and the high office which rulers bear, as ministers of God, oblige them to imitate him in his goodness, in the purity of their principles and aims, of their constitutions, laws, judgments, and whole legislative and executive conduct. They should bear true allegiance to him, act with the same benevolent principles, and seek the same ends which he seeks, the public happiness and the glory of his name. But without religion consisting in the love and fear of God, in the love and practice of righteousness and universal goodness, there can be no allegiance to him, nor a single principle or view under the influence of which they ought to act.

In a word, the consideration of their dignity and worth, that as individuals they have interests to secure far superior to everything temporal, and that the many thousands of their subjects have interests equally momentous, and that magistrates are called to their high offices, to subserve these complicated and immense interests, furnisheth the most energetic motives to religion and virtue. A celebrated writer observes, “He who thinks of his dignity, necessarily thinks of God; and he who values his dignity as necessarily worships and obeys him.”

Further, they must, to show themselves men, possess great knowledge and wisdom, an enlarged understanding, comprehensive of the various interests of the people and of the means of promoting them.

Civil Government is arduous, and requires the knowledge of a great variety of things, with a singular prudence in the management of public affairs. The civil magistrate should have an intimate acquaintance with the genius, laws, customs, manners, dangers, resources and whole state of the people whom he governs. He ought also to know the genius, laws, customs, commerce, wants and advantages of the sister states; their peculiar prejudices and prepossessions, that he may avail himself of all these circumstances, to do good to the people over whom he presides, and to the several states in the union: and that by his extensive knowledge, and the impartiality and integrity of his government, he may subserve the general interests of the nation. Indeed he should have a general acquaintance with the religion, genius, navigation, commerce, general laws and state of nations and of the whole world; that from this comprehensive view he may govern himself and the affairs of the commonwealth, with respect to all their extensive and numerous interests and relations, in such a manner as shall most effectually promote the peace and emolument of the subjects of his own immediate government, and the peace and mutual advantage of all their relations. In this way he may be useful and do good to all men. As far as possible, he should be versed in the whole art of jurisprudence, finance and government.

The knowledge of men is also of high consideration to civil rulers. However wise they may be, in other respects, and however excellent their constitutions and laws, and with whatever extent of wisdom and foresight measures may be adopted for the general happiness, yet if the men appointed to execute them are too weak, irresolute or wicked to perform the duties of their respective offices, the designs of the legislature will be frustrated, and the people will be deprived of the happy effects of their wisdom, and of those advantages to which they have a just claim by their constitutions and laws. That rulers may therefore be happy in their government, they must know men, and have fortitude to reject the weak, intriguing and wicked, and to employ the wise, faithful and good, in the executive departments of the government.

As the human mind is capable of endless improvement, and as knowledge is so important for the purposes of good government, how laboriously should rulers study these points, that they may be men in knowledge and wisdom?

The affairs of government are high, above the reach of vulgar minds, though they may be good, and have the best designs towards the community. Moses therefore commanded, Take ye wise men, and understanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you. 11 Solomon, sensible of the necessity of wisdom in the government of a great people, asked it of God. The petition was highly acceptable, and he gave him wisdom and understanding exceeding much, and largeness of heart, even as the sand that is on the sea shore. 12

Civil rulers, to show themselves men, must also possess high paternal feelings, be of a public, noble spirit, deeply impressed with a sense of the vast worth of the interests, the liberties, lives, property, order, peace and prosperity of a commonwealth and nation. They should be strongly inclined to sacrifice all private interests for the public good, and to employ their honors, talents, opportunities and advantages wholly for its advancement. God commands that all rulers should be men fearing God and hating covetousness. 13 As they are his ministers for good, they ought, as far as possible, like him to be good and do good unto all. Like the light of the morning sun, rising without clouds, and gladdening a thousand regions, and like the clear shining after rain, which warms and fertilizes the gardens, the orchards and fields, and with countless fruits and plenteous harvests, enriches whole nations, and administers food and gladness to all men, they should, by extending the righteous, benign and peaceful influences of their government to small as well as great, to the fatherless and widow, to the humble cottage as well as the spacious dome, to thousands, to millions, to all, diffuse universal safety, comfort and joy. While, with these feelings, they act the man, they will appreciate the civil, temporal order, peace and happiness of the community; the liberties, lives and fortunes of the thousands who have entrusted to them their invaluable interests. They will appreciate their immense religious concerns, and not forget their own.

