Sermon – Artillery Election – 1803

Jedidiah Morse (1761-1826) Biography:

Born in New Haven, Connecticut, Morse graduated from Yale in 1783. He began the study of theology, and in 1786 when he was ordained as a minister, he moved to Midway, Georgia, spending a year there. He then returned to New Haven, filling the pulpit in various churches. In 1789, he took the pastorate of a church in Charlestown, Massachusetts, where he served until 1820. Throughout his life, Morse worked tirelessly to fight Unitarianism in the church and to help keep Christian doctrine orthodox. To this end, he helped organize Andover Theological Seminary as well as the Park Street Church of Boston, and was an editor for the Panopolist (later renamed The Missionary Herald), which was created to defend orthodoxy in New England. In 1795, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity by the University of Edinburgh. Over the course of his pastoral career, twenty-five of his sermons were printed and received wide distribution.

Morse also held a lifelong interest in education. In fact, shortly after his graduation in 1783, he started a school for young ladies. As an avid student of geography, he published America’s very first geography textbook, becoming known as the “Father of American Geography,” and he also published an historical work on the American Revolution. He was part of the Massachusetts Historical Society and a member in numerous other literary and scientific societies.

Morse also had a keen interest in the condition of Native Americans, and in 1820, US Secretary of War John C. Calhoun appointed him to investigate Native tribes in an effort to help improve their circumstances (his findings were published in 1822). His son was Samuel F. B. Morse, who invented the telegraph and developed the Morse Code.


sermon-artillery-election-1803

A

SERMON

DELIVERED BEFORE

THE

ANCIENT & HONOURABLE ARTILLERY COMPANY,

In Boston, June 6, 1803,

BEING THE

ANNIVERSARY

OF THEIR

ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

By JEDIDIAH MORSE, D. D.
Minister of the Congregational Church in Charlestown.

“Ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.”
The Prophet Jeremiah.

 

ARTILLERY SERMON.

PSALM LXXVII, 5.

I have considered the days of old, the years of ancient times.

JEHOVAH in governing that universe, which he has created, is uniform in all the operations of his administration. His throne is established in righteousness. All his ways are just and equal. With him there is no variableness, neither shadow of turning. What has happened in former ages, will happen again under similar circumstances. Like causes invariably produce like effects. For these reasons wise men will ever highly value and diligently consult faithful history. It is a mirror, in which nations and smaller communities, acquainted with their own civil and religious state and character, may perceive, what they have to hope or to fear from the righteous Governor and Judge of the world. From it they may learn, what causes have conduced to exalt nations to the favor and protection of God; and what character and conduct of a people have exposed them to his displeasure, and operated their final destruction. It will therefore be our wisdom with the psalmist, to “consider the days of old, the years of ancient times.” In particular it is our duty to examine the history of our own nation, to trace effects, which fall under our notice, to their legitimate causes, and to profit by the wisdom and experience of our sage and pious ancestors.

From the candor of this respectable audience I will hope that I shall not be considered, as deficient in respect for the remaining portion of the United States, or as intending to make any invidious distinction, if in this occasional discourse I confine my observations chiefly to New England. The history of this division of the United States, which is probably better known from its earliest settlement than that of any other portion of the globe, is marked with some peculiar facts and circumstances, recurrence to which may not be deemed unsuitable to this anniversary.

The settlement of New England was a regular, though remote effect of the grand Protestant Reformation. This purifying fire, kindled first in Germany about the year 1517 by the instrumentality of Luther and Melancton, soon spread through Switzerland and Geneva under the direction of Zuinglius and Calvin; and afterward, in the reign of Henry the 8th, under the preaching of Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, and the famous John Knox, pervaded the native country of our venerable ancestors. 1

Of those in England, who appeared in favor of the Reformation, many, constrained by the torrent against popery to disguise their real opinions, were in heart papists, and retained the ‘old leaven.’ Others, influenced by political views, heartily joined in casting off the papal yoke, but were unwilling to relinquish the rites and ceremonies of the Romish worship. Some from a mistaken and timid policy advocated a gradual reform in hope, that by tolerating some things, which they disapproved, prejudices would be removed, and proselytes to the Reformation be multiplied. This accommodating policy to reconcile Christ and Belial, truth and error, has ever, when practiced, produced most pernicious effects both in church and state. There was still another class of the reformed, who, possessing more honesty, discernment, Christian zeal, and independence, boldly appealed to “the law and to the testimony,” and the only standard of religious truth. They openly renounced all the dogmas of popery, and all human impositions, asserted liberty of conscience in matters of faith, were enemies to ecclesiastical tyranny, to the splendor and magnificence of the Romish worship, and strenuous advocates of Scripture purity and simplicity, and hence acquired for themselves the distinctive name of Puritans. From these heroic disciples of Christ our ancestors descended; and they were worthy of their descent. They were men indeed of like passions with others; they had their imperfections, and they partook in a degree of the errors and delusions, peculiar to the times and circumstances, in which they lived. But these were only as spots in the sun; so resplendent were their virtues, that their blemishes are scarcely visible but to the telescopic eye of modern philosophism.

At the period, when the settlement of New England commenced, the parent country was in an advanced stage of improvement. The darkness and ignorance of popery had in a good degree been dissipated by the light of the Reformation, and the useful sciences began to be cultivated with success. It was at the same time in such a state of agitation from religious intolerance and persecution, as was calculated to force into exile the most wholesome members of the community. Accordingly the first settlers of New England were among the best and most enlightened people of the age, in which they lived. In servant Christian piety, independence of soul, and boldness of enterprise; in firmness to encounter danger, in patience to endure trials and hardships most severe, in wisdom to devise, and ability, energy, and perseverance to execute plans for the honor, safety, and lasting happiness of their posterity, they have been exceeded by no body of people in any age of the world. It is but justice to class the mothers with the fathers of New England. Each in their station equally excelled, and have an equal claim to the veneration and esteem of their posterity.

In evidence of the truth of this high character of our ancestors I adduce the testimony of that great and good man Mr. W. Stoughton, first a preacher and afterward promoted to the command of the Province of Massachusetts. He was cotemporary with these worthies, and declared, what he knew from personal observation. In his Election Sermon of 1668 he says, “As for extraction and descent, if we be considered, as a posterity, to what parents and predecessors, may we the most of us look back? As to New England, what glorious things might here be spoken unto the praise of free grace, and to justify the Lord’s expectations upon this ground? Oh what were the open professions of the Lord’s people, that first entered this wilderness? How did our fathers entertain the Gospel, and all the pure institutions thereof, and those liberties, which they brought over? What was their pitch of brotherly love, of their zeal for God and his ways, and against ways destructive of truth and holiness? What was their humility, their mortification, their exemplariness? How much of ‘holiness to the Lord’ was written upon all their ways and transactions? God sifted a whole nation, that he might send choice grain over into this wilderness.” Again, he asks, “Those, that have gone before us in the cause of God here, who and what were they? Certainly choice and picked ones, whom he eminently prepared, and trained up, and qualified for this service. They were worthies, men of singular accomplishments, and of long experience.” 2

“There were among them,” says another competent witness, 3 “many plants of renown, trees of righteousness, some of the choicest in the whole garden of Christ; and their transplantation from Britain to New England did but add to their beauty, verdure, and refinement. They flourished in this foil, and multiplied, and brought forth abundantly the fruits of righteousness.” They were “a noble army of confessors,” educated in the school of patience, purified in the furnace of affliction, and, finding no rest at home, fought an asylum abroad, and were directed by that “wisdom, which is first pure, then peaceable,” to this “land, which God had espied for them.” They were Abrahams, the friends of God, and their lot in life, in many particulars, bore a striking resemblance to his. The kindred and countrymen of this father of the faithful were given up to idolatry and superstition. Their example was contagious. The pure worship of God could not in safety be maintained. Liberty of conscience was denied. The true religion could be preserved only by emigration of the few, who remained uncorrupted, into a foreign country. Under these circumstances God called Abraham “to go out into a place, which he should after receive for an inheritance,” there to establish and maintain in its purity the worship of the true God. By faith he obeyed the call, and “took Sarai his wife, and Lot his brother’s son, and all the substance, that he had gathered, and the souls, that they had gotten in Haran, and went forth,” ignorant of the way, “to go into the land of Canaan,” an unknown country; but confiding in God, as their guide, they persevered, and “into the land of Canaan they came.” Almost literally the same may be said of our progenitors. Indeed, “if there has been any people in the world, whose general history runs parallel with that” of the descendants of Abraham, “it is the people of New England.” 4

Such were our ancestors; and such the circumstances, under which they commenced the settlement of this portion of the globe.

A country like New England rough, healthful, pleasant, calling for that portion of labour and industry, which conduces in the highest degree to soundness of body and purity of mind, abounding in all the comforts of life, planted under the special auspices of heaven, and by such men, we should naturally conclude, would become a second Canaan, a favored land. From feed so pure, we should expect a fair and abundant harvest of good fruits. Accordingly in no inconsiderable degree have the following promises, made to Abraham, been fulfilled to the founders of New England: “I will make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy name great, and thou shalt be a blessing; and I will bless them, that bless thee; and curse him that curseth thee.”

The little company who first went out like Abraham and his family “not knowing whither they went,” has increased into a very numerous people. Hardships incredible they were indeed called to endure in the infancy of the colony; but God had compassion on them, for his covenant’s sake, and permitted not the sword of the wilderness to devour, nor cold, nor famine to destroy, nor fatal sickness to make the land desolate. In all their afflictions he was afflicted, and the angel of his presence saved them. In his love and his pity he redeemed them , and he bare them, and carried them all the days of old. The righteous saw it, and were glad. Iniquity stopped her mouth; or her curse was turned into a blessing. The wrath of man praised God; the remainder thereof he restrained. The Lord was their strength, their fortress, their high tower, and deliverer; their shield, in whom they trusted. He taught their hands to war and their fingers to fight, and gave them victory over their enemies. The beauty of the Lord was upon his people, and he established and prospered the work of their hands. He blessed them in the city and in the field. Zebulon rejoiced in his going out, and Issachar in his tents.

As the righteous Governor of the world ever accomplishes all events by the fittest means; it may be profitable here to inquire, by what means New England rose in opposition to obstacles so formidable, as were opposed in her way, from small beginnings to so high a degree of respectability and prosperity. What causes have operated to secure for her inhabitants so singular a portion of the blessings of heaven?

Doubtless the early and continued increase and prosperity of the people of New England must be considered, as the gracious reward of their singular piety and wisdom; and the precious fruit of those excellent religious, civil, literary, and military institutions, which their piety and wisdom prompted and enabled them early to establish, and afterward to maintain.

The first planters of New England, it has been remarked, were not like the Israelites, who went up out of Egypt, a mixed multitude, “a promiscuous assemblage; they were in general of uniform character, agreeing in the most excellent qualities and principles. They were Christians very much of the primitive stamp.” There was nothing indeed in the nature and object of the enterprise, in which they engaged, to tempt men of a different character to quit their native country, and to brave the dangers of crossing a wide ocean, and the hardships of settling a wilderness. It promised to honors to the ambitious, to pleasures to the voluptuary , no gain to the avaricious. It opened no field of action to wicked men of any class. The main object of the hazardous enterprise being to establish and enjoy the pure religion of the gospel, the great body of those, who engaged in it, were men, “who felt the power of that faith, which worketh by love, which overcometh the world, and is the substance of things hoped for, and the evidence of things not seen.” The few, who mingled with them from sinister motives, or “came hither upon sudden and undigested grounds,” soon returned disheartened and in disgust to their native country, leaving behind them “a shining collection of sincere professors, who enlivened and animated each other in following after holiness by the reciprocal influences of an alluring example.” 5

Anxious to perpetuate for themselves and their posterity the liberty and privileges, both religious and civil, which they enjoyed, they fought, and received direction from heaven concerning the best means for this end. In every plantation their first care was to establish a church, and settle a minister, that the worship of God might be regularly and decently performed, and the people instructed in the doctrines and duties of the Christian religion. Knowing that the declension of piety and the corruption of morals are invariable consequences of neglect and profanation of the Christian Sabbath, they regarded, and by laws protected, this sacred day with uncommon strictness.

When the churches were multiplied and scattered over a considerable extent of country, in order to preserve unity and purity of faith in the bonds of love and peace, they assembled in Synod by their delegates, and framed and adopted a “Platform of church discipline.” From this instrument of union, which long continued to regulate all ecclesiastical proceedings, and which even now is appealed to, as an authority of weight, great good has resulted to the Newengland churches. We should readily suppose this from the characters, which formed it. According to the joint and dying testimony of the venerable and aged Higginson and Hubbard, who in the year 1701, had lived, one of them sixty, the other seventy years in Newengland, the framers of this platform “were men of great renown in the nation, whence the Laudean persecution exiled them. Their learning, their holiness, their gravity struck all men, that knew them, with admiration. They were Timothies in their houses, Chrysostoms in their pulpits, Augustines in disputation. The prayers, the studies, the humble inquiries, with which they fought after the mind of God, were as likely to prosper, as any men’s upon earth. And the sufferings wherein they were confessors for the name and truth of the Lord Jesus Christ, add to the arguments which would persuade us that our gracious Lord would reward and honor them with communicating much of his truth to them. The famous Brightman had foretold, Clariorem lucem adhuc solitude dabit; “God would yet reveal more of the true church state to some of his faithful servants, whom he would send into a wilderness, that he might there have communion with them.” And it was eminently accomplished in what was done for and by the men of God, who first erected churches for him in this American wilderness.” 6

Aware of the necessity of civil government to secure the welfare of the infant colony, the first adventurers, before they landed at Plymouth, formed themselves into a body politic, under a solemn covenant, which they made the basis of their government. By this civil compact they were empowered to “enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time as might be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony.” The foundation of their civil polity being thus laid, they religiously selected their wisest and best men to erect the superstructure. 7 Believing that “he, who ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God,” a hater of covetousness, a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well, “they promoted none, but men of this character, to manage the affairs of government. To infidel despisers of religion and its ordinances, to unprincipled demagogues, to sycophantic declaimers, and office seekers, to men in general of corrupt principles and morals, they gave no countenance. They considered and treated the few of this class, who ventured into New England, as the bane of the commonwealth. Abundant testimony of the truth of what I have now stated might be adduced from our history; you will be satisfied, I presume, with that of the venerable Mitchel, Oaks, Prince, and Shepard, in their Election Sermons. In 1667 Mr. Mitchel observes, “This is the 37th year current with the Massachusetts colony, that God hath given them godly magistrate.” He adds, “The sun does not shine on a happier people, than they are in regard of his mercy.”

Six years after this Mr. Oaks testifies, as follows, “Many and wonderful are the favors and privileges, which the Lord your God hath conferred upon you. As to your civil government you have had Moses, men I mean of the same spirit, to lead and go before you. The Lord hath not given children to be your leaders, but pious, faithful, prudent magistrates, men in wisdom and understanding; men of Nehemiah’s spirit, that fought not themselves, but sincerely designed the good, and consulted the welfare and prosperity of these plantations. Good magistrates, good laws, and the vigorous execution of them, have been the privilege and glory of New England, wherein you have been advanced above most of the nations of the earth.”

In 1730 Mr. Prince confirmed the testimony of his predecessors: Speaking of the civil fathers of New England, who had gone before them, he says, 8 “They were mostly men of good estates and families, of liberal education, and of large experience; but they chiefly excelled in piety to God, in zeal for the purity of his worship, reverence for his glorious name and strict observance of his holy Sabbaths; in their respect and maintenance of an unblemished ministry; the spread of knowledge, learning, good order, and quiet through the land, a reign of righteousness, and the welfare of this people; and the making and executing wholesome laws for all these blessed ends.”

At that pure and pious period of our commonwealth there was a happy concurrence between civil and ecclesiastical leaders in promoting religion. “Then” (says Mr. Shepard, 9 one of my worthy predecessors,” “might be seen magistrates and magistrates upon the seat of justice, cemented together for the advancement of the kingdom of Christ in this wilderness. Then might be seen magistrates and ministers together in way of advice: ministers and ministers cleaving together in way of communion: ministers and their respective congregations together in way of prayer and holy worship: churches and churches together in way of consultation, by greater and lesser synods; magistrates and ministers and their people together, uniting hands and hearts in the common cause, breathing a public spirit, and conspiring with holy zeal and vigor, to advance the kingdom of Christ.” The excellent rulers of that day “united with their pastors in consultations and endeavors for the advancement and preservation of religion, and the privileges, peace, and order of the churches. By their grave and prudent carriage they happily preserved a veneration for their persons and authority among the people; and yet carefully protected them in the full enjoyment of their precious liberties.” 10

Blessed be the God of our fathers, who hath not forsaken us. Such characters, as we have now described, men of like excellent spirit, still govern in our favored New England. They are consoling evidences of our remaining health, previous guardians of our dearest privileges, the salt of the earth; pledges of the continued favor and protection of heaven. For such rulers we most fervently wish long life, increasing influence, and the blessing of God Almighty.

The doctrines, that “ignorance is the mother of devotion,” that human learning is not a requisite qualification in the ministers of religion, nor yet in those, who govern, and legislate for the commonwealth, were not the doctrines of our fathers. They had no belief, that the fear of God could be preserved, or that the rights of citizens would be secure, should the lowest of the people be advanced to the priesthood, or promoted to make and execute the laws of the commonwealth. They considered learning, as the handmaid of true religion and rational liberty; and that neither could flourish, or long exist, without her aid. Accordingly, prompted by their piety, and directed by their superior wisdom, they established schools on a plan new, liberal, and useful, far beyond any before or since invented; a plan, which, providing equally for the poor and the rich, who mingled in the same school, was admirably calculated to draw into notice and use, genius and worth, which, but for this device, might have been forever concealed in the obscure abodes of poverty. By means of this excellent institution of free schools, sufficient of itself to immortalize the memories of our sage progenitors, thousands have been advanced from the humblest sphere of life, and introduced upon the public stage, where they have acted parts in behalf of the state, and of the church, highly honorable to themselves and useful to their fellow citizens.

Sixteen years 11 only after the first landing of our fathers at Plymouth, and within less than eight after the first planting of the Massachusetts colony, while they were yet without wealth, in a wilderness, surrounded by a savage and faithless race, they laid the foundation of Harvard College. So highly did they value the advantages of liberal education. This seminary, nurtured by the prayers of its pious founders and friends, and the liberal benefactions of the legislature and of private individuals, greatly flourished, and diffused its benign influence through New England. From this ancient institution, respectable and pleasant in our eyes, early established “to enlighten and rejoice our land,” have proceeded some of the most brilliant and useful ornaments of New England, both in church and state. Shall not the example of those excellent men, who established, and fostered, and prayed for this institution; shall not the rich harvest of blessings, which it has yielded to our country, secure for it still the affection and patronage of our civil fathers? So shall it continue first, as she is the eldest, among her sisters, the beauty of New England, and the mother of illustrious worthies for ages and ages to come.

On all the glory of New England God was pleased to create a defense by inspiring the people in general with a brave, intrepid spirit, suited to their perilous circumstances, and particularly by leading them early to establish that very useful and honorable military association, whose anniversary we now religiously celebrate in the house of God; to whose history, agreeably to their request, I shall now invite your attention.

Our sagacious forefathers laid deep and broad foundations for the happiness of their posterity. They seem to have left nothing undone, which they could do, to secure the grand object of their migration to this country. Pacific and inoffensive as they were in their principles and conduct; fair and honorable as were their treaties and traffic with their Indian neighbors; they were still exposed to their insidious and hostile attacks. To their religious, civil, and literary institutions, it therefore seemed necessary to add one of a military kind, which might serve, as a school, in which the knowledge of this important art might be advantageously cultivated, and as a nursery for the formation of officers and soldiers for the defense of their country.

It appears from a paragraph in Governor Winthrop’s Journal, 12 that as early as December 1637, a number of respectable gentlemen, with others, had associated in a military company, and requested to be made a corporation. “But the council, considering from the example of the Praetorian band, among the Romans, and the Templars 13 in Europe, how dangerous it might be to erect a standing authority of military men, which might easily, in time, overthrow the civil power,” thought fit to decline granting their request. However, on the 24th of April following the Governor and Council established the Company by the name of “THE MILITARY COMPANY OF THE MASSACHUSETTS;” but they expressly provided that nothing, contained in their charter, should “extend to free the said company, or any of them, their persons or estates, from the civil government and jurisdiction” of the commonwealth.

This association, as we are informed in the preamble or their charter, originated from a concern in its members for “the public weal and safety; and to promote these, by the advancement of the military art and exercise of arms.” The situation of New England, at this period, was peculiarly calculated to inspire a disposition to promote military discipline. A long, distressing, and very bloody war, the first which had happened between the English and the Indians, in which the Pequod nation were utterly exterminated, had just closed. 14 Although the success of this war on the part of the English was so signal and complete, as to refrain the surrounding Indian tribes from waging open war for nearly forty years after; 15 yet, as this effect could not be foreseen, all felt the necessity of being armed, disciplined, and prepared for any emergency. Hence too the disposition in the government to patronize and distinguish it with peculiar privileges.

Its original charter, 16 grants liberty to choose its own officers, the two first in grade to be always such, as the Court or Council shall approve. Members of this company, (officers of other trained bands excepted,) were excused from ordinary trainings. The first Monday in every month was appointed for their meeting and exercise; and that they might not be interrupted, all other trainings, and particular town meetings, were prohibited on these days. They were also empowered to make, and by fines to enforce, such regulations for the management of their military affairs, as they might think expedient, which should be of force, when allowed by the Court. They had liberty to meet for military exercises in any town within the jurisdiction. And to assist them in defraying expenses, incident to their extraordinary exertions for promoting military discipline, the Court granted them first one thousand, and afterward in addition five hundred acres of land, for their use and that of their successors for ever. If we except the Roman, Praetorian band, no military association perhaps was ever distinguished by government, with similar privileges. The Council, by subjecting the association to the civil authority, while at the same time they extended to it liberal patronage, manifested great discernment and prudence, as they effectually secured all the advantages, while they avoided the dangers of the Praetorian band.

It appears, that the company at its commencement was composed in part at least, of some of the first men in the colony. Men of like character have ever since been ranked among its members. Before the close of a century from its establishment, the association, from the high respectability of its members, and from its extensive and acknowledged usefulness, received the name of “THE ANCIENT AND HONORABLE ARTILLERY COMPANY OF MASSACHUSETTS,” which name it still merits and retains.

The best institutions have their seasons of decline. Such a season, it appears this company experienced previously to the year 1700. A long time it had continued “a nursery for training up soldiers in military discipline, and who had been prepared for, and employed in, the service of their king and country.” 17 From various causes, not recorded, it had been for several years “under some decay.” Anxious to preserve the reputation, honor, and good influence of their institution, the company, in September 1700, met, and revised their former grants and orders, and considered what part of them might with propriety be annulled, and what additions made, to meet the increase and improved state of the country. The result was that the three, instead of the two first officers of the company, should be allowed by the Governor; that they should have liberty to meet for military exercises, not in “any town within the jurisdiction,” but, “in any neighbouring town at their discretion;” that instead of the first Monday in every month, training days should in future be the Election day, being the first Monday in June, annually, and the first Mondays in September, October, April, and May; that out of the several companies in Boston there may be enlisted 40 soldiers and no more; that upon the reasonable request of any member of the company they may have their dismission granted: The names of such are enrolled on an honorary list, kept for the purpose. 18

Though the great changes in the state of the country rendered it less necessary for the company to claim rigid respect to some of their peculiar privileges; yet as late as April 1st, 1748, one of the training days of the company, a town meeting called in Boston on this day, was declared illegal, null, and void, because contrary to their charter. 19 At a recent period also, I have been informed, a commanding officer of another military company, having inadvertently ordered out his soldiers on one of the training days of the honorable artillery company, very politely countermanded the order, as an infringement of their ancient rights.

This company, from the beginning, has shared the countenance and patronage of the public. No other company has succeeded in procuring like privileges. Its funds are exempted from taxes; its anniversaries have ever been celebrated by religious solemnities, as well as by military exhibitions, and honored with the presence of the civil fathers of the commonwealth, of numbers of the clergy, and of many other respectable members of the community.

Care is taken in the choice of members, to preserve the reputation of the company. None are admitted, but by a concurrence of three quarters of the votes; and sureties are required for their good behavior. Upward of fourteen hundred persons have been members of this association since its establishment.

Previous to the year 1767, owing in part to the extraordinary expenses, necessarily incurred by the officers, the association experienced another decline. Timely and effectual exertions however were made, to revive it again.

In 1772 the threatening aspect of public affairs awakened the attention of this company. Elevated by their profession and privileges, as centinels to watch the movements of those, who meditated evil against the commonwealth, it became them to take the lead in military preparations for the last resort. They were not ignorant of their duties, nor unfaithful in performing them. They resolved to adopt a uniform dress, to be very particular in the selection of their members, and strict and punctual in observing the rules of their institution. These and other vigorous measures were adopted with a view to inspire a military spirit into their own body, and to diffuse it among their fellow citizens. These exertions were continued with no inconsiderable effect, we may presume to say, upon the interesting transactions of that portentous period, till the opening of the revolutionary war in April 1775. In this war many of the members of this company engaged, and some, whose names adorn their records, acted very distinguished parts, both in the field and in the cabinet; whose names will with honor descend to posterity on the pages of history.

From April 1775 to August 1786, the company for obvious reasons intermitted their regular meetings. At the period, last mentioned, they reassembled, and organized themselves under their last elected officers. This was another period of danger, and these patriots and veterans were prompt in their preparations to meet it. A formidable insurrection, which for some time had been generating from a combination of causes, in the subsequent autumn burst forth in the western parts of this commonwealth, under the direction of Daniel Shays, and others, which threatened the most serious consequences, not to this state only, but to our whole country. At this anxious period, when all the blessings, purchased by the blood and treasure of our citizens, was put to the most imminent hazard, this patriot band, descrying the danger, and animated with noble ardor to repel it, at the call of the commander in chief declared, immediately and unanimously, “their readiness (these are their own words) to exert themselves in every thing in their power to support the government of the commonwealth, and to hold themselves in readiness, on the shortest notice, to turn out in defense of the same.” Accordingly they appeared foremost in discharging the duties of this momentous crisis. Considering their character as men, as patriots, and as soldiers, their example must have had a commanding influence upon others; and at so critical a moment, when many hesitated on which side to engage, when a short delay, a little less resolution and spirit manifested, would have turned the scale in favor of anarchy, it is probably doing but justice, to say that this ancient and honorable company, under Providence, contributed much, very much to the salvation of this state, of our country, and of all in this world, that our hearts hold dear.

Since this period under the smiles of heaven, our country has enjoyed peace and prosperity, and of course the history of this institution has been marked with no prominent event. Its time of action is, when the interests of our country are put to the hazard by invading foes. Its post of honor is the post of danger. It is sufficient, that in times of peace its members hold themselves prepared for war.

A remarkable feature of this honorable association must not escape our notice. On the day of election new officers are always chosen, and those of the preceding year return to the ranks, and continue to perform the duties of privates, till again promoted at some future election. This is done with appropriate ceremonies on the public common, in presence of the Governor and Council, surrounded with a crowd of spectators. “This is the very marrow and pith of republicanism.

A military association, founded in the purest age of New England, at once subject to, and nurtured by the government, highly republican in its principles, embracing, as it has done, in successive periods, so many characters of distinction and worth, reverencing the religious institutions of their country, must have diffused a salutary influence over the commonwealth. Placed, as a city on a hill, distinguished by their privileges, sensible that to whom much is given of them much is required, they must have felt a peculiar responsibility, and taken unusual pains to perfect themselves in the art military. They must have been, more especially in the infancy of the country, an example, which other military companies would aspire to imitate. The members, not belonging to a single town, but dispersed over the commonwealth, carried home with them a military spirit, and the knowledge of correct discipline, and spread them among their neighbors. When they emigrated into the surrounding provinces, thither also they conveyed their disciplinary and tactical improvements. This company, no doubt, has had large influence directly and remotely, in raising the military character of New England. Like leaven, it has operated in leavening the whole lump.

It is presumed, that nothing, which has now been said of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery, will be so construed, as to detract in any degree from the merit of our respectable militia, or from the high reputation of the many volunteer companies, formed in various parts of the commonwealth, several of which, in point of skill and exactness in military maneuvers and discipline, vie with the parent institution. As to the militia it is enough, that their Commander in Chief has said that, their body, “was never perhaps in a more respectable condition, than at present.” 20

My subject, I fear has led me to trespass already too long upon your patience. I must ask your indulgence, however, a few minutes longer, while I apply my discourse, first to the Ancient and Honorable Company, whose anniversary we this day celebrate; then to the audience at large.

Brethren, of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company.

Agreeably to a wish, expressed to me by your respected officers, I have attempted a summary history of your venerable institution. You cannot contemplate its origin, its uniform respectability, and extensive usefulness, without mingled emotions of devout gratitude, and virtuous emulation. Your Association was formed in perilous times by Christian patriots, trained up in scenes adapted to try their souls. It did not originate in ambition to create a military influence, to overawe the civil authority, and prostrate at its feet the liberties of the people; but in a just and pious concern for “the public weal and safety;” in a desire to co-operate in the military department with the legislative and executive authority, with the ministers of religion, and the cultivators and friends of science and literature, in laying deep, and broad, and secure, the foundations of the future peace, prosperity, and glory of New England. The piety and wisdom of our fathers led them to combine all their means and efforts, to produce the greatest possible good. We trust, brethren, that it will be your aim to keep in view the original design, of your association. It will be your study, how you shall most effectually preserve its high reputation, and render it most useful to the community. Should foreign foes again dare to invade our country’s rights, or anarchy to raise her hydra head in our own bosom, which may heaven forbid, you will be alert at the post of danger, and by your example inspire others to unite in repelling the aggressions and preventing the havoc of the presumptuous enemy. It will be your glory, as it was that of your renowned predecessors, to co-operate, in your department with all other useful institutions in promoting the safety, honor, and independence of our country. To this end you will place continually before you the excellent example of those of your predecessors, whose names adorn the list of your members; you will imbibe their spirit, emulate their moral and civic as well, as military virtues. Above all you will aspire to imitate their piety toward God, their zeal for his honor, their reverence for his Sabbath and ordinances: You will, in a word, be Christian patriots, and good soldiers of Jesus Christ. “Watch ye, stand fast in the faith, quit you like men, be strong.” So shall your ancient company still remain honorable, preserve its high rank, its respectable patronage, and extensive influence; and you yourselves, my brethren, having followed your predecessors, who through faith and patience now inherit the promises; having, like those Christian heroes, fought the good fight, finished your course, and kept the faith, you will receive from the righteous Judge the crown of righteousness the laurel of victory, that fadeth not away.

The view we have taken of the settlement of Newengland, and of the character and institutions of our venerable ancestors, furnishes to us all abundant matter for useful reflection. The hand of God was very visible in planting this country, in sustaining, protecting, and prospering its first Christian inhabitants. They were a chosen generation, and received wisdom from above to enact laws, and establish institutions, surpassing in excellence and utility those of perhaps any other nation under heaven. It is our honor and our privilege to have descended from such progenitors, to live under such laws, to enjoy the benefits of such institutions. Amid dangers, and trials, and hardships of which we can have but a faint idea, our fathers planted, God in his abundant goodness watered, and we are reaping, in manifold blessings, a large increase. Seeing these things are so, what manner of persons ought we to be in all holy conversation and godliness? How fervent should be our gratitude to God; how warm and enlightened our zeal for his honor; how cheerful and perfect our obedience to all his holy laws and institutions?

It is said of Rome, that “in her youth and manhood she was the seat of piety, of the purest patriotism, simplicity of manners, justice, honor, temperance, frugality, and splendid poverty.” Among all the heathen nations none perhaps ever enjoyed more light, advantages, and blessings, than the Romans, till the introduction of luxury; when money became the sole object of pursuit, and all veneration for religion, oaths, justice, and modesty, was by degrees annihilated. Their punishment was proportioned to the privileges and blessings, which they had enjoyed, and to the sins by which they had forfeited them. Tacitus thus describes their degenerate state. “Most hideous were the ravages of cruelty at Rome: for there it was treasonable to be noble; capital to be rich; criminal to have sustained honors; criminal to have declined them; and the reward of worth was quick and inevitable destruction. There the baneful villanies of informers were not more shocking, than their mighty and distinguishing rewards,” (for on them were conferred the most honorable and lucrative offices of the empire,) while “every station, exerting all their terrors, and pursuing their hate, they controlled and confounded all things; slaves were suborned to accuse their masters; freedmen their patrons; and such as had no enemies, were betrayed and undone by their friends.”

The Jews furnish an example still more in point. They were God’s peculiar people, on whom he bestowed his richest favors. He dealt so with no other nation. When they were but few in number, yea a very few and strangers; when they went from one nation to another, from one kingdom to another people, he suffered no man to do them wrong: Yea he reproved kings for their sakes. He increased his people greatly, and made them stronger, than their enemies. He sent Moses his servant, and Aaron, whom he had chosen, to lead them forth by a right way; and gave them the land of the heathen, that they might observe his statutes and keep his laws. Jacob was the lot of his inheritance; he instructed him, he kept him, as the apple of his eye. He made him to eat of the increase of the fields, and to suck honey and oil out of the rock. Butter of kine, did he give them, and milk of sheep, with fat of lambs, and kidneys of wheat, and they drank of the pure blood of the grape. This happy state of things continued so long as this people remained faithful in the service of the God of their fathers. “But Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked; and forsook God, who made him, and lightly esteemed the rock of his salvation. And, when the Lord saw it, he abhorred them, because of the provoking of his sons and his daughters.” The scene was reversed. Their blessing was turned into a curse; and their condition became as deplorable, as it was before prosperous. All this evil came upon them, because they had “forsaken the Lord God of their fathers, and served other gods.”

If then, like the ancient Romans, we lose our veneration for religion and its sacred institutions, our regard to justice and modesty, with our love of country; if we suffer luxury to destroy our simplicity of manners, and to create artificial wants, and money to become the chief object of our pursuit; if by any means we become so politically depraved, as that vice shall triumph and “impious men bear sway,” and the honorable man shall be found only in the private walks of life. Or, if, like Jeshurun, we wax fat and wanton in our prosperity, and depart from the old paths and the good way, and forsake the God of our fathers, the Rock of our salvation, then we may be assured, our destruction draweth nigh. And, when God shall enter into judgment with New England, it will be a day of his fiercest wrath. The plagues and miseries, inflicted by Jehovah on ancient Rome, on modern France, or even those poured out on his chosen people, are more tolerable, than those in store for us, if under our superior privileges, and more solemn warnings, we follow the example of these apostate nations. And are there not already upon us many symptoms of decline? Let us compare the modern with the primitive state of this part our country, and mark the difference. Oh that we were wise, that we understood this, that we would consider our latter end, and know the things, that belong to our peace, before they be hidden from our eyes!

Suffer me, in this connection, to address you in the solemn words of the excellent Gov. Stoughton: “Consider, and remember always, that the books, that shall be opened at the last day, will contain genealogies in them. There shall then be brought forth a register of the genealogies of New England’s sons and daughters. How shall we, many of us, hold up our faces then, when there shall be a solemn rehearsal of our descent, as well, as of our degeneracies! To have it published, whose child thou art, will be cutting to thy soul as well, as to have the crimes reckoned up, of which thou art guilty.” 21

But, though we have much to fear from our degeneracies, we have, through the mercy of our God, many things to encourage our hopes. Numerous and animating are the tokens of the favor of heaven, still visible among us, when we look into the state of our churches, of our colleges and schools, of our political, and military affairs. The institutions of our fathers still yield to us their increase, though the harvest is diminished and marred by our degeneracies. Shall we not then take courage, awake, unite, and strengthen the things which remain?

To this end let us “consider the days of old, the years of ancient times,” and reflect often on our descent, more highly to be valued, than that of kings and nobles. Let us venerate and by all means preserve uncorrupted, those institutions, which our fathers planted in their wisdom and piety, watered and cherished with their tears and their prayers, and defended with their blood; which have borne for their posterity so fair and plentiful a harvest of blessings. We cannot leave to our posterity a richer inheritance, than these institutions, in their primitive purity.

Let us guard against the insidious encroachments of innovation, that evil and beguiling spirit which is now stalking to and fro through the earth, seeking whom he may destroy. His business is to take off all salutary restraints upon the passions of men, to annihilate the force of law, to unkennel vice, to uncivilized man and reduce him to a state of nature. His path may be descried by the tears and groans of his seduced followers. It leads through the noisy, and bloody abodes of anarchy and wild misrule to the dreary, cheerless regions of despotism.

As we value our liberties and happiness, let us reject the visionary schemes of modern reformers; be contented with experimental knowledge; adhere unwaveringly to “the old paths and the good way,” in which our fathers walked, and found rest to their souls; cherish those found political and religious principles, and “steady habits,” which in this stormy period, will guide us safely, between Scylla and Charybdis, anarchy and despotism. Let those men, and those only, share the honors and offices of government, who are just, and will rule in the fear of God. If we see men anxious and intriguing for posts of trust and profit, uttering groundless clamors against those in office, claiming to be the exclusive friends of the people; calumniating the religion and the ministers of the gospel, and habitually neglecting its holy ordinances; indulging the lusts of the flesh, despising dominion, and speaking evil of dignities; we may be assured, such men are false hearted patriots; they are not to be trusted. “Clouds they are without water, carried about of winds; trees, whose fruit withereth; without fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots. Raging waves of the sea; foaming out their own shame; wandering stars, to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever.”

While we diligently promote sound principles in religion, in politics, and science; while we study those things which make for peace; such are the hostile dispositions and attitudes of the nations of the earth; such our commercial connections with them, that it is necessary we be prepared for war. The example of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, merits, in this connection, our notice and imitation. His kingdom was surrounded with enemies. He therefore wisely “strengthened himself against them; placed forces in all the fenced cities of Judah, and in the cities of Ephraim.” With these preparations for war he connected instruction in righteousness. “In the third year of his reign he sent of his princes to teach in the cities of Judah, and with them he sent Levites and priests. And they taught in Judah, and had the book of the law of the Lord with them, and went out through all the cities of Judah, and taught the people.” Mark the consequence of these combined efforts for the safety of the nation: “And the fear of the Lord fell upon all the kingdoms of the lands, that were round about Judah, so that they made no war against Jehoshaphat.”

Sound policy surely dictates to us the same means of national defense. We are taught by high authority, which will not be controverted, that “it will always be necessary to cultivate the military art, not to enable us to commit outrages with impunity, but to defend ourselves against the attempts of unprincipled and ambitious men, who consider all means, as lawful, that promote their ends; who make their glory consist in spreading misery through the world.” 22

A general knowledge of the art of war among a people, a manly attitude, preparations to meet meddlesome invaders, are necessary preservatives of honorable peace. Depraved and unprincipled men will be restrained only by fear. The wicked prey upon the defenseless. Pusillanimity ever invites insult and outrage. But, though ships and fortresses, the sword, the spear, and weapons of war, are good and necessary means of defense; yet the protection of God is far better; and without this they can avail us nothing. “Righteousness exalteth a nation to an honorable alliance with heaven, and sheltereth it behind the shield of omnipotence. Whatever, therefore, promotes righteousness, must be regarded by every man, who believes a Providence as a part of the national defense.” 23

Even the first Consul of the French nation, of whose military and political talents we have a higher opinion, than of the piety of his heart or the morality of his life, convinced, probably by the dreadful effects of abolishing Christianity in the nation which he now rules with a despotic arm, of the necessity of religion, is constrained to give it his sanction. “The principles of an enlightened religion, (he says) produce union in societies, and the happiest effect on public morals. From their consequence childhood is more docile to the instructions of parents, and youths more submissive to the authority of magistrates. 24

Finally, considering our honorable descent, our distinguished privileges, our consequent high obligations, what we owe to our God, and to our country, to ourselves and our posterity; let us all, magistrates and ministers, men of science and men of war, all of every occupation, and rank, and sex in the community, each in his lot, combine our efforts, to reform or exterminate every thing which mars or endangers our general happiness; and to cherish and invigorate all those things, which tend to promote and secure its continuance.

And now, in language, uttered by king David to an assembled princes, captains, and officers of his kingdom, with the mighty men and all the valiant men, permit me, as an ambassador of Christ, in the fight of this congregation, and in the audience of God, to charge you; “Seek for and keep, all the commandments of the Lord your God; that ye may possess this good land, and leave it for an inheritance to your children after you for ever.” 25

AMEN.
If of an enemy, and he be supposed to advocate religion because he may think it necessary to support a military despotism, while he acknowledges its high importance, and great effect, he utterly mistakes its true design and tendency. For “an enlightened religion,” if we understand by it true religion, is hostile to every species of despotism, and friendly only to just and equal government. If of a friend, and he be supposed to speak the language of conviction and sincerity, his talents, discernment and situation, render him a very competent witness; and his authority should have weight with those infidel, visionary theorists, who wish to see tried the experiment of a government administered without the aid of any religion.

NOTE [A].
Having mentioned the “Platform of church discipline,” upon which the congregational churches in New England were established, and, which, to the great detriment of the purity, order and harmony of our churches has been for many years passing gradually into neglect and disuse, it may be useful to direct the attention of those who have the interests of evangelical truth at heart, to this subject. In connection with the foregoing quotation from Messrs. Higginson and Hubbard, the pious and learned Mr. Prince of Boston, makes the following observations, which are submitted to the serious attention of the civil fathers, and to the congregational ministers and churches of New England.

“The inspired scripture is our only authoritative rule of faith and worship; and our Platform is no other than the declared judgment of the sense of scripture in matters of church order, discipline and worship which our ancient ministers and others, 26 with abundant prayers and humble, free and diligent inquiries and conferences, almost unanimously came into. But then as no other people in these later ages have been favored with such advantages as the founders of these churches, to search into, discover and put in practice the Christian way of church order, discipline and worship described in the word of God; they being entirely men of piety, knowledge, judgment, the most about the middle age of life, who had made the bible their familiar study, many of them persons of superior learning, and all free from any influence of human powers and constitutions in religious matters; they wholly relinquished all devised schemes of men, and set themselves to consult the sacred scriptures only, that they might happily see what these directed, and submit thereto; and having renounced all prospects of worldly riches, powers and dignities, for this very end. They were on these accounts most likely to find out the truth in those affairs. And though our faith is not to be subjected to their judgment, but we should also humbly, sincerely and carefully search the scriptures, and try these things by them, and see whether they are conformable to those oracles of God or no, as the noble Bereans did when even the apostles taught them; yet the result of their united, pious, anxious and laborious inquiries, under such advantages, demands a very extraordinary veneration from all impartial men, and especially from us their dear posterity.

“And can we do any thing better, both for the advantage of our ministry, the satisfaction of our people, and the quiet of our churches, than to go on upon the scriptural foundations these excellent men have already laid? Not to set aside or build anew, but to go on further as the light of scripture leads us, for our common peace and edification. And I know of nothing of greater moment, than to advise to methods about calling councils in a fairer, more peaceable, equal and harmonious manner, than we are now unhappily liable to; that so this sacred ordinance may not be so subject to be frustrated by the dark intrigues of crafty men, nor anti-councils raised to support contending parties to the great dishonor of Christ, the grief of all good men, and the inflammation and continuance of hatred and divisions.

“And how happy for these churches, and for all this country both to this and future generations, as I would with submission hope, if with the countenance and invitation of our civil fathers, we might have a synod in due time convened; not to make the least injunctions upon any, which is contrary to our known principles, but only to advise and propose those methods which may conduce to the promoting piety, peace and good order in our own churches; but left to every one to receive or not, as they think best. Two such happy synods we had in the reign of king Charles I. and two more in the reign of king Charles II. Without offence; invited by the civil rulers who also sat among them as chosen representatives of our churches, and as grave advisors with the rest, but all without the least coercive power. Our New England synods are not like those of other countries, who make decrees or canons, but for counsel only, for the peace and order of the churches who send their pastors and other delegates to consult together and give their rulers by deriving any power to such a synod, or in inviting the churches to them, the churches being always left at liberty whether to fend or no, to comply or no; there can be no invasion on any power in such a free invitation; it being impossible as I humbly apprehended, there should be any power invaded, where there is none assumed.”

NOTE [B].
The Praetorian band was a body of guards amounting to about 15,000 men, distinguished by double pay, and by privileges superior to the soldiers of the legions. This band was formed by Augustus, who stationed three cohorts, consisting of about 1500 men, in the capital during his reign. Tiberius afterwards assembled the whole corps at Rome, and there established them in a permanent camp, advantageously situated, and well fortified. In the year of our Lord 192, Pertinax was declared Emperor, and to him the Praetorian band took the oath of allegiance. Eighty seven days after, several hundreds of their number, at noon day, marched toward the imperial palace, where their companions upon guard, immediately threw open the gates, and joined them in assassinating their virtuous and excellent Prince, whose head, after dispatching him with many wounds, they cut off, fixed upon a lance, and carried in triumph to their camp. In those moments of horror, Sulpicianus, father in law of the murdered Pertinax, dead to all honor and public virtue, began to treat with these murderers for the throne. Thinking that a higher price might be obtained by exposing it to a public sale, than by private contract, they ran to the ramparts, and with a loud voice, proclaimed that the Roman world was to be sold at public auction, to the highest bidder. Julianus outbid Sulpicianus. The former promised each soldier 6250 drachms, equal to about 867 dollars, the latter 5000 drachms, equal to about 710 dollars. Accordingly, to Julianus they immediately threw open the gates of the camp, and declared him Emperor, took the oath of allegiance to him, placed him in the centre of their ranks, surrounded him on every side with their shields, and proceeded with him through the deserted streets of Rome, to the Senate, who dared not resist, but pretended great satisfaction at the happy revolution, and acknowledged him Emperor. 27 With this example before them, the fathers of New England would not have acted with their usual wisdom, had they laid the foundation of so fatal a military despotism in their government.

The Templars were a religious order, instituted at Jerusalem, in the beginning of the 12th century, for the defense of the holy sepulcher and the protection of Christian pilgrims. In every nation they had a particular governor, called Master of the Temple, or of the Militia of the Temple. The grand master had his residence at Paris. The order flourished for some time, acquired immense riches, and great military renown. As their prosperity increased, however, their vices multiplied, and their arrogance, luxury and cruelty rose at last to such a monstrous height, that their privileges were revoked, and their order suppressed, with the most terrible circumstances of infamy and severity. Encyclopedia Art. Templars.

 


Endnotes

1. Bennet’s Historical Account of the several attempts for a further reformation. Also, Foxcroft’s Sermon on the Beginning of Newengland; preached August, 1730.

2. Stoughton’s Election Sermon, April 29, 1668.

3. Foxcroft, page 22.

4. Foxcroft, page 19, Note.

5. Foxcroft, page 25.

6. Quoted in Prince’s Election Sermon, of 1730, p. 41, 42.

7. See Note [A].

8. Election Sermon, page 39.

9. In his Election Sermon.

10. Prince, page 39.

11. 1636. It received the name of Harvard College in 1638.

12. Page 147.

13. See Note [B].

14. See Hutchinson, vol. I. p. 80. Winthrop’s Journal, p. 142 to 147.

15. Hutchinson, vol. I. page 80.

16. See the Records of the Company.

17. Records, page 3.

18. Records, page 3.

19. See Records of this date.

20. See his Excellency’s Speech to the Legislature, May 1803.

21. Election Sermon.

22. Governor Strong’s Speech, May 1803.

23. Ferrier’s Sermon.

24. See a state paper entitled “A view of the state of the French republic, sent by Bonaparte to the legislative body on the 22d Feb. 1803, translated in the Centinel of May 25.
Whatever motives may have prompted Bonaparte to pronounce this eulogy upon religion, it must be received as his testimony in its favor. Of the credibility of this witness each reader will form his own opinion. If it be received as the testimony of an enemy or a friend, in either case it has weight.

25. I Chron. 28, 1 8.

26. “I say others, because it has been a fundamental principle with us, that as churches are composed both of ministers and brethren, and ecclesiastical councils or synods are proper representatives of churches; that therefore there should set in all such assemblies, not only ministers, but also others chosen by the churches to represent them; that they may not be merely clerical, or synods of the clergy, but ecclesiastical, or synods of the churches. And such have been all our Newengland synods and councils from the first; agreeable to that famous precedent in Acts XV.”

27. Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.

Sermon – Election – 1803, Massachusetts


Reuben Puffer (1756-1829) graduated from Harvard in 1778. He was pastor of the Congregational church in Berlin, Mass. from 1781 until his death. He was awarded his Doctor of Divinity degree in 1810 by Harvard. This election sermon was preached by Rev. Puffer in Boston on May 25, 1803.


sermon-election-1803-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, ESQ. GOVERNOUR,

HIS HONOUR

EDWARD H. ROBBINS, ESQ. LT. GOV.

THE HONOURABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

May 25, 1803,

BEING THE DAY OF GENERAL ELECTION.

BY REUBEN PUFFER,
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH AT BERLIN.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY YOUNG AND MINNS.
MDCCCIII.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

 

In Senate, May 25, 1803.
 

ORDERED, That the Hon. Daniel Bigelow, Elijah Brigham and Jonathan Mason, Esquires, be a committee to wait on the Rev. Reuben Puffer, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Sermon he delivered this day before His Excellency the Governour, His Honour the Lieutenant Governour, the Honourable the Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature, and to request of him a copy for the press.

WENDELL DAVIS, Clerk.
 

Election Sermon.

LUKE XIX. 44.

Because thou knewest not the time of thy visitation.

The origin, progress, decline, and final subversion of civil states, yield a most interesting subject of contemplation. Beheld through the medium of history, they attract the notice, and command the attention of mankind. They are to be regarded as so many monuments erected by the hand of heaven for the benefit of succeeding ages. They point to the causes, by the joint operation of which nations rose and fell. They lay open the sources both of human felicity and misery. And they admonish the world to avail itself of the means, by which the latter may be escaped, and the former secured. The history of no nation is more replete with instruction, than that of the Jews; nor can any portion of their national existence be surveyed to greater advantage, than the one under review.

The dispensations of heaven towards this people, connected with their perverse conduct, form a striking contrast. On the one hand, we behold with astonishment the patience and forbearance of Deity; with scarcely less astonishment we view, on the other, a train of provocation, which admits of no parallel. At the time of which we are speaking, principles of a dangerous nature and tendency were adopted; a most pernicious fanaticism was prevailing; and such was the prostration of morals, such the unbelief, obstinacy, impiety, and abuse of things civil and sacred, as indicated the approach of some dangerous crisis.

This is a just account of the moral state of the nation at the time of our Saviour’s advent.

The outrage and violence, experienced by this Divine Teacher, are well known. It was in the foresight of his own death, and of the consequent judgments of heaven, that he uttered the pathetic lamentation, of which the text is the conclusion.

He was now on his last journey to Jerusalem. When that celebrated city opened to his view, which had long enjoyed, and long resisted the efforts of divine goodness and grace; where prophets and righteous men, sent to reclaim them, had cruelly and unjustly suffered; where he himself was shortly to be added to the number of these victims of popular prejudice, it affected him in the most sensible manner. A mingled tide of grief, compassion, and regret rushed upon his mind, and found vent in a flood of tears. “He beheld the city, and wept over it, saying; if thou hadst known, even thou, at least, in this thy day, the things which belong to thy peace; but now they are hid from thine eyes. For the days shall come upon thee, that thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee, and compass thee round, and keep thee in on every side, and shall lay thee even with the ground, and thy children within thee; and they shall not leave in thee one stone upon another; because thou knewest not the time of thy visitation.”

These last words assign the reason of that unequalled calamity, which shortly befell this devoted nation. While they lead us to explore the situation occupied by ourselves, they likewise bring into view those principles and habits, which are connected with our safety and happiness.

If we carefully search the records of divine providence, we shall be led to believe that nations, as well as individuals, have their seasons of visitation, when heaven is propitious; when the opportunity and means of happiness are afforded; and when it is in their power, by availing themselves of these advantages, to lay a foundation of solid and lasting prosperity. The entire history of God’s ancient people is an illustration of this remark. We scruple not to affirm, that proofs of it exist among all nations. They certainly exist in our own, and claim the attentive consideration of all.

Here it may be pertinently asked, when a people may be said to know the time of their visitation? They know this, when they duly consider the “signs of the times,” the character and aspect of divine providence towards them. They know this, when they appreciate present advantages and blessings, and do not hazard the loss of them in the delusive pursuit of a splendid phantom, of romantic schemes of liberty and equality, which can never be realized. Especially, they know this, when they eagerly seize, and diligently improve, the only safe and proper means for establishing national glory and tranquility.

There is a strong resemblance betwixt the character and state of nations, and of individuals. By prudent attention to their affairs, some, among the latter, acquire property, and rise into respectability, while others fall the untimely victims of profligacy. Is there not something resembling this visible among nations? Pursuing similar courses, they flourish or decline, ascend the heights of prosperity, or rush to the loss of freedom, of independence, and of all those political, civil, moral, and religious blessings, of which they once had the quiet and peaceable enjoyment.

Casting our eyes over those regions celebrated in ancient story, and what is discoverable, but a vast field of human misery and woe, where lie scattered round the broken remains of national greatness, policy, and power? Leaving these dreary realms, the prospect varies; brighter scenes, and more pleasing objects surround us. But concealed beneath the specious surface, principles are in operation, which tend to reproduce like disorders and calamities. Names and nations have changed; but their errors remain. New forms of government have arisen; but the evils which proved fatal to the old were not eradicated. Modern history with respect to ancient, is but a later edition of the wars and revolutions of nations; of struggles for freedom rarely crowned with success; or if in a few instances successful, the objects of which have speedily vanished, and left the people in less eligible circumstances than before. Thousands perish; but nothing worthy the sacrifice is gained to the sum of human happiness. Are we at a loss to account for these things? The solution is to be found in the text, “They knew not the times of their visitation.”

Rescued from foreign dominion by the outstretched arm of Omnipotence, and recently admitted to the honour of an independent existence, the United States now come forward to enjoy their day. Their political probation has commenced. The trial is progressing, and the decision impending, which shall make known, whether they are to be confirmed in the possession and enjoyment of the blessings of a free people, or be deprived of them.

How important is this period! How extensive the benefits, or the evils, that shall eventually flow from it! Posterity, distant generations, the race of man, are deeply concerned in the transactions of this time. These will reflect a bright ray, or cast a dark shade on ages to come.

No man liveth to himself. We live, we act for those who shall come after us. The customs, the manners, the habits, the national character now forming, will probably affect posterity of many generations. Their condition will take its complexion from this age. Their rights must descend to them through our hands. If by any neglect or misconduct on our part, these rights, of which we are the trustees and guardians, shall be forfeited and lost, they are forfeited and lost not to ourselves only, but to our descendants, who, in this respect, will suffer the consequences of their fathers’ sins.

Comparing our own with other countries, who can forbear to exclaim; “The lines are fallen to us in pleasant places; yea, we have a goodly heritage! Happy art thou, O Israel; who is like to thee, O people saved by the Lord!” saved “from the lion’s mouth, and from the horns of the unicorns.” It is not pride, it is pious gratitude, to say, that the blessings of freedom are enjoyed to as high perfection by us, as by any people on the face of the earth; perhaps to as high perfection, as will consist with the security of those blessings. They are not the exclusive privilege of a few: like the light and rain of heaven, they are a common gift, extending their salutary influence to the most distant part, and to the meanest individual. A situation so highly favoured, few nations have known. But are we secure of its continuance? Stands our mountain so strong, that it cannot be removed? Far otherwise. Whenever there shall be a general departure from the principles, which give support and permanency to our national institutions, they will then crumble to atoms.

It seems to be a maxim in the divine government, that when a people are no longer worthy of freedom, they shall cease to be free; that when they deserve to be slaves, they shall not long remain without their desert.

If such shall be the righteous doom of our country, which heaven avert! Then will this our day, wherein God hath “visited and redeemed his people,” rise, and witness against us. Then, with what anguish will posterity reflect on this period! In what accents of grief lament the mistakes, the errors, the faults, and the crimes, which combined to rob them of their rich inheritance, and left them poor indeed!

Admitting for a moment the painful supposition, and methinks I hear some future historian, after contrasting the happiness of our time with the wretchedness of his own, closing his remarks with these poignant reflections.

Happy America, hadst thou known, in the day of thy visitation, the things which belonged to thy peace! But these were hidden from thine eyes. Agitated by party, and rent by internal dissensions, thy true interests were neglected. Disagreeing about the best means of promoting the public good, the favourable opportunity for effecting this object was suffered to escape unimproved. Now, how art thou fallen! The days of darkness are come upon thee. The glory is departed. Lost is that freedom, which cost thee so dear. Perished are those liberties left in thy possession, and with paternal solicitude recommended to thy care, by the first of patriots and the best of men.

To proceed. The human race claims a share in the events of this day.

America arrests the attention of all nations. “We are made a spectacle to the world, and to angels, and to men.” The experiment is here making, whether, human guilt and depravity considered, mankind are capable of preserving the spirit, and supporting the form of a free, republican government. God forbid! that the negative should receive its last and decisive proof in us. If, indeed, our opinion were to be formed on past success, we should have reason to tremble for the result. In every instance that can be named, the trial has disappointed the hope of mankind. The singular advantages possessed by us, afford the prospect of a more favorable issue. Remote from other nations, there is less danger of falling under their influence, or of being involved in their endless disputes. A people dwelling alone, to use the expressive language of scripture, occupy a place of safety unknown to those, whose motions are perpetually disturbed by the proximity, and consequent powerful attraction of larger bodies. Add to this, we have the experience of past ages to guide our inquiries; to disclose hidden dangers; to develop the causes of failure in other instances; to acquaint us with the most probable methods of success; and to point out the course which ought to be pursued.

If with all these advantages the experiment should fail; should America follow the course of former republics, and exhibit only a transient view of liberty, glittering like a meteor for awhile, and then totally disappearing, what a dark aspect must it needs have on the common cause of mankind! Would the attempt to establish free governments again be made? Could it again be made on fairer grounds, and with better prospects? Must not the object, for which we have successfully contended be given up, on that contingency, as untenable? However reluctantly, must not the idea of equal liberty be thence-forward relinquished? With the freedom of America, will perish the world’s last, best hope; and ages will probably pass away ere mankind will have the courage to make a similar effort.

Contemplating the great things God hath done for this land, it imparts a hope that he will not destroy the work of his hands, and that future time shall perfect that which is begun in our day. But we have also our fears.

Will it be said that these fears exist only in a gloomy imagination? That they are visionary and groundless? Would to heaven they were! But if like causes must have like effects; if the eternal creator has so adjusted the relations of things in our world, that, in their general operation, virtue and piety lead to happiness, vice and irreligion terminate in misery; if, under his government, relaxation of moral principle is a prelude to the desolating judgments of heaven; then say, have we not some reason to apprehend that the day will come, (O that it might be a distant day!) which, concerning this noble structure of civil and religious freedom, shall verify our Saviour’s prediction; “There shall not be left in thee one stone upon another, that shall not be thrown down?”

Solemn words! Who can read or hear them without emotion? Who can think of their past, and not anticipate a future accomplishment? We are as yet upon our probation. The irreversible decree is not yet gone forth. The season of heaven’s merciful visitation continues. But if it be suffered to depart unimproved, it departs to return no more.

Let us look on other nations, and receive instruction. Let those which have fallen from distinguished heights of preeminence, be our monitors. Let us hearken to that voice, with which from the depth of their ruins they cry aloud to us, Beware of the errours, that proved our destruction!

Never, it is believed, since the days of the jewish theocracy, has an equal opportunity for laying a foundation of lasting national happiness been afforded; and never, perhaps, if we except that nation, will another be found so despicable as our own, should we fail to do it. Raised to a high point of elevation, it remains, under providence, with ourselves, whether we shall maintain our allotted station in the political hemisphere; or like a star fallen from its orb, sink to blackness of darkness forever.

The principals and habits connected with national safety and welfare, come next to be considered.

Among the things that should engage the earliest attention, is correct information, or enlightened views of their state and circumstances.

Knowledge is to a people what the light of the sun is to the world. The general diffusion of accurate sentiments must lead them to a true understanding of the nature, use, and value of their rights; of the dangers that threaten their existence; of the enemies by whom, and the part on which they will most likely be assailed; and of the means necessary to their preservation.

It is by successfully playing off among them the arts of deception; by giving a wrong and perverted turn to public opinion; by begetting in the minds of the people a jealousy of their best friends, and persuading them to place unbounded confidence in those who have an interest in deceiving them, that their liberties have been usually wrested out of their hands. Here the work of mischief begins; hence originates that rage for innovation, which like a resistless torrent, sweeps away all the defences of public liberty erected by wisdom and foresight, and in its course demolishes the stablest pillars of social order and happiness.

To ensure safety, and to disappoint the views of disorganizers, a people must keep a steady eye upon their true interests. Cool and dispassionate, yet watchful and circumspect, they must pursue that line of conduct, which, after the best information to be obtained, appears most conducive to the general benefit. Vigilance is the guardian angel of freedom; if that be lulled asleep, this falls an easy prey to the first bold invader.

A patriotic spirit is intimately connected with the happiness of a people.

This is a branch of the great principle of benevolence; the love of our neighbour extended on the broad scale of the community. It consists not in empty professions, but in actual services. It leads a man to promote the good of the public, by a faithful discharge of the duties of his particular rank and station in society.

What a bright example of genuine patriotism was exhibited in the life of Jesus Christ? He gave the best evidence of love to his country, by his incessant labours for its good. The lost sheep of the house of Israel had the benefit of his instruction, of his miraculous operations, and of his prayers. He lamented their infidelity, and wept at the foresight of their impending fate. Though unjustly condemned by an act of public authority, it did not extinguish this patriotic flame. He died, not imprecating vengeance, but interceding heaven for his implacable persecutors. When, after his resurrection, his disciples were sent forth to proclaim the glad tidings of salvation in all the world, he expressly commanded the first offer to be made to his own nation; “beginning at Jerusalem.” How unlike was he to some modern patriots, who, amidst the warmest professions of attachment to their country, are industriously aiming at personal emolument? How unlike the spirit manifested by him is that spurious passion which, usurping the name of patriotism, kindles the torch of war, and spreads desolation over the face of the earth?

So far as love of country is a real virtue, it is recommended by the spirit of the gospel, and sanctioned by the example of the benevolent Saviour.

This is an instructive lesson to rulers. With what ardour should they copy the amiable original! To all around, their practice should hold this language; “If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth.”

That a people may flourish, they must cultivate industry, frugality, and temperance; and discourage the opposite vices.

Luxury and dissipation, idleness and intemperance, are the well known enemies of freedom. By rendering men unworthy, they make them incapable of this blessing. By debasing their sentiments, and corrupting their principles, they convert them into the instruments of their own degradation.

This remark receives a striking illustration in the Asiatic countries, where sloth and effeminacy have done that, which, without the aid of such auxiliaries, tyrants could never have effected; where the wretched inhabitants, long degraded to the lowest state of vassalage, have lost the hope, and almost the desire of meliorating their condition.

The liberties of a people will flourish or decline, in proportion as the virtues in question are cherished or forsaken. They impart health to the body, and energy to the mind. They are the pillars of national glory and strength, no less than of individual prosperity.

As the means of gratification multiply with our increasing wealth, it should induce a caution, how we depart too far from the simplicity of former times, the happy age of our fathers; left, with the loss of their domestic virtues, we lose also that independent spirit, the very soul of freedom, which those virtues have bequeathed us.

The manners of men in elevated stations will have a commanding effect. May the speaker therefore be permitted to solicit the influence of their example in aid of those social virtues, which coexist with the prosperity of a people, and the progress of whose ruin will be marked with their decline.

Union and harmony are the safeguard of a people; disunion and animosity a source of danger.

Amidst the prevalence of party, the common good too often ceases to be an object. In the heat of altercation, men forget they have a country; forget they have liberties, which must be secured and defended by union. More intent upon carrying some favourite point, or in mortifying an opponent, than in doing what the substantial interests of the community render necessary, they seem not to reflect how much those interests, which all profess to have at heart, are weakened and exposed.

Should jealousy and discord prevail to that degree in these states, as to blind their eyes to the common advantage, and lead them in pursuit of separate objects, the connecting bond, which now unites them into one people, will be quickly dissevered. Whenever that event shall take place, instead of being a respectable nation, we shall be broken into a number of unconnected parts, among which a destructive rivalship of interfering interests will continue to exist, until someone popular leader, more successful than his competitors, shall make himself master of the whole. Thus ended the quarrels between the Grecian States, in the dominion of a Philips, and of an Alexander.

To what is the instability of free governments owing? And by what means have they usually been subverted? By ambitious men fomenting jealousies, and sowing the seeds of disunion among the people, until, availing themselves of the scenes of confusion that ensued, they found means to seize on their liberties, and left them nothing to contend about. By arts like these, after long and violent convulsions, the enormous fabric of the Roman Commonwealth sunk at length into one universal, unqualified despotism.

Much does it concern every true friend of his country, and of man, to guard against this pernicious evil; to repress the virulence of party; to shun irritation; and to promote, to the utmost, union, harmony, and a mutual good understanding. Embarked in the common cause of freedom, how criminal shall we be to endanger it by our dissensions? Members of the same body, how unnatural our conduct, when actuated by disuniting, dissocial passions? “If ye bite and devour one another, take heed that ye be not consumed one of another.” Act rather by this rule, “As free, yet not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, but as the servants of God.”

The choice of rulers is another thing, which nearly affects the well being of a state.

The right of suffrage is one of the most important exercised by a free people. Language must fail to express the ill effects of a negligent, careless use of this privilege. If many forbear to act, if many more act without a due regard to the characters and principles of candidates, public stations will be filled by men who do not merit the distinction. It will be still worse, if the exercise of this privilege shall fall under the influence of intrigue and management. For then there will exist in fact a secret, invisible power in the bosom of the state; an active principle, the effects of which bid defiance to calculation; the germ of revolution; the source of those numberless mischiefs, by which free governments are disturbed, convulsed, and overthrown. Our liberties will perish, they will then perish, when elections shall be conducted on principles, and be influenced by motives foreign to the public welfare.

A wise, upright, energetic administration, is essential to the honour, safety, and happiness of a people. While it commands respect abroad, it will secure internal peace, order, and tranquility. But when weakness, timidity, and irresolution hold, with a palsied hand, the reins of government, the evil affects the entire system, and is felt in the remotest extremities. Public proceedings bear evident marks of languor, indecision, want of consistent plan, and neglect to seize the advantage of existing circumstances. In this state of things there is much to fear, nothing to hope. The general tendency is to anarchy and dissolution. Patriotism weeps over the declining glories of her country, and with keen sensations of grief realizes her exposure to foreign insult, and to unrestrained domestic disorders.

This view of a feeble administration must evince the importance of raising to office, those who possess energy and strength of mind to support the dignity of government, and to protect the rights of the people.

If it be demanded, what the qualifications of good rulers are; and how the people are to be directed in the choice of such? Let inspired scripture give the answer. “Thou shalt provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them.”

That rulers must be “able men,” possessing a competency of natural and acquired accomplishments, is universally agreed. The necessity of religious principle has been contested. But if it be this, which gives direction and force to other principles; which adds dignity and worth to character; which lifts men to noble heights of virtue, to look with disdain on every mean artifice, on every base, dishonest, immoral practice; then, if this be set aside, no sufficient security remains for the fidelity of rulers; and there is reason to apprehend the abuse of power, and breach of public trust, so oft as the prospect of personal advantage, aided by the belief of concealment, or the hope of impunity, shall present the temptation. Allow to other principles all that can be justly said on their behalf; still this will have a preponderating influence, over which no sinister motive can prevail. Bearing in mind the tribunal of the Supreme Judge, before which rulers great men must stand, as well as those of meaner rank, awed and impressed with the solemn thought, they will aim to be “the ministers of God for good;” and to answer the design of their elevation, in being “a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well.”

None but characters of this description merit the suffrages of a free, enlightened public.

In hereditary governments, a people are not answerable for the character and qualifications of the civil magistrate. It is not their fault, but their misfortune, when high stations are not filled with the best men. In elective republics it is otherwise. Where power emanates from the immediate act of the people, it is both their sin and their punishment, when it falls on improper and unqualified subjects.

Consonant to this remark is the following passage from a sermon, delivered nearly forty years since, on an occasion similar to the present; 1 which I the rather beg leave to introduce, as displaying, in a lively manner, the sentiment and spirit of our fathers. “When,” says the preacher, “a people immediately appoint their own rulers, they are to the last degree infatuated , if they fix on those, who are not capable of seeing with their own eyes, but are obliged to move by the direction of others, or who get into power to gratify their vanity, their luxury, or their avarice; and it requires no spirit of prophecy to foresee, that a community who are so lost to public virtue, are nigh to destruction. A people may be deceived, they may be betrayed, by men in whom they put confidence. But they deserve to be abandoned by providence, if they trust their interest with men, whom they know to be either weak or wicked.”

The last thing to be noticed, as connected with national safety and happiness, is the regard paid to the obligations and institutions of religion.

It is not thought necessary to enter into a formal proof of the beneficial influence of religion upon the peace and the order, the security and the welfare of society. This has been often done in the most satisfactory manner. Let it be simply asked: If the responsibility of human conduct be denied, what remains to deter men from atrocious criminality? If the restraints which religion imposes be taken off, will not evil men wax worse and worse? Will principles, which confound the distinctions of right and wrong, virtue and vice, conduct their votaries in the paths of integrity and honour? Or will a man be more temperate, more just, more attentive to his duty, and better serve his generation, the less he believes in the moral government of Deity, and a future state of retribution? Whatever may have been advanced to the contrary, if you remove religious principle, no sufficient base will be left for the support of moral and social duty. If you take the fear of God away, and the expectation of a judgment to come, you loosen those cords, you burst asunder those bands, by which men are held to be good men, good neighbours, good citizens, good subjects, and good rulers. In a word, religion is the palladium of social order and happiness; and those, who are striving to break down its altars, and to overthrow its institutions, are to be regarded as in a state of hostility to the dearest interests of man.

The love of our country, the memory of our pious ancestors, the happiness of unborn millions, and our own eternal salvation, all conspire to exact it of us as a duty, to cherish the principles, adhere to the institutions, cultivate the virtues, and imitate the examples of our holy religion. Whenever we shall degenerate from the piety of our forefathers to that degree, that the house of God shall be forsaken; the ministers of religion be cast off as a useless encumbrance; and our Sabbath’s sacred to devotion, be converted into days of amusement and pleasure; then shall we have abandoned the ark of our safety; then shall we find ourselves, without chart or compass, afloat on the troubled sea of revolution, liable to be swallowed up by every swelling surge, and exposed to perish in the storm, which our own vices have contributed to raise.

Deeply impressed with the importance of religion to the happiness of a state, it greatly adds to the joy of this anniversary, and must be esteemed a token for good, that we see repeatedly placed at the head of the commonwealth, by the increasing suffrages of his fellow-citizens, a chief magistrate, who is not ashamed of the gospel of Christ; and in whose character are united the accomplished statesman, and the devout Christian. Bound by the strongest and most endearing ties to the civil and religious institutions of his country, these, we doubt not, will have his decided support. Under an administration combining dignity with mildness, energy with moderation, and rectitude of measures with a liberal regard to the sentiments and feelings of the community, we promise ourselves great quietness. It shall be our fervent prayer for his Excellency, that he may continue to “see the desire of his heart, and peace upon Israel.” At some far distant period, having served his generation according to the will of God, may he quit the labours of a mortal, to receive the crown of an immortal life.

The gentleman re-elected to the second office in government, will accept our cordial congratulation. While this affords a pleasing testimony of the public approbation of his past services, it yields likewise a stimulus to further claims upon it. Convinced of His Honour’s zeal and abilities, we anticipate with pleasure the fruits of their exertion for the good of the Commonwealth.

In our divided state of public opinion, it much concerns the legislative branches of government to have “understanding in the times, to know what Israel ought to do.” The people hope for, and permit me to say, they have a right to expect in their rulers, a firm adherence to those principles and measures, which have raised us to a state of prosperity unequalled in the history of civil society. From such principles and measures, what discerning friend of his country will wish for a departure? Rapidly advancing in the road of improvement, what may we promise ourselves from a change? In your wisdom and integrity, respected rulers, do we confide, that the powers, constitutionally vested in you, will be uniformly employed in checking a progress of innovation; in preserving the union of the states under the general government; and in maintaining the strength and proportions of that goodly edifice, which deservedly attracts the admiration of the world.

May divine wisdom guide, and divine goodness crown your deliberations with success! Under your auspices, may the principles of freedom be well understood; genuine patriotism increase; the social and moral virtues prevail; and the uncorrupt religion of the gospel attain an influence unknown to former time! May this age, in which you are called to act a part so conspicuous, hereafter arise and shine with bright characters of distinction! And at the day of final audit, may you receive the rewards allotted to the friends and benefactors of mankind!

Men and Brethren of this numerous assembly.

We all profess to have the same object in view, the good of our common country. Whatever want of agreement there may be among us in other respects, let us at least unite in supplicating the God of our mercies, that he will be pleased to enlighten the guides of our nation with wisdom from above; that he will lead them in the paths of understanding, and make darkness light before them; that he will direct to the adoption of wise, safe, and judicious measures; and that he will preserve from dangerous errours and mistakes.