They will realize the importance and necessity of religion and Christian morals, that a people may be free and happy. They will not be insensible of the mutual influence, which government and religion have upon each other. All the measures of government, and even the examples of rulers, will encourage, or injure religion. It cannot be unaffected with the government and example of those in authority. Religion in like manner hath incalculable influence on the government, liberties and happiness of a people. In proportion as men are really conscientious and influenced by genuine principles of the gospel, they will be self-governed. Crimes will be prevented even in secret, and it will give to individuals and to the community at large, such security, peace and order, as mere law can never afford. Where men feel the influence of religion, mild laws will be sufficient for the purposes of government, and but few restraints on the natural rights of the people will be necessary. But when conscience is lost, and moral motives have no influence, a people can be governed by severe laws and punishments only; by Newgates, swords and cannon. In just such proportion as the influence of moral principles and motives are annihilated, the restraints of law must be increased, and the natural rights and liberties of the subjects be diminished. At the same time, property, character, life, and all public and private interests will be less secure. What state of society can be more wretched, than that described by the prophets, when judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off? Truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter? 14—When every brother will utterly supplant, and every neighbour will walk with slanders? 15—When the best of them is a brier, and the most upright is sharper than a thorn hedge? 16—What order, honor or safety, what liberty or happiness can there be among such a people? It is doubtless the greatest quackery in politics, to imagine, that free government and liberty can be maintained without religion and morals.

While rulers taste the pleasures of religion, and act under the influence of wisdom, they will also appreciate the interests of literature, encourage colleges and schools, and advocate all proper means for the general diffusion of knowledge among the people. This is of high consideration both in a civil and religious view; especially in a republican government. If the people are sufficiently illuminated, they will ordinarily, under a wise and good government, be peaceable, steady and joyful. Whatever factious and designing men may insinuate, they will know their true interests, and faithfully support a wise and righteous government. Faction will have but little influence, and ordinarily will be but of short duration. This lays the foundation for eminence in all the learned professions, and is the hand-maid of religion. This has been one grand mean of the civil and religious liberty, peace and happiness of this and the New-England States. This indeed was a leading step in securing the liberty and happiness of America. Men must understand the great principles of rational liberty, that they may contend for, and maintain them. Religion and literature will therefore be encouraged while legislators display the dignity of man.

Further, that they may show themselves to be men, they must possess uncommon magnanimity and fortitude. It is commanded in the text, Be thou strong and show thyself a man: and the Lord commanded Joshua, Be thou strong and very courageous, that thou mayest observe to do according to all the law, which Moses my servant commanded thee. 17

Men of all characters have need even of supernatural strength, that they may overcome the world, their lusts and spiritual enemies. For who is he that overcometh the world, but he that is born of God? Is not this the victory that overcometh the world even our faith? 18 Rulers, and all men in high life, are in peculiar danger from the riches, pleasures, honors, applause and flattery of the world. Worldly cares, company and a multiplicity of business are calculated to fill the mind and leave no place for God and religion. Hence it is written, Not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble are called. 19 Great courage and magnanimity therefore are necessary for men in public stations that they may war with firmness and resolution against the lusts of their own hearts, and the snares and allurements of the world: That they may bear a firm testimony against vice, scatter the wicked with their eye, and not bear the sword in vain: That they may be proof against the subtlety and arts of intriguing men, and the flattery and bribes of those who, in these crooked ways, would court their favor, and tempt them to partiality and respect of persons. They have often to steer in a rough sea. Sometimes faction rears its baleful head within, and wars rage without. Liberty, property, religion and life are at stake. What fortitude, at such times, is necessary, that their hearts may not melt and be shaken with fear, either from the attacks of foreign or domestic, open or secret enemies? The ruler should stand like a rock in the sea, which keeps its place though the storms arise, the billows roll and dash themselves upon it with the greatest violence. Especially, is this necessary in popular governments; that rulers may act impartially, do justice and judgment, faithfully pursue their own opinions and the public good, though popular prejudices and the popular breath should sometimes be against them. When party spirit runs high, and rulers, notwithstanding their most able, upright and faithful services, are misrepresented and vilified, a peculiar nobleness and magnanimity are necessary, to rise superior to calumny and abuse, and to treat all parties with candor, impartiality and goodness. This displays the dignity of man.