Amidst the fluctuation of human events, one point of comfort eternally remains, that the Lord reigneth. Defeat may attend the best concerted schemes of mortals; but his counsel shall stand. The wrath, the follies, and even the impieties of men shall praise him. Through all obstructions, the purposes of heaven shall hold an uninterrupted course, till they issue at length in the glorious discoveries of the perfect day.

Taking the prophetic writings for our guide, we are led to expect, that great events are yet to be unfolded. In them a period is clearly foretold, when wars shall cease; war, that scourge of nations, that indelible stigma on human nature! When the blessings of equal liberty, rarely known on earth, shall become the inheritance of all men; when civil and religious institutions, no more at variance, shall combine their influence to produce the greatest good; and when Christianity shall triumph over all that is corrupt and vicious in the human heart and manners.

Then shall commence the genuine age of reason, and perfectability of man; of which certain blind philosophers, in language stolen from prophetic inspiration, have spoken, but like Caiaphus, known not they were uttering a prophecy. Not, however, in the manner predicted by them; not by “throwing Christianity into the background,” and advancing infidelity and atheism in its place, shall this event happen; but by the universal spread of the gospel, and the prevalence of its sacred principles.

None can be ignorant of the attempts to discredit the authority, and to abolish the influence of divine revelation. To what lengths these may yet be carried, or with what degree of success they may for a time be attended, cannot be foreseen. But, eventually, the truth as it is in Jesus shall prevail. The enlightened eye of faith, through all the surrounding darkness, descries the triumphs of the cross, the bright glories of the Redeemer’s reign. Of those triumphs, of these glories, our country shall one day partake. For so runs the decree of the Almighty; “I will give thee the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession.” And though mercenary Balaams should come from afar; though they should ascend every high place, and from every point of observation utter their blasphemies “against the Lord, and against his anointed;” yet, so far from defeating, they shall be made, contrary to their intention, to subserve “the purpose of him, who worketh all things after the counsel of his own will.”

In the mean time, let us be guarded against every insidious attempt to corrupt our principles, or misguide our practice. It concerns us to beware, that no man spoil us through philosophy and vain deceit that we forsake not the old paths, which righteous men have trodden, for the unsafe ones of later inventions; and that we hearken not to the plausible, but ill grounded schemes of modern theorists, having for their object the demolition of all that the wisdom of ages, of all that divine wisdom has reared up; and which, if they meet with no check, if they proceed with their refinements, will erelong refine us out of the blessings of a free people, leaving us only the shadow of liberty, and perhaps not even so much as that. Let us aim to have just views of the situation, interests, and welfare of our country, and strive to promote these important objects. Particularly, let us cultivate in our own hearts, and recommend by our example to others, the social, moral, and Christian duties. Laying aside all bitterness and wrath, and evil speaking, let us seek the things that make for peace. Let us conduct our elections, both as respects the general and state governments, with due caution. Aware of its importance, let us cherish an attachment to the national constitution, the cement of our union, the ground and pillar of our political hopes. Whatever be the station in society we fill, whether dignified or humble, let us discharge the duties of it with all good fidelity. Let us, in fine, “exemplify in ourselves, maintain in our families, diffuse among our acquaintance, and transmit to succeeding generations, the sentiments and manners of confederate republicans, and sincere christians.”

On a due attention to these things, our national safety and glory depend. We shall stand or fall, rise to distinguished eminence, or sink to contempt and misery, by the character we establish for virtue or vice, religion or infidelity. If we know and improve the time of our visitation, then from us shall blessings flow down to posterity, and to mankind at large. Neglecting this, the loss of American liberty will furnish to future ages and generations one proof more of the truth of this moral aphorism, that “sin is the reproach and the ruin of any people.” “O that we were wise, that we understood this, that we would consider our latter end! O that there were such an heart in us, that we would fear the Lord, and keep all his commandments always, that it might be well with us and with our children forever!”

END.

 

1.Rev. Dr. Eliot, 1765.

Sermon – Election – 1803, Connecticut

sermon-election-1803-connecticut


An

Election Sermon,

Preached at

Hartford,

On the Day of the

Anniversary Election,

May 12, 1803.

By Matthias Burnet, D.D.

Pastor of the First Church in Norwalk.

Psalm, xi. 3.

If the foundations be destroyed what can the righteous do?

This animated interrogatory exhibits in strong and expressive language, the deplorable state of the good man, when those only sure foundations of order, peace and security in
society, religion and government, are undermined and destroyed- For though these are not expressly named, yet I think it evident from the context, that they are the foundations referred to by the Psalmist, when he represents the righteous as reduced to such a perplexed; and wretched condition by their destruction. And indeed, what condition on earth can be imagined more wretched than this? If those only sure foundations of order; peace and security in society are destroyed, what can the righteous do? or where can they fly for protection and comfort?

The pillars on which their safety rested being taken away, they are of all men the most miserable. Their conscience will not allow them to resort to those measures, to which the wicked without scruple do, and they are exposed to the persecution, the rapine and plunder of all who hate their persons or covet their property, without hope of relief. If government is destroyed, every human barrier to the corrupt lusts and passions of men is broken down, and we have no security for any thing we possess. The hand of every man will be against the hand of every man, and the stronger will oppress the weak.

This doctrine, I am sensible, is contrary to that of some minute philosophers of the present day, who say, that man needs no external law or government to regulate his conduct, but that reason which was given him for his guide, united with opinion and sentiment, or the moral sense, as they call it, is amply sufficient to render him a law to himself and to answer all the purposes of society, without any written law or coercive power. But the falsity of this assertion is demonstrated by the whole history of man, and the great prevalence of vice, in every age and country, in opposition to reason, sentiment and law. Corrupt as the world is, the general sentiment of mankind is against vice and iniquity; the course of education in all schools and public instructions is to discountenance it, and the express design of all law and government is to restrain and repress it. Yet over all these barriers how often do the corrupt lusts and passions of men break?

How often are men found hardy enough to commit crimes which their own conscience and the judgment of all mankind condemn. They burst the law’s enclosure, rob the widow and the orphan, and riot in the spoil of innocence. They perpetrate treason, murder, and other atrocious deeds that strike the soul with horror but to name them.- And if such enormities are often committed in opposition not only to reason and the general sense of mankind, but to the restraints of law and government, how much more frequent would they be, and to how much greater height would they rise, if this fence was broken down, and this restraint taken off? Would not the lawless passions of men rage without control, and spread desolation far and wide? They surely would.

On this account therefore, in order to bridle the lusts, to curb the violence of men, and protect the person and property of one man from the invasion of another, all nations have of necessity, as well as of choice, submitted to some form of government, declared and established by written laws or common consent, to be administered and executed by the one, the few, or the many. A monarch, a body of nobles, or representatives and magistrates chosen by the people, for the terror and punishment of evil doers, and the encouragement and protection of them that do well. This is, or should be, the end and design of all government; and to this end when rightly framed and administered, it doth indeed greatly conduce.

But still excellent and beneficial as this institution is, feeble in many instances would be the best form of government, and ineffectual the most wise and salutary laws, and the greatest
fidelity in the execution of them, without a sense of religion and the terrors of the world to come. The great and the mighty are often, so exalted by their wealth and their power, as to be above the fear of the penalties of the law, and the censures of men for the breach of them; and the poor sometimes, view themselves as already sunk so low in the public estimation, that they have little concern about sinking lower, and they are so wretched in their circumstances that they cannot be reduced to much worse in this world, and are therefore under little restraint from what men think of or can do to them, and thus without fear or shame commit any crimes to which inclination or opportunity prompts.

But even where men dread the penalties of the law and the censures of the public, there are ten thousand instances in which they may elude them both. In which men of all ranks may commit a multitude of crimes, under the covert of such darkness and concealment as no human eye can penetrate, nor any finite arm lay hold on them.- If then there be no sense of religion on the mind, nor any fear of God before their eyes, what will restrain them from any deed however atrocious, to which profit or pleasure tempts them? Will the man who disregards the authority of that Being who is every where present, and to whose all piercing eye all things are open and naked, regard the authority of one whom he may deceive every moment? Will the man who has persuaded himself, if such a persuasion there can be, that there is no God, or if there is, that this life is the whole of his existence and that he shall never be called to an account in a future state, for any of his conduct in this; will he abstain from any crime to which his inclination leads, where concealment can shield him from the reproach, or power protect him from the vengeance of the public? Under such circumstances will he hesitate to defraud his neighbor, to betray or assassinate his friend, or fell his country, if he can make a profitable or even a saving bargain to himself? He surely will not.

But honor, honesty, gratitude and friendship, will in this case be all sacrificed at the shrine of interest, pleasure or ambition. In a word, banish a sense of religion and the terrors of the world to come from society, and you at once dissolve the sacred obligations of conscience and leave every man to do that which is right in his own eyes; you let mankind 1oose like so many beasts of prey, to roam at large, to deceive, destroy and devour all whom fraud or force may put in their power. Whoever therefore regards his own interest or that of the public, must be a friend to religion as the surest bond of propriety in all private dealings, and as the best preservative of national peace and welfare. If then religion and government are thus fundamental and important, to the order, peace and security of society, it will be natural to ask, how these foundations may be best laid and perpetuated? and to this question I answer,

I. By a right and virtuous education of the children and youth of the country. Train up a child in the way in which he should go, was the advice and command of a great ruler and very wise man; and the benefit of it he assures you will be, that when he is old he will not depart from it, and it is an advice most worthy of attention and regard as being founded in fact and experience. Tis education forms the mind and directs the habits.

Without education, and that knowledge which is the effect of it, men are ever liable to be imposed upon and led astray. Ignorant of the true nature of things they are degraded and depressed by the grossest superstition, or blown up by the wildest enthusiasm. They are duped and lead blindfold by every designing demagogue, or tamely crouch down under every lordly despot: but when men are well educated and rightly informed, they will shake off those fetters of the mind and affect the true rights and dignities of man. Instructed in the arts and sciences, in the laws and customs of nations, in their own rights and those of others, they will be more likely to defend the one and to abstain from infringing the other.

Trained up in the knowledge and in the habit of performing the duties they owe to God, their neighbor and themselves, they will be less likely to depart from or break the order and peace of society by any improper conduct. It is in this view that all civilized nations have considered the education of children and youth as a matter of the greatest importance. The ancient Greeks and Romans paid a very particular attention to this subject.

They early taught their children to fear the gods, to obey their parents, teachers and rulers, and to love their country. They instructed them in their rights, and inspired them with spirit and courage to defend them. They brought them up in the habits of industry, temperance and justice. They inured them to hardships by labor and exercises suited to their age. They simulated them to virtuous and heroic deeds by motives of glory and honor, and deterred them from vice and iniquity by disgrace and punishment.

Hence arose poets and orators, patriots and heroes, that have eternized the names of these republics. And would arrive to like fame, and hand down posterity unimpaired the happy constitution under which we live, and the divine religion which we enjoy, with a reasonable hope that they will be preserved in our land, it must be as one mean, by attending to the education of the rising generation. The happiness or misery of a nation like ours must greatly depend upon the knowledge or ignorance of the great body of the people.

2. In this view also, the public worship of God, the assembling ourselves together for prayer, praise, and religious instruction, on the Lord’s day, is a matter of the greatest moment. This is the most excellent method, to communicate, spread and perpetuate the knowledge of God and religion in the world, that ever hath been, or can be devised. Indeed it is the only method that can maintain a public regard to religion, which without it would be quickly lost and forgotten.

Were the preaching of the word and the administration of the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s supper generally neglected or discontinued, men would soon relapse into the same darkness and idolatry which so universally prevailed before the appearance of the great sun of righteousness, and as universally reigns now in those parts of the earth where the gospel hath never come or been received. For this reason Julian the apostate, when he attempted to overthrow and destruction of the Christian religion, prohibited the public assembling of the Christians for public worship and religious instruction, well knowing that if he could succeed in this, he could the more effectually accomplish his design; and if ever the Christian religion is extirpated, it must be by bringing its institutions into disrepute, and causing them to be neglected. And therefore to demolish these is the great aim of its enemies.

But not only is public worship or an attendance upon the institutions of religion, important, as it is adapted to communicate, diffuse and perpetuate the knowledge of the doctrines and principles of Christianity, but as it has a most happy tendency to give them a deeper, and more lasting impression on the mind, to render men not only wiser but better, to rectify the temper and regulate the conduct. The hearing the virtues, of piety, justice, temperance, purity and charity or love from Sabbath to Sabbath explained and inculcated, and the opposite vices of impiety, injustice, intemperance, impurity, enmity, variance and contention, stigmatized and condemned, and all enforced, with the solemn consideration of a judgment to come, when the secrets of all hearts shall be revealed, and the deeds done in the body be rewarded or punished, according to their nature and desert, has a natural tendency to lead to the practice of the former, and to check and restrain from the commission of the latter.

In this way the public worship of God has a most salutary influence not only to promote the best good of individuals, but the order, peace, and harmony of families, societies, states and empires. To make good husbands and wives, good parents and children, good masters and servants, good rulers and subjects- To make rulers rule in the fear of God, and the ruled submit and pay all proper obedience, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. Yea the very meeting together of numbers in one place, from Sabbath to Sabbath, as the children of one God and Father, to offer up their prayers and praises to him the Father of mercies and the fountain of all good, is adapted to conciliate their minds to each other, and make them more loving and friendly than they otherwise would be.

On the contrary were the public institutions of religion generally neglected and disused, gross ignorance in divine things, and great corruption in morals would soon ensue. This I think may be fairly concluded from the difference there is, between the knowledge and the morals of the mass of the people, in those places in our land, where the institution of the Sabbath, and the preaching of the gospel are regularly observed, and where they are not. In the latter the people grow up in ignorance of these things, quite rude and uncivilized in their manners. The Sabbath being considered as a day of rest, is spent in idleness, drinking, gaming, and other vices which corrupt the mind, and introduce penury and want, misery and wretchedness into the abodes of men. So that as one strongly but truly expresses it, if our churches were generally shut up and the public institutions of religion thrown aside, according to the infidel’s wish, the civil magistrate, if he consulted the good of society, would soon force them open in order to reclaim the criminals that would otherwise be let loose upon the world.

3. Another thing, upon which the welfare and stability of government much depends, is the choice of wise and worth men, men of sound heads, honest hearts, and exemplary lives to fill the legislative, judicial and executive departments of state. This in a republican or free government is a matter of most serious concern, what are the characteristics and qualifications of the persons you elect to office, and too much attention cannot be paid to it, by all who wish well to their county; because, if the men who, are raised by the people to legislate, judge of, or execute the laws for them, are weak and ignorant, the laws they frame must partake of the same qualities; or if they be corrupt in their principles, and dissolute and immoral in their lives, they will have a motive in their own breast and conduct to be remiss in the execution of the laws, however wise and good they maybe. Yea they become themselves examples and encouragers of vice to others, and thus contribute to weaken and destroy the very government they are sworn to maintain. On which account, the ancient Greeks in the time of the greatest purity and perfection of their government, would admit no person to office among them who lived a dissolute and immoral life, judging him unworthy of public trust who could not, or would not govern himself by the rules of prudence, sobriety and justice. And upon the same principle no doubt it was that Jethro the father in law of Moses, gave that excellent advice to him, with respect to the qualifications of the judges he should choose to assist him in the government of the people Israel.

That they should be able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness. That is, as the words plainly import, that they should be men of good natural understanding and competent acquired knowledge. Men acting under the belief and awe of God as their inspector and judge, to whom they consider themselves accountable for their conduct and whom they fear to offend. Men truly honest and upright in their principles and views, not actuated and governed by he sordid motives of self interest and aggrandizement in their desire and execution of office, but by a sincere regard to the public good. And sure better advice than this, could not be given, nor more important qualifications directed to in the choice of rulers.

Yet I am well aware that one of these qualifications, viz. the fear of God, is by numbers, thought to be of very little consequence, and some there are, who even deride the very idea of paying any attention to it all, declaring our dearest interests to be as safe in the hands even of an atheist, as any other man. But with that great patriot and statesman the late governor Livingston of New Jersey, I must yet think that this is a qualification of very great importance in a ruler. And that the father in law of Moses gave him very good advice, when he directed him to pay particular attention to it in those whom he should appoint to be judges and rulers over the people Israel.

For if God be such a being, as both reason and revelation declare him to be, an omniscient, holy, just and all- powerful being, whose eyes are in every place, beholding the evil and the good, to punish the one and reward the other according to their character and deeds, then certainly, the fear and awe of him must operate as the greatest restraint from that which is evil, and the most powerful incentive to that which is good, and he who is truly actuated by this principle, will never give his voice or influence to pervert justice or support iniquity. But the man who does not believe in the being and providence of God, or is not actuated by the fear and awe of him, has in many cases no bond or restraint upon his conduct, and therefore is not fit to be trusted with a nation√s weal, which he will not scruple, whenever he can with impunity, to sacrifice to his lust or ambition.

4. Another thing highly worthy the attention of all who wish to promote the order, peace and stability of government is, that as much as in them lies, they cherish and cultivate a spirit of unity and concord, and avoid and discourage that unreasonable jealousy, and party zeal, which throws the members of the State, into different factions, pursuing different interests of their own, and often both of them very different from that of the public. So much political jealousy as leads men to watch over their rights and liberties with care, that they be not infringed, is proper and laudable, yea, is an indispensable duty: But when men enlist themselves in parties and range themselves under particular leaders, they too often lose sight of the public good and yield themselves up implicitly to their directions, whom like a band of dragoons they follow wherever they lead.

They consider not the truth, the reasonableness, or the justice of the cause, but what will promote the views and interests of the party to which they attach themselves. This casts a mist before their eyes and sanctifies every mean, however base and iniquitous, that will contribute to the particular designs of the party. Hence slander, misrepresentation, the grossest falsehoods and even violence when the end cannot be obtained without it, are the common resort of men actuated by this spirit. When it rises to any considerable height, it engenders the most virulent factions and deadly animosities in neighborhoods, societies and states, which are often perpetuated from generation to generation and sometimes work the overthrow and ruin of the community or state where they prevail.

It was this spirit of party, which hastened the downfall of ancient Rome, once the wonder and mistress of the world. The powerful parties of Caesar and Pompey kept the state a long time in convulsions, till the victory of Caesar over Pompey gave it a master, and instead of a government managed by freemen, subjected the property, the liberty, and lives of the citizens of Rome, to the will of a tyrant. And Josephus, the Jewish historian, informs us, that to the party factions and intestine divisions that rent and convulsed the Jews among themselves, their destruction as more owing, than to the conquering arms of the Romans. This same spirit also contributed to reduce Holland and Switzerland to their present degraded and humiliating condition, to have their rulers, government and laws dictated and controlled by a foreign power.

Should not then the fate of these and other nations famed in story, be a solemn memento and warning to the people of this land, to check and cast out that demon of party, which hath risen among us, engendering enmity, strife and contention, and inciting to the vilest slander, misrepresentation and falsehood, that alas! men of different parties in the violence of their zeal, can scarce think or say a good thing of each other; and of consequence, while this disposition reigns, will never unite in measures for the public good, but even against the plainest dictates of reason and common sense will forever use all their efforts to perplex and counteract each other.

5. Once more, permit me to observe, that in order to the stability of a free government it is necessary that the great body of the people be, and continue virtuous, sober, industrious and lovers of order. So long as this is the case, there will be little to be feared. All things will go well. Liberty, peace and prosperity, will dwell with such a people, at least there will be nothing among themselves, to interrupt or banish these blessed inhabitants from their residence with them.

But whenever there shall be a general corruption among the great body of the people, when pride, selfishness and ambition, or an insatiable thirst for power, shall pervade and actuate the higher orders; when vice, licentiousness and opposition to all just rule and restraint shall characterize the lower ranks of men; when rulers govern and people obey, when ministers counsel and soldiers fight, when judges preside over the laws and jurors bear testimony, not from any regard to the principles of conscience, the fear of the Lord or the public good, but their own private interests and aggrandizement, then it is easy to see, that a government thus administered is without any solid support within or without, and thus distempered in all its members, it must gradually decline and waste away, or fall a prey to the first acute disorder that attacks it.

This the Roman historians inform us, was the fatal progress of corruption and vice in that famed republic and once free state of ancient Rome. While a patriot ardor glowed in the breasts of her senators, judges and generals, while temperance, frugality and industry, submission to order and just government, patience and resolution, to do and to suffer all things for the security, reputation, liberty and glory of their country characterized her citizens, peace and prosperity reigned at home, fame, conquest and empire crowned their arms abroad; but when a selfish ambition took place of love of their country; and zeal for the public was extinguished by party rage, when the riches of the east and the spoils of conquered provinces, had introduced indolence, sloth, luxury and avarice, and all the arts and follies of a corrupted state, and above all, when the principles of Epicurus had banished religion, the only effectual restraint upon human conduct, from the state, and left every man to do what was right in his own eyes, then as a nervous writer very justly describes her fate, like the Israelites of old, when they had renounced the government of their God and the protection of his providence, they were given up to ruin.

Unnerved and inseminated by luxury and excess, they were exposed to insults from abroad, and to intestine broils and civil wars at home. A succession of tyrants, monsters of impiety, debauchery and cruelty, was permitted to lash the Romans into virtue, or correct and punish their vices, under whom the state languished, rather than lived under a complication of disorders, till Rome, imperial, immortal, eternal Rome, the mistress of the world, the strong and spreading oak, that covered all the beasts of the earth, having filled her measure of wickedness and accomplished her fate, the fate of nations, expires, or rather dwindles away, a poor and shriveled plant, deprived of its native virtue and the benign influences of heaven, and is scattered, the sport of winds, into the common mass of universal matter. An awful monument and solemn warning to the world, that while righteousness exalteth a nation, vice is the reproach and ruin of a people.-

And now to bring this already long discourse to a close, what are the lessons which it inculcates and the improvement which is proper to be made of it, by this numerous and august assembly?

To your Excellency the Governor- to your Honor the Lieutenant Governor, and to you Gentlemen the Legislators and Representatives of this State, doth it not strongly suggest, the high importance of giving all possible encouragement and support to the means of education, common schools and public seminaries, those fountains of useful knowledge to our youth, whence streams may continually flow to water and refresh our land, or to vary the figure, whence our children and youth may be trained up to usefulness and honor, and be as pillars in church and state? Again, do not the above considerations, also strongly declare the propriety and importance of giving countenance and support to the public worship of God, and its necessary institutions.

I know it is the opinion of some, and it is to be feared, that with the fool, who hath said in his heart, there is no God, it is the wish of more, that government should take no notice, nor by any laws enacted for that purpose, give any countenance or support to religion, but leave God and religion, entirely unnoticed, as much as if there was no such being or thing in existence. For a nation or government of atheists, if such a government ever did or can exist, I acknowledge such a conduct would be proper and in character; but for a nation of theists, and especially of Christian theists, who profess to believe in the being of a God, and that the worship of him is a duty, and of public and general utility to a people, I say for such a nation
or government to be silent on this head, would certainly be very improper, if not an impious and unpardonable neglect; for if there be a God, if the public worship of him be a duty and of great use to the virtue and morals of men, to check, restrain and repress, the overflowings of ungodliness, to engage men to live in peace and love with each other, to submit to order and good government, and above all to dispose and prepare them for a future and more happy state of existence, then certainly it must be a matter highly worthy the attention of every government to give countenance and support to the institutions of religion- nor can magistrates and rulers, according to scripture prophecy, be nursing fathers to the church, if they do not.

Far be it from me to wish to see, and God forbid we ever should see, any government in this country, enacting laws to dictate what articles of faith men shall believe, what mode of worship they shall adopt, or to raise and establish one mode of worship or denomination of Christians above or in preference to another. No, let the human mind be left perfectly free, in all these particulars, to chose and adopt, such modes as it pleases, and let all denominations have equal countenance and support of government; and while ye venerable fathers of your country, to whose care we commit our most valuable rights, civil and religious, while ye thus support the external institutions of religion, by wise and liberal laws and provisions, framed for that purpose, and thus become nursing, protecting fathers to the church, may we not rationally conclude, that while agreeable to the command of Moses to the tribes of Zebulon and Isachar, ye call the people to the mountain, the temple or house of God, there to offer the sacrifices of righteousness; you will sanction and give force to your laws, by your own example going before and leading them thither, and in all things being patterns to them, in piety, virtue and every good work. Thus will you most effectually give energy to your laws, and order, peace and permanency to government.

To you, my Reverend Fathers and Brethren in the gospel ministry, this discourse may with peculiar propriety be addressed.

It is your appropriate and honorable work to dissipate the clouds of ignorance and error, to enlighten and irradiate the human mind with knowledge, and by every mean to strive to make men wiser and better, to inculcate upon them principles of love and peace, with each other, of order and subjection to government, human and divine, and by instruction and example to lead their views to a future and better world. Let this then be the grand object of our aim.

Being by our station and office appointed and designed to reflect the rays of light from the great sun of righteousness, let our light so shine before men, that they seeing the light of our good works, may be led to glorify our Father, the Father of lights, who is in heaven. Considering ourselves as a city set on a hill that can not be hid, that all our actions and conduct is observed and critically scanned, and by many with the worst intent, that they may gain an advantage against us, and through our sides, wound and destroy the cause of our blessed Redeemer, let us agreeable to the command and direction of our Lord and his apostles, be wise as serpents and harmless as doves. Let us walk circumspectly, with prudence, honesty and uprightness, in all our intercourse with the world, being examples to the flock and to the world, in faith, in purity, in word, in doctrine and every good work. Thus let us put to silence and shame, the slanders and revilings of libertine and ungodly men, who are ever ready, and often do say all manner of evil of us.

But let us not be dismayed or disheartened, by their revilings, to give up the truth or desert the cause of our divine Master; but let us contend earnestly for the faith once delivered to the saints, when opposed, not with the virulence of bigots but with meekness, candor, and sound speech, that cannot be gainsayed. Let us go on, in the noble and pleasing work of diffusing knowledge, human and divine, of inculcating upon men the principles of virtue, peace and order, of training them up for, and leading them to heaven and happiness above.

And ye fathers and mothers in this our American Israel, will you not unite your efforts with ours in this benevolent work? Much depends upon you in training up the rising generation to be worthy and useful members of society here, or suitable inhabitants of a better world hereafter; and especially upon you, ye venerable and respected matrons, who have the care of the tenderest years of your children, to sow the seeds of virtue, which are afterwards to be matured by the fostering hand of the father. The impressions first made are often most lasting, and numbers of great and good men have declared themselves more indebted to the tender and pious instructions of their mothers in childhood, that they were kept from vice, and became virtuous members of society, than all after means.

Very honorable is the mention which St. Paul makes of the mother and grand mother of Timothy, and which St. Austin makes of his mother Monica in this view, that the religious instructions which she gave him when a child made such impressions on his mind as were never obliterated, but remained with him through the dangerous season of youth, and by the blessing of God, preserved him from many a vice and folly.

Early then ye parents begin this benevolent, this pleasing work of seasoning the minds of your children with sentiments of virtue; teach them their duty to God and man- acquaint them with their rights, as men and citizens; inspire them with a love of their country, and a zeal to promote and defend its interests; educate them in the habits of industry, temperance, frugality, peaceableness, order and subjection to government- instruct them in the nature of the worship of God, and lead them to the performance of it, in your families and in the church; bring these lambs of the flock and present them before your heavenly Father, the great Shepherd and Bishop of souls, for his blessing; and thus habituate them to, and prepare them for the sublime employments of his holy temple above.

And ye blooming youth of both sexes, who are rising to succeed your parents, in whose hands the country and church will soon be deposited, will ye not listen to the counsels, and follow the example of your pious and revered parents, ministers and friends. With pleasing hope we anticipate the day when you shall come forward an ornament and blessing to your country, to direct her counsels, and defend her rights, or polish the manners and sooth the manners of her sons. That this may be the case, furnish your minds while young with useful knowledge, search for it as for hid treasure, qualify yourselves to act your part with ability on the great theatre of life, to serve your country and your God, whether in a humbler or higher department of the various stations, posts and offices to which you may be destined and called.

Cease from the- instructions of them who would cause you to err from the word of knowledge. Guard against the poisonous- the wide spreading and soul destroying principles of infidelity and libertinism- listen not to the siren song of pleasure, nor to the seductions of evil company, whose evil communications corrupt good manners. Be companions of the wise and the good, the friends of order, religion and virtue, by whom your minds may be informed, and your morals refined. Above all things let me enjoin it upon you, to remember your Creator in the days of your youth, before the evil days come on in which ye shall say, ye have no pleasure. Impress your minds with the solemn awe of the dread majesty of heaven and earth, and this will preserve you from many a sin, and from many a bitter pang. Seek that wisdom which is from above, and it will regulate all your steps; prescribe the proper rule of your conduct, and show you what is due from you to yourselves, your neighbor, and your God.

Finally, ye Freemen, all of every class whose high prerogative it is, to raise up, or pull down, to invest with office and authority, or to withhold them, and in whose power it is to save or destroy your country, consider well the important trust and distinguishing privileges which God and nature have put into your hands. To God and posterity you are accountable for them. See that you preserve them inviolate and transmit them to posterity unimpaired. Let not your children have reason to curse you for giving up those rights, and prostrating those institutions which our fathers delivered to you as a sacred palladium, and which by the blessing of God have been peculiarly beneficial to the order, peace and prosperity of this State, amid all the vicissitudes and convulsions of other states and kingdoms round. And that this happy state of things may continue, look well to the characters and qualifications of those you elect and raise to office and places of trust.

In this momentous concern, let the wise counsel of Jethro, tho a priest, be your guide. Choose ye out from among you able men, such as fear God, men of truth and hating covetousness and set them to rule over you. Think not that your interests will be safe in the hands of the weak and ignorant or faithfully managed by the impious, the dissolute and the immoral. Think not that men who acknowledge not the providence of God nor regard his laws, will be uncorrupt in office, firm in defense of the righteous cause against the oppressor, or resolutely oppose the torrent of iniquity. Their own emolument, ease or pleasure, will at any time induce them to connive at injustice and iniquity, or join with the oppressor. Watch over your liberties and privileges civil and religious with a careful eye.

In defense of these be zealous, resolute and intrepid. They demand it of you and are worthy of it, even tho your lives were to be sacrificed. But indulge not an unreasonable jealousy, nor a captious spirit of caviling with, or faulting the conduct of those you entrust with power- nor a fondness for perpetual and unnecessary change of men or measures. Remember it is always safer and better for a people, to commit their interests to the care of those whose ability, fidelity and patriotism they have tried and found equal to their trust, than to those whom they have not, even though they may be supposed to be perfectly equal in all these particulars.

Banish party factions from among you- let the general good take place of contracted selfishness, and the public welfare triumph over private animosity. Discountenance vice, and be patterns and promoters of virtue and good morals as the only security for the support and prosperity of a republican government.

Revere, imbibe and practice that holy heaven- born religion, which is first pure, then peaceable gentle, easy to be entreated, and full of good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy. In a word, let the love of God, your country, and mankind rule your hearts and actuate your conduct; and let this be manifested by that which is the only true proof of it- obedience to his laws, a patriot soul and a public spirit.-

Then may you hope that order, peace and harmony- honor and prosperity will dwell with us, and God himself be our shield and defense-

AMEN

Sermon – Society in Saybrook – 1803


Jonathan Bird gave this sermon on April 11, 1803. Bird uses 1 Peter 2:13 and Romans 13:1 as the basis for this sermon.


sermon-society-in-saybrook-1803

A

DISCOURSE

DELIVERED TO THE FREEMEN

COLLECTED

IN THE SECOND SOCIETY IN SAYBROOK, APRIL 11th,

A.D. 1803.

By JONATHAN BIRD, A.M.

When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn.

If a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked. Solomon.

 

A DISCOURSE, &C.
I Pet. II. 13.Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake.

Rom. XIII. 1. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God: the powers that be, are ordained of God.

When we see the restless pursuits of the world; good order disregarded; laws, human and divine, trampled on; religion derided; and its professors made the scoff of the profane – When vice of every kind is rampant, its votaries applauded, and advanced to lucrative and honorable stations, then, we justly fear for the safety of our civil and religious liberty.

It is needless to turn your thoughts to the wars and open attacks, on civil and religious liberty, which have convulsed and torn to pieces the European governments. Sufficient, and more than sufficient, has America drank of the lethiferous [lethal] streams of European politics, and of their demoralizing systems, which have poisoned our civil and religious liberty. (2. 3.)

In vain shall we look to the boasted empire of reason, and the philosophism of the present day to remedy the evil: for the most part, it has arisen from this very source. And, though the precepts of the gospel will do much to promote virtue, peace and good order, among those who believe in revelation and are civilly disposed, yet, with others, such as have dipped into the demoralizing principles of vain philosophy, they will have little or no influence: under God, we must depend, principally, on the civil arm. Good laws, upright judges, and a prompt execution are the main anchor of hope. (4. 7.).

It is of high importance, my hearers, that as individuals, and as members of society, we use our influence to establish and maintain civil government. This is not merely the voice of reason, it is the voice of God: “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, the powers that be are ordained of God.” The civil constitution and laws of a state are, strictly, the civil power, by which, both rulers and subjects are bound. But, as laws are nothing without an executive, the apostle speaks of them as one: and calls the present rulers, the powers that be, on the supposition they adhere to the laws, or, are ministers of God for good: and, as such, affirms they are ordained of God.

The nature of civil government – how far it is an ordinance of God – and our obligation of obedience, thereto, now call for our attention.

“Government is the exertion or display of lawful powers, for the attainment of good and proper ends.” In all government, whether family, ecclesiastical or political, good and proper ends should be the first ingredients. Civil government proposes a fourfold good, viz. Natural good, the preservation of our lives and properties: Moral good, the promotion of virtue, and suppression of vice and immorality: Civil good, the support of justice, truth and honesty among all degrees of men: Religious good, friendship, protection and maintenance of the religion of our Lord Jesus Christ; thy kings shall be nursing fathers, and thy queens nursing mothers, saith the Lord. Had such ends always been kept in view, by those who enact and execute laws, this world would have been a Paradise of God, in comparison with what it now is: But, alas! Long experience hath taught, that when pride, ambition, avarice, and other vices obtain the chair of state, or sword of civil power, then tyranny or anarchy prevail, liberty bleeds, and the people mourn.

But let it be noticed again, that as there are good ends in civil government; so there must be a power vested, somewhere, sufficient for the attainment, or for the ordering of things and persons for the attainment of such ends. Government, without this, would be a mere air built castle, a name without a substance. Men may propose good ends, talk and make a bustle about government; but it is all nonsense, while they have neither power nor influence to effect, or order things and persons for effecting such ends. A power here must be, and sufficient power too, or government will become nerveless, sink into contempt, and do no good. (5) – Whether this power be vested in one, two, or more, is non-essential, so it be for the best good of the community; and without this, it can in no form, be an ordinance of God for good.

It is necessary, that power be exerted. Power, while dormant, is the same as no power. Laws, not executed, are the same as no laws. There must be a display of power for the attainment of good ends. The laws must be put promptly in execution to render government energetic, a praise to them that do well, and a terror to the evil. This is the sum of civil government. Good ends; power to effect these ends; and this power actually exerted, completes the system. It contains a legislative, and an executive body, each tending, ultimately, to promote the glory of God through the best good of the community, and as such, constitutes them an ordinance of God, and entitles them to this glorious character — Ministers of God for good.

Let us in the next place inquire, wherein civil government is an ordinance of God, and, in what respects it is an ordinance of man. The apostle says, “The powers that be, are ordained of God.” Civil government, therefore, is of divine authority. It is God’s ordinance for the well-being of society: not a necessary evil, as some wild visionaries have asserted, for the humbling of the soul, and a scourge to sin. It was appointed for the natural, moral, civil and religious good of society. And, though the law was made for the unholy and disobedient, yet, it tends to God’s glory through the greatest good of the community, and as such, is a glorious ordinance of God. Civil government is an abstract of the divine government, influencing us to an imitation of the perfections of the Deity — “What, O man, doth he require of thee, but to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly before God?” This requirement was worthy of Jehovah; and it is our glory to obey it.

This passage contains the whole of civil government, as an ordinance of God, but says nothing of laws, modes and forms. It only requires such a system of moral and civil walking, as will maintain justice, truth and mercy; and promote mutual subjection and subordination among men. Such a requirement is the unalienable prerogative of Deity, and the language of sound reason; and teaches us, that every government, whoever are its ministers, or whatever is its form, if calculated to answer the above mentioned purposes, is an ordinance of God, resembling his own divine government, and answering his demands of righteousness, truth and mercy in the land. (1. 2.).

Civil government, in every other respect, is left to human prudence and discretion: agreeably to which, St. Peter in our text, calls it an ordinance of man. – This grant to man, is highly fit and infinitely kind, in this changeable state of things; because, no mode of government will suit all communities — different circumstances, require different laws and procedures. Hence arises a necessity, that every state or corporate body should form such a constitution, and enact such laws as they find most conducive to general good. (3).