Indeed, integrity, faithfulness, diligence, sobriety, and all the social virtues, are necessary that Christian magistrates may show themselves men. They should be examples of everything which a wise and good ruler would wish to have the people to be, to make them great, honorable and happy. The good example of rulers puts great dignity upon them, endears them to their constituents, and has a most salutary influence on individual and public happiness.

In a word, that any of us may show ourselves to be men, we must act up to the dignity of our nature. We must know the Lord our God, be strong to keep his charge, and to walk in his ways, and exhibit all those virtues which may make us good citizens, useful in society, and qualified for a blessed immortality!

III. I proceed to show how important it is that rulers should act in character, agreeable to the dignity of human nature.

The observations which have been made, and passages of scripture which have been adduced, set this in a strong point of light. The address of David to his beloved Solomon, in our text, imports its high necessity and transcendent moment.

The express commands of God, that rulers, from the ruler of thousands even to the ruler of tens, should be able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; just, ruling in the fear of God, are expressive of its high importance. The divine requisitions are of the highest consideration. They are absolutely indispensible.

Further this appears from a consideration of the immense interests committed to the management of rulers, and of the influence which the manner of their government will necessarily have upon them. They rule over men, over thousands, it may be over millions, everyone of whom is worth more than a world. They enact and support the laws by which they are to be protracted in their names, persons, estates and all their civil and religious interests; nay, by which they are to live or die. They are guardians of everything dear to them. The many thousands over whom they bear rule will rejoice or mourn according to the manner in which they govern. It will have influence on the religion, morals, present and endless happiness of innumerable multitudes of the human race. Individuals, families, the present age, and generations to come may be exceedingly effected by their government and example. Is it possible then to calculate of what importance it is that they should show themselves to be men?

Further, in what a forcible and engaging point of light will this appear from the happy effects of a wise and righteous government? How are these attested by scripture and all experience? Blessed art thou, O land, when thy king is the son of nobles, and thy princes eat in due season, for strength and not for drunkenness. 22 When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice. 21 Their influence is represented as cheering as the light of the morning, and like the genial effects of the sun and rain, which clothe nature in all her beauties and produce fruits and harvests of every kind. And he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain. 22

How happy and honorable was the nation of Israel under the government of David and Solomon? How did the kingdom of Judah prosper in the reigns of Asa, Jehoshaphat, and other wise and pious kings? How have other nations and communities flourished under wise and good government? How great and happy have been the effects of it in New-England, and especially in Connecticut? How wise and free are her constitutions? How mild and salutary her system of laws, and the genius of her government? Where is liberty so amply enjoyed? Where is such provision made for schooling? And where is knowledge so generally diffused among the people? What commonwealth was ever governed with less expense, or to more general satisfaction? Where is the community upon earth which rivals her in these respects?

The distraction and misery to which a people are reduced, by a weak and wicked government, may add further light and energy to the point under consideration. The mouth of the Lord hath spoken, Woe unto thee, O land, when thy king is a child, and thy princes eat in the morning. 23 When the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn. 24 God denounceth it as one of the heaviest curses upon his own people, That he would give children to be their princes, and that babes should rule over them. 25

Facts and the experience of mankind, in every age and country, give us the same ideas of a weak and wicked government. How did the folly of rehoboam at once divide the kingdom of Israel, and deprive it of all that wealth, dignity and prosperity, to which the preceding reigns of his illustrious ancestors, David and Solomon, had raised it? How fatal and lasting were the effects of the wicked reigns of Jeroboam and his successors, on the throne of Israel; and of Ahaz, Manasseh, Amon and Zedekiah upon the throne of Judah? They have been the same in other nations in every period of the world! How have the impious and wicked governments of Europe, within the course of a few years, brought incalculable miseries on the people and astonished the world with new crimes? In what a strong and affecting point of light do these considerations evince how highly necessary and important it is that rulers show themselves to be men?