This right and privilege may be used personally or representatively, as shall be most convenient, and best subserve [to be helpful in promoting] the public weal. The ordinance of God, however, will in this circumscribe our liberty; and restrain our choice to those men who fear God and work righteousness. As God does not permit us to live without government; so neither does he allow us to chose fools and knaves for legislators, and executive officers: the one cannot, and the other will not subserve his glory and the general good. Men, who act on narrow, selfish principles and from sinister views — men, who maintain demoralizing tenets and practices, or countenance and connive at those who do – men, who wish and endeavor to cut, or weaken the sinew2s of energetic government, are a curse to the community (5)—“The best of them is as a briar, and the most upright is sharper than a thorn hedge.” Such men have no just title to the suffrages of freemen, for they are not, and will not be ministers of God for good.

This restraint in the ordinance of God, is compatible with the highest degrees of reasonable civil liberty; and extends to the greatest good of the community. As it rejects the vicious and ignorant, and promotes the wise and virtuous; (2) so it require that these be taken from among ourselves, not strangers and foreigners, but men, who are intimately connected, and well acquainted with the interest of the community, that when they enact and execute laws, they may feel for their brethren as for themselves. Agreeably to which, God said unto his people Israel, “One from among thy brethren, shalt thou set over thee: thou sayest not set a stranger over thee, who is not thy brother.” And, that he might feel his dependence on God, and his connection with the people, he was required to keep a copy of the law by him, and to read in it all the days of his life, that he might learn to fear the Lord — that his heart might not be lifted up above his brethren — and that he turn not aside from the commandment to the right hand or to the left.

Hence we see in what respects civil government is an ordinance of God, and wherein it is an ordinance of man. The constitution, and choice of all persons to be invested with power, are left to the discretion and wisdom of the people: God only requires that his glory be consulted, in every part, through the best good of the community. (2) Our best interest and highest reasonable liberty is consulted, in this ordinance of God. It is truly a popular government, for “the voice of the people is the voice of God:” that which best subserves the good of the community, best subserves his glory, therefore, is his ordinance for good.

Our obligation of obedience to such a government, is too obvious to need any labored proof. Is civil government for the benefit of society, then, common sense teaches the duty of obedience: nor can we withhold our obedience, and not injure ourselves, hurt the public, and dishonor God; hence the apostle said, “He that resisteth shall receive to himself damnation.” They who conscientiously obey the good laws of the state, cannot be unhappy in a civil sense: it is their disobedience to good laws, or submission to bad ones, which render them unhappy, and urges them to disorder and insurrection. (4)

The apostle presses his arguments, pointedly, for obedience to the powers that be, from the consideration, that they were not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Would we discourage vice and promote virtue — would we live in peace and safety — would we enjoy our own, and let our neighbor enjoy his, we must yield a prompt obedience to the powers ordained of God. No other course will insure these blessings.

And, as this is the dictate of found reason, so it has the sanction of heaven: Submit yourselves for the Lord’s sake. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, for they are ordained of God. God has, doubtless, a right to command even unconditional obedience; but in this case, of civil government, he has in an high degree, connected our interest and happiness with obedience: His command is, therefore, enforced with double energy. We must submit not only for wrath, but for conscience sake — not merely for fear of punishment, but from a spirit of love and obedience; and, thus keep a good conscience towards God and man. Yea, gratitude and justice are not silent on this point: gratitude to God for this civil ordinance; and respect, honor and justice to his ministers who faithfully rule. Accordingly we read, “For, for this cause pay ye tribute also; for they are God’s ministers, attending continually on this very thing,” the good of the people; therefore, render to all their dues: tribute, to whom tribute is due; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; honor, to whom honor. Thus, God and reason require, that the Minister of God for good shall receive a reward for his service; and honor, respect and obedience for the sake of the ordinance.

You will observe, that I have not been pleading the cause of passive obedience and non resistance; but have urged my arguments for obedience, solely on the ground, that civil government is an ordinance of God for good. (5) That the executive officer, and the people in their representative and legislative capacity may do wrong, will not admit of a doubt. But whether they do wrong, will not admit of a doubt. But whether they can, or do; or wherein they cease to be an ordinance of God: or whether the people can, or wherein they may have just cause of resistance, are points on which I have neither time nor inclination to enter. — Many political retailers have made a noise, and done mischief on these points. Would such men take less pains to pull down and destroy, and make complaint of government: and, would they take more pains to fill the legislative and executive departments of government, with men of sound heads, and of honest devout hearts, they might be an honor to themselves, and greatly subserve the peace and well being of society. (3)

It is, indeed, a melancholy truth, that political heresies, disorganizing and demoralizing principles abound in the Union. Some states are in absolute confusion. 1 And, so confident of success are the authors and promoters of this baneful system, that they boast in the very face of day.

In justice, however, it must be acknowledged the people of this State have, for a long time, enjoyed a larger share of civil and religious liberty and happiness, than most of the other States; and are still, as a body, warm friends to good order in church and state. Some instances to the contrary, doubtless, there are, which call for attention and vigilance from the friends of government.

And, happy am I to congratulate you, my hearers, on this annual return of the day of liberty and freedom, a day, on which, we have opportunity to testify to the world, our abhorrence of men and measures which, tend to deprive us of the civil and religious liberty, handed down from our ancestors. – According to the civil constitution of this State, which, we believe, is an ordinance of God, we have both right and opportunity to chose the Executive and Legislative branches of our government. This liberty is a great and high privilege: may we honor God, and act worthy of our freedom.

Government, as we have heard, is an ordinance of God, and tends to promote the natural, moral, civil and religious good of the community. Under an energetic government, life and property are safe – vice hides her head – virtue triumphs – justice and honesty are maintained, and the religion of Jesus Christ is befriended. Thus, peace and good order are supported, religion flourishes, heaven smiles, and we are blessed. (5) How important then is it, that we use our liberty this day, in appointing and choosing such men to the civil department, as fear God and work righteousness?

It is not a matter of indifference, what characters we choose to office: all will not make Ministers of God for good. – Let it be remembered, that there are but two leading principles in the universe, godliness, and selfishness. The former, is universal benevolence; the latter, is universal malevolence: they are diametrically opposite to each other. Would we have a good and peaceable government, we must have godly men at the helm: (2) men that fear God and love the public good. Selfish men are no friends to God, nor to their fellow creatures: self, like the rave, swallows up everything. The nearest relations – the dearest connections – and the greatest public good are as stubble, when they stand in competition with self. So speaks Dr. Watts:

O cursed idol self!
The wretch that worships the would dare to tread
To ‘scape a rising wave when seas the land invade.
To gain the safety of some higher ground,
He’d trample down the dikes that fence his country round
Amid’st a general flood, and leave a nation drown’d.

In perfect agreement with this sentiment, and with common experience is St. Paul’s observation to Timothy – Know this also, that in the last days perilous times shall come: for men shall be lovers of their own selves. This, the Apostle said would be the character of these last days – men would be lovers of their own selves – destitute of love to God, and of benevolence toward man. All public spirit would be lost in the insatiable abyss of self. Hence the times would be perilous; men would not know whom to trust; and were sure to be ruined, if power should get into the hands of such characters. This is evident from his description of these selfish men. They would be covetous, boasters, proud, blasphemers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, unholy, without natural affection, trucebrakers, i.e. no bonds, covenants or agreements would hold them against self-interest, false accusers, the original is devils like satan, they would accuse and distress the righteous; incontinent, i.e. intemperate; fierce dispisers, i.e. haters of them that are good, traitors, heady, high minded, i.e. inflated, blown up like empty bladders; lovers of pleasures more than lovers of God. As the apostle expressed all these descriptions of selfish men, by the term, lovers of their own selves: so he summed up their practices, as covered with hypocrisy – having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof. Such characters will put on a form – an outward show of religion to deceive people, and hoist themselves into office, and places of honor, trust and profit; and then, kick down the ladder by which they had risen. From such turn away, have nothing to do with them.

Do we desire a government that God will own and bless, we must make choice of rulers, that are friends to him and his cause. Has God a church on earth, and will he take his church to heaven; then such as ridicule religion, and scoff at professors – such as oppose church discipline and order, endeavoring to sink the church into the state governments, and to put down pulpits and ministers, are no friends to God and his cause — they are lovers of their own selves. (3) They will never serve the public good, any further, than self-interest shall compel them: and will always lie open to bribery, corruption and venality. Remember, my fellow citizens, the schemes and plans of selfish men, are the ways of wicked and evil men: avoid them, pass not by them, turn from them, and pass away. (2)

That there are such base characters in the union, is too evident: but I hope, and believe, that in Connecticut, they do not greatly abound; and am happy to understand, that in this town, it is by no means a general thing — as yet, you are strongly attached to your steady habits. Some good and worthy men, doubtless, are deluded and deceived by the vailed measures of selfish men. — What I have said is not to reflect on any; but to excite all to stand on their guard against designing men, and honestly, to support the cause of religion, morals and good government.

At a time like the present, when many are casting off moral and civil restraint, it peculiarly concerns the friends of good order to come forward, in their several stations, and maintain that civil liberty, which is God’s ordinance for good. If the friends of good order, neglect their feats and duty; depend on it, the enemies of government will be there and fill the offices with their own creatures. (2 3.) If we neglect the right of choosing our representatives and civil officers we dishonor God, and despise our civil birthright; and may thank ourselves for bad laws, or, at least, for the want of good ones, and good government.

And as we may not neglect, so neither may we misuse our liberty. It is not sufficient that we choose men to fill the civil departments, but we must be careful to choose men fit to be there; men, who have both will and ability to be Ministers of God for good.

As we must avoid the vain, the simple, and the ignorant; so must we reject impious, immoral, selfish, intriguing, party-making, honor-hunting, double-faced, and double-tongued men: the former cannot, and the latter will not honor their office, glorify God, and benefit the public.

Let us remember my fellow citizens, that we are accountable to God, to the present and future generations, for the use of our liberty this day. God’s glory, public good, and private happiness are depending on the choice of officers we shall make. And, to press our duty still closer on our consciences, let us remember the solemn oath we have taken in the presence of God, and of each other, that to the best of our ability, we will use our liberty, as not abusing it. With these impressions on our minds, let us apply to the throne of grace for necessary light and assistance; and so enter on the duties before us. And may God grant, that we shall honestly give our votes for such men, as in our consciences, we believe will best subserve God’s glory, and the public good. Amen. (7)

 

AN APPENDIX
Containing several extracts, verbatim, from Gen. William Hart’s Letter to the Rev. Richard Ely, with reference to the foregoing sermon — Dated 12th April, 1803.

(1) The sermon or rather declamation may be termed, from the bitterness and virulence it contained, a violent philippie and a libel on the administration of your country.

(2) What was the evident drift and design of this party-colored sermon? If those who heard it may judge, it was calculated to undermine our national government and administration, by weakening the confidence of the people in it; and that the Freemen must not choose such men to office as were professedly its supporters.

(3) It was calculated to hurt the reputations and wound the feelings of all those who wished to aid and assist in the support of our executive government, and who are all firm and tried friends to this State in which we live, — by imputing to them the worst principles, and the vilest motives; those of a design to pull down and destroy both church and state, and fill the earth with general confusion and anarchy.

(4) The text chosen contained inunctions of obedience to rulers and to the constituted authorities, and yet he scandalized our national rulers, by indirectly imputing to them a vain philosophy and demoralizing principles, overlooking at same time that obedience to rulers which is their due.

(5) What did he think of his hearers when he was enforcing the principles of an energetic and arbitrary government? Did he suppose them to be as ignorant and stupid as himself? Observe his word, “that men opposed to an energetic government are a curse to community” — I believe that no intelligent man could form any other idea from it, than a dislike to our republican government and wish to introduce an aristocracy or a monarchy.

(6) Observe his words as he goes on, when alluding to republicanism, “that where it had prevailed in any of the Stats, confusion had succeeded, and that in one of the States, they are in total confusion.” This is without foundation and not true. We know of no State in the union, where confusion either totally or partially prevails.

(7) In short, sir, we consider this attack on our characters and political sentiments and privileges, as a flagrant insult on our understandings and feelings as men, as Christians and as members of society.

 


Endnotes

1 The author purposed to have omitted this sentence in the delivery; but happening to fall upon it before he recollected himself, he thought fit to let it pass. – This whole paragraph is verbatim as it was delivered. (6)

Sermon – Sabbath Day – 1803

Joseph Lathrop (1731-1820) Biography:

Lathrop was born in Norwich, Connecticut. After graduating from Yale, he took a teaching position at a grammar school in Springfield, Massachusetts, where he also began studying theology. Two years after leaving Yale, he was ordained as the pastor of the Congregational Church in West Springfield, Massachusetts. He remained there until his death in 1820, in the 65th year of his ministry. During his career, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity from both Yale and Harvard. He was even offered the Professorship of Divinity at Yale, but he declined the offer. Many of his sermons were published in a seven-volume set over the course of twenty-five years.

Following are two sermons preached by Lathrop on two separate Sabbath days. Both of these sermons were based on Revelation 1:10.


sermon-sabbath-day-1803

T
TWO
SERMONS,

On The

Christian Sabbath,

For Distribution

In The New Settlements

Of The

UNITED STATES.

By JOSEPH LATHROP, D. D.
Pastor of the first Church in West-Springfield.

ON THE CHRISTIAN SABBATH.SERMON I.
Revelation I. 10.
I was in the Spirit on the Lord’s Day.

The Apostle John was one of those, who by their doctrine and works bare testimony to the resurrection and divinity of Jesus Christ. For this testimony, he was banished by the Roman Emperor to an island called Patmos, a dreary, uninhabited island in the Archipelago, which is a part of the Mediterranean sea.

As his crime was preaching the gospel of Christ, his persecutor chose to send him into a solitary and desolate place, where he would have no opportunity to propagate his religion. But no solitude could exclude him from communion with God—no artifice of man could defeat the purpose of heaven. Here was communicated to him, in vision, that wonderful revelation, which contains a prophetic series of events, from that time to the end of the world, and which, in every age, is a standing demonstration of the truth of the glorious gospel of Christ. ‘The testimony of Jesus is the Spirit of prophecy.’

John makes particular mention of the day, on which he received the divine communication. ‘I was in the Spirit on the Lord’s Day.’

The churches, to whom he wrote, knew and observed this day. He named it to them to shew, that their Lord had put a distinguished honor upon it, and that they were bound to keep it holy in honor and obedience to him. On this day John was in the Spirit. Being engaged in the exercises of piety and devotion, he enjoyed that high communion with God, which, at other times, he had seldom known. By a pious observance of God’s consecrated day he could have communion with him in a wilderness.

We will here consider the day, which is distinguished by the name of the Lord’s day—the manner in which the holy apostle was employed on this day—and the advantage, which he found in his employment.

We will then attend to the instructions, which may be collected from our subject.

I. We observe, first, that the apostle speaks of a certain day, distinguished from all others by the name of the Lord’s day.

As he was writing to Christian churches, and expressly to the churches in Asia, he undoubtedly called the day by a name, which was then common and familiar among Christians. We may therefore conclude, that there was a certain day, which, in the apostles’ times, was known and observed in all the churches, as eminently and peculiarly the Lord’s day. And this must be the first day of the week, the day on which the Lord arose from the dead; for no other day is mentioned in the New Testament, as in any respect distinguished among Christians from other days, or as entitled to the peculiar honor of being called by this name.

As the sacrament of the supper, which was instituted in remembrance of Christ’s death, is called the Lord’s Supper; so the day on which he arose from the dead is called the Lord’s day. As the supper is distinguished from all other festivals by the express institution of Christ, and by his express command to observe it in remembrance of his death; so the day of his resurrection is distinguished from all other days by this great and important event, and sequestered by his authority as a day of religious worship among Christians, that this interesting event might the better be kept in remembrance. There is the same reason, why Christians should have a standing memorial of his resurrection as of his death. The supper is the memorial of the one; the Christian Sabbath is the memorial of the other. And this is called the Lord’s day, for the same reason, as that is called the Lord’s Supper.

The name seems to be taken from the 24th verse of the 188th Psalm, where David, speaking prophetically of Christ’s resurrection, says, ‘I will praise thee, for thou art become my salvation. The stone, which the builders refused, is become the head of the corner. This is the Lord’s doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes. This is the day, which the Lord hath made; we will rejoice in it, and be glad.’ Here is a plain intimation, that the day, on which the marvelous work of Christ’s resurrection should be accomplished—the day, when the stone rejected by the builders should be made the head of the corner, would be consecrated for, and observed by the church, as eminently the Lord’s day—the day which he had made in a peculiar sense—had dignified by his resurrection, and appointed by his authority for religious worship.

And we find in fact, that this day, immediately and constantly, after our Lord’s resurrection, was observed among his disciples as a day sacred to piety and devotion. And the observance of it was doubtless in compliance with the previous instructions of him, who is Lord of the Sabbath; otherwise we can hardly suppose, it would have begun so soon, and prevailed so generally, as it appears to have done.

The apostle John, in his gospel, tells us, that Jesus rose from the dead early on the first day of the week. ‘And the same day, at evening, being the first day of the week, when the disciples were assembled together, came Jesus and stood in the midst of them, and said, Peace be unto you.’ And on the eighth day after this, when the disciples were again assembled together, came Jesus, as before, and stood in the midst of them.

There is certainly some reason, why these circumstances are so particularly remarked, once and again. And what could it be, but because this day was, in future, to be distinguished by the religious assemblies, of Christians, and the gracious presence of Christ in them?

We are told, in the history of the acts, that ‘when Paul and his company came to Troas,’ where was a Christian church, ‘they tarried there seven days; and on the first day of the week, when the disciples came together to break bread, Paul preached unto them, ready to depart on the morrow.’ And because this was the day, on which Christians statedly assembled for religious worship, Paul gives instructions to the churches of Corinth and Galatia, that, in order to prepare a collection for the suffering saints in Jerusalem, ‘every one, on the first day of the week, should lay by him in store, as God had prospered him.

This day was honored by the first remarkable effusion of the divine Spirit on the apostles of Christ, and the preachers of his Gospel; and by the first signal instance of the success of their preaching. ‘When the day of Pentecost was fully come, the disciples were all together with one accord.’ This is the same festival, which, in the law of Moses, is called the feast of weeks; i.e. of seven weeks, or one week multiplied into another, which make forty nine days. It was forty nine days after the second day of the Passover. Pentecost signifies the fiftieth. It is so called, because it was celebrated on the fiftieth day from the first day of the Passover. The first day of the Passover was the Jewish Sabbath; the fiftieth day from thence would be the first day of the week. On this day the disciples were all together. On this day Christ fulfilled the promise, which, before his ascension, he made to his disciples, that ‘they should be baptized with the Holy Ghost not many days hence.’ On this day Peter preached to the assembled Jews; and the word came with power and with the Holy Ghost. Multitudes were awakened and converted, and the same day there were added to the church three thousand souls.

In this chapter, which contains our text, we have another example to our purpose. John, in his vision, beheld the churches in Asia assembled, on the Lord’s day, for religious worship, and the Lord Jesus walking among them, to observe their order, to assist their pastors, and to impart his grace. He says, ‘I was in the spirit on the Lord’s day. And I heard behind me a great voice, saying, I am the First, and the Last. And what thou seest write in a book, and send to the seven churches which are in Asia. And being turned, I saw seven golden candlesticks, and in the midst of them one like the son of man—his eyes were as a flame of fire—and he had in his right hand seven stars.—The seven stars are the angels of the seven churches, and the seven candlesticks are the seven churches.’ This vision plainly instructs us, that the Lord’s day was the time, when the churches assembled for hearing the word—that on this day, their respective angels or pastors attended to preach the word to them—and that the Lord Jesus, in a peculiar manner, honoured this day by his gracious presence with his worshipping assemblies, & ministering servants.

These examples sufficiently demonstrate, that the churches, from the time of Christ’s resurrection, and during the life of the apostles, met for social devotion on the first day of the week, and that they did this with the approbation of him, who is Lord of the Sabbath, and in consequence of his institution.

We find, indeed, that Paul often went into synagogues to preach on the Jewish sabbath, or the seventh day of the week; for as this was the day, on which the Jews assembled for worship, it was the most favorable opportunity to preach the gospel to them. But wherever Christian churches were established the first day of the week was invariably observed as sacred time. This was the day on which they met together to hear the word, break bread, and unite in prayer and praise.

That a seventh part of time should be sequestered for the purposes of piety and devotion was a law as early as the creation of man. ‘On the seventh day God ended his work, which he had made; and he blessed the seventh day and sanctified it.’ This law is not only recorded by Moses for the Jews, but seems to have been conveyed to other nations, by tradition. How else should it be, that nations, which had no knowledge of, or paid no respect to the mosaic law, should think of dividing their time into periods of seven days? Periods of years are naturally marked by the declinations of the sun: periods of months are also marked by the changes of the moon: periods of days are marked by the vicissitudes of light and darkness. We easily see, how mankind came to agree in these divisions of time. But how came they to think of these septenary [seven] periods of days? Doubtless they were taught, from the beginning, to reverence one day in seven as consecrated to God.

The sons of Adam had their stated seasons of worship. These were probably at the end of the days appointed for labor. ‘Abel was a keeper of sheep, and Cain was a tiller of the ground.’ They both were employed in secular occupations. ‘And in process of time;’ or, as the margin reads, agreeably to the original, ‘at the end of the days, they brought the one of the fruit of his ground, and the other of the firstlings of his flock, an offering unto the Lord.’

Noah, after the ark had rested, constantly observed periods of seven days in sending forth his doves, to discover whether the waters of the flood were abated.

The Jews, in the wilderness, before the law was given from Sinai, observed one day in seven, as a holy Sabbath; and God, by withholding the manna on a certain day, pointed out this, as the day of rest. Moses, by God’s direction, says to the people on the sixth day, ‘Tomorrow is the rest of the holy Sabbath. Six days ye shall gather the manna; but on the seventh, which is the Sabbath, there shall be none.’

When the law was given, there was placed among the moral precepts, a command to observe a seventh part of time as holy to God. This with the others, was spoken by the voice of God to the people, and written with the finger of God on a table of stone, and deposited by the order of God in the ark of the covenant. These circumstances plainly indicate its moral and perpetual obligation.

The contempt of the Sabbath is in scripture ranked with idolatry, and other gross corruptions and immoralities; for it always was followed with a general depravation of sentiments and manners. One reason, why the Jews were to observe the Sabbath, was that they might not be seduced to idolatry: And one reason, why Christians are not to forsake the assembling of themselves together on the Lord’s day is, that they may hold fast the profession of their faith.

The prophets, in their reproofs and exhortations to the Jews, lay particular weight on the religious observance of the Sabbath, and distinguish this from all ceremonial observances. This they urge, in degenerate times, as the first step to a reformation, and a principal mean of national virtue, security and happiness: And the judgments which befell that nation are oftener ascribed to their profanation of God’s holy day, than to any other particular crime; for this was the source of all crimes.

If we believe, that there is one supreme God, who exercises a moral government in the world, we must believe, that we are bound to worship him. And if we believe, that we are made to subsist in a social connection, and to serve one another in the exercise of mutual benevolence; and that God extends his government to societies, as well as to individuals, then we must believe, that social worship is a moral duty. If we are to worship God in a social manner, there must be some fixed and known season for this purpose. And as mankind would not be likely to agree on the time, it is reasonable to expect, that God, in a revelation given to men, would appoint the time for them. Thus far the observance of a Sabbath is matter of moral obligation, as really as prayer, or praise, or any exercise of piety, justice or benevolence.

A seventh part of time seems to be a reasonable proportion for sacred use. Too frequent a return of holy time would exclude the necessary occupations of the world. Too long intervals would leave the pious sentiments awakened in our devout exercises to languish and expire. Tho’ we cannot say, that this is the only proportion, which would answer the purposes of piety, without intruding on the duties of common life, yet experience teaches us, that it is justly and wisely chosen. Which of the seven days should be consecrated to religion, in preference to the others, reason could form no judgment. This depends on positive institution, and belongs not at all to the morality of the command. And therefore, tho’ the Sabbath cannot be abolished, yet the day may be changed. From the time of the creation, there was a natural propriety in resting from the labors of life, on the day, on which the work of creation ceased, because this would aptly bring to mind that vast and stupendous work.

The deliverance of the Jews from the bondage of Egypt, was an event, in which that nation were deeply interested, and which, in all generations, they ought thankfully to commemorate. Therefore the renovation of the ancient institution, so far as it peculiarly respected them, had a special reference to this deliverance; and their observance of the Sabbath is urged by this, in addition to other arguments. ‘Keep the Sabbath day, and sanctify it, as the Lord hath commanded thee—Remember, that thou waft a bondman in the land of Egypt, and that the Lord brought thee out thence with a mighty hand; therefore he commanded thee to keep the Sabbath day.’

The Jewish Sabbath was appointed to be on the day of this deliverance. Thus it would be a mere pertinent commemoration of it. The resurrection of Christ, by which he finished the work of our redemption, was an event far more grand, interesting and glorious. Hence there was a manifest propriety in setting apart that day of the week, on which he arose, to be observed in perpetual remembrance of this event. This was eminently the Lord’s day; and as such it was revered and observed in all churches of the saints.

We proposed to shew,

II. How John was employed on this sacred day. It appears from the text, and the words connected with it, that he spent this, and doubtless other Lord’s days, in the exercises of religious worship.

As he was confined to a place uninhabited, he had no opportunity to join in those social devotions, which were a usual part of the business of the Lord’s day among the early Christians. But he did not forget the day, when it returned. He remembered it in distinction from all other days, and spent it, as far as he was able, in conformity to the sacred design of its institution. He did not give himself to indolence and slumber, as if there were nothing to be done; but implied in the expression, I was in the Spirit. He had a vision of the assembled churches, and of Jesus walking in the midst of them. He attended to the instructions given him by Christ relative to the work which he had to perform, particularly to the admonitions, which he was to send to the churches in Asia. Not able to go and preach to them in person, he employed the day in writing letters of reproof, instruction, and consolation, that they might know what the Spirit said to them.

It was by humble prayer, that the prophets of old were prepared to receive the visions of God. Daniel, before he was made acquainted with the great designs of providence concerning the church, set himself to search the word of God, and to seek light and direction from him by earnest supplication. The visions, which he has recorded, were made to him in consequence of fasting and prayer and reading the books of former prophets. In like manner John was prepared for the discoveries made to him. He remembered the Lord’s day. He gave himself to meditation and prayer, and doubtless also to reading the prophets; for from them he has taken many of the expressions, and most of the figurative descriptions, which we find in this book. While he was seeking divine grace, light and comfort in these devout exercises of the Lord’s day, the heavenly communications were made to him.

This leads us to consider.

III. The benefit, which the apostle found, in attending on the duties of the Lord’s day.

He says, I was in the Spirit. This phrase especially intends the communication of the Spirit of prophecy, as appears from the following description of the vision presented to him. The phrase is again used in the same manner in the 4th chapter. The expression, in this high sense, is applicable only to the prophets of God. But there is a sense in which it may be applied to every pious and humble Christian. As there was an extraordinary operation of the Spirit, peculiar to the prophetic and apostolic ages, so there is an ordinary influence, common to all ages of the church.

The Spirit of God is represented as dwelling in the hearts of true believers, to sanctify them more and more from sin, to assist them in prayer, to strengthen them in duty, to comfort them in trouble, to succor them in temptations, and to seal them unto the day of redemption. And in regard of these gracious influences, they are said to be in the Spirit. The apostle says to the Romans, ‘ye are not in the flesh, but in the Spirit, if so be that the Spirit of God dwell in you. If any man have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his.’

The Lord’s day is the time, when Christians most eminently experience the communication of the Spirit; for the word and ordinances administered on this day, are the means by which God imparts his grace to humble souls; and it is in a diligent attendance on these means, that they are to hope for his grace.

God promised of old, ‘In every place, where I record my name, I will come unto you and bless you.’ Similar to this is the promise of our Savior; ‘Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them.’ It is by an attendance on the instituted duties of the sanctuary, that Christians increase in knowledge and holiness, have their doubts removed and their darkness dispelled, and feel their virtuous resolutions animated and confirmed. Christ gave pastors and teachers for the edifying of his body, that all might come to perfect men in him.

We may add farther: The conviction and conversion of sinners are, in scripture, ascribed to the Spirit of God. The preaching of the word is the ordinary mean of conversion: but it is by concurrent divine influence, that the word becomes effectual to this end. The sinner, therefore, awakened to a sense of sin, convinced of his danger, and ‘framing his ways to turn unto God,’ may be said to be in the Spirit—to be a subject of divine operation. As God is pleased ordinarily to grant his spirit in the use of those means, which are to be statedly enjoyed on the Lord’s day, so this is the season, when sinners have most reason to hope for the effectual working of God’s power in their souls. Lydia’s heart was opened, while she was hearing the word. It was on the day of Pentecost, while Peter was preaching, that the multitude were pricked in their hearts. It was when this apostle was speaking the word to Cornelius and his friends, that the Holy Ghost fell on them. The Galations received the spirit in the hearing of faith. As the word of God is the appointed mean of obtaining the Spirit, and as the Lord’s day is the appointed season of hearing the word, so this is the time, when we are most likely to receive the heavenly gift. Therefore seek the Lord, while he may be found; call upon him when he is near. Ask and ye shall receive; for he gives his Spirit to them who ask him.

 

center>SERMON II.

Revelation I. 10.
I was in the Spirit on the Lord’s Day.

The Christian Sabbath, or the first day of the week, is here called, the Lord’s day; it being the day, on which he arose from the dead, and which he appointed to be observed among Christians, as a season of religious worship.

On this day John was employed in such exercises of piety and devotion, as were suited to his solitary condition, and to the general state of the church, whose prosperity lay with weight on his mind.

Being thus employed, he received some special communications of the divine Spirit. He had a view of the blessed Jesus in his exalted glory—a view of resembling, but far surpassing that which he formerly had, when he was with him on the mount. And he had also a discovery of the great designs of providence with regard to the church, from that time to the end of the world. The Spirit of revelation and prophecy, which John enjoyed on the Lord’s day, was peculiar to the times of inspiration. But there is an influence of the Spirit common to all ages. And this we may hope to obtain by our attendance on the institutions of the gospel on the appointed day. Christians on this day may receive the sanctifying and comforting presence of the Spirit; and sinners may hope to become the subjects of his convincing and converting power.

On these thoughts we enlarged in our preceding discourse.

I shall now call your attention to the reflections and inferences, which naturally result from our subject.

I. As a day has been set apart by divine authority for the commemoration of Christ’s death and resurrection; we may hence conclude, that these were events vastly important to mankind, and worthy to be remembered in all ages of the world. If Jesus had been only a common man, and his death and resurrection uninteresting occurrences, a day would not have been sequestered to perpetuate the remembrance of them.

Moses, the great lawgiver of the Jewish nation, was deservedly held in high estimation among them for his institutions and miracles, virtues and self denials. But lest a superstitious veneration should be paid to him, his burial was so ordered in providence, that the place of it was utterly unknown.

Next to Moses, Elijah was a man of most distinguished eminence among the Jews. He restored to its primitive purity the divine law, which had been corrupted by the intermixture of pagan rites. He performed many surprising miracles. He acted in the cause of religion, with a warm and animated zeal. He encountered opposition, and endured affliction, with singular fortitude and patience. To reward his great piety and patriotism, and to prevent a superstitious remembrance of him, he was translated to heaven, and exempted from death.

No day was sequestered, nor form of worship instituted in memory of these high and distinguished characters; but, on the contrary, particular care was taken, that nothing like religious veneration should be paid to their names. A grateful remembrance is due to publick benefactors; but no festivals have ever been divinely instituted in honor of their persons, or in memory of their services. Certainly then we must conclude, that Jesus Christ is a character superior to all human characters; and that his death and resurrection are events, in which mankind are more interested, than in any other event, which has taken place in the world.

A day was set apart in commemoration of the creation. An additional reason for the religious observance of a Sabbath among the Jews, was their glorious deliverance from the bondage of Egypt. The former was a work worthy to be commemorated by all mankind. The latter was an event peculiarly deserving of a grateful remembrance among the Jews. But when the Redeemer died on the cross, and rose again from the dead, another day was appointed, instead of the former, to celebrate the wonders of his redemption. We may then conclude, that redemption is a work more worthy of our remembrance, than creation itself. Creation has given us a rational existence: Redemption has procured for us a happy immortality. If positive happiness is of more value, than bare existence, we are more indebted to divine goodness for the work of redemption, than for that of creation.

The superstition of heathens has deified certain heroes and conquerors; and the superstition of some nominal Christians has canonized particular saints, and appointed days for the celebration of their virtues and works; but divine institution has honored with this distinction none but our glorious Redeemer, the Lord Jesus Christ. To him, in the religious observance of his day, let us devoutly pay the honor due to his merits.

II. Our subject teaches us, that it is the indispensible duty of all Christians, living within a convenient vicinity, to associate for the maintenance of, and an attendance upon the instituted worship of God. The appointment of a particular day for this object bespeaks its solemn importance.

The Jews, on their Sabbath, were to have a holy convocation. The early Christians, on the Lord’s day, came together to break bread, hear the word, and unite in prayers and praises. The believers in Corinth are said to have met together in one place. The Hebrew Christians are cautioned, not to forsake their religious assemblies. In the several provinces of Asia, there were distinct churches, and each church had its fixed pastor. To the pastors John directs his epistles, to be by them communicated to the people of their respective charges. Wherever the apostles found a number of believers, so situated that they could assemble together, they collected them into a church; and in every church they ordained an elder. They never allowed Christians to live in a disconnected state, nor churches to continue without a pastor.

Their example teaches Christians their duty in all ages. They are bound to associate for the maintenance of divine worship, and to procure them pious and able ministers, who may statedly preside in their religious solemnities. And every Christian, as he has opportunity, is bound to join himself to some such society, for his own and the common edification. No man has a right to live unconnected with the church; and no church has a right to continue destitute of a pastor. These are not matters of human option, but divine injunction. As Christ has purchased the church with his blood, instituted social worship in it, given pastors and teachers for its edification, and appointed a day, in which it shall statedly assemble, they who voluntarily, or negligently continue without a minister, without stated worship, and without the observance of the Lord’s day, live in plain disobedience to his authority, and in open contempt of his grace and love.

We see, then that they who change the place of their worldly habitation, should keep in view the worship of God. Men have a right to alter their situation, when they think they can mend it; to sell one inheritance and purchase another, when they reasonably expect to meliorate their condition. But in all their removes they should preserve a regard to divine worship, should either go to places where it is enjoyed, or speedily seek the enjoyment of it where they go. This was the temper of the Psalmist; ‘God shall choose our inheritance for us, even the excellency of Jacob, which he loved.’ This excellency or glory of Jacob, was the sanctuary, which God had ordained, and the worship, which he had instituted. The Psalmist refers it to Providence to choose for him his earthly inheritance; but with this humble and pious reserve, that it might be in a place, where God was known and worshipped. ‘This one thing he desired of the Lord, and this he sought after, that he might dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of his life, to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to enquire at his temple.’ This privilege, has so near a connection with the existence of religion, and with the hope of Salvation, that a pious man, sooner than part with it, will forego every worldly interest.

III. Our subject teaches us the importance of attending on divine institutions. It is thus that we are to obtain the Spirit.

We are dependent on God in the concerns of religion, as well as in those of common life. Of ourselves, without the grace of God, we are no more sufficient to effect our preparation for heaven, than, without the blessing of his providence, we are sufficient to procure our daily bread. But his grace no more supersedes our labors in the former case, than his providence excludes our diligence in the latter. To obtain the blessing of his providence on our husbandry, we must apply the means which nature and experience point out. To obtain the influence of his Spirit in the work of our Salvation, we must apply the means, which his word prescribes. The Sabbath, the preaching of the gospel, joint prayer, and social worship are institutions of God; and, while we enjoy them, we are to expect his blessing only in the use of them.

God doubtless could grant his Spirit independently of these means; nor will we presume to say, how far his grace may interpose in behalf of some, to whom these means are denied. But we, who enjoy them, cannot expect his blessing in the neglect of them. God could reveal to every mortal the gospel scheme, as easily as he revealed it to the apostles; and he could form men’s hearts to embrace it by his immediate energy, as well as by the intervention of external means. But this is not the way in which he has chosen to deal with us. He has given us a written revelation—he has appointed teachers to open the doctrines, and inculcate the precepts contained in this revelation. And he grants his Spirit in the hearing of faith. ‘Faith comes by hearing, and hearing by the word of God.’

God will not do that for men immediately, which they are capable of obtaining in the use of the means which he has given them.

When there was no written revelation, God often communicated his will to men in an immediate way. As the written revelation began to appear, these immediate communications became less frequent. And when revelation was complete, they wholly ceased.

When Saul of Tarsus, who made havock of the church, was on his way to Damascus, with a commission to destroy the Christians there, Jesus, that he might bring the persecutor to a conviction of his madness, spake to him by a voice from heaven, and made himself known to him as the Savior whom he was persecuting. Saul now enquired, ‘Lord, what will thou have me to do?’ Jesus could as easily have instructed him in his future duty, as have spoken what he had already. But that was not necessary. There were other means of information within Saul’s reach. Jesus therefore says to him, ‘Go into the city, and it shall be told thee what thou must do!’ He obeyed; and Ananias was sent to instruct him.

When the devout Gentile Cornelius prayed in his house, his prayer rose up before God, and an angel was sent to tell him, where he might find an apostle, who could instruct him in the way of salvation. God could as easily have taught Cornelius by inspiration, as have taught the apostles. And the angel, if such had been his orders, might as well have given him instruction on this subject, as have directed him to send for Peter. But God will have his institutions honored. He would not by inspiration, or by a message from heaven, teach this Gentile the things, which he could learn by applying to a minister of Christ. Cornelius could not, by his own reason, investigate the way of salvation. But he could send for Peter; hear the apostle when he came; and understand what he said. Had he refused to apply to Peter, or to hear him preach, his inability to find out the way of salvation, would have been no excuse for his ignorance.

Farther: The gospel teaches us, that we are saved, not of ourselves, but by the grace of God. A doctrine worthy of all acceptation; but no way tending to encourage indolence.

Salvation is the purchase of Christ. In this view it is wholly his own work, we have nothing to do in it. It is the gift of God: We can do no more to deserve it for ourselves, than we have done to purchase it for the world. The gospel teaches us the way of salvation: Had we not been taught the way, we never could have found it. Repentance is the condition of pardon; and to this divine grace is necessary. Thus all things are of God.

But then we are rational beings—there are means put into our hands—and with the means God often gives some attendant influence of his Spirit; for the gospel is called a ministration of the Spirit. The means afforded us we must apply to the purpose for which they were appointed. Thus we are to hope for God’s blessing. ‘To him who hath, shall more be given.’ If we neglect the plain institutions of God, despise his word and worship, and profane his day, there is no ground to expect, that his spirit will be given us; for there is no encouragement in scripture, that it will be given us; for there is no encouragement in scripture, that it will be given in this way.

IV. Our subject farther teaches us, that the Lord’s day is a season peculiarly favorable to the purpose of religion.

On this day John was in the spirit. He certainly had some good reason for informing the churches of this circumstance. And what could it be, but to recommend to them the religious observance of the day, as a mean of obtaining the spirit.

The churches, to whom he wrote, were generally fallen from their first purity. The purport of his letters was to reprove them for their declensions, and exhort them to repentance. He tells them that what he wrote was dictated by the spirit of Christ, and that he received the spirit on the Lord’s day—that on this day Christ walks in the midst of his churches, and that if they would receive his spirit, they must meet him in his sanctuary, where he walks.

Here is a plain intimation, that the declension of religion among them had been owing to a neglect of the Christian Sabbath; and that the revival of religion would depend on a more strict observance of that day.

It appears from John’s letters to some of these churches, that their declension had been caused, in a great measure, by the influence of certain irregular teachers, who, under false pretensions, had gained admission among them, disturbed their order, and corrupted their sentiments. It is common, that such teachers divert men from the stated worship of the Lord’s day, by substituting other times of worship in its place. John would have Christians strictly attend to the instituted worship of the holy Sabbath. He suggests to them, that the day of the Lord was the season, and his ordinances were the means of obtaining his grace. Christians must be builded together for an habitation of God thro’ the spirit, and by peace and union in sacred duties grow into an holy temple in the Lord.

Other days, besides the Sabbath, are sometimes pointed out in providence, and may be usefully employed for the purpose of social worship. But occasional seasons must never supplement the Lord’s day. When this is the case, they rather obstruct, than promote religion. An attendance on occasional worship is a matter of Christian prudence; an attendance on the stated worship of the Sabbath is matter of divine requirement and moral obligation. Paul, when necessity required, taught out of season, as well as in season; and from house to house, as well as publickly. Thus he did in Ephesus, when the gospel was first introduced there. But seasonable and publick teaching he preferred. At Troas he waited seven days for the return of the Lord’s day, when the disciples would of course come together. Other seasons, prudently chosen, may be useful; but on this day we have most reason to expect God’s blessing. If we wish for the power of religion in our own hearts, and the promotion of it among others, we must honor this day.

V. We are taught, that, under ordinary circumstances, we cannot be excused from the duties of the Sabbath. John, even in a state of banishment and solitude, found something to do.

As social worship is an institution of God, every one, as there is opportunity, is bound to attend upon it. This however, is not the only duty of the Lord’s day. There are other more private exercises, which belong to it. It is to be ‘a Sabbath to the Lord in our dwellings.’ We are to ‘call the holy of the Lord honorable, and to honor him, not doing our own ways, nor finding our own pleasure, nor speaking our own words.’ We are to withdraw ourselves from the cares and occupations of the world, and employ our private hours in meditation, self examination and prayer, and in profitable conversation and reading—in exercises adapted to promote personal piety, and in instructions suited to advance family religion.

VI. We are here farther instructed, that we ought to improve the Lord’s day with an aim and desire to obtain the Spirit in those gracious influences, which are suited to our condition and character. We should come to God’s house hoping that we may receive a word in season, and that the word may be attended with the holy Ghost and with power.

Sinners should desire the convincing and converting influences of the Spirit. In hearing the word, the Jews, at the feast of Pentecost, were pricked in the heart. The Lord’s day is the time in which, and the preached word is the mean by which the Spirit usually convinces sinners, and begins a good work in them. The stated exercises of the Sabbath are indeed sometimes the means of conviction to those, who had no such aim in attending on them. The Jews, on the day of Pentecost, received lasting benefit from a gospel sermon, which they had no previous intention or desire to hear. But where any serious disposition already exists, there is still greater hope of spiritual benefit. If then you view yourselves as being in a state of unpardoned guilt, and feel any solicitude to be delivered from this state, attend on the publick solemnities of the sanctuary, give earnest heed to the things which you hear, apply to yourselves what is pertinent to your case, and pray for the Spirit to impress it deeply on your hearts. And let the serious sentiments, awakened in hearing the word, accompany you in the ordinary business of life. Take heed, that the affairs of the world extinguish not your Sabbath feelings; but let your better frames govern you in your worldly labors, and restrain your worldly affections.

If you are in affliction, go to God’s house with a desire to hear some instructive and consoling truths adapted to your case, and with these to receive the guiding and supporting influences of that Spirit, who is called the comforter. David, in the house of his pilgrimage, made God’s statutes his song. He confessed that, unless God’s law had been his delight, he should have perished in his affliction.’ Asaph in his perplexities went to God’s sanctuary, and there found relief. Hannah, in the bitterness of her spirit, repaired to the temple of God, and there poured out her soul before him. ‘And she went her way, and her countenance was no more sad.’

If you view yourselves as saints, so improve the Lord’s day, that it may be a mean of rendering you more holy and heavenly. Seek a greater measure of the Spirit’s sanctifying influence.

To be in the Spirit, is to possess and exercise that temper which is the fruit of the Spirit. ‘This is in all goodness, righteousness and truth.’ We are in the Spirit, when the Spirit awakens into exercise those pious and benevolent dispositions, in which the religion of the gospel consists.

We are especially required to exercise these graces in the publick solemnities of the Lord’s day, prayer, praise, and hearing the word. Al these things are to be done with charity, meekness and humility. When we stand praying, we are to forgive, if we have ought against any man. We are to sing praises with grace in our hearts, with thankfulness to God, and peaceableness and benevolence to men. In hearing the word we are to lay aside all malice, envy, guile and hypocrisy, and receive with meekness the engrafted word, that it may save our souls. When we thus worship God on the Lord’s day, we may be said, to be in the Spirit, for we have those tempers, which are the fruits of the Spirit.

But let us not imagine, that these goodly frames are required only on the Lord’s day—that if we are serious, grave and devout then, we may indulge our passions, and live to the world every day besides. The religious exercises of the Lord’s day are instituted to make us constantly and habitually pious and holy.

We are to be in the spirit on this day, that we may walk in the spirit every day. We are to forgive, when we stand praying—to have the peace of God in our hearts, when we are singing—to put on humility and meekness, when we are hearing, that we may be always of a meek, humble, peaceable and forgiving temper. If such a temper is right in the duties of devotion, it is right also in the duties of common life. In vain we pretend, that we are in the spirit of Christ on his day, if we are in the spirit of the world on all other days. Let us, therefore, at all times, put on humbleness of mind, meekness, goodness and love, which are the fruits of the spirit. Thus it will appear, that we have not received the spirit of the world, but the spirit, which is of God, and tht we know the things, which are freely given us of God.

CONCLUSION.
Our subject may with great propriety, be applied to the people dispersed in the wilderness, and in the new settlements, for whose benefit the publication of it is principally intended.

To you, our friends and brethren, we address our affectionate advice.

In regard to your own, and your children’s worldly interest, you have removed to a distance from us. But we hope, you have carried with you those sentiments of regard for the gospel and the day of our Lord, which you entertained while you were among us. And we entreat you not to forget them, nor suffer them to languish in your hearts.

Pay an early attention to the enjoyment of the gospel ministry in the places where you are. Let not the paucity of your numbers, or the poverty of your condition plead for too long a delay, lest your children, growing up unaccustomed to this divine institution should contract an indifference to it; and even some, who are older, should, by long disuse, sink into habitual carelessness; and thus your difficulties, instead of being diminished by an increase of wealth and numbers, should be increased by the diminution of virtue and piety. For your encouragement, think of the example of the fathers of our country. In all their new plantations, one of the first objects was the enjoyment of gospel ordinances, and the settlement of an able minister. In their zeal they found ability; and God prospered them. For our present national happiness we are much indebted to their social spirit, love or order, attention to family education, and reverence for divine institutions.

Look to the example of the holy patriarchs. They were pilgrims in the world. But in all their peregrinations they shewed a governing regard to God and his worship. And wherever they made a stand, their first work was to erect an altar to God, at which they, and all, who accompanied them, might attend for social devotion. Thus they preserved religion in their own hearts, maintained it in their households; and recommended it to the people among whom they sojourned; and thus they obtained the promise of God’s blessing on their posterity.

As you have come from different parts to settle on the same ground, it is natural to expect, that there should be some diversity in your sentiments and usages. But let not this diversity obstruct your measures for obtaining religious order and a stated ministry. Avoid vain jangling and perverse disputing, and exercise yourselves to godliness. Distinguish between things essential, and things circumstantial in religion. A proper zeal for the former will always be accompanied with condescention in the latter. Exercise the same charity, humility and forbearance, which saint Paul inculcated, in his day, on the Jewish, and the Gentile believers; and you may, as they did, unite in the same church, and under the same ministry; for we trust, your differences are, in few instances, greater than were theirs. The rule which this apostle gives you is, that ‘you reject not those, whom God receives.’ This rule, well observed, will have a happy tendency to unite you.

While you are destitute of a stated ministry improve the means, which you have.

Attend on the missionaries, whom we send among you. We shall fend only such as can be well recommended—men duly authorized, and competently furnished for their mission—men of ability, learning and piety—men of pacific, candid and conciliating dispositions—men who will study to edify you in love, not to sow discord, and cause divisions among you.

If you have not a minister, yet forsake not the assembling of yourselves together. Statedly meet on the Lord’s day, join together in prayer, and let there be a portion of scripture, or some pious book read in your assemblies. Thus you will proote brotherly peace and love; thus you will cherish in youthful minds sentiments of reverence for religion, for the gospel, and for the Lord’s day.

On this day, forbear all unnecessary secular labor and worldly discourse, and restrain your children from diversion and amusement, and every thing inconsistent with its sacred design. Remember, how John kept the day in a wilderness. Let it be a Sabbath to God in your hearts, and in your dwellings.

Maintain daily religion in your families. Let your houses be houses of prayer. Let the Holy Scriptures be read in them. Train up your youth in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. Walk before them in a perfect way. Thus let there be a little church in every house; and soon there will be a house for God in every plantation, and his house will be filled.

Cultivate the spirit of religion in your hearts, and exhibit the virtues of it in your lives. Consider one another to provoke unto love and good works, and be fellow-workers to the kingdom of God.

We wish you health and prosperity; and, above all, that your souls may be in health and prosper. Great will be our joy, if we hear, that you and your children walk in the truth, the order and purity of the gospel.

How transporting to John, in the wilderness, must have been that vision, in which he saw, on the Lord’s day, the churches of the Redeemer assembled in their respective temples, to mingle hearts and voices, to offer joint prayers and praises, and to hear the glorious doctrine of salvation; and, at the same time, beheld the Lord Jesus, dressed in his robes of majesty and grace, walking among them to observe their order, diffuse his influence, bless his ordinances, and offer incense with the prayers of his saints? This nearly resembled his subsequent vision, in which he saw a door opened in heaven, a throne there placed, and saints and angels surrounding it with harps and songs, and giving glory and honor and thanks to him who sat upon it, and who lives for ever and ever.

A sight like this was enough to turn his wilderness into paradise—his Isle of Patmos into the Garden of Eden.

Could we see you, our brethren, who are scattered in the wilderness, every where gathering into churches, erecting sanctuaries for God, assembling in them on the Lord’s day, calling ministers of Christ to preside in your solemnities, walking together in purity, peace and love, and thus exhibiting a proof that the Lord is among you of a truth, we should feel a joy approaching toward that, which saint John must have felt; and our joy would be the joy of you all. May God pour down his spirit and blessing upon you from on high, and comfort all your desolate places; may he soon make your wilderness as Eden, and your desert as the garden of the Lord: may joy and gladness be found therein, thanksgiving and the voice of melody.

F I N I S.

Sermon – Hampshire Missionary Society – 1802

Joseph Lathrop (1731-1820) Biography:

Lathrop was born in Norwich, Connecticut. After graduating from Yale, he took a teaching position at a grammar school in Springfield, Massachusetts, where he also began studying theology. Two years after leaving Yale, he was ordained as the pastor of the Congregational Church in West Springfield, Massachusetts. He remained there until his death in 1820, in the 65th year of his ministry. During his career, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity from both Yale and Harvard. He was even offered the Professorship of Divinity at Yale, but he declined the offer. Many of his sermons were published in a seven-volume set over the course of twenty-five years.

This sermon was preached by Lathrop in 1802 at a meeting of the Hampshire Missionary Society.


sermon-hampshire-missionary-society-1802

A

Sermon

Preached to the

HAMPSHIRE MISSIONARY SOCIETY,

At Their

Annual Meeting

The Fourth Tuesday in August – 1802,

In Northampton.

By Rev. JOSEPH LATHROP, D.D.
Pastor of the first Church in West-Springfield.

A

Sermon.ACTS, XVIII, 9, 10, 11.

The spake the Lord to Paul in the night by a vision; Be not afraid, but speak, and hold not thy peace; for I am with thee, and no man shall set on thee to hurt thee: for I have much people in this city. And he continued there a year and six months, teaching the word of
God among them.

Our Lord, after his resurrection, commissioned his apostles to go forth and preach his Gospel among all nations. In the execution of their commission, they be agreement took several departments, and were ready occasionally to assist, but careful not to interfere with one another. The district assigned to Paul included Achaia, the capital of which was Corinth. In this city dwelt a number of Jews, for whose sake he, on the Sabbath, preached in their synagogue. But the violent opposition which they made to him, cast him into such discouragement, that he contemplated a removal to some other place, where he might preach with greater safety and better success. This seems to have been the occasion of the vision, just now related, which directed his father continuance in that city.

Some observations pertinent to the occasion, on which we are assembled, will be suggested by this vision.

I. We may here naturally observe, that the apostles, in the publication of the Gospels, had much opposition to contend with.

The Gospel is so rational and benevolent a scheme, so perfectly adapted to the condition of fallen men, and so calculated to render them virtuous and happy, that we might justly expect, it would be most cordially received, wherever it was proposed. But the event has often been the reverse. By many it is treated with indifference – by some, with enmity.

The opposition to it arises, in general, from the depravity of the human mind. Hence the apostle warns those, to whom it comes, to ‘beware, lest there be in any of them an evil heart of unbelief in departing from the living God.’

Some opposed the doctrine of the apostles, because it contradicted the sentiments in which they had been educated. A religion which subverted their accustomed forms of worship, and exposed the absurdity of their ancient superstition, they viewed as a dangerous innovation, and rejected without enquiry.

Some, who had made gain by the credulity of the people, finding that, where the gospel prevailed, the hopes of their gain were gone, opposed the preachers of it on this ground.

But the most bitter and implacable enemies, which the apostles met with, were Jews. In most of the persecutions raised against them, Jews were the first movers and principal actors. Their opposition arose, in a great measure, from political motives. They had long been in expectation of the Messiah foretold by the prophets. And applying to an imaginary temporal kingdom the grand descriptions which the prophets had given of Christ’s spiritual kingdom, they persuaded themselves, that, when he came, they should not only be liberated from the oppressions of the Romans, but exalted to dominion over all nations of the earth. The apostles told them, that the promised Messiah had already come, had suffered death at Jerusalem, had risen from the dead and ascended to heaven – that his kingdom consisted in the subjection of men’s hearts to his religion, and his conquest over the Gentiles was the spread and influence of his religion among them. These doctrines, subversive of their proud hopes, excited among them a violent opposition.

The apostles, in their preaching, never meddled with civil government farther than religion was connected with it. They taught the virtues, which are essential to the happiness of communities, inculcated the relative and social duties, exhorted Christians to pray for, and submit to the ruling powers, and by the practice of all godliness and honesty to secure to themselves peace and quietness among men. But they never entered into the question, Whether Cesar ought to be emperor at Rome, or Herod king in Judea, or whether the Roman government ought to be exercised over Jews. Had they taken a decided part against the claims of the Romans, they would have rendered themselves popular among the Jews. But because they took no part in the political controversy of the day, they became obnoxious to the zealots among their countrymen.

In all ages, when idolatry or infidel has much prevailed, if the spirit of political parties ahs, at the same time, run high, the teachers of religion, faithfully discharging their duty, and honestly inculcating the necessity of religion to social happiness, have been reviled, as interesting themselves in politics. So it was in the time of our Saviour and his apostles; and so it was in all the reigns of the idolatrous kings of Israel. For infidels have generally rejected the idea, that religion is necessary to the peace and happiness of society.

The great object of religion is to prepare men for, and bring them to the happiness of immortality: And where it has its proper influence; it also promotes their happiness in all the relations of the present life. ‘Godliness has the promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.’ But if we make religion merely an instrument of temporal designs, supposing that gain is godliness, all our religion is vain. I proceed,

II. To take notice of the charge given to the apostle; ‘Be not afraid, speak, hold not thy peace.’ In obedience to this command, he continued in Corinth, teaching the word of God.

They who speak, are to speak as the oracles of God. They are to speak the word fully, keeping back nothing which is profitable – to speak it plainly, commending themselves to every man’s conscience – to speak it boldly, as men who believe its truth, and feel its importance – to speak it with constancy and perseverance, trusting in the sufficiency of divine grace. They are not to be discouraged in, or diverted from their work by malicious slander and contradiction, or by the small appearance of success, but to discharge their duty with fidelity, leaving the issue with God.

We cannot judge with accuracy concerning the success of our ministry. The word preached, if it have not a visible effect in reclaiming the openly immoral, may have a silent influence on youthful and tender minds in guarding them against the corruption of the world, and in gently forming them to the love and choice of religion. FI its effect be not general, it may be happy in particular instances. Some, who receive from it no present benefit, may hereafter feel its transforming power. A good work begun may be sometime in progress, before it becomes apparent to the world. It is by continuing in our doctrine, that we save those who hear us. This leads us,

III. To consider the encouragement, which Christ gives to Paul; I am with thee.

This is a renewal of the promise before made to ministers in general; ‘I am with you always, even to the end of the world.’ The promise belongs peculiarly to those who are faithful and preserving in the work of Christ. It is preceded by a charge; ‘Teach men to observe all things, whatsoever I have commanded you.’ In the same manner it is made to Paul: ‘Be not afraid, speak, hold not they peace, for I am with thee.’ Had Paul deserted Christ’s cause, he would have forfeited the benefit of the promise.

This was a promise of personal protection. Christ forewarned his disciples, that they should suffer reproach and persecution for his sake; But he assured them, that while he employed them in his service, he would watch over and defend them: and when he dismissed them, he would graciously reward them. – During their ministry, they experienced his care in delivering them form dangers, supporting them in trials, and overruling the most discouraging appearances to the eventual advancement of the truth. Paul says to the Philippians, among whom, in a particular instance, he had been shamefully entreated. ‘The things which happened to me, have fallen our rather to the furtherance of the Gospel. Many of the brethren, waxing confident by my bonds, are much more bold to speak the word of God.’

This promise to Paul may also intend, that he should receive a competent support. In this view it was remarkably verified. From the Corinthians, indeed, he met not the attention, which, from a people so numerous and opulent, might justly have been expected. They contributed liberally to the false teachers, who came to detach them form the order of the Gospel, and to disaffect them to one another. But Paul, who was doing them service, suffered want and he might, for them, have starved in his mission. Other churches, however, contributed to his relief. That which was wanting to him the brethren have Macedonia supplied, so that he could say, ‘I have all thing and abound.’ The Christians in Macedonia, especially in Philippi, did not image, that they fully discharged their duty by supporting the Gospel among themselves only: They felt an obligation to aid its diffusion and success among others. As they believed it to be true and important they wished it might prevail everywhere. Paul was now a missionary in Corinth, among a people wealthy, indeed, but unhappily divided in sentiment by the influence of sectaries among them, and consequently not well disposed toward him. The Christians therefore in Philippi, unwilling that his mission should fail, contributed largely to his support, while he was there.

Christians, who enjoy and value the Gospel, will not think, that the support of it among themselves is all, which they have to do: They will consider the unhappy case of many, who are destitute of it, or not in a condition to maintain it, or thro’ indifference will not enquire after it. It was not the poverty, but the negligence of the people in Corinth, which induced the Christians in Philippi to send once and again to the support of a missionary among them. The Corinthians were just emerging from heathenism, and the Philippians, who were in Christ before them, would encourage the work now hopefully begun among them.

This promise of Christ may farther import, that he would strengthen and succeed the apostle in his labors. Paul felt his own weakness; but, having received this promise from Christ. ‘My grace is sufficient for thee;’ he could say, ‘When I am weak, then I am strong: I will glory in infirmities, that the power of Christ may rest upon me.’ Discouraged by opposition in Corinth, he mediated a removal; but the gracious declaration of Christ, ‘I am with thee,’ dispelled his fears. Ministers, conscious of their fidelity, may apply this promise. Where the word is preached in its purity, and heard with attention, we may believe, that Christ is present by his spirit. – Where he sends his Gospel, he sends his spirit with it; nor will he take away his spirit, as long as his Gospel is there retained. When it is put away by direct opposition, or ceases by general neglect then the Spirit retired. – We may observe farther;

IV. Christ here assigns a special reason, why Paul should continue preaching in Corinth. I have much people in this city.

As Jesus is Lord of nature, and head over all things to the church, all men are his people. A reason, then, for Paul’s continuance in Corinth might be, because it was a populous city. It was the capital of Achaia, the seat of government, a place of public resort. If a church should be collected and established here, the Gospel would from hence spread far around and reach to distant parts.

The apostles, in their missionary travels, preached occasionally, as they found people disposed to hear them, whether the assembly were great or small; but they usually made their stand in the center of noted cities, not in the skirts of obscure villages. For this conduct there were two very obvious reasons: one was, because in these large cities there would be more people to hear them, and more good might be done with the same labor: and another was, because in those places they would meet with men of competent knowledge and ability to examine the evidence, and judge of the truth of the Gospel; and they would thus prevent, or silence ever insinuation, that the Gospel made its way by the ignorance and credulity of the rude and uninstructed multitude. They preached in places the most celebrated for learning; in Jerusalem and Cesarea, the seats of Jewish erudition; and in Corinth, Ephesus, Athens, and Rome, where the arts and sciences were publicly professed, and diligently studied. They preached in schools of philosophers, as well as in synagogues of the Jews. They shewed a confidence in the goodness of their cause; and they were able to support it by arguments, which all their adversaries could not gainsay nor resist.

When Christ says, ‘I have much people in this city,’ he may intend, that amidst all the opposition made to his Gospel, many had embraced it. In this preceding verses, it is said, ‘Crispus, the chief ruler of the synagogue, believed in the Lord with all his house.’ And many of the Corinthians hearing, believed and were baptized. It many had already been here converted to the faith under Paul’s ministry, there was reason to hope for other conversions. And it was not a time to remove, when so much good had been done, and there was a prospect of doing more. If his first entrance among a people in unbelief had been attended with some good effects, his continued labors might be followed with happier consequences. The work was now in progress, and there would be many to cooperate with him.

But the words may rather be understood, as purporting Paul’s future success in Corinth. As Christ calls those his sheep, Who should afterward come into his fold, so he may here, by anticipation call those his people, who should believe in him thro’ Paul’s ministry. ‘Hold not thy peace, for here are many, who are disposed to hear my Gospel, and who, having an opportunity to hear, will receive and obey it.’

When God is about to accomplish any great work of grace among a people, he sends his Gospel to them by the hands of his minsters. How far he may act by the immediate energy of his Spirit in some individuals among those heathens, who are not within the reach of the Gospel, we pretend not to say. But there never has been any general reformation among heathens and idolaters without human agents preaching to them the word of salvation. ‘How shall they believe in him, of whom they have not heard? And how shall they hear without a preacher?’ Before, where the Gospel is attainable, no remarkable reformations are effected without it. In the times of the apostles, there were no nations, or bodies of people reclaimed from vice or superstition by the energy of their own reason and reflection, or by the lectures of philosophers. Nor was supernatural inspiration ever employed in such a manner, as to supersede human agency. Whatever was done in reforming mankind, was done by means of a preached Gospel. God sometimes by extraordinary measures brought the Gospel to those who were ignorant of it; but he never by immediate inspiration communicated to them the things which they might learn by the Gospel. By a vision he directed Cornelius to send for Peter; and by a vision eh commanded Peter to go and preach to Cornelius. But Cornelius and his friends and neighbors never learned the way of salvation thro’ Christ, until Peter came to them, nor did the Holy Ghost fall on them, before they heard Peter preach. Philip was by the spirit ordered to go and instruct the Ethiopian Eunuch; and this Ethiopian, having been instructed by the evangelist, might probably carry the Gospel to his countrymen. But the Ethiopians never had the Gospel communicated to them by immediate inspiration. God, if he pleased, could have inspired the people of Corinth, Galatia, and Philippi with the knowledge of the truth, as easily as have inspired the apostles. But he never takes extraordinary methods of communication, where ordinary means are sufficient. In the beginning of the Gospel, he furnished a competent number of men to be teachers of others, and wherever it was his will, at that time, to send the Gospel, some of these teachers must go and carry it. God is not lavish of inspiration. In this way he does only what is necessary, and what cannot be done in the ordinary way. His moral government is uniform. It is conducted on the same general principle snow, as it was formerly. I fever the Gospel spreads among those who are ignorant of it, or succeeds among those who are indifferent to it, human agency will certainly be employed in the work.

V. Another observation, which presents itself to us, respects Paul’s continuance in Corinth. He preached there a year and an half. And when he removed, Apollos succeeded him, and watered the seed there sown. The seed of the word, like other seed, must not only be sown, but cultivated, that it may bring forth fruit to perfection.

The primitive missionaries, when they found encouraging reception in any considerable town or city, continued there preaching the Gospel, until they were called away to publish it in some other place. And as soon as they had collected a church, they ordained a pastor who should take the stated oversight of it. The apostolic missionaries did not content themselves with merely itinerant, or fugitive preaching: They aimed to tarry in the same place long enough to lay the ground work of a religious society; and when they withdrew from it, they continued it to the care of some other, and usually of some younger minister, who might successfully prosecute the work begun, but was not equally capable of beginning such a work. It was not then, nor is it now, agreeable to the will of Christ, that societies of Christians should remain destitute of a fixed pastor, and depend on transient supplies: Every church is to have her own minister, who shall statedly [regularly] dispense to her the word and ordinances of Christ. – The object of present missionaries should be the same, as was that of the primitive ones – not merely to scatter the seed of the word casually, as they run thro’ the wilderness, but to open and prepare fields, where the seed sown may be brought to maturity under the care of succeeding laborers.

Our observations on this vision of Jesus to his apostle will easily apply themselves to the members and friends of the HAMPSHIRE MISSIONARY SOCIETY, many of whom are now convened in this house.

1. We clearly see, that the institution of this society for the spreading and promoting of Christian knowledge and practice among our new settlements and the aboriginal tribes, is authorized by apostolic example. The Gospel was first spread among heathens by the labors of missionaries. The apostles, to whom it was committed, sent forth some of their number to propagate it among ignorant nations; and they, who, under the ministry of the apostles, first embraced it, felt an obligation to aid them in other missions. The commission, which Christ gave it to his apostles was, to teach all nations. The field was immense, and they went everywhere preaching the word. The views of this society are confined to our own land. But here the field is large. Within the compass of our knowledge or information, there are multitudes in a state of heathenism, or in a state little better. They have heard of the Gospel; but are indifferent to it, and probably will not seek it, nor ever have it, unless it be gratuitously carried to them. And surely the duty of conveying it, lies with us who enjoy it. If there was among them a raging sickness, which, from year to year, carried them off by thousands; and we possessed a known and efficacious remedy, humanity would dictate, that we should be at some expense to send able physicians among them. Their present condition is far more dangerous – our present call is far more urgent.

We hope, that, in a little time, we shall be able to send instructors and preachers among the natives of the land: At present, as our means are small, we are directing our attention chiefly to our new settlements. – These plainly need our assistance. Before the revolution, when the savages were roaming in the wilderness, new settlements were formed with caution; emigrants moved in collected numbers; they carried with them habits of religious order; and they were soon in a condition to enjoy the stated ministrations of the Gospel. Now a vast territory is opened at once; the terrors of the wilderness have ceased; a spirit of emigration and enterprise has seized multitudes; settlements are forming every where, and many of them must increase but slowly; planters meet on the same ground with a diversity of habits and opinions; foreigners and infidels, men of loose principles, corrupt morals and disorganizing sentiments mingle with them; hence it must be a long time before many of these settlements will be able, and longer before some of them will be disposed to obtain a stated ministry. And unless some charitable means be applied, what shall hinder, but that, in a few generations, a great part of this fine growing country will be a region of moral darkness and horror?

2. Our subject calls on all the friends of religion to afford their aid, according to their ability, in promoting the object of this society, which is the spread of the Gospel among the heathens, and in our infant settlements.

It will naturally be expected, that the ministers of the Gospel take a distinguished part in a work of this kind; but without the concurrence of their Christian brethren, they can do but little. They hope to do their part; and greatly will they be animated, when they are addressed by all around them, in the language of the Levites to Ezra; ‘Arise, for this matter belongeth to you: We also will be with you; be of good courage and do it.’ When Paul was a missionary, the believers in Macedonia, sent once and again to his support. They repeated their contributions in aid of his pious work. We must do likewise in aid of the work which we have begun. Much, for the time has already been done. Our expectations have been fully answered; yea, far exceeded. But as we have no considerable funds, we must still principally depend on continued charity. If this should cease, the institution must soon sail.

A work of this kind requires the concurrence of numbers. A few individuals are not competent to it. If the time is come, when we see many engaged in it, we are called to cooperate with them. We have probably, in years past, felt a benevolent concern for our unhappy fellow mortals; but we have attempted nothing, because by ourselves we could do nothing. If now we see others acting in a work, which we have long had at heart, we can lend our aid with a hope, that it will not be in vain.

In the apostolic times, whenever God was about to send his Gospel to a particular place, he excited the hearts of some of the apostles and preachers to carry it thither, and moved the hearts of Christians to assist them. Paul felt a pressure of spirit to preach Christ in Corinth. His spirit was stirred in him to proclaim the Gospel in Athens. Apollos was minded to go and preach in Achaia. Such excitements were indications, that there was much good to be done. When God has a great work in design, he stirs up the hearts of proper agents to engage in it. From this consideration we may derive a pleasing hope, that the present extensive and fervent zeal among ministers and private Christians in Europe and America to spread the Gospel among those who are in heathenism, or in a state threatening a relapse into heathenism, is a token that God has some gracious work now to be accomplished in favor of those unhappy mortals.

We often pray for the conversion of heathens, and for the union of scattered, and the supply of destitute Christians. Are we sincere in our prayers? We shall then act agreeable to them. If God demands human means in works of this kind, let us apply the means in our power, and be workers together with God. If all which we intend by our prayers is, that God should work be inspiration or miracles, we then ask him to step aside form his usual method of working. And why? To save us a little expense: But an expense of what? Of a little of that substance, which God has put into our hands to be used for his glory and for the benefit of mankind. Can we see a better use to be made o fit? We think, every man, who loves the Gospel, will for his own benefit do his part to support it in his vicinity. If a man should leave his share of the common support to fall on his neighbor, we should conclude, the world reigned in his heart, and religion had no place there. Now if we really love the Gospel, we love it for others, as well as for ourselves. Religion in the heart is not selfish and monopolizing; but benevolent and communicative. The true spirit of religion will excite us to promote its general influence.

As God, for several years past, has poured his blessings upon us with unusual bounty, we are under peculiar obligations now to honor him with our substance and with the fruits of our increase. Whatever we apply to the advancement of religion, is given to God. And a a little given with a pious intention, may procure a rich reward. The Gospel is most likely to operate in our own hears, when they are opened to contribute of our substance for its spread among others. The natural feed will never flourish in a soil overgrown with thorns; no more will the seed of the word become fruitful in hears which are filled with the cares of the world and the deceitful influence of riches.

If God ahs much people among those who are scattered in the wilderness, our pious and charitable labors to collect them into his church, will bring on us the blessing of souls ready to perish. And in such a blessing, who would not wish for a share?

The missionaries employed by older societies render favorable accounts of their success. Their accounts warrant our present exertions, and justify our future hopes.

3. Our preceding observation suggest some pertinent thoughts relative to the manner, in which our missionary business should be conducted.

The apostles did not send new converts, and young, inexperienced preachers on mission among heathens; but when themselves, or sent some of their own number. Young preachers they might sometimes take with them as assistances; but these they chiefly employed in supplying churches which were already formed. The Trustees of this society have, in their present, which are their first missions, aimed to imitate the apostolic example. As there may be occasion to administer ordinances, erect new churches, and now and then to ordain elders, it is expedient, that ordained ministers, when they can be obtained, should be employed, in preference to candidates, upon these missions. The gravity of age, and the wisdom of experience will give weight to their influence. And it may be supposed, that ordinarily, they will be more judicious in the selection, and more discreet in the treatment of subjects, than youthful preachers. The young man, in the course of his preparatory studies, pays particular attention to certain abstruse and controverted points in divinity. He commences preacher, firm in the belief, and warm with the supposed importance of this, or that side of the altercated questions. And these he too often makes the subjects of discussion among people, who more need, and rather wish to hear the great duties and essential doctrines of religion. The minister of years and experience, as he grows more wise, becomes more candid in matters of controversy; and as he increased in knowledge, he more justly discriminates between things, which differ in importance; and his preaching, of course, takes a more evangelical, practical, and experimental turn.

We are farther taught, that the labors of missionaries should be more local, and less transient, than they have sometimes been. The apostolic missions were usually, for a time, stationary in the same place.

Our missions are designed, not to be substitutes for, but introductions to a settled ministry. They are to be a voice crying in the wilderness. ‘Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make his paths strait.’ They are intended to collect scattered people into religious societies, form them to habits or order, lead them to an attendance on Gospel institutions, diffuse among them a spirit of candor, condescension and peace, and assist their preparation for, and union in the settlement of a stated ministry. This purpose can but be effected, not by cursory, but by stationary preaching. A transient sermon may have a useful influence on some particular persons; but to produce a state of union and order more permanent means must be applied.

The important object of our missionary society has been states, and some means for the attainment of it have been suggested. With this grand object in view let us strive together for its advancement, that our hearts may be refreshed, and that from time to time we may meet together with joy, hearing of the spread and power of the Gospel among our perishing fellow mortals.

The general prevalence of religion exhibits a beautiful and lovely scene. What can be more pleasing than to behold mankind acting under the influence of the Gospel, paying honor to God by an attendance of his worship, living together in harmony and peace, seeking each the happiness of others, uniting to promote the common salvation, rising superior to worldly influence, and walking along, hand in hand, in the part, which leads up the kingdom of glory?

Such a state is refreshing to a benevolent mind, as it gives an idea of general happiness.

When we look around on our guilty, dying race, how affecting the thought that these are all hastening down to the grave; and many, alas! many treading the broad road to eternal destruction? But how agreeable is the scene reversed, when we can view them as subjects of God’s grace, heirs of heavenly glory, children of immortality, passing from this probationary world to a world of everlasting peace and joy?