The consideration, that the blessing of God will attend a wise and pious government, and no other, is also of great consideration, to engage rulers to be strong and keep the charge of the Lord. That thou mayest prosper, says David, to his beloved Solomon, in all that thou doest, and whithersoever thou turnest thyself. The words import that there is no prosperity to be expected for rulers themselves, nor their subjects, unless they show themselves strong, to keep the charge of the Lord, and to walk in his ways. At the same time, they contain an implication or promise, that if they will do these they shall prosper in all their measures, and be most happy in their government. The blessing of God will attend them and the people, and righteousness will exalt the nation.

In a word, that civil rulers, and all others, in the various departments and conditions of life, should act in character, as men, is of infinite moment to themselves. All are indispensibly bound to pay the first and principal attention to religion. Our Saviour and Judge has commanded, Seek first the kingdom of God. 26 Labour not for the meat which perisheth, but for that meat which endureth unto everlasting life. 27 If we are disobedient to these high commands, we shall deprive ourselves of the transcendent dignity and happiness of men. We shall destroy interests more valuable than the whole material system, and whatever our circumstances may have been in the present state, we shall mourn at last without pity or end. Our responsibility will be high and solemn, in proportion to the interests entrusted to us; and to our capacities, honors and opportunities. For unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall much be required: and to whom men have committed much, of him will they ask the more. 28

On a review of our subject it is natural to remark on the infinite ingratitude, horrible nature and criminality of sin. What language can describe the ingratitude of treason against him who has given such dignity and worth to man? How ineffable the criminality of destroying such a creature? How sorrowful would it be? How dreadful the crime to destroy the cities, the wealth and happiness of empires, to quench the sun and stars and obliterate the whole material system? But still more sorrowful and tremendous is it to ruin an immortal soul! To destroy one’s self! Well has the poet said,

“Not all these luminaries quench’d at once,
Were half so sad, as one benighted mind,
Which gropes for happiness, and meets despair.”

It is natural further to remark the necessity not only of rulers being men of prayer, constantly asking wisdom, and the high qualifications for good government, but that the people should pray for, and by all means encourage and support them. Proper views of the vast interests committed to their management, and of their high responsibility to God and men, cannot fail to awake in them, as it did in king Solomon, an impressive sense of the necessity of wisdom and aid from heaven, and of their diligently employing all means and opportunities to furnish themselves for public usefulness, and to call into exertion their whole capacity for the common weal.

At the same time, these views will strongly impress on the minds of good people, a sense of the duty of making supplications, prayers and intercessions for kings, and for all that are in authority; that we may lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty. 29 Under the same views and impressions, they will obey magistrates, and be in subjection, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. 30 They will render tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor. 31 They will be candid in judging and modest in speaking of men in authority, and of the public measures. They will be peaceable, contented, industrious and thankful under a good administration of government. With their lives and fortunes, they will support their constitutions and laws. They will abhor faction, discountenance public clamor and insurrection; and be far from the character of those who despise dominion and speak evil of dignities, and of those things which they know not. 32

Further, justice cannot be done to this subject without observing, that it furnisheth motives of the highest consideration to cultivate the mind, and to summon into exertion all the powers of man. Is it possible to describe, or even to conceive the weight of the arguments which his dignity, immortality and capacity for endless improvement and usefulness, for happiness or misery, furnish to persuade every man to be wise and good? Who can seriously contemplate them and not be all life and diligence in the service of God and his generation?