Such a state of religion is refreshing, as it gives hope for succeeding generations. When we see religion declining, ignorance increasing, errors spreading, and wickedness abounding, we tremble for posterity, who, coming forward amidst such a corrupt and distempered race, will catch the baleful infection, and transmit it, with tenfold malignity to those who shall follow. How melancholy the prospect, when we contemplate a train of generations to be born amidst licentiousness, grow up in corruption, pass off in guilty, and perish in their sins? But how delightful the thought, that the present generation, acting under the influence of truth, will train up their children in the fear of god and the nurture of the Gospel; that these will transmit to their successors the pious sentiments received from their fathers; that thus the knowledge of religion and the means of salvation, with the attendant blessing of God, conveyed from age to age, will continue to distant generations? What a mighty sum of happiness will be the result of such a beginning? What a glorious prospect such a work opens to our view?

Be entreated, brethren, for the Lord Jesus sake, and for the love of the spirit, that you strive together in your labors, charities and prayers for the spread and success of the Gospel, especially among those, who principally claim the attention of our society. Thus may Christ be glorified in them, and they in him, according to the grace of God and our Lord Jesus Christ. To him be dominion forever. Amen.

Sermon – Election – 1805, Connecticut

sermon-election-1805-connecticut


 

The Moral Tendency of Man’s Accountableness to God; and its Influence on the Happiness of Society.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE DAY OF THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT

HARTFORD

IN THE STATE OF

CONNECTICUT,

May 9th, 1805.

BY ASAHEL HOOKER, A.M.

PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN GOSHEN.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1805-

Ordered, That the Honorable Aaron Austin and Adino Hale, Esquire, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend ASAHEL HOOKER, for his Sermon preached at the General Election, on the ninth of May instant, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true copy of record,
Test,

SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary
ELECTION SERMON
Ecclesiastes xii. 14.
For God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil.

That there is a God, is demonstrated, by the works of creation and Providence. “The Heavens declare His glory, and the firmament sheweth His handy work.” [Psalm 19:1] Yea, “the invisible things of Him, from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood by the things which are made, even His eternal power and God-head;” [Romans 1:20] so that those, who do not worship and glorify Him, “are without excuse.” [Romans 1:20] But much less is demonstrable, from the light of nature, respecting the ultimate destination of man. In this view, it is even doubtful, whether he shall exit beyond the grave; and of course, whether he shall be called to account, hereafter, or the deeds done in the body. For the needful answer to inquiries of this sort, and others of equal difficulty and importance to men, we are supremely indebted to a revelation from Heaven. By this revelation we are taught, that the resent life is the mere dawn of or existence; that it will be perpetuated, to interminable ages; and be happy or miserable, according to the works performed in its life. We are, therefore, taught in the text, and elsewhere in the same purpose, in the Scriptures of truth, that God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good, or whether it be evil.

This argument is used, by the royal preacher, to enforce the exhortation, in the preceding verse; “Let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter, Fear God, and keep His commandments, for this is the whole duty of man.” [Ecclesiastes 12:13] We are here taught the importance of man’s knowing, and practically acknowledging their accountableness to God, as becometh creatures, whose obligations to Him are infinite, and whose future destiny must be eternally decided, according to their present works. In a view of that awful tribunal, at which all must appear, the wise man admonishes those, “who walk in the way of their own hearts, and in the sight of their own eyes, that for all these things, God will bring them into judgment.” [Ecclesiastes 11:9]

It will be natural, therefore, to attempt such a view of this doctrine, as shall serve to illustrate is moral tendency. From this we may not only judge of its moral agreement with sound reason and the word of God; but may apprehend the true importance of it to mankind; and thence realize the importance of its being believed with all the heart and allowed its full influence in the present state.

It is therefore proposed, I. To notice several things implied in the declaration of the text; and II. To illustrate the moral tendency of it by a view of its practical influence upon men. It is hoped, that the subject will not be found unsuitable to the solemn and momentous occasion, on which we are now assembled.

The first thing of importance, implied in the general doctrine of the text, is, that mankind are subjects of a divine moral government. It is essential to such a government, that laws be enacted, for regulating the hearts and lives of men. It is farther essential, that such laws be sanctioned by divine authority, and enforced by adequate promises and threatenings – promises of due reward to the obedient, and threatenings of just punishment to such as disobey. When God shall bring every work into judgment, there must be some rule, for trying man’s actions, that is may thence appear, whether they ought to be approved, or condemned. Where no law is, there can neither be transgression, nor obedience. Where there is neither promise, nor penalty, there can be not intelligible standard, for deciding, either the good, which would result from obedience, or the evil, which must be the consequence of disobeying. If there were no such standard, the grounds of an equitable decision could not be seen. But as the day of reckoning is ordained of God for revealing His righteous judgments in the impartial distribution of rewards and punishments to men, it is essential, that He should have instituted a government which shall take cognizance of all human actions. Such a government He hath instituted. His laws clearly define and inculcate the whole duty of man. The promise is that the man, who doth the things therein written, shall surely live; but the soul that sinneth it shall die.

But the present administration of the divine government, towards mankind, involves in it a dispensation of mercy. This divine dispensation, as offering infinite blessings, and conferring new and unspeakable obligations upon men is so incorporated with the present operations of God’s moral government as to be fully implied, in the doctrine of a future judgment, as taught by His word. To those who embrace the offers of divine mercy the penalties of disobedience are forever remitted. To such Jesus Christ is the end of the law for justification and life. Those, therefore, who have remained under the law, and consequently under the curse, must endure the penalty annexed to transgression by the law. To this must be super-added the most fearful weight of punishment, which is justly incurred, by condemning the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ, and thereby rejecting the infinite grace of the Gospel.

When, therefore, God shall bring every work into judgment, all men will receive according to that they have done, in this life. For this purpose, a trial will be instituted, at which the secrets of all hearts will be revealed. Saith the Judge of quick and dead, “I am He that searcheth the heart, and trieth the reins, that I may render to every man, according to his ways, and according to the fruit of his doings.” [Jeremiah 17:10] In the final sentence all will be partakers, according to their respective characters. These will be manifested, to the view of Heaven and earth, by an impartial disclosure of their works.

This momentous trial will therefore issue, in the gracious acquittal of some, and the final condemnation of others. The force of the argument, to fear God and keep His commandments, from the consideration of his bringing every work to judgment, depends on this, not merely that such are acquitted, shall receive a gracious and infinite reward; but, that such as are found guilty, shall inevitably suffer the due punishment of their deeds. If this be thought inconclusive, from the plain impart of the text, it may be put out of question, by a farther appeal to the oracles of God. These assure us, that when the Judge “shall be revealed from heaven, with His mighty angels, in flaming fire,” to complete the redemption of His chosen, “He will take vengeance on those, who have not obeyed the gospel, who shall be punished, with everlasting destruction, from the preference of the Lord, and from the glory of his power.” [2 Thessalonians 1:7-9]

When, therefore, God shall bring every work into judgment, He will vindicate His perfections and ways, against all the hard thoughts and speeches, of His rebellious creatures. Their rejecting the divine Mediator, and with Him, the infinite mercy offered in the Gospel, is the most palpable impeachment of the divine wisdom and benevolence, as displayed in the cross of Jesus. “Behold the Lord cometh with ten thousand of His saints, to execute judgment upon all, and to convince all, who are ungodly among men, of all the hard speeches, which ungodly sinners have spoken against Him.” [Judges 1:14-15] He will then exhibit an awful demonstration, to intelligent beings of all characters, “that righteousness and judgment are the habitation of His throne.” [Psalm 97:2] In taking the needful steps, that He may render to men, according to their works, His own will appear honorable and glorious, from the beginning. In that day, “every mouth will be stopped.” [Romans 3:19] Saints and angels will offer their united tribute of adoration and praise, saying, “Great and marvelous are thy works, Lord God Almighty; just and true are Thy ways, thou King of saints: who shall not fear Thee, O Lord, and give glory to Thy name, for Thy judgments are made manifest.” [Revelation 15:3-4]

The general doctrine of the text accordingly implies the purpose of God, to support His holy government forever. When instituted by the diving Legislator, and Sovereign of the universe, it was doubtless with design, that it should be eternally maintained. It would be madness to admit the possibility that He should recede from His purpose. His law, which is holy, just and good, must be respected. On this depends the eternal happiness of his vast kingdom. If trampled on, the penalty must be executed; unless dispensed with in a way, equally declarative of his indignation against sin, and of His holy purpose, that the law shall be forever magnified and made honorable. And as men reject the gospel, no less than the law, it is essential, the atonement of Christ notwithstanding, that the Most High should still vindicate his government, by punishing the incorrigible despisers of His mercy. His purpose to do this is made known, by the appointment of a day, in which all men shall appear before Him, that they may receive the fruit of their doings. God will hence take effectual measures, to establish His kingdom, and secure its eternal glory and blessedness. Thus the purpose of God, respecting His government, will be displayed, in the eyes of the universe, in a manner, which will command the supreme confidence, adoration, and joy, of all holy minds; but will overwhelm his incorrigible enemies, with everlasting confusion and despair.

II. It is next proposed, to illustrate the moral tendency of this doctrine, by a view of its practical influence upon mankind.

In attempting this, the subject will be first considered, in application to those, who have approving belief of the foregoing sentiments. And how will their hearts and lives be influenced, by such a belief? In proportion to the strength of it, will they no habitually feel, and act, as becometh creatures, who stand accountable to the holy Searcher of hearts, and Judge of the world? Believing this, respecting all their moral actions, and all the motives of them, and glorying in the perfections of God, and displayed in the process, and the issue of the final judgment, will not their treatment of him be respectful, submissive, and holy? Can it fail to be their supreme concern, not through the influence of slavish fear, but “of love, and a sound mind,” [2 Timothy 1:7] to do those things, which are pleasing in his sight? Will they not, therefore, confide implicitly in the wisdom and rectitude of his all-disposing providence, and rest their whole salvation at His mercy, through faith in a Mediator? Of all this there can be no doubt. They will hence acknowledge their dependence on God, as creatures, and as sinners, by “continuing instant in prayer;” [Romans 12:12] and manifest their respect unto all His commandments, by keeping them. In a word, the dominion of holiness being established in their hearts, it will daily operate, to keep them “unspotted in the world,” [James 1:27] and to render them “fruitful, in every good work.”[Colossians 1:10]

It is accordingly certain, that those who embrace the foregoing sentiments, with sincere approbation of them, will demean themselves answerably, towards their fellow men. Their habitual treatment of them will be the genuine expression of integrity, benevolence, and due compassion. Of this they cannot fail, if to a full assent of the understanding to the truth, they unite a supreme complacency, in the character of Judge, and thence approve His purpose, respecting the distribution of rewards and punishments, and His manner of proceeding in it, as predicted in His word. This being true, they will assuredly act, as in the fear of the Lord, in all their intercourse with men. They will “render all their dues;” [Romans 13:7] and in doing this, will regard the divine rule, as infinitely binding; “As ye would, that men should do to you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law and the prophets.” [Matthew 7:12] Such is the moral tendency, and such the unfailing influence of the doctrine asserted in the text, on all, who embrace it with the heart.

We shall next consider this doctrine, in relation to those, who neither believe, nor approve it. It is apparent, that on such, it must be wholly void of influence. Beyond the life which now is, they have nothing to hope, nor to fear, from their present doings. If these, as they presume, shall not be brought into account hereafter, they can neither be rewarded, nor punished. As to any thing, therefore, beyond the present state, they have nothing to hope from well-doing, not any thing to fear from evil-doing. But what must we expect of men, who do not believe in “a judgment to come,” [Revelation 14:7] and a state of eternal retribution? And who, of course, do not feel themselves accountable to “the Judge of the quick, and the dead.” [2 Timothy 4:1] Being confident with their own opinions, all their motives of conduct, whether towards God, or men, must be furnished, exclusively, by the circumstances and interests of the present life. Motives of this sort may doubtless be so presented, as to operate a partial restraint, and produce many apparently good actions; but their influence must be feeble, at best, and always precarious. Can it bear a moment’s comparison, with the influence of those sublime and infinite motives, which are brought home to the heart, in the certain and awful expectation of standing at the tribunal of omniscience, and infinite purity, and of thence receiving and irreversible doom?—Great part of those, who disbelieve their accountability to a sin-hating God, are hence liberated from a sense of moral obligation, and of consequence, indulge in that riotous and unholy living, at which they would be otherwise dismayed. It is accordingly true that vice and irreligion prevail in society, as the natural offspring of a prevailing belief, that “He who sitteth in the heavens,” [Psalm 2:4] will not be strict to “mark iniquity.” [Psalm 130:3] Through individuals, who have been accustomed, by education, to sobriety of manners, may not lose their sober habits, so as to become thorough profligates, at once; still it is demonstrated, by observation and experience, that as a disbelief of the scripture doctrine of retribution prevails among men, it is followed, by a nearly answerable corruption of morals.

Thus the unchangeable tendency of becoming hopeless of good, and fearless of evil, as the final reward of man’s present doings, is clearly illustrated, by a life of practical atheism. In point of moral tendency, there is little to choose, between the creed of the full-grown atheist, and of the deist, who discards the scripture doctrine of accountableness to Jehovah. By deistical writers of the first eminence, the Most High is admitted, rather as an idle spectator, in His own dominions, than as the rightful lawgiver, and Judge of the world, who will reward the righteous, and punish the wicked, without respect to persons. Indeed they deny the evidence of His moral perfections, and righteous government, so as to defeat the best ends of believing, rather than denying “the God who is above.” [Job 31:28]

The love of existence, and of happiness is common to all sensitive and moral beings. Few things, therefore, can be more shocking to a rational mind, than the thought of forever ceasing to exist. But this notwithstanding, such are the imitations of a divine moral government, to which men are accountable, even where the doctrines of revelation are exploded, that those, who are resolved to wallow through life, in the gratification of their lusts, are dismayed, at the thought of a hereafter. They tremble, lest the moment of their exit from this world should bring with it a day of reckoning and an eternity of woe. They are hence driven to seek a respite, from the stings of conscience, and their guilty fears of wrath to come, in the gloomy doctrine of annihilation, and a forlorn hope, that “death will be an eternal sleep.” Established in this refuge of lies, multitudes in this age of madness, called reason, feel themselves emancipated from all restraint, arising from the belief of a God, and a judgment to come. They are accordingly prepared, for a warfare of impiety and lust, against all religion, and sound morality. This is the ultimate tendency of rebelling against the light, and discarding the government of One, who shall bring every work into judgment, and award to men a righteous and eternal retribution. Such is the result of experiment on the modern theory of human “perfectibility;”—an experiment, which is made, “by following nature,” and exploding the religion and morals of the gospel, under the stigmatizing names of prejudice, bigotry, and superstition. Such is the experiment now in operation for translating men out of marvelous light, into Egyptian darkness; yea, for transforming them into beasts, and devils incarnate, and this superceding a judgment to come, by anticipating a hell upon earth. Hence the grievous cry, which is raised against priestcraft, hypocrisy, and delusion – a cry, which is intended to drown the voice on conscience, and, like the savage war-whoop, inspire the assailants, with fresh courage, for invading the throne of God, and of the Lamb. Finally, let the principles of modern infidelity prevail universally, and all the features of fallen human nature would be recognized, as long since exhibited to the life, by the unerring pencil of inspiration: “There is none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after God. They are all gone out of the way; they are together become unprofitable; there is none that doth good, no not one. Their throat is an open sepulcher; with their tongues they have used deceit, the poison of asps is under their lips; their feet are swift to shed blood; destruction and misery are in their ways, and the way of peace they have not known; there is no fear of God before their eyes.” [Romans 3:11-18]

The moral tendency and importance of the doctrine before us, may be farther illustrated, by an application of it to men, invested is with civil authority. Such of those, as believe themselves accountable to a righteous God, for all their official, as well as private conduct, and unfeignedly approve of being so, will doubtless act accordingly. They will remember, with devout and humble submission, that they are God’s ministers, invested with power and authority, derived from him; and that they are bound, by an immense obligation, to be “nursing fathers” to his church, to the whole community of their fellow-citizens. Legislators, of this character, will endeavor, in framing laws, to harmonize, so far as possible, in the spirit of them, and in all he objects, for which they are enacted, with the perfect laws of heaven. Judges, in like manner, who fear God, and rejoice in being accountable at his bar, will carefully avoid occasion for any to say, “I beheld the place of judgment, and wickedness was there; and the place of righteousness, and iniquity was there.” [Ecclesiastes 3:16] Magistrates of every denomination, feeling themselves responsible to the Sovereign of all worlds, instead of being fearless of Him, or of aiming chiefly to please men, will be able to say with the conscious rectitude of an Apostle, “It is a very small thing, that we should be judged of you, or of man’s judgment; for He who judgeth us, is the Lord.” [1 Corinthians 4:3-4]

But the reverse of all this must be expected of rulers, who regard their authority, as derived exclusively from men, and do not recognize the tribunal of Heaven, as that to which they are amenable, for the faithful discharge of their official trust. Influenced alone by the temporary and interested motives of the present state, what madness to expect, that they should act, as seeing an invisible God; – that as legislators, they should be duly concerned, to frame equal laws; or as judges, to administer justice, without partiality! It is vain, even to hope, that those who “fear not God,” will “regard man” [Luke 18:4] beyond the sordid tastes of private interest. When it is believes, that this can be promoted by the means, there are no motives to restrain them, from the foulest iniquity. They are prepared, both by the spirit which they are of, and by the opinions, which they embrace, to practice on the monstrous theory, that “the end will sanctify the means.” Hence, when it will apparently conduce to their own views of promotion, of continuance in power, and of personal aggrandizement, they will not hesitate, to humor the vilest passions of men, and thus become a praise to evil-doers, but a terror and scourge, to such as do well. All this is not inferred, conclusively, from the preceding view of this subject, but is confirmed by a solemn appeal to facts. It is proved, by similar evidence, that men of this character will betray the same dereliction of all honorable and upright principle, in their official conduct, as in purifying the honors and emoluments of office. Those, therefore, who do not anticipate a reckoning, with a holy God, for their use of authority and power, act in perfect accord with their true characters, when they seek preferment, by the most profound reverence for “the people;”—when they feignedly tender them their most lowly homage, and thus become the cringing sycophants of those, whom they regard, with sovereign contempt.

The practical importance of the doctrine under consideration may be farther seen and felt by a view of its influence on the citizens of a free state, in the choice of its rulers. When called to exercise the invaluable right of suffrage, those who expect to account with God, for every action of their lives, and are pleased with such expectation, will remember the oath of God, by which they have sworn fidelity to public interest. This oath, together with a corresponding frame of heart, will lead them to invest those with civil authority, who, in the judgment of their consciences, agree best to the character of a good ruler, as given by the inspiration of the Almighty. They will, therefore, be most scrupulous, to choose men of wisdom, ability, and integrity, who practically acknowledge the God, who is above. The regard, which they habitually feel for him, as well as for the happiness of the community, will not suffer them to aid, in advancing the unprincipled and immoral, to bear rule, and thus to add the guilt of perjury, to that of treachery and unfaithfulness to the state.

But men, who in their hearts, discard the moral government of God, and take for granted, that He will not render to them their due recompense, at last, will doubtless proceed accordingly, in their choice of men to rule over them. They will naturally prefer rulers of their own stamp. While the licentious opinions and conduct of such rulers are regarded, as a cloak for the fins of others, they will not fail to be commended, as vastly ingenious, liberal, and worthy of imitation. Nor is it the most arduous attainment for human nature, to become so liberal, and enlightened, as to with for rulers, who will practically disclaim the government of the Holy One. When arrived at this, men can easily find arguments to prove, that the rankest infidelity, so far from being injurious, may be of excellent use, in those who are invested, with the highest prerogatives of magistracy. Such men are considered by many, as enjoying the happiest freedom from the influence of superstition, and illiberal prejudices. It can be shown, with wonderful ease, that the are the peculiar “friends of liberty and the rights of conscience;” that as such, they will never interfere in matters of religion; but will guarantee to every man the precious liberty, not only of having no religion, but of contributing to the support of none. Hence the decision of multitudes in favor of men, the most licentious in principle, and the most abandoned in practice, as best qualified, to stand as guardians, to the dearest interests of the community.

We see in this, as one instructive view of the subject, the influence of religion, on the political and social happiness of a nation. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; but when the wicked bear rule, they mourn.” [Proverbs 29:2] Not, however, that they are pleased, or displeased, according as they have good or bad men to rule over them; but according to this, as a general maxim, they are comparatively happy, or miserable. Virtuous and able rulers are “the ministers of God for good.” [Romans 13:4] They are raised up, and designed for a public blessing. In their love of righteousness, and hatred of iniquity, and in the fullness of their regard to God, and the well being of their fellow men, they will take care to frame such laws as shall guard the rights of individuals and of the state; and make provision that the same shall be faithfully executed. Their personal and official influence will conduce mightily, to the preservation of social order, of pure morality, and of prosperity to the single and undivided interests of the commonwealth. Thus they will be, “as the light of the morning, when the sun ariseth; even as a morning without clouds.” [2 Samuel 23:4] In the hands of such rulers, civil governments is a blessing, which cannot be told. But in those of opposite character, it is often a scourge, even a whip of scorpions. The evils, which may be expected from the government, in the hands of unprincipled men, “who feel power, and forget right,” and who view themselves accountable to none, but those they govern, are more than can be numbered. In framing laws, they will consult the public good no farther is this dictated by a supreme regard to their own. If necessary for compassing this, they will not hesitate at doing it, by “legalizing corruption and iniquity.” The united influence of their examples and authority, will be like that of “Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin.” [1 Kings 22:52; 2 Kings 3:3; 2 Kings 10:29; 2 Kings 13:2,11; 2 Kings 14:24; 2 Kings 15:9,18,24, 28; 2 Kings 23:15] Hence the fulfillment of what is written, that “The wicked walk on every side, when the vilest men are exalted.” [Psalm 12:8] When a preference is given of such rulers, to men of sound understanding, of pure morals, and tried integrity, it is the most alarming evidence of the general spread of corruption – that the people have become infatuated, and blind to their true interest – that the anger of God is beginning to smoke against them, and his voice to be heard saying, “Shall I not visit for these things? Shall not my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?” [Jeremiah 5:9,29; Jeremiah 9:9]

Again, when men can say, with approving hearts, “The Lord is out Lawgiver, the Lord is our Judge,” [Isaiah 33:22] they will demean themselves accordingly, as citizens, and subjects of civil government. They will duly respect the laws of society—will “take heed to obey magistrates,” and be subject to men in authority, “not only for wrath, but for conscience’ sake.” [Romans 13:5] They will therefore be ready to every good work – will strengthen the hands of their rulers, and aid them, in the support of government – yea will endeavor, so far as it lieth in them, to discountenance impiety, iniquity, and disorder, in all the forms of them, as offensive to God, and destructive of the well being of man. From the same motives, they will seek the public peace and harmony. To this end, they will keep in sacred remembrance, the exhortation, which is written; “Now I beseech you, brethren, mark them who cause divisions and offences, contrary to doctrine, which ye have learned, and avoid them; for they that are such, serve not out Lord Jesus Christ, but their own belly; and by good words and fair speeches, deceive the hearts of the simple.” [Romans 13:17-18] They will never forget, that “one of the six things, which the Lord hateth, yea one of the seven which are an abomination to him, is sowing disorder among brethren;” [Proverbs 6:16, 19] and, that the man, who foments divisions and animosities, commences an open warfare against the peace of society, and proclaims himself its implacable enemy.

But men, who fear God, and can honestly appeal to him, for the purity of their intentions, will be peace-makers. They will not seek their own interest and exaltation, by exciting a spirit of distrust of public men and measures, when both these are entitled to the public confidence and support. The will not prostitute the liberty of the press, to the cause of licentiousness, and this pervert a primary means of diffusing useful knowledge, and of cementing the bonds of society, that they may undermine its strong foundation, and prostrate its stately pillars in the dust. Nor will they seek great things for themselves, by turning the world upside down, and cover their unhallowed purposes, under a profusion of smooth words, and fair profession of regard to “the rights and liberties of the people.” And let it be remembered, that, whether in posts of honor, or in private stations, they will not attempt to stir up a spirit of bitter envying and strife, among Christians of different denominations, that the religion of Jesus may be disgraced, the foundation of morals be subverted, and the public felicity be sacrificed, to the triumphs of dissolutions and impiety. No, my fellow citizens, men who endure, as feeling Him, who is invisible, will not do such things as these. Nor will men of this character oppose the religion and government of their country, under color of opposing “a union of church and state.” It is true, religion may exist, and even flourish, without the aid of government; for as God is true, “the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.” [Matthew 16:18] But woe to that government, which discards the aid of religion; and woe to that people, who wage war against religion, under pretense of saving it from a destructive alliance with the political interest of their country. Are not the leading opposers of such a union of religion with civil government, as has always existed in this state, fairly suspected of hostility to both, and of being impatient under the restraints of either? Do they reverence and obey the laws of Christ? And are they conscientiously afraid, that the divine beauty of his religion will be marred, by asserting its awful claims on the hearts of rulers, and of ruled; and because it is protected, from persecution and violence, by the laws of society? Are they not those rather, who practically avow their desire, to be “without law to God,” [1 Corinthians 9:21] and to men, and to see a favorite doctrine established, that those have the first claim to the confidence of their fellow men, who show the least regard to God and religion? “But whether it be right, in the sight of God, to hearken to these, more than unto God, judge ye.” [Acts 4:19]

1. On a review of this subject, we may learn how to distinguish between real and pretended patriots. Te regard, which the former of these have, to the happiness of their country, is founded in that love, which is the fulfilling of God’s law; and is cherished by a habitual sense of His presence and glory. It is not only consistent with piety towards God but proceeds from the same source and hence derives its peculiar excellence. Real patriots are those, therefore, whose philanthropy is proved, first of all, by a practical acknowledgement of God, as the supreme good, and the rightful Sovereign of the world. The spirit by which they are actuated appears farther, from their seeking the public happiness, by the proper means – by making themselves examples of piety, benevolence, and well-doing – by endeavoring, in all suitable ways, to support the credibility, and to promote the universal diffusion and influence, of that divine religion, which is full of mercy and good fruits. Such patriots were Moses, Joshua, Samuel, Hezekiah, Josiah, Ezra, Nehemiah, Daniel, and many others recorded in divine history. Such were many of our pious and venerable ancestors, to whom, under God, this state, not only owes her political existence, but a larger share of public and private happiness, than has been almost ever allotted, to a like portion of the human race.

Pretended patriots differ greatly from real ones. They are “heady, high minded, are lovers of pleasures, more than lovers of God.” [2 Timothy 3:4] If “in words they profess to know God, in works they deny him.” [Titus 1:16] They deal largely in professions of disinterested and public spirit. They even seem to have lost sight of all interest of heir own, in the glowing ardor of their concern, for the more important interests of the community. Hence the “good words, and fair speeches,” [Romans 16:18] by which they are signalized, and distinguished from all other men. But their professions, disinterested, and full of benevolence as they seem, are hollow and deceitful, as the source. From which they proceed. “The best of them is a brier, the most upright of them is sharper than a thorn-hedge.” [Micah 7:4] Patriots of the stamp were the renowned Absalom, Ahithophel, and Jereboam the son of Nebat, whose names, covered with the infamy of their deeds, were registered, by the command of heaven, for the admonition of the following ages. Their friendship to mankind was enmity against God and religion, and in league with iniquity, sensuality, and the grossest impiety. Such patriots of our own day, are the perfidious, and the dissolute, with those “scoffers, who walk after their own lusts,” [2 Peter 3:3] and “deny the Lord, who bought them.” [2 Peter 2:1] These, “knowing the judgment of God, that they who commit such things, are worthy of death, not only do the same, but have pleasure in those who do them.” [Romans 1:32] Such, in a word, is the magnitude of their concern, for the public weal, that, for the bare consideration of so much honor, and riches, and dominion, as are at the disposal of their fellow-citizens, “they promise them liberty, but “alas!” are themselves the servants of corruption.” [2 Peter 2:19]

2. We also learn, from the doctrine, which has been considered, he high importance of Christianity, and the happiness of society. For these purposes, the promotion of pure morals would be of vast importance, if death were the end of human existence. But as human nature is, desperately inclined to evil, no scheme can be devised, for keeping the morals of mankind, in any degree pure, without the aid of motives, derived from the belief of a God, and a judgment day. No laws can have force, without penalties. Human laws always prove weak and inefficient unless aided, in some form or other, by religion. Nor will the motives presented, by the most pure system of religion, have the necessary influence, unless aided by the high authority of divine sanctions. No scheme of religion can, however, exist, with laws thus sanctioned, which does not make men accountable to an omniscient Judge, and call to its aid those awful motives, which are drawn from a slate of future rewards and punishments. But aside from the Holy Scriptures, no arguments have been found, to demonstrate the doctrine of a future existence; much less of a judgment day, and an eternal recompense, to the righteous and the wicked. It is true, the religion of the gospel, from the perpetual warfare, which it wages with the selfish interests and passions of men, as always met with the most determined opposition, from a rebellious world. For this reason, its influence on the hearts and lives of men, has hitherto been very partial and limited. But this is no argument against it, as a necessary means of restrain, to mans unholy appetites, and of promoting their present and eternal well-being. Nay, its importance depends on the very reason, why it is hated, and set at naught by many – its arraying the terrors of the Almighty, against their evil deeds. The opposition, which it exhibits to these, is the more formidable, and answerably more offensive, according to the clearness, with which it establishes the throne of God, and makes all men accountable to him. It is this, above all, which renders the religion of Jesus, the abhorrence of those, who fight for the liberty, which is enjoyed, by the wild beasts of the desert. Such are those adepts in wickedness, and the arts of seduction, who roam about, “with eyes full of adultery, and that cannot cease from sin;” [2 Peter 2:14] to whom the sacred vows of marriage are an occasion of sinning, with more greediness and aggravation; “who creep into houses,” [2 Timothy 3:6] in quest of their prey, and regard no destruction of social bands, or of domestic happiness, as an adequate motive, for retraining their unbridled passions. Though prepared to embrace the dregs of pollution, as fuel to their unhallowed flame, they riot, with chief delight, on the spoils of “betrayed innocence.” In a view of their crimes, and of that bitter cup, which now passes over, from their hands, to wretched thousands, we may estimate the flood of woes, which must whelm the abodes of domestic peace and joy, and swallow up millions, in temporal and eternal perdition, should the same pernicious ways be followed, by the great mass of society. The unbounded spread of licentiousness, and the utter destruction of virtuous attachment, and of mutual confidence, between the sexes, would be succeeded, by a parallel diffusion of jealousy, distrust, malignity, envy, and wretchedness. The forlorn offspring of such an extended commerce, in pollution and guilt, would soon people the present habitations of peace, of order, and social happiness, with a race of savages, in whom the virtues and blessings, of all preceding ages, would be lost forever. But the foregoing view of this subject, it appears, that it mankind would universally believe the doctrines, and obey the laws of Christianity, it would purify them from all iniquity, and make them “a peculiar people, zealous of good works.” [Titus 2:14] They would, therefore, be “that happy people, whose God is the Lord.” [Psalm 144:15] “Joy and gladness would be found in their dwellings, thanksgiving and the voice of melody.” [Jeremiah 33:11] Every society of men were present a heaven in miniature, and each family, a “paradise regained.” The unnumbered myriads of the human race, incomparably more happy than ever, since their apostasy, would be meetened [rendered fit] for the inconceivable glories of immortality.

3. The preceding view of this subject naturally suggests the great importance of fidelity to the rising generation. Children are the growing materials, which must soon form the character, and decide on the happiness of society. It is apparent, that this must be happy, or miserable, according to the foundation of these materials. This sentiment accords with the direction, which God gave to Israel, by Moses. Deut. xxxii. 46, 47. “And he said unto them, set your hearts unto all he words, which I testify among you this day, which ye shall command your children to observe, to do all the words of this law. For it is not a vain thing for you, because it is our life; and through this thing shall ye prolong your days, in the land, whither ye go over to Jordan to posses it.” When it is said, “It is not a vain think for you, because it is your life, and through this thing shall ye prolong your days,” it plainly refers to the direction, for teaching the words of God’s law to their children. By this more than by all other means, a foundation would be laid for perpetuating their national existence and transmitting their distinguished privileges to succeeding generations. This shows in what sense we must understand the promise annexed to the fifth commandment, to “honor thy father, and thy mother, that thy days may be long, upon the land, which the Lord thy God giveth thee.” [Exodus 20:12] We must not receive this, as a promise of long life to individuals, as the certain reward of filial obedience; but that God would, in this way, accomplish his gracious purpose, respecting the tribes of Israel, to preserve them a great and happy nation.

The foundation of civil government, no less than that of religion and morals, which are its main pillars, must be laid, in that domestic government, which God has instituted, and that religious education of children, which is solemnly enjoined in his word. If, instead of training up children, “for glory and immortality,” [Romans 2:7] beyond the grave, the primary object were to render them happy, in this life, and by their means, to promote the public happiness, it would be immensely important, that they should be faithfully taught their relation to God, as accountable beings, and all their duties, which belong to them, in this relation. By this means, with the divine blessing, a more perfect state of society might be realized, than has ever existed, since man forsook his Maker. But this depends on the faithfulness of parents, of guardians, and other instructors. When these are not influenced by pious and benevolent motives, nor awed, by that sense of responsibility to God, which religion teaches, they will be negligent, and more than negligent, of the moral and religious education of children. So far from teaching them, that “the fear of the Lord is the fountain of life,” [Proverbs 14:27] and the only sure departure from the snares of death, they will often poison their minds, with the early and deep impression of false opinions, and their whole characters, with the destroying influence of licentious and impious behavior. Such is the alarming fate of many, at the present day, even in our own country. Here many are born and educated, in the school of anarchy, misrule, and irreligion. Of these they will soon be examples, and powerful advocates. Let them sustain a preponderancy of numbers, and of influence, and the feeds of public distress and perplexity will be so widely diffused, and so deeply rooted, as to admit of no remedy. And when this evil, which already assumes a portentous and lowering aspect, has befallen our once happy country, the foundations will be literally destroyed. In that day, nothing better will await us, as a nation, than the dire catastrophe of the house built on he sand; “And the rains descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon the house, and it fell, and great was the fall of it.” [Matthew 7:27]

4. We readily see, in this connection, why the states and empires, which wave risen in past ages, have successively mouldered at the foundation, and eventually tumbled into ruins. They wanted that divine cement, the religion of Jesus, which unites man to man, and men to God. This would have been a living spring of that public and social virtue, and of that piety towards God, without which the most flourishing state must become “like a city, which is broken down, and without walls.” [Proverbs 25:28] When men have no just apprehensions of the Being, “WHOSE KINGDOM RULETH OVER ALL,” and find no motives, for cultivating that “fear of the Lord, which is the beginning of wisdom,” [Psalm 11:10; Psalm 9:10] the fountain of public life and health becomes corrupt, will the whole mass is polluted. The gratification of their lists, unrestrained by the love or fear of the Almighty, gradually engenders effeminacy, weakness, and “unbridled sensuality,” in all classes of people, from the palace to the cottage. By such means, the most flourishing states and kingdoms, recorded in sacred and profane history have fallen no less a prey to themselves and one another than to the overwhelming judgments of a sin-avenging God. But for the fatal cause ere assigned, the illustrious empires of antiquity might, not only have been preserved from desolation and oblivion, but have increased in numbers, in strength, in prosperity, in glory, and in happiness, till this day; yea, have flourished on, “till time shall be no longer.” [Revelation 10:6] But as they did not like even “to retain God in their knowledge,” [Romans 1:28] He gave them up to their own lusts, till they should “eat the fruit of their own ways, and be filled with their own devices.” [Proverbs 1:31] Under this tremendous anathema, the nations of the earth have not only made war, one upon another, but have preyed upon their own blood, and eaten their own flesh, till wasted away, and there was none to deliver.

5. We are further taught, by the light of this subject, the gross mistake of modern philosophers and reformers, who are professedly seeking o promote liberty, and the happiness of man, by exterminating religion, and committing the whole human race, to the guidance of reason, and the light of nature. The liberty thus promoted is mere licentiousness. The war of contending passions and interests, which is enkindled by it, is the deadly bane of rational liberty, and must one day close the reign of anarchy and confusion, with the triumphs of despotic domination. Such is the result of experiment, exhibited by the philosophizing and theoretical reformers, of modern times, in Europe. There is the liberty, which is founded in the prostration of all the principals of piety and social virtue, has had its day, and now as its night. We have there seen the abolition of all religion 1 producing its genuine fruits, an almost universal corruption of morals; with an immensity of the most atrocious crimes, both in public, and in private. We have thus seen the mad theories of atheistical reformers producing a flood of wrongs, unparalleled in the history of nations. We have also seen this same licentious liberty, turning one of the fairest portions of Europe, and of the whole world, into a “golgotha;” and filling its deluded inhabitants, with the very dregs of the cup of tears, of humiliation, and woe. After many millions of people have wallowed in these, through a series of revolutions, in the vain hope of establishing their liberties, we have seen them tamely submitting, to a larger stretch of despotic power, than is endured, by any other nation on earth. Of this sort is the harvest of bitter fruits, which must always be expected to spring up, from that liberty, which is founded in the extirpation of the religion and morals, which are taught by the word of God.