In this state, and at this eventful period, there are peculiar incentives, for all to show themselves men, and to be strong to keep the charge of the Lord our God: especially for the legislature. The good sense and order of our citizens; the encouragement and support, which, for more than a hundred and sixty years, they have uniformly given to the government; their steady conduct in electing men, who have been distinguished for wisdom and patriotism; and when they have once chosen them, in giving them their suffrages annually, during the period of life, or until, by reason of age, they have been incapacitated for public usefulness, is of great consideration, to encourage them to give themselves to the study of government and jurisprudence, and to possess themselves of every qualification which may render them publicly and most extensively useful. The expression of the general esteem of their fellow-citizens in annually placing them in the chair of state, cannot but conciliate their warmest affections, elevate their patriotism, and stimulate their exertions for the common weal. This, while it animates them, is of essential advantage to the citizens, as it gives them rulers rich in experience as well as knowledge. Experience in government is like experiment in philosophy; it teacheth that which nothing else can teach, and is to be depended on. These circumstances create mutual confidence between the ruler and subject, and greatly subserve the general peace and happiness.

On these auspicious circumstances, on the general health and plenty; on the preservation of the lives of his Excellency the Governor and Council, of the Judges of the Superior Court and of our citizens in general, with heartfelt joy, I beg leave to congratulate your Excellency, and this honorable General Assembly. That since the last general election there has been but one breach among the judges of our courts, and but two among two hundred of the clergy, 33 certainly demands our public notice and grateful acknowledgements. The flourishing state of our college and schools is matter of congratulation. These all exhibit motives to piety and usefulness. With the utmost deference, I wish to suggest to your excellency, and this honorable legislature, that you will appreciate and feel their influence. The examples of former governors and magistrates, which have shone with the most distinguishing luster, the happy and lasting effects of their government, the honor and pleasure of continuing and increasing the public happiness, and of important and extensive usefulness to the American States, and to the world of mankind, will not certainly escape your wise observation, nor be without their influence. The eventful period, in which you are called to public action, the uncommon field which presents itself for the display of all the greatness and goodness of man will not be without your notice.

Was there ever call for such a number of great and good men, and for the display of talents in the various departments of the national government, and in those of the government of the particular states, as there is as present? While our citizens are making settlements in every part of the United States; while they are settling a new and extensive government; while they are traversing the ocean, appearing in the East and West-Indies, and in almost every port in the habitable earth, what infinite service might be done to the cause of God and men, by training them to good government, to wisdom, piety, righteousness and the various social virtues? Who can calculate the good effects which it might have not only on the affairs of this state, but of the sister states in general? What happy influence it might have on the morals, civil and religious interests of the new settlements? How far it might extend its influence to future ages and to the four quarters of the earth?

To govern with views, and in a manner most subservient to these noble ends, will be, in the true import of our text, to show yourselves men.

The dangers attending government call for vigilance, manly wisdom and exertion. To maintain and cultivate the peace of America, amidst the animosities of Europe, and the conflicts and jealousies of numerous nations, to conciliate parties and preserve internal peace, to guard against the intrigue, perfidy and demoralization which have made Europe a field of blood, and spread unprecedented misery among a great proportion of the human race, are works becoming the dignity of man. Objects and motives of such magnitude, it is presumed, will arrest your attention, and call into exertion all your powers for the general prosperity and happiness. May you be strong nd show yourselves men, and so keep the charge of the Lord our God, that you may prosper in all that you do, and whithersoever you shall turn yourselves. May you by great and noble actions, the most extensive benevolence and usefulness, embalm your names to the latest posterity. Thus may you prepare for the closing scene of life, when, like David, you shall go the way of all the earth, and stand before him who is higher than the highest and judgeth among the Gods. Then may you meet his all-gracious approbation, and be forever as distinguished for dignity and blessedness among the sons of God, as you have been for exaltation and usefulness among men.