6. We here see also, my fellow-citizens, what we are to expect, as the sure consequences of embracing that vain and impious philosophy, which “changes the truth of God into a lie,” [Romans 1:25] and teaches men, “to worship and serve the creature, more than the CREATOR, WHO IS GOD OVER ALL.” [Romans 1:25] We might expect to see the general triumph of impiety and lust, succeeded by a state of anarchy, frightful as the horrors of chaos. This anarchy would probably be rendered doubly frightful, by the more sullen horrors of a civil war. In the disastrous and bloody train of such a war, (which may heaven prevent,) a despotism would doubtless follow, with iron teeth, to break in pieces and devour; and would erect his throne, on the spot where and the day when, the liberties and glory of America were shrouded together, in one common grave. This fair inheritance, which was purchased by the bold and enterprising spirit, the piety, the prayers, the tears, the sufferings, he invincible fortitude, and even the blood of our pious ancestors, would be despoiled of its essential glory, and become, like mystical Babylon, a habitation of dragons, and a hold of every foul spirit. All this, according exactly with facts, which stare us in the face, is fairly expected, as the most natural consequence of becoming hopeless of future good, and fearless of evil, from he hands of God, as the just rewarder of our doings. To us, therefore, in this land, and even to this state, there is nothing which portends so much evil, or which so palpably threatens our political and eternal destruction, as the prevalence of hose “demoralizing principles,” which are daily insinuated into the vitals of the community. The abettors and friends of those principles, whoever they are, would doubtless glory in seeing he religion from the son of God, prostrated in the dust, his Sabbaths and ordinances abolished, his ministers despoiled, or exiled, and his temples smoking in ruins. Oh my soul, come not thou into their secret, unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united”! ! ! [Genesis 49:6]

Those of my audience, who sustain the honorable distinction of Magistrates and Rulers will feel themselves addressed by this subject, not only with the importance of their official duties, but of a practical and sincere acknowledgement of Jehovah, and his righteous government, in a life of holiness and good works. Suffer me to remind you, my honored fellow citizens, that to Him you stand accountable, no less that those, in humbler stations, to whom you are constituted his ministers for good – and that with them you must appear and be judged, at the same divine tribunal, from which there is no appeal. Remember, therefore, what God hath spoken; “He who ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of the Lord:” [2 Samuel 23:3] and that He hath said again; “Him who honoreth me, I will honor; but he that despiseth me, shall be lightly esteemed;” [1 Samuel 2:30] yea, “Whosoever shall be ashamed of me, and of my words, in this adulterous, and sinful generation; of him shall the Son of man be ashamed, when he shall come in he glory of his Father, with the hold angels.” [Luke 9:26]

You, gentlemen, are constituted guardians of the public happiness. For this, let me pray you to watch, “as those who must give account.” [Hebrews 13:17] As one means of inspiring you with due benevolence, fortitude, and perseverance, in attempting this, often contemplate those venerable and excellent rulers, whose examples are recorded for your instruction, imitation, and delight, in the sacred pages. Add to these, and for the same purpose, the long list of worthies, who have gone before you, and been the ornament and praise of this state, no less than the instruments of her stability, glory, and happiness. With the examples of such rulers before you, to aid the influence of those sublime motives, which are exhibited in the word of God, may you “go and do likewise.” [Luke 10:37] It mist be apparent to you all, that religion, as taught be the Divine Word and Spirit, is the corner-stone, and only sure foundation of the individual and social happiness of man. In this view, and aside from that infinite weight of motives, by which it is commended, as giving life unto the soul, of what immeasurable importance is it, to yourselves and fellow-citizens, that you manifest a serious and unequivocal regard to the religion of Emmanuel, and know indeed, that He is the very “Christ of God;” yea, that He is “King of Kings and Lord of Lords.” [Revelation 19:16] Regarding Him as your appointed Judge, and only Savior, and acting from the pure and disinterested motives of His religion, you will have that “wise and understanding heart,” [1 Kings 3:12] which is needful to guide you, in all the duties of your public trust, and the consolations of heaven to support you, under the ponderous weight of public cares. Though your names should be cast out as evil, and though envy should assail you, with her “forked tongue,” you will enjoy the testimony of a good conscience, with the prayers and the confidence of good men, and finally meet the plaudit of an infinite Judge.

From the preceding discourse, the ministers of religion may apprehend the nature, and high importance of the duties incumbent on them. The religion of Jesus, of which we profess to be subjects and ministers, is distinguished from all others, as one which is commended to every man’s conscience, in the sight of God; and as making all men accountable to Him. Preaching this religion, with effect, implies that men are taught their relation to God, as subjects of his moral government, and their obligations to glorify His name – to repent, and believe the Gospel, and to do works meet for repentance. Nor can we hope to promote the political interests of mankind any farther than we are honored, as instruments of advancing the kingdom of righteousness and peace. It is, therefore, the great business of our high calling, as it reflects the honor of God our Savior, and the happiness of our fellow-men, for both worlds, that we be instrumental of their embracing the truth, as it is in Jesus, and of building them up, in faith and holiness, to eternal glory. Important as the whole of this, together with the salvation of our own souls, is the faithful discharge of our duty, as watchmen to theirs. In a view of this numerous and respectable assembly, and of the foregoing sentiments, we are all reminded of that “great and dreadful day,” [Malachi 4:5] where we must meet an assembled universe, “at the judgment-seat of Christ.” [Romans 14:10] In a certain and awful prospect of the account, which we must then render to the Judge of hearts, it becometh us to realize our immense obligations to be holy, and without blame. The God “with whom we have to do,” [Hebrews 4:13] is no respecter of persons. He is “a God of truth, and without iniquity.” [Deuteronomy 32:4] “He will, therefore, render to every man, according to his works.” [Romans 2:6] “To them who seek for glory, honor, and immortality, by patient continuance, in well-doing, he will render eternal life. But to such as are contentious, and do not obey the truth, but obey unrighteousness,” [Romans 2:7-8] He will as surely render “indignation and wrath, tribulation and anguish.” [Romans 2:8-9] In this serious and impressive view of our relation to God, as our rightful Sovereign, and final Judge, may we all be quickened to serve Him and to serve our generation according to His will that when He shall come in His glory, we may be glad, with exceeding joy.

But finally, do any of you, in this assembly, disbelieve the Gospel of Christ, and not expect to be judged, at last, according to your perfect doings? Is your unbelief the result of conviction? And is this conviction the result of a fair and impartial examination of the evidences, by which the divine claims of Christianity are supported? Let us suppose, for once, that yours is “the condemnation, to have loved darkness, rather than light, because your deeds are evil;” [John 3:19] and that hence, you have made lies your refuge. Let us further suppose your mistake to be detected, by the light of eternity, when its consequences must be infinitely too dreadful, to be endured. Shall you, in this fearful extremity, be consoled by the testimony of conscience, that you had decided on the point in question, with all that faithful investigation, that scrupulous care, and that singleness of heart, [Jeremiah 32:39] which all the incomparable weight of the subject demanded! Till this be done, you may well take heed, “lest that come upon you, which is written, behold ye despisers, and wonder and perish;” [Acts 13:40-41] – lest you find to your infinite cost, that “the stone, which the builders rejected, is the come the Head of the corner;” [Psalm 118:22] and that, “on whomsoever it shall fall, it will grind him to powder.” [Matthew 21:44; Luke 20:18]

AMEN.
 


Endnotes

1. Christianity, as it existed in France, previous to the revolution, retained but few traces of its native simplicity, and divine purity; not can those, who have been praying, for the downfall of the antichrist, consistently rejoice, in his re-establishment, in that country. That temporary abolition of popery, which was attended with such a deluge of tears and blood, is not to be regarded, as the destruction of true religion. But it is well know, by all who have read the history of Europe, for the last twenty years, that the seeds of revolution in France, were sown by men, who had conspired for the universal and indiscriminate destruction of every thing, bearing the name of Christianity. The spirit, therefore, which overturned the existing forms of religion, in France, is no less hostile, and appears, by the exertions which it is making in this, and in other countries, to be no less hostile, to the truth, as it is in Jesus. This is a sufficient ground of that just and universal abhorrence, in which the principals of atheistical reformers are holden, and must always be holden by wise and good men. The influence of these principles, in that rapid and terrible progress of demoralization and wretchedness, which uniformly attends them, clearly demonstrates their horrible tendency. It hence shows what must be their tremendous effects, whenever they become generally prevalent, in society. It is true there is not the remotest danger, that infidelity can destroy the religion and kingdom of Christ. This kingdom, supported by the oath of God, and guarded against its enemies, by the wisdom and strength of omnipotence, will finally break in pieces, and subdue, all opposing kingdoms and interests, and stand forever. But this is no reason, why the friends of religion, and of human happiness, should be indifferent to the spread of those principles, which are everywhere disseminated, with a view of subverting the religion of Jesus. Though his subversion be impossible, as it is impossible, that God should lie, or hat omnipotence should become weak, and unable to accomplish the divine purposes; still it is a truth, which needs no proof, aside from an appeal to facts, that infidelity is more terrible, and more to be avoided, because it is infinitely more hostile to human happiness, than the pestilence, which walketh in darkness. The latter can destroy only the body; but the former, having first infused wormwood and gall into every cup of human enjoyment, must afterwards destroy both soul and body in hell.

Sermon – Election – 1802, Massachusetts


Thomas Baldwin (1753-1823) represented the town of Canaan, NH in the state legislature for a time. He was ordained in 1783 and ministered in towns in New Hampshire until 1790 when he became the pastor of the Second Baptist Church in Boston. This election sermon was preached by Rev. Baldwin in Boston, MA on May 26, 1802.


sermon-election-1802-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, Esq. Governor,

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

May 26, 1802.

BEING THE DAY OF

General Election.

By Thomas Baldwin, A. M.

MINISTER OF THE SECOND BAPTIST CHURCH IN BOSTON.

BOSTON:–PRINTED BY YOUNG & MINNS, STATE PRINTERS.

1802.

 

Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

In the House of Representatives, May 27th, 1802.
ORDERED, That the Hon. Speaker, Mr. Otis, Mr. Russell, Mr. Parkman, Mr. Lowell, Mr. Brown, and Mr. Hunnewell, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Thomas Baldwin, and to thank him in the name of the House, for his discourse delivered before His Excellency The Governor, the Hon. Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature, on the 26th instant, the day of General Election, and to request a copy thereof for the press.

Extract from the Journals.

Attest,
HENRY WARREN, Clerk of the
House of Representatives.

 

ELECTION SERMON.

I PETER, ii. 16.

“AS FREE, AND NOT USING YOUR LIBERTY FOR A CLOKE OF MALICIOUSNESS; BUT AS THE SERVANTS OF GOD.”

 

INNUMERABLE are the favors which indulgent heaven bestows on the children of men. Among the choicest of an earthly nature, we may reckon the enjoyment of personal safety, the acquisition of property, and in general the liberty of doing whatever will not be injurious to the rights of others.

In order to secure these blessings men have been induced to associate together. Their mutual wants and weaknesses urge them to unite for their common safety; and a reciprocation of kind offices, in assisting and protecting each other, forms the bond of their social union.

To give force, however, to such combinations, they must be reduced to system, their principles defined, and order and subordination established. By thus uniting, the strength of the whole body, upon any emergency, can easily be collected to a single point. In this union only individual and personal safety can be enjoyed. It will hence follow, that where the rights and privileges of all are secured, and equal protection extended, all must be under obligations to contribute to the support, and to yield obedience to them who are appointed to carry the public will into effect.

These duties are inferred from the nature of civil government in general, from the express principles of our social compact, and from the plain declarations in the word of God.

The sacred scriptures inform us of the origin and progress of society, several centuries beyond what can be found in any other writings.

The particular history of the Jewish nation for many ages together, and God’s providential dealings towards that highly favoured people, afford us much interesting instruction. Their civil policy, which was principally dictated by God himself, and the influence which religion had in forming their national character, have been faithfully recorded and handed down to us.

The glory of this nation had been gradually declining for five centuries before the Christian era; and at this time they were groaning under the Roman yoke. They were indeed looking for a Messiah, but had no idea that Jesus of Nazareth was the person. They were expecting a temporal deliverer, and not a spiritual Saviour. Therefore when Christ attempted to introduce the gospel dispensation among them, they charged him with a seditious design against the Roman government. And although he declared that his kingdom was not of this world, yet his enemies insisted that he was endeavouring to establish a separate interest, which in its tendency was subversive of social order, and hostile to the existing powers. No inference could be more unjust, nor a charge more false and cruel; yet this pretence Pilate was prevailed upon to give sentence against him. “If, said they, thou lettest this man go, thou art not Caesar’s friend; for whosoever maketh himself a king speaketh against Caesar.”

The same invidious charge was brought against the Disciples of Christ, and often made the pretext for their persecution. They charged Paul with being “a pestilent fellow, and a mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the world.” In order to wipe off a stigma so foul, and to convince his adversaries that the benevolent religion of the gospel was not unfriendly to social order, we find him frequently inculcating upon his Christian brethren, the duties of submission and obedience to established authority. In his epistle to the Romans, he charged them to “be subject to the higher powers;” by which he evidently meant civil magistrates. To give force to the exhortation he adds, “for there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God.” The same Apostle directed Timothy to offer up “supplications, prayers, and intercessions for all that were in authority.” He also charged Titus to put the flock to which he ministered in mind, “to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work.”

It is worthy of observation, that when the Apostle wrote these epistles, the civil authority was wholly in the hands of Heathen magistrates. And some of them too the greatest monsters of cruelty, that were ever suffered to sway a scepter, or disgrace a throne. Tyrants, who were distinguished only by their crimes, and rendered immortal only by their infamy. Yet such was the pacific spirit of the gospel, that Christians were exhorted to “be subject, not only for wrath,” that is for fear of punishment, “but for conscience sake.”

Sentiments similar to these were enforced by the Apostle Peter, in our context. “Submit yourselves, said he, to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake. For this is the will of God, that with well-doing ye may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men. As free, and not using your liberty for a cloke of maliciousness; but as the servants of God.”

The sense of the text will more fully appear, by the following familiar paraphrase. As if he had said; “you will not, my brethren, mistake the nature of your Christian liberty, to suppose that because you profess to be the disciples of Christ, you are freed from your allegiance to the government under which you are placed. It is true, that if the Son hath made you free, then are you free indeed. But this freedom consists in being delivered from the guilt and power of sin, from the dominion of your own lusts, and from final condemnation at the great day when God shall judge the world by Jesus Christ. But instead of lessening your obligations to contribute to the peace and order of society, it greatly increases them. Your duty as Christians is urged by higher motives, and your obedience secured by more solemn sanctions. Submit yourselves therefore to every ordinance of man, designed for the good of society, and not inconsistent with the dictates of your own consciences, or the duties you owe to your God: And thus, by well-doing, you will put to silence the ignorance of foolish men, who represent your sentiments as tending to disloyalty and sedition. As free, but not abusing your liberty in using it as a cloke for malicious conduct; but in all circumstances conducting yourselves faithfully as the servants of God.”

From the subject thus placed before us, we are naturally led to the following inquiries. When may a people be said to be free? What are the means best calculated to preserve their freedom, and promote their happiness and prosperity? And, in what respects are they in danger from the abuse of their liberty?

In order to find a free people, we need not repair to Lybia’s burning sands, to learn the savage customs and manners of those barbarous descendants of Ismael, who indeed boast of their freedom, but whose liberty essentially consists, in committing, with impunity and without a blush, the most flagrant acts of violence and injustice. Nor is it necessary that the restraints imposed by wise and equitable laws should be taken off, and the force of moral principle removed in order to render a people free. Such a state of things would only produce a lawless ungovernable freedom, which would terminate in the worst kind of anarchy and confusion.

It is evident that many who pretend to be the votaries of liberty, never understood its true principles, nor conducted themselves worthy of its blessings. Genuine social liberty can never exist without being protected and supported by law, enlightened and aided by morality and religion.

But what peculiarly distinguishes a free people from all others, is, the right they collectively possess to govern themselves: Or in other words, the right of choosing and establishing their own forms of government; and of appointing to office those who make and execute the laws.

That very considerable privileges may be enjoyed under a despotic government, and that the rights of justice may in general be maintained, will be readily admitted. But if the government exists independent of the governed, they cannot be said to be free. Their security for the few privileges they do enjoy, depends not on their acknowledged rights, but entirely on the will and disposition of the persons in office.

All legitimate governments are, or ought to be founded in compact. For it is not easy to conceive how one man should have a right to rule over another, equally free as himself, without his consent: And should any one presume to exercise authority over any portion of his fellow-men, without their express or implied consent; they might, with great propriety, demand of him by what authority he did it? And who gave him this authority?

But, instead of being founded in compact, most of the governments which exist, owe their origin to some usurping tyrant; who, being more crafty, or more powerful than his neighbors, assumed dominion over them. Power thus wrongfully obtained at first, after descending from hand to hand for a few generations, at length becomes legitimated and confirmed by time.

The people of these United States are peculiarly happy in this respect. Our history does not begin with narrating the exploits of some sanguinary Chief, whose blood-stained crimes like those of Pizarro rendered him the terror of defenceless innocence, and the execration of mankind. No; we glory in a race of ancestors, who were men of the purest morals, and most unsullied virtue. Who were too pious to dissemble, and to independent to submit to ecclesiastical fulminations. Men who were willing to leave their dear native shores, and cross the wide spreading ocean in quest of this better country. Who cheerfully encountered the numerous perils of an inhospitable wilderness, in order to secure to themselves and their posterity, the unmolested enjoyment of civil and religious liberty.

These blessings and privileges they bequeathed with their dying breath to their children; and in defence of this precious legacy, we feel ourselves justified to God and the universe, in appealing to arms in our late glorious revolution.

Our cause was just, and heaven succeeded it. The contest was severe, but victory and glory followed. The sun of freedom which had been gradually rising upon these infant states, now burst forth in meridian splendor. A nation was born in a day. A new era commenced. Another empire appeared on the map of the world. Astonished Europe beheld in this western hemisphere a new constellation. Conjecture was on tiptoe gazing, and speculation with unusual adroitness was endeavouring to find its magnitude and motion. Some thought they discovered a new planet in the political horizon, moving regularly in its own orbit. Others concluded it would prove only a satellite of some European power. But many who viewed it through a set of royal optics, conceived it to be only a baleful comet, portending revolution and war, making a hasty transit, and expected momently it would disappear. But, they had yet to learn that we were “a world by ourselves;” that we were independent Republicans; that we were free.

When the passions incident to a state of war had subsided, and God had given us rest from all our enemies round about, the public attention was naturally drawn to our internal situation. Our provisional government, which, like the tabernacle in the wilderness, had been erected during our revolutionary march, was too defective and inefficient for our future security. It was unable to preserve public credit, or secure public confidence. It hence became indispensibly necessary in order to consolidate the union of the States, and to give permanency and dignity to our national character, that a new Constitution should be formed. That the powers of the different branches of the general government should be specifically defined; their limits so distinctly marked as not to interfere with each other; and sufficient energy given to the whole, to support order and tranquility at home, honor and good faith with all nations with whom we were connected abroad.

Delegates were accordingly appointed by the different States who met in convention for this purpose. This was at a time and under circumstances peculiarly favourable to the design. The attachments which we once felt for royalty, had been completely subdued, by a long series of tyrannical and vindictive oppression. Nor had been completely subdued, by a long series of tyrannical and vindictive oppression. Nor had the Republican name at this time, been disgraced by acts of cruelty and irreligion. The friendly ties which bound us together during the period of our common danger, had scarcely began to slacken; and invidious distinctions between the different States were made (if at all) with great caution. Party-spirit, that Apollyon of all popular governments as yet slept in silent embryo. (Would to God its sleep had been perpetual.) No suspicious circumstances of personal power and aggrandizement, awakened either our jealousies or our fears. Nor could we feel any, for at the head of this venerable assembly was our late illustrious Chief. But not in arms like a perpetual Dictator, awing them into submission to his will. No; for like Timolion when he saw his country free, he sheathed his sword and returned to the rank of a private citizen. Never was there an Assembly convened upon a more interesting and important occasion. For not only the present fate of their country, but the future destiny of unborn millions depended upon their decisions. They were to lay the foundation of an empire, the extent and duration of which it was impossible to calculate.—What an august spectacle was here! The Fathers of our tribes deliberately forming a plan of government. The volumes of antiquity were open before them, and the experience of all nations and ages enriched their discussions. After surveying the interests of the whole, and making such mutual concessions, as local circumstances required, they unanimously agreed in the essential articles of our present excellent Constitution. It was then submitted again to the several States, and by them examined, approved and accepted, and thus became the supreme law of the land. This it is conceived is literally a social compact, what political writers 1 have said to the contrary, notwithstanding.

This sacred instrument ought to be considered as the great charter of our rights and privileges, and as the foundation of our national civil policy. So long as we preserve it inviolate, and govern ourselves according to its true spirit, so long we shall continue to be a free people. It will be impossible for despotic power to support itself in America, until we basely degenerate from the spirit of our ancestors, and depart entirely from the principles of our confederation.

One great security against the abuse of power, is the short tenure by which it is held. No offices are made hereditary, and for this plain reason I conceive, that talents and virtue, which are essential qualifications, are not hereditary.

No country ever exhibited a fairer specimen of moral justice than ours, nor can any be found of equal population where capital punishments are less frequent. It is not because we suffer crimes to go unpunished, but by encouraging sober habits and moral principles, we in a great degree prevent them. Our laws indeed are mild, and not like those of Draco, written in blood.

Religion, at all times essential to the well-being of society, though not established, is protected and encouraged by the laws of our country. This sentiment corresponds with that divine declaration, “By Me kings reign and princes decree justice;” importing, that they need Christ’s religion to support their tottering thrones, but that his cause could exist without their authority. No sectarian creed is imposed by law upon any man, nor have we any national formulary excepting the Bible; and every man is at liberty to interpret this according to the dictates of his own conscience, and is accountable only to God for his errors.

Oppression may gain a temporary existence under the purest government, by the mismanagement of particular agents; but it ought not to be attributed to the laws, but to their perversion.

The Constitution of this Commonwealth declares itself the friend and protector of every man, who demeans himself quietly and peaceably as a good subject, let his religious sentiments be what they may. It has also decreed, that “no subordination of any one sect or denomination to another shall ever be established by law.”

If it be acknowledged that men have a right to serve God according to the light of their own understandings, then they cannot be constitutionally deprived of the means of serving him. It is not enough that the mind be left free; for the command is, thou shalt “honor the Lord with thy substance.” What Moses said when he was about to leave Egypt will apply in the present case; “Our cattle also, said he, shall go with us, there shall not an hoof be left behind; for thereof must we take to serve the Lord our God; and we know not with what we must serve the Lord until we are come hither.”

It is with peculiar pleasure that we observe at the present day, the increasing prevalence of Christian candor and liberality. This candor it is hoped, is not the offspring of torpid indifferency; much less of infidelity; but arises from more just and enlarged views of the nature and genius of the gospel. While Christians are less zealous in defending some of the outworks of the system, they ought to be more firmly united in supporting the essential articles of the “Faith once delivered to the Saints.”

Having thus considered some of our most essential rights both civil and sacred which we possess, and which we hope to convey unimpaired to our children; shall I be chargeable with vanity in saying, there never has been a nation whose history has come down to our knowledge, which has enjoyed civil and religious liberty in a greater degree than we do. If we are not a free people, I confess it surpasses my ingenuity to conceive how a people can be so.

We proceed Secondly to inquire, What are the means best calculated to preserve our freedom, and to promote our happiness and prosperity?

To which it may be answered, 1. That as all popular governments depend in a great degree on public sentiment, it is highly important that this should be enlightened.

It is an observation which I believe will not be controverted; that the more despotic a government is, the more ignorant the people generally are. It is undoubtedly the interest of those in power to keep them so. For were they once so enlightened as to understand the nature of civil liberty, and to act upon any rational system in recovering their usurped rights, it would be impossible to keep them in subjection. It is justly observed by Paley, that “the physical strength resides in the governed.” It is, therefore, truly astonishing to see millions of rational beings, no ways “deficient in strength or courage,” submitting to the will of a single tyrant; and with all the docility of the laboring ox, put their necks quietly under his yoke. Still to keep up this ignorance every manly sentiment is suppressed, and every ray of political light shut out, and the slavish doctrine of nonresistance and passive obedience inculcated, with all the zeal of fanaticism, and enforced with the terrors of everlasting punishment.

In a representative republic just the reverse of this becomes necessary. Here, it is all-important that the people should be enlightened; as they are the acknowledged source of all power, whether legislative or executive. Correct political information, therefore, cannot be too generally and widely diffused.

As the public papers are the common medium of this information, it is of the highest importance to the well-being of society, that they should be conducted with intelligence and ability, and like a witness under oath, that they should “tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.” Public opinion, which often controls the most important concerns of a government, is itself controuled and directed by so trifling a thing as a News-paper. If misrepresentations and falsehood are propagated instead of truth, the consequence will be, the people will be misled, and their liberties endangered. But the full vengeance of an abused public, will in the end, return upon the heads of those who have been thus guilty of deceiving them.

We also add, those literary institutions founded by our venerable ancestors, for the education of youth, with others of a later date; and to which the present improved state of society is so much indebted, must be cherished and supported with unabating solicitude. There can hardly be a subject more interesting to a community, or more deserving of legislative attention, than the education of youth and children. When this is neglected, an injury is done to society which it is impossible to repair. It is equally a violation of the law of nature, and of the express command of God. To bring up our children in the “nurture and admonition of the Lord;” is an apostolic injunction. It will be impossible to do this, if we neglect their education. The Legislature of this Commonwealth have done much already, and we hope they will not “be weary in well doing;” and that their last works may be more than their first.

As those impressions which are made upon the minds of children, are seldom if ever erased; it is the more important that their education should be properly conducted. It was a judicious remark of an ancient king of Lacedemon, “That nothing should be taught children, but what may be eventually useful.” Their tender minds frequently imbibe sentiments at a much earlier period than we are apt to conceive, which have an influence ever after upon their conduct. Hannibal, was but nine years old when he was led to the altar by Hamilcar his father, and took the oath of perpetual enmity to the Romans. The solemnity of this transaction made an impression upon his mind, which probably accounts for his future conduct towards that people.

Those to whom this important trust is committed, ought to be men of principle as well as talents. A vicious man, always lacks an essential qualification to inculcate the principles of virtue. To protect and aid the opening germ of genius; “to teach the young ideas how to shoot;” to give a proper set to the wayward passions; and above all to impress the tender mind with the love of virtue and religion; though a delightful is a very arduous task. Favoured, as we are, with public schools, academies, and other literary institutions, we may hope “that our sons may be as plants grown up in their youth; that our daughters may be as corner stones, polished, after the similitude of a palace.”

But however polished and enlightened a people may be; they cannot expect long to enjoy either freedom or prosperity unless they are virtuous.—We therefore add, 2d. That the practice of moral virtue, or religion, is essential to the prosperity, if not to the existence of a free government. Where the authority of God is treated with contempt, and the great principles of morality and religion are disregarded, it must be expected that the vile passions will triumph and reign; and instead of rational liberty nothing will remain but an unbounded licentiousness.

Public confidence always attaches to moral principle; and hence in the same proportion this is vitiated, that is weakened. I appeal to the good sense of this enlightened audience, whether you can possibly repose the same confidence in a man who convinces you that he has no belief in the moral perfections of the Deity, and who does not feel himself accountable to such a Being, as in one who gives evidence that he acts under the influence of religious principle, and with a view to a day of final retribution?

If we look back into the remotest depths of Jewish antiquity, we shall find their most distinguished Patriarchs acting under the influence of this principle; and not unfrequently appealing to an invisible Power, to confirm and give solemnity to their social transactions. The same sentiment prevailed in the Pagan world.

Amphictyon, by whose eloquence and address the Grecian cities were first prevailed upon to unite for their common safety, was so fully convinced, that “those political connections are the most lasting, which are strengthened by religion,” that he committed to the council at Thermopylae, the care of the Delphian Temple.

The religion of the Bible, above all others, has a peculiar tendency to cement and strengthen the bands of society, and promote the happiness of mankind. It inculcates the purest precepts, and exemplifies the most amiable virtues. Every man, let his rank in society be what it may, will here find his duty plainly pointed out, and illustrated by example.

From the history given of the Jewish people, and the different characters of their civil rulers, the magistrates of other nations may derive the most interesting lessons of instruction. They will find, that those who ruled in integrity and uprightness, and walked in the fear of the Lord, were blessed in their administrations, and their people were prosperous and happy. On the other hand, those who disregarded the counsels of heaven, and chose out their own ways, generally involved themselves and the nation in calamity and ruin.

When a virtuous pious Prince was upon the throne, it frequently produced an immediate effect upon the manners and moral character of the people. What a surprising and happy change was often visible! The monuments of idolatry were destroyed, and the worship of the true God restored. The temple doors which had been closed, were opened, the sanctuary cleansed, and the fire which had gone out rekindled upon their altars. The Priests and Levites, who had fled to their fields, were invited back, and placed in their courses, and the service of the house of the Lord set in order.

What was the consequence of all this? Universal joy and gladness. Righteousness, peace, and tranquility reigned throughout the nation.

Whenever their government fell into the hands of wicked idolatrous rulers, their pernicious principles and example, like a contagious leaven, would seem to run through the whole lump. The people would relapse again into idolatry, and vice and irreligion triumph.

Perhaps it may be asked, whether this people might not, upon the whole, have been as free and happy without any religion as with? Or whether the worshipping the true God rather than Baal had a tendency to promote their national prosperity? Their history shall furnish the answer. God forbid, that we should make the experiment, as it may be attended with very dangerous consequences!

The following account will serve to illustrate the idea: When the ten tribes revolted from the family of David, they set up Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin. After his death we have the following account given by the sacred historian:–“Now for a long time Israel hath been without the true God, without a teaching priest, and without law.” This bore a strong resemblance to what in modern times is called the “age of reason.” What a happy situation this people must have thought themselves in? Delivered from all fear and dread of that holy, just Being, whom we call God! Not only so, but they were freed from the intolerable burden and imposing dogmas of a teaching priest. This sacred class of men were deemed entirely useless, and were either dismissed or driven from the sanctuary. And to complete this happy state of things, they were also without law. No restraint from any quarter. What, no God! No priest! No law! Then consequently no future accountability! This was liberty worthy the name. What an immense harvest of felicity was now ripening before them? Could they possibly fail of being the happiest people in the world, when every obstacle was so entirely removed out of the way? We appeal to experience and fact, those great detectors of human errors, for an answer. They declare with great solemnity, that “in those times there was no peace to him that went out nor to him that came in; but great vexations were upon all the inhabitants of the countries; and nation was destroyed of nation, and city of city; for God did vex them with all adversity.”

This is no more than what might be reasonably expected: For when a people give up their religion, and renounce the authority of God, they will not hesitate to overleap all bounds of law and morality, and destroy one another.

From this brief specimen it appears, that the social order and happiness of a community depend essentially on the influence of moral principle; and we may venture to say, should this be destroyed, exterior force can never supply its place. Without it, we shall never practice that “righteousness which exalteth a nation;” but shall inevitably fall into those “sins which are the reproach of any people.”

There never has been a people, since the tribes ransomed from Egyptian bondage, under greater obligations to their God than we are; and should we basely apostatize from our holy religion, and use our liberty only for a cloke of maliciousness, we must expect some chosen curse will pursue us to final ruin.

But in a world like this, neither innocency nor uprightness will always preserve a people from the designs of avarice and ambition.

We, therefore, add 3d, Another mean of preserving our liberty and of promoting our prosperity is the power we possess of defending ourselves. Without the means of self-defence, the liberties of a people can never be safe. A state of weakness always invites aggression. Ambitious men seldom want a pretext to plunder and destroy such as have not the power of resistance. Popular governments have been supposed less capable of self-defence, than those of a monarchical form; because it is thought to be more difficult to collect their energies, and direct them to any certain point. Hence the destiny of our Republic has often been predicted by the fate of others. It has been supposed that the seeds of mortality are sown in the constitution of all Republics, that they grow with their growth, and strengthen with their strength, and that their early dissolution follows of course. But this is not true as applied to them in particular. No human government is exempt from disaster and change. Should it be asked, where are those republics of Greece and Rome, which make such a figure in ancient history? In reply, I would ask, where are those mighty monarchies which were raised on their ruins? The Grecian republics, retained their freedom for seven centuries; whereas the monarchy, which by the arms of Alexander was extended over great part of the known world, scarcely outlived its founder. The republic of Rome, after the expulsion of Tarquin, maintained its liberties for five hundred years. Nor did the empire, though one of the most powerful and despotic that ever existed, continue longer. It commenced nearly with the Christian era, was divided in the beginning of the 4th century, by Constantine, and in the fifth, wholly subverted, and a barbarous Chieftain seated on the throne of the Caesars. The causes which brought on the ruin of Sparta, Carthage, and Rome itself, are too well known to require a recital on this occasion.

It must here be remembered, however, that our republic differs essentially, in its constitution and genius, from all others, both ancient and modern. Had the Grecian states, instead of their Amphictyon Council, formed a permanent government like ours, they could not have been practiced upon separately, and ruined by the insidious arts of Philip, of Macedon. But, my brethren, we are blessed with a government which combines energy with freedom. God hath also put in our power ample means of defence; and we may hope, under the auspices of an indulgent Providence, long to enjoy our precious privileges.

When we look back to that perilous moment when we first assumed the attitude of self-defence, and compare our present situation and resources with what they then were, gratitude and joy rush in upon our souls, and constrain us to say, “the Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.”

We are by the providence of God, at this time, in the honorable and quiet possession of a country of vast extent and fertility. Our soil, luxuriant as the land of Nile; and our atmosphere, pure as that which surrounded the famed Helicon. The wide Atlantic laves our eastern board, and forms one barrier to the progress of invasion; and at the same time wafts to our shores the fruits and treasures of every clime. On its bays and inlets our ancient towns and cities are planted. Here, the busy multitude throng; and trade, and commerce collect their immense stores of wealth. Here, elegance and refinement unite their powers, to please the imagination and improve the heart.

On the west, the Mississippi rolls in majestic grandeur; and by receiving the waters of the Ohio into its bosom, opens a communication of vast extent into those fertile regions. Here, the wilderness is turned into a fruitful field, and golden harvests smile in the rays of a setting sun. Where the Savage lately pursued his nimble chase, we now behold large towns and flourishing villages, adorned with temples sacred to religion, and crowded with devout and adoring worshippers of the Lamb.

No considerable part of our extensive territory, but what is capable under the hand of cultivation, of yielding subsistence for man.

Were we to rise with the morning sun, and travel on its rays round the globe, we should not find a nation more distinguished by its blessings than our own. Every uneasy thought therefore must be deemed ingratitude, and every murmur rebellion against heaven.

Should a foreign enemy attempt to invade our country, he would meet a phalanx of veterans more impenetrable than walls of granite. Our dependence is not on foreign auxiliaries or mercenary aid; but under God, we rely on the skill and bravery of our own citizens. Do we need ships of war? Our own immense forests, our forges and work-shops furnish the materials; and our skillful artisans construct them in a manner, equal, if not superior to any which float on the bosom of the deep. Indeed, every article necessary in the whole apparatus of war, is, or may be furnished by ourselves. It is not then to be believed, that five millions of people, breathing the air of freedom and tasting her joys, inured to hardy enterprise, and lords of the soil they cultivate, can ever be conquered by any foreign foe, unless the stars in their courses fight against them.

With such immense and increasing resources, our only danger arises from the abuse of our liberty, which was the last thing in the method to be attended to.

Permit me briefly to observe on two or three particulars. The right of private judgment, or what is commonly called liberty of conscience, is one of our dearest privileges. This right is unalienable in its nature. For the enjoyment of this, our forefathers left their friends and country, and sought an asylum in this then howling wilderness. But precious as this privilege is, it is liable to abuse. A very malicious design may be concealed under the cloke of religious liberty. It is to be feared that many under this pretence, are in reality opposing and endeavouring to destroy all religion. Some by denying, others by corrupting its important doctrines and institutions. This is an abuse too for which there is no legal remedy. It seems to be beyond the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. According to our context, his power extends only to the punishment of evil doers, and not erroneous or heretical opinions. He that undertakes to decide on another’s sincerity, ought certainly to know his heart; other ways, in attempting to root out these tares, he will be in danger of destroying the wheat. I know of nothing but light that will remove darkness; nor any antidote to error but truth. If men will abuse their Christian liberty, they must answer it to God.

Another important privilege, is the right of electing our own civil rulers. This is the distinguishing criterion of a free government. But we are in great danger of abusing this privilege; and especially at such a season as the present, when party spirit is wrought up to its highest pitch. When we suffer our prejudices and passions to influence our choice; when our judgment and conscience are sacrificed at the shrine of party zeal; when we pass over tried merit, and prefer an unworthy candidate because he is of a particular party; do we not then abuse our liberty? If our elections are biased and corrupted, our government will be corrupt, and consequently, our liberty will be endangered.

I add once more, The right to investigate the official conduct of all public agents, and in a respectful decent manner to publish our opinions of them, is one of the privileges of a free people. But, when under this pretence, we calumniate and asperse the characters of our rulers, and endeavour to expose them to public contempt, this is a very malicious and dangerous abuse of our liberty. It is not easy to calculate the extent of this mischief; for by traducing their characters, and misrepresenting their motives and measures, we destroy public confidence, and prepare the minds of the less informed part of the community for complete opposition and revolt. This abuse has also another bad effect: It tends to alienate one citizen from another, and kindle the flame of discord throughout the nation.

To guard against this, we need only to reflect, that our national safety and prosperity depend chiefly upon our union. So long as we continue virtuous and united, we have little to fear. But should patient Heaven, offended by our aggravated provocations, give us up to a spirit of national distraction and discord, our ruin would be speedy and inevitable.

The fate of all preceding Republics, and the causes which accelerated their ruin, have been recorded by the faithful historian. Signals also have been placed on all the rocks and shoals on which they foundered, to give us the friendly warning. I have been trying to read the inscriptions on these monuments, but can make out distinctly only the three following words, which seem to have been written in capitals, LUXURY, EFFEMINACY, and DISUNION. “United we stand, divided we fall.” This was our motto in those “times which tried men’s souls.” The sentiment is equally important at this time. Young Sampson’s great strength, we are told, lay in seven locks united in one head; but ours in seventeen. If we suffer them to be shorn, or a part cut off, our strength will most certainly depart from us.

Is it not then the duty of every friend to his country to discountenance every attempt to alienate one part of our citizens from another? Whoever endeavours to induce the belief, that the interests of one State are incompatible with those of another, or with the interests of the whole, ought to be considered, at least, as a very doubtful friend.

But it may be said, the speaker is only opposing a “man of straw.” I could wish indeed we had been said and done been without meaning? If so, it ought to have been suppressed. I am sure many well-informed persons 2 have been seriously alarmed at the progress of arty disaffection; and have feared lest some untoward circumstance should provoke the mad attempt to divide our hitherto happy Republic. Should we once begin the work of separation, God knows where it may end, and what the consequences may be. It will be remembered that the imprudent conduct of Rehoboam, urged on by the impetuous zeal of the young men who were about him, caused ten tribes to revolt from the house of David. What was the consequence? A civil war; in which half a million fell by the sword! The greatest slaughter, which, perhaps, has ever been in a single battle since the world began.

The danger of disunion, which we are considering, was contemplated by our late beloved Washington, and a most solemn warning given us in his farewell address. Permit me to enrich my discourse with a paragraph from it. “The unity of government, (saith he) which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of an attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.” This seasonable advice, it is hoped, will have its weight. You will remember that though dead, he yet speaketh.

Nor can a doubt be entertained, but his worthy successor, our late excellent President, held the same sentiment with regard to our union; and had he addressed the people when retiring from office, we may presume he would have exhorted us to cleave to our federal union as the “sheet-anchor” of our hopes.

Permit me to add, that whatever difference of opinion there may be in other respects, our present Chief Magistrate, in his inaugural speech, has recommended the same important sentiment with peculiar beauty and energy. But I am not insensible, that, considering the divided state of public opinion, I am here venturing on a point of very great delicacy; and yet to pass wholly unnoticed the Federal Administration, which has been constantly mentioned on all similar occasions, might be deemed disrespectful to the constituted authorities of our country. I do not, however, feel myself authorized, either to eulogize or to censure.

It is but just to observe, that our present Chief Magistrate, as well as his predecessors, was among the first asserters of our freedom and independence. At this early period, his distinguished talents and patriotism, procured him the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. When we add to this, the many important offices he has sustained with reputation, both in his own State and under the General Government, we shall not doubt his ability to conduct our public affairs, in such a manner as shall promote our prosperity, and do honor to the American character.

It will not be denied that the present administration differs in some important points from the preceding; and that a new order of things in some respects is taking place. What the final effect will be upon our political happiness and prosperity must be left for time to determine. I will only add, our religious as well as our political sentiments, oblige us to “give custom to whom custom, and honor to whom honor is due.”

It is confidently hoped, that the distinguished rank which this Commonwealth has hitherto held in the American union, will be maintained with increasing influence and splendor. That our citizens may be as remarkable for the practice of moral virtue, as for their regard to rational liberty and social order; and that we may ever be indulged with the propitious smiles of that gracious Providence, which has hitherto directed our destiny. Happy indeed shall we be, if our heavenly Parent may say of us as of Israel of old; “They seek me daily, and delight to know my ways, as a nation that did righteousness, and forsook not the ordinance of their God; they ask of me the ordinances of justice; they take delight in approaching unto God.” “Happy is that people that is in such a case, yea happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”

The pleasures of this interesting anniversary, which collects together so many of our civil and religious Fathers, are greatly heightened by the presence of the Chief Magistrate of our Commonwealth.

Whilst decency forbids adulation, it is presumed that every good man esteems the approbation of his friends, next to that of his own conscience. And although he does not seek their applause, yet it must afford him pleasure to know, that his endeavours to serve their interests have not been unacceptable.

The increasing marks of esteem and confidence, manifested in the late election, are the best eulogy upon his Excellency’s past administration. He will please to accept our sincere congratulations on his re-election to the important office he sustains. Every class of citizens look up to him with an emboldened confidence, that he will cherish their interests, and consider himself with his people, as a father with his children. They have the fullest satisfaction, that his authority and example will be united in supporting good order, in encouraging and protecting virtue and religion; and in promoting every measure which shall tend to the general interest of the people.

It must be pleasing to his Excellency to reflect, that by their own choice he presides over a free people; and he may be assured that he cannot enjoy greater pleasure in serving them, than they do in honoring him. That his Excellency’s life and health may be preserved, and that he may be enabled to discharge the difficult duties of his exalted station to acceptance, our fervent prayer shall be offered up continually to Almighty God on his behalf; that when his term of service on earth shall be completed, he may be received to the immortal felicities and rewards of the heavenly state.

His Honor the Lieutenant Governor elect, will indulge us to express the satisfaction we feel, in his election to the second office in the gift of the people of this Commonwealth. From his long acquaintance with our public affairs, as well as from his talents and patriotism, we have full confidence in his assistance and co-operation with the Executive, in all the important concerns of the government. He will remember that he is to fill a place which has lately been rendered vacant by the death of one of the most amiable and best of men. A man in whom “political wisdom, patriotic virtue,” and undissembled piety all united and shone.

While the life of the deceased may serve as an example to his successor, his death will admonish him of the end of all human greatness. With such an example before him, may his public career be equally honorable to himself, and acceptable to the multitude of his brethren.

The Honorable Council, share in our respectful attention, as an assistant branch in the executive department of our government.

The elevated station they fill, as well as their own personal qualities, entitle them to our esteem and veneration. We repose great confidence in their candor and integrity in those cases where their advice and consent may be required; especially in the appointment of persons to office. That they will feel themselves above the reach of party influence, and will recommend the claims of merit, arising from fitness of character, rather than those of interest and ambition.

We have only to add our best wishes, that, whilst they essentially aid the interests of government, they may also by their example give encouragement to the cause of religion; and like that honorable Counselor of Arimathea, may they be willing, not only to lend their tombs to Jesus if needed, but may they consecrate their hearts for his throne.

The Honorable Gentlemen composing the two Branches of the Legislature, will permit us to express the lively interest we feel in the repeated marks of respect with which their friends have honored them; but especially in their present appointment. By accepting this confidential trust, they pledge themselves to the faithful discharge of it.

The duty of legislation is at all times difficult, and often perplexing. It is rendered peculiarly so at this time, by the divided state of public opinion. It would favor of an intolerant spirit to suppose, that good men may not be aiming to promote the same object, while they differ in the means best calculated to attain it. Mutual candor and forbearance, therefore, will be necessary, in order to preserve peace, and promote the public welfare.

It is reasonably expected that our honored Rulers, in the whole of their conduct as legislators, will be governed by the great principles of justice and benevolence; and that every other interest will be subordinated to the public good. That they will enforce by example, what they inculcate by precept.

In all their attempts to aid the interests of morality and religion, great care will be taken not to infringe the rights of conscience. These ought to be held sacred as the prohibited tree in the garden of Eden, and the flaming sword should be employed only to guard the way. What Pindar said of Magistrates, may be applied on the present occasion. “Be just, said he, in all your actions, faithful in all your words, and remember that thousands of witnesses have their eyes upon you.”

Many are the motives to fidelity, but none more weighty than the consideration of future accountability. Under these solemn impressions, our honored Rulers will attend to the important duties of this day, and during their continuance in office. In their most zealous deliberations they will not forget, that “God standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods.” May all their public transactions tend to promote the various interests of the Commonwealth; and to strengthen the bonds of our National Union. And after having served their generation according to the will of God, when they shall fall asleep, may they be gathered to their fathers in peace.

Ye venerable Ministers of the Sanctuary; ye servants of the most High God; who show unto men the way of salvation. While our civil rulers, who have invited us this day to the house of God, continue to reverence the institutions of religion, and to respect and honor its ministers; you will not cease daily to offer up intercessions and prayers for all that are in authority. Nor will you cease to “put the people in mind to be subject to principalities and powers, to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work.” And may God Almighty bless your unwearied labors of love.

Fellow citizens of this respectable audience. How great, and how precious the privileges we enjoy! While so many of our fellow beings inhabit the dark regions of slavery and despotism; and bow with degrading reverence before some lordly tyrant, who sits upon a throne of ebony, swaying an iron scepter; we have the peculiar felicity to live under a free government. Our rulers are of ourselves, and our governors proceed from the midst of us. When thus cloathed with power, we are bound to honor them as the ministers of God, who exercise their authority not for their own emolument, but for the public good. Let us therefore endeavour to strengthen their hands, by a cordial acquiescence in every measure promotive of our common interest. If we do not protect our laws, our laws will not protect us. By our civil and religious habits let us shew to the world that Americans are worthy of freedom.

Be careful how you entertain unreasonable jealousies and suspicions of your old and long tried friends. But when you hear a man, whose integrity and talents never introduced him to public notice, saying, “Oh that I were made judge in the land;” although his face may be as fair as Absolom’s, you have reason to suspect that there are “seven abominations in his heart.” I feel a persuasion, my fellow citizens, that you are from principle attached to our republican system; and that you would oppose with energy and firmness any attempts to change it. Should any furious demagogue hereafter presume to play the tyrant, and by any unconstitutional measures place himself in the chair of state, should we tamely submit to it? No, the spirit of the American people would rise indignant, and hurl the wretch from his seat, and turn him out to graze as the Chaldeans did Nebuchadnezzar.

Brethren, “you have been called unto liberty, only use not your liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one another.” Cherish therefore all those friendly affections which unite man with man, and sweeten the pleasures of social life. Above all things let the gospel of the grace of God rule in your hearts. If you are made free from civil tyranny and oppression, never suffer yourselves to be the slaves of sin. No servitude can be more degrading. But having obtained redemption through the blood of Christ, even the forgiveness of sins, let us “stand fast in the liberty wherewith he hath made us free, and not be entangled again with the yoke of bondage.” And will the God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Israel; the God of our Fathers, delight to dwell with us and bless us, and be our God now and evermore; Amen.

 


1.Paley, supposes there never was such a thing as a social compact, strictly speaking, but allows that this comes the nearest of anything to be met with. See also Burgh’s Polit. Disq.

2.See Governor Trumbull’s Speech, at the opening of the Conecticut Assembly in October last.

Sermon – Fasting – 1805, New Hampshire


Seth Payson (1758-1820) graduated from Harvard in 1777. He was the pastor of the Congregational church in Rindge, NH (1782-1820). This sermon was preached by Payson in New Hampshire on the state’s annual fast day of April 11, 1805.


sermon-fasting-1805-new-hampshire

AN ABRIDGMENT

OF TWO

DISCOURSES,

PREACHED AT RINDGE,

AT THE

ANNUAL FAST,

APRIL 11TH, 1805.

BY SETH PAYSON, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN RINDGE.

A
FAST SERMON.

 

DANIEL IV. 17.

TO THE INTENT THAT THE LIVING MAY KNOW, THAT THE MOST HIGH RULETH IN THE KINGDOM OF MEN, AND GIVETH IT TO WHOMSOEVER HE WILL, AND SETTETH UP OVER IT THE BASEST OF MEN.

Right views of the Divine Government are strongly connected with practical religion. The various exercises of submission, gratitude, trust in God, and prayer to him, evidently much depend upon our ideas of a superintending providence. A large proportion, both of the doctrinal and historical parts of the sacred writings are, therefore, calculated to enforce right sentiments upon this subject; and especially to teach us that wicked men, and wicked spirits, are under the entire control of the Supreme Ruler. The Providence of God is no less to be acknowledged in the evils we suffer from wicked agents, than in natural and accidental calamities, although less regarded in the former case, than in the latter.

To teach us that wicked men are instruments in the hands of God, to execute his holy purposes, is declared in the test to be the design of the memorable event to which this passage relates. It was signified to the king of Babylon in a dream that, as a punishment of his crimes, he should be seized with such a peculiar delirium, as should not only deprive him of the understanding of a man, but reduce him to the feelings and the life of a brute; so that, quitting the society and food of men, he should for seven years, dwell with the beasts of the field, and eat grass as oxen. And that the design of this uncommon judgment was to teach him, and other vain mortals, that there is a righteous God who sees, and will punish their pride and wickedness.

In our meditations on this passage, our attention is particularly led to consider – the character here given of Jehovah as Most High – that the fate of kingdoms, and the rise and fall of empires are determined by his will – and the special act of his providence, in setting over the nations of the earth the basest of men.

First. The character here given of Jehovah, as the Most High, affords a subject for devotional meditations. It is a title expressive of the infinite and incomparable perfections of the divine nature. With what propriety is it given to him whose power is Almighty – who by one omnipotent word gave being to the universe, and in comparison with whom “all the nations of the earth are but as the drop of the bucket, and the small dust of the balance”? Because creatures acquire more force, with respect to their fellow-creatures, by uniting their strength and numbers; hence, judging of their Maker by themselves, sinners feel a security arising from the numbers combined with them in rebellion. But the atheism of the heart is the only foundation of this delusive hope. What did numbers avail the sinners of the old world – or what the multitude of Pharaoh’s host, when justice decreed their destruction? The joint force of men and angels forms no obstacle to the process of omnipotent wrath.

Nor is Jehovah less exalted above creatures in wisdom and understanding than in power. The enemies of God have much confidence in the subtlety of their machinations. They fancy themselves able at least to embarrass the measures of the divine administration. The partial success he is pleased at times to grant them encourages this vain confidence; but when almost at the pinnacle of their hopes, they are ready to shout that the victory is their own, how oft by a sudden turn of the wheels of his providence does he crush all their counsels, and plunge them into the pit which they have digged. The Wisdom of God is able not only to defeat the most subtle craft of his enemies, but to render their attempts subservient to that very purpose they were intended to defeat. The wrath of man, and the rage of devils shall promote his praise.

Secondly. The fate of kingdoms, and the rise and fall of empires are determined by his sovereign will. The events of human life impress the mind very differently, accordingly as they are viewed either by faith, or an eye of sense. The natural eye discovers nothing in the events of human life, but a series of causes and effects, in which the visible means only are regarded. But the believer sees all events subjected to the disposing mind of God, pursuing, by a steady and invariable progress, its own designs – overturning all opposition, and converting the efforts of its enemies into means of effecting its high and holy purposes.

Indeed, second causes have their place. God operates by means and instruments; but natural, no less than miraculous events, are minutely fulfilling the purposes of his will.

We have no grounds to suppose that any thing out of the ordinary course of providence appeared in the advancement of Pharaoh to the throne of Egypt, yet the hand of God in this event is expressly asserted. The rise and downfall of the four distinguished monarchies of Assyria, Babylon, Greece and Rome, were effected by natural causes, yet in those events we see the fulfillment of divine predictions. Before men were blessed with the instructions of a complete revelation, to make his hand more visible, God often miraculously interposed both in acts of mercy and judgment. There needs not the supernatural interposition of a divine power to overturn the walls of a devoted nation; nor that the “stars in their courses” should be armed, as against Sisera of old. Were other means wanting, the blindness of man’s minds, and the strong corruptions of their hearts, afford abundant means of inflicting the heaviest calamities upon a guilty nation.

The hand of God is asserted in the judgments which Abimelech, and the Sechemites inflicted on each other, as the punishment of their mutual crime, while their own wicked tempers, were the instruments of this punishment. And in the predicted destruction of Jerusalem, it was notorious, and acknowledged by Titus the Roman general, that a divine vengeance gave into his hand fortresses, impregnable to every human effort; yet the only visible mean by which this end was effected, was the madness of party rage.

“Heaven first infatuates whom it would destroy.”

Thirdly, – The subject offers to our consideration a particular act of his providence, viz. in raising to power and dominion the basest of men. Whether we consider this phrase, as descriptive of persons low in birth, and the rank they sustain in society, or of those, who are vile in a moral and religious view, facts are not wanting to confirm its truth.

He raises to rank and power those, whose former conditions gave no prospect of such advancement. “The Lord maketh poor and maketh rich; he bringeth low and lifteth up. He raiseth up the poor out of the dust, and lifteth up the beggar from the dunghill, to set them among princes, and to make them inherit the throne of glory.” 1 Joseph who was raised from a prison, to be the Lord of Pharaoh’s house; and David, exalted from the sheepfold to the kingdom of Israel, are instances, which illustrate this explanation of the text.

But as a low rank in society, unless the result of wicked practices, does not render men really base, the term applies to such, merely in a figurative sense. In strict propriety it belongs only to those who are base in a religious view. All wicked men are base. They are strangers to those principles of action which adorn human nature, and which constitute the glory and dignity of rational beings. Wicked men have a conviction of their own vileness; and where their judgments are not under the influence of self love, they reprobate those very principles, by which, they themselves are actuated. Whenever they attempt to paint an excellent character, unless lost to all moral feelings, they never take the portrait from themselves. Instead of describing their hero as proud, selfish, ambitious of power, hypocritical in religion, or as pursuing his own private interest under a pretended concern for the public weal, they present us with the picture of a virtuous and good man – a friend of mankind – rising above selfish views, and possessing the soul of genuine benevolence. Conscious of their own baseness, wicked men carefully conceal their real characters, under the garb of virtue, fidelity, zeal for the public good, and the welfare of mankind.

The phraseology of the text likewise reminds us, that, among this base part of society, there are degrees of deformity. All who are destitute of fixed principles of goodness, have not arrived to that hardiness and impudence in sin – that unfeeling stupidity of conscience – that entire depravation of moral sense, which renders them deserving the infamous distinction, of the basest of men.

That persons to whom this epithet is applicable in its full extent, are raised to places of dignity and power — and that this takes place by the disposing, righteous providence of Jehovah, are two distinct branches of the general doctrine now under consideration.

1. That the basest of men in the sense above explained, have been raised to places of dignity and power — is a truth, however reproachful to those who have been instrumental in their exaltation, conspicuous in the history of every nation. Never was a term more properly applied, than this in our text, to many who have been invested with imperial crowns, and raised to stations of the highest responsibility.

They are fitly characterized, the basest of men, for hey have risen to power by the basest means. Some wading to empire through torrents of blood—the blood of innocents. Others have gained by bribery, by flattery, and the basest collusion, what they wanted the means of effecting by coercion. The garb of flaming patriotism has been assumed—the vices and follies of mankind have been addressed—the weak and uninformed, misled, and all the arts of popular deception put in practice, to gain an influence promotive of their aspiring views. The wise and good, in every society, form a barrier to the ambitious designs of these men. To crush his opposition, to destroy the confidence which their virtues have inspired, and to excite in the public mind, a jealousy which shall annihilate the influence of their counsels, their measures and their characters, the aid of slander and defamation has been invoked.

Power, thus basely acquired, has been no less basely used, for confirming this usurped dominion—for subjecting their fellow citizens more entirely to their will—for suppressing all who justly merit the public confidence, and for promoting those whose tempers and feelings are congenial with their own. Thus have the best interests of a nation been sacrificed, to the pride and ambition, or revenge of the basest of men.

Instances illustrative of these truths, both in sacred and profane history, are innumerable. In he sacred volume, the story of the vile Abimelech, is replete with pertinent instruction. By his soothing flatteries, and misrepresentations, he persuaded the Sechemites to forget Gideon, his father, and their deliverer from the apprehensions of Midian – to slay the seventy legal sons of their benefactor, and to chose this base wretch for their king.

Another vile character in sacred story, distinguished for its baseness, is that of Absalom. By pretending an uncommon regard to justice, and concern for the interests of the people, intermixed with such reflections on his father’s administration as he found the public mind would bear, he allured the fickle, changeable multitude of ancient Israel, to forget the many virtues, and military achievements of David, and the glory to which he had raised the nation; and to chose for their king a murderer, a vile parricide, who had proved himself the enemy of all goodness.

Among the many base men who gained the throne of ancient Israel, Jeroboam also stands distinguished as one of the basest. It was peculiar mark of infamy affixed to his name, by the sacred writers, that he was the man who made Israel to sin. In his subtle machinations to establish himself in the throne which he had acquired, his first effort was, to seduce the ten tribes from the religion of their fathers, and the worship of the true God, to that of the calves which he had set up in Dan and Bethel: The origin of this detestable policy was this. The tribes of Judah and Benjamin, together with the most pious men of the nation, still adhered to Rehoboam the son of Solomon, and the temple worship. Upon these circumstances, Jeroboam, like a genuine Machiavelian, reasoned thus: “If this people go up to do sacrifice in the house of the Lord at Jerusalem, then shall the heart of this people turn again unto their Lord, even unto Rehoboam King of Judah.”2 Regardless of the glory of his Maker, and destitute of all concern for the spiritual interests of his people, whose eternal salvation he would have sacrificed to his own ambition, he set himself with design, and yet with a pretended regard to religion, to draw off their attention from the instituted worship of God at the temple. For this end we are told “the king took counsel, and made two calves of gold, and said unto them it is too much for you to go up to Jerusalem; behold thy gods, O Israel, which brought the up out of the land of Egypt.”3At the same time that he acknowledges the obligations of religion, we find him introducing two gods, instead of that one true God, who is the only rational object of worship; and thereby intimating that it was of no consequence who or what they worshipped. O how lost to all goodness must those be, who can thus trifle with the most awful concerns of religion and duty!

Nor less replete is profane, than sacred history, with glaring instances of the truth before us. Ambition’s object is still the same—the same, the pernicious, falsely soothing arts, by which she pursues her hateful designs. We can scarcely avoid recollecting in this connection the fate of a neighboring empire, which we have seen, within the period of a few years past, by the like insidious practices, reduced from the boasted privileges of a republic, to a state of the most absolute despotism.

But it is needless to multiply instances which occur in the history of every nation. The restless attempts of ambitious men grasping at power, are continually embroiling society, and prove a fruitful source of misery to mankind. But our text teaches us to raise our thoughts above these instruments of mischief, to him who rules above; and piously to acknowledge with the Poet,

“They are the sword, the hand is thine.”

We accordingly proceed to remark,

2dly. That it is by the disposing righteous providence of Jehovah, that such men acquire power and dominion. If further evidence, than has already been exhibited of this truth be necessary, we may find it in the history of those vile characters alluded to above. The prophet Nathan, years before the event, predicted the usurpation of the vile Absalom. In reference to Jeroboam’s gaining the ten tribes, it is said, “For the cause was from the Lord, that he might perform his word.”4 Nebuchadnezzar’s advancement to the throne, is, in like manner attributed to the same governing providence. “For the God of heaven hath given thee a kingdom, power and strength, and glory.” 5 To all these pests of society, the divine declaration is as applicable as to Pilate, to whom it was primarily made, “Thou couldst have no power at all against me, except it were given thee from above.” 6

Nor does this doctrine imply any impeachment of the wisdom, and holiness of providence.

1. In this way the just judgment of God is executed against those who are thus prospered in their wicked designs. As afflictions are not unusually the messengers of divine mercies; so, oft does God punish the wickedness of men, by permitting them to prosper in their proud ambitious designs. Prosperity in wickedness is the surest road to destruction. The respite given to Pharaoh was the evident means of completing his ruin!

2. The providence of God in raising wicked men to power, is to be considered as one of those heavy judgments by which he punishes the transgressions of an offending people; and it is worthy to be reckoned among the greatest calamities of human life.

When men regardless of duty and conscience, and who are pursuing their own aggrandizement, are invested with the supreme powers of a nation, consequences of the most pernicious nature, even to the temporal prosperity of such a society, cannot but ensue. These base men will either rule with the iron rod of despotic power; or aiming by secret craft to curtail the rights of the subject, and demolish one after another, those regulations which constitute the only security of privilege, and of property. Not to benefit mankind, but to extend, or establish their own authority, will be the governing objects of their policy. Could this evil be confined to an individual, although one raised to the highest national dignity, some check might be given to its pernicious operation; but continual experience verifies the observation of the Psalmist, “The wicked walk on every side, when the vilest men are exalted.” 7 Such men, while they fly from the virtuous and the good cordially unite with those whose feelings and designs harmonize with their own; and who, are ever ready to combine with them in undermining the firmest bulwarks of national glory.

Represent to your own minds, my hearers, a nation, whose rulers are of this description—who are bandied together for crushing all, whose principles and practices are a reproach to their own—who support their influence by flattery, by falsehood, and a continued misrepresentation of facts, and proportionably endeavor to suppress all useful information, and whose exertions are systematically directed to enervate all patriotic sentiments and the energies of the constitution; thereby to extend their own influence, and perpetuate their authority. This will ever be the effect when such vile persons are invested with power; and what of strength, of soundness, or safety can remain in a nation subjected to such misrule—what can ensue but inevitable ruin.

But far more deplorable will this calamity appear, if we view its aspect on the moral and religious interests of society. How demoralizing must the examples of wicked rulers prove, when recommended by the pomp and glare of that power and wealth, which have such a fascinating influence on the minds of the thoughtless multitude?

But not from their examples alone is evil to be apprehended. All their feelings are at war with piety and goodness. These are “the rulers who take counsel together against the Lord, and against his anointed.” 8 If a regard to public opinion, should induce them to pay a pretended respect to religion, their religion, like the idolatrous practices of Jeroboam, will tend, by corrupting, to exterminate the true worship of God. Rulers of this description know, that good men must be in opposition to them, for the same reason that they are the friends of righteousness and truth; their feelings towards such men, will therefore be similar to those, which Ahab expressed towards the prophet of the Lord. “I hate him; for he doth not prophecy good concerning me, but evil.” 9

The pernicious tendency of such rulers, as it respects the interests of religion, is very visible in the history of God’s ancient people. There it appears, that the advancement of a wicked prince to the throne, was like opening the flood-gates of ungodliness. And had they not been blessed with some pious princes, who reclaimed the people from idolatry, and restored the temple worship, it appears, that the interests of true religion would have sunk, and the very form of it have been lost among them. What heavier judgment then, does the righteous Governor of the universe ordinarily, inflict upon a guilty nation, than by setting over them the basest of men?

Let us now apply these truths to their instructive, and practical uses: —

1. It appears, that the providence of God suffers no stain, in the use it makes of the unlawful practices of creatures, for promoting the holy objects of the divine government. The gratification of their own lust, covetousness, pride and ambition, is the sole consideration which puts men upon the commission of crimes. Neither, are they impelled by a divine decree, to act contrary to their own inclinations, nor, is it any part of their aim to fulfill the counsels of the Almighty. Is it a reflection on his providence to assert, that he renders subservient to the good of his universal empire, the wicked designs and practices of men? An instance, may perhaps exhibit this truth in a more convincing light, than any reasonings upon the subject.

The avarice of Judas, and the insatiable malice of the Pharisees against the Savior, had long prepared them for perpetrating the enormous crime they afterwards committed; but for a time, insuperable obstacles were thrown in the way of their designs; for “his hour was not yet come.” It would not have comported with the divine plan, to have permitted them, then, to execute, what they had long meditated. At length these preventing obstacles were removed, and an opportunity given for perpetrating the horrid deed; and it was done – not, you will observe, by the influence of a foreign power, but by the strong instigation of their own hearts. A bare statement of these facts, carries conviction to the mind, that neither the avarice of that vile traitor, nor the malice of the Jews, were, in any degree, imputable to that providence, which used them for promoting the most gracious designs.

2. If God makes use of the wickedness of creatures, to serve his purposes, and in particular to punish the guilty, we are hence taught the propriety of resignation under those evils which we suffer from the injustice of men. The Christian duty of submission, under the evils of life, has its foundation in the perfect rectitude of a governing providence. But no less is the providence of God concerned in the evils we suffer from the wicked dispositions of men, than in those, which we attribute to other causes. It may be doubted indeed, whether every evil we suffer is not effected by the instrumentality of creatures. This at least is plain, that right views of the divine government, will lead us to acknowledge God, in whatever we wrongfully suffer from men. Job, we find piously noticing the hand of God under the loss of those possessions, of which he was deprived by the Chaldean and Sabean banditti. 10 And with a like pious sense of divine providence, as extended over the wrath of man, David endured the curses of Shemei, sensible that however undeserving of such treatment from this madman, it was perfectly just, as inflicted by a righteous God, for his deeper humiliation.11

3. The truth under consideration affords a pleasing view of the safety of those, who have fled to the Almighty for protection. As a needful chastisement, and as means of driving them nearer to God, his people may, for a time, be given up to the buffetings of Satan, and the persecutions of the ungodly; but not long “shall the rod of the wicked rest upon the lot of the righteous.”12 Waves dashing and breaking upon the rocks of the shore, exhibit a just emblem of the vain designs of the enemies of God, and his people. Perfectly known to him who rules above, are all their mischievous counsels; nor further than he permits, can they afflict his saints. At his pleasure “He disappointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise.” While therefore, the friends of God humbly submit to the evils they suffer from the injustice of men, both the glory of God, and their own peace call them to “rejoice that the Lord God omnipotent reigneth.

4. As the high providence of God, and the absolute dependence of nations, as well as individuals, on his sovereign will, is the leading sentiment of the test, so is it that which I wish, my hearers, to have strongly impressed upon your minds. One great cause of the prevailing security of mankind, is undoubtedly, a vain dependence on present circumstances of prosperity , and apparent safety. Is not this to be numbered among the causes of that impenitent hardness of heart, so unhappily prevalent among us? We please ourselves with the idea, that intervening oceans secure us from the convulsions of the European world—that our happy climate is a defense against the general spread of pestilential diseases, and that our fruitful land has never withheld a supply of the necessaries of life. Eminently favored indeed, of him who rules above is our lot; and to him be all the praise. But even were we secure from these calamities, has God no other arrows in his quiver? Are we, therefore, beyond the reach of omnipotence? However absurd the idea, it well accords with the atheistical feelings of the heart.

But let it be remembered, that he who rules in the kingdoms of men, extends his empire over our land, and that, when the measure of our iniquities calls for vengeance, it will be found, that the strongest asylum of our secure abode, affords no shelter from the arrows of his wrath.

Our free and popular government particularly exposes us to those base men, who, to gratify their own ambition, are prepared to put in practice every engine of mischief. Whose utmost efforts will be exerted by every flattering insidious art to draw us into anarchy and licentiousness—to render us dissatisfied with the restraints of duty—to undermine our national constitution, the palladium of our liberties, and to demolish those wise, and pious institutions, which form the glory and defense of our nation.

It may be thought, that by retaining the election of our own rulers, we are effectually secured against this evil; but he who has profitably attended to the history of man, has been taught the weakness of this defense. If the Sechemites could so soon forget the deliverer of their country, if the multitude of Israel could be led, by the insinuations of the deceitful Absalom, to overlook the virtues of David, and chuse this vile wretch for their king; if the ten tribes could be induced to give up their religion, and their temple, so lately their glory and their boast, what dependence can be made on the wavering multitude, who, without any reason for change of opinion, cry hosanna to-day, and to-morrow crucify, crucify him.

Greece once was free. Rome was free. Our ears have been filled with shouts from France, in favor of liberty and equality; but in all these nations, licentiousness came to be mistaken for temperate liberty—anarchy ensued, and vile ambitious men seized the fair occasion, and lulled the people with songs of freedom, until they had fast riveted upon their necks the yokes of despotism.

By the power of delusion, the mind may become as really enslaved, as a body loaded with chains and fetters. When a flatterer has stole the hearts of the multitude, he leads them at his pleasure. They see nothing in their idol but perfection. Their eyes are shut against every interesting truth; and their ears are open only to the glozing falsehoods of the demagogue, who has thus enslaved their minds.

Our government, as has been observed, does, from its nature, tend to this evil: and the danger will appear more threatening if we consider the many circumstances which are leading to such an issue; and in particular the prevailing current of party zeal, which often carries men who aim right, wide from their object; and also the large emigrations of foreigners to our country, many of whom, we cannot doubt, are destitute, not only of every virtuous principle, but of all the feelings of Americans—of that attachment to our interest, which strongly binds most men to the land of their nativity. But means of punishing sin, can never be wanting to him, who can convert our food into poison, and impregnate the vital air with pestilence and death—who can cause “the heavens to be as brass, the earth as iron, and the rain of our land as powder and dust.”

Abundant are the privileges, with which we are invested, by the great Author of good; but upon a right use of them depends their continuance. Genuine liberty will not long dwell where she is not protected by a firm, and equitable government; nor where religion and virtue are not her companions. Remember that liberty and licentiousness, are not only different, but opposite; they cannot exist together. Turn away from those who flatter, that they may rule you, and render you the dupes of their ambition. Listen to the voice of truth; and especially to the instructions of your Maker, and the warnings of his word. Forget not your entire constant dependence on him, and let no circumstances of prosperity delude you into the idea “that peace can be the portion of the wicked;” or, that safety can be found but in the favor and protection of the Most High. “Break off your sins then, by working righteousness.” Bow to the extended scepter of his mercy. By sincere humility and unfeigned penitence, may we be prepared to receive the abundant pardons of our offended God. AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. I Samuel, ii 7, 8.

2. I Kings, xii. 27.

3. I Kings, xii. 28.

4. I Kings, xii. 15.

5. Dan. ii, 37.

6. John xix, 11.

7. Psalms xii, 8.

8. Psalms ii, 2.

9. I Kings xxii, 8.

10. Job i. 21.

11. II Sam. Xvi, 10-12.

12. Job. v. 2.

Sermon – Election – 1802, Connecticut


Joseph Strong (1753-1834), brother of Nathan Strong, graduated from Yale in 1772. He was the pastor of the 1st church in Norwich, Connecticut for fifty-six years. The following sermon was preached by Joseph in Connecticut on May 13, 1802.


sermon-election-1802-connecticut

A

SERMON,

PREACHED ON THE

GENERAL ELECTION

AT

HARTFORD IN CONNECTICUT,

MAY 13, 1802.

BY JOSEPH STRONG, A.M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN NORWICH.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1802—

ORDERED, That the Honorable William Hillhouse and Elisha Tracy, Esquires, present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend JOSEPH STRONG, for his Sermon, delivered on the General Election, on the thirteenth instant, and request a copy thereof for the press.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by

SAMUEL WYLLYS, Secretary.

 

ELECTION SERMON.
 

JEREMIAH, vi. 16.

Thus saith the Lord, stand ye in the ways and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.

 

THE Jews were at no period in a more prosperous state on worldly accounts, than when Jeremiah commenced his prophetic labors. During the reign of Josiah, a prince highly accomplished both by nature and grace, the continuance of peace for a number of years had introduced plenty and ease; though not without being accompanied with more than an equal proportion of vice and dissipation. Added to the complete prostration of private virtue, each social tie, whether it respected God or man, was violently broken asunder. Thus situated, it was the dictate neither of God’s covenant love nor of that regard which he owed to the honor of his own character, to allow the existing state of things to continue uncorrected. The experiment of mercy having proved but too unsuccessful, every principle dictated that judicial infliction should be made its unwelcome substitute. Nothing remained to be done previous to such judicial infliction taking place, but to make solemn proclamation of the fact, accompanied with one more overture in favor of national amendment and safety. This delicate and arduous task was assigned to Jeremiah, a man exactly formed for the purpose in every view which can be taken of his character. Possessed of a mind constitutionally firm, his