The dignity and worth of man call for universal exertion for his salvation. Especially do they challenge our exertions, my Reverend brethren, who are appointed to watch for souls, as those who must give account. 34 We have interests of our own more valuable than empires, and beside these, how many others of equal importance, are committed to our care? How solemn, how wonderful the trust? How extensive is the field of usefulness, which opens before us? How grand are the objects, how weighty the motives which call us to action. What immense good, by the blessing of God, may we, at such a period, effect by our spirited and faithful labors? By ably defending Christianity? By a zealous and faithful preaching of the doctrines of the cross? By an assiduous inculcation of Christian morals? By supporting government, and training up young men for usefulness in church and commonwealth? By diffusing the knowledge of Christ among the new and extensive settlements on our borders, and by communicating the blessings of salvation to the perishing Heathen of the American continent?

The union and correspondence we have formed with the Presbyterian churches in America, and a similar one with the ministers and churches of Vermont, afford advantages for the most extensive usefulness. The countenance which this honorable legislature have been pleased to give our charitable designs, the liberality with which our good citizens have supported them, and especially, the revival of God’s work in many of our congregations and in the new settlements, challenge our religious acknowledgements. At the same time, they afford engaging motives to perseverance and still greater exertions in our work. Shall we not then brace up with a kind of invincible and immortal vigor and heroism, and spring forward, with united hearts and exertions, to the divine employment to which we are called? Let us rise superior to this vain world, to all its allurements, reproach and persecution. Like the great apostle, warmed with the love of God and men, and fixing our eye upon the goal of glory, let none of these things move us, neither let us count our lives dear to us, that we may finish our course with joy; and the ministry we have received of the Lord Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace of God. 35

To conclude, since man is far greater than can be conceived, let all my hearers show themselves to be men. Contemplate, I beseech you, the transcendent worth and dignity of your natures. Know that you have interests of your own, an empire within, to govern, more valuable than Alexander’s or Caesar’s. You have to subdue your lusts and govern yourselves: To vanquish Satan and the world, or you can never be happy. You run not for corruptible and mortal, but for incorruptible and immortal crowns. You may be kings and priests, and reign with your Redeemer and his redeemed people forever. Deprive not yourselves of heavenly priesthood and royalty. Be not guilty of the infinite crime of destroying yourselves, nor of destroying others. Know that you have families to train to virtue and glory: That you are called to seek the peace, and promote the interests of the churches, societies and corporations to which you respectively belong: To support, build, make honorable and happy this commonwealth; this young, but extensive and growing nation. In proportion as you awake to these duties you will show yourselves to be men. Whatever you design to do, do it immediately; for soon, yes, very soon, like David, you will go the way of all the earth. Work therefore while the day lasteth; for the night cometh when no man can work. This will make you honorable and useful in life and happy in death. This will qualify you to rejoice in the gladness of God’s nation, and to glory with his inheritance forever. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. I Kings, iv. 33.

2. I Cor. vi. 2, 3.

3. Zechariah ii. 8.

4. Psalm lxxv. 6, 7.

5. Rom. xiii. 1.

6. Psalm lxxxii. 6.

7. Rom. xiii. 4.

8. I Sam. ii. 8 and Psalm lxxv. 3.

9. Isaiah xlvi. 8.

10. 2 Samuel xxiii. 3.

11. Exodus xviii. 21 and Deut. i. 13.

12. I Kings iii. 9, 10, 11, 12, and chapter iv. 20.

13. Exodus xviii. 21.

14. Isaiah lix. 14.

15. Jer. ix. 4.

16. Micah vii. 4.

17. John I 7.

18. I John v. 4, 5.

19. I Cor. i. 26.

20. Eccles. X. 17.

21. Prov. xxix. 2.

22. 2 Sam. xxiii. 4.

23. Eccles. x. 16.

24. Prov. xxix. 2.

25. Isaiah iii. 4, 5.

26. Matt. vi. 33.

27. John vi. 27.

28. Luke 12. 48.

29. I Tim. ii. 1, 2.

30. Rom. xiii. 5.

31. Verse 7.

32. Jude 8.

33. Joseph Hopkins, Esquire; one of the judges of the Court for the County of New-Haven, the Rev. Nathaniel Taylor, one of the fellows of Yale-College, and the Rev. Timothy Langdon have deceased since the last election.

34. Heb. xiii. 17.

35. Acts xx. 24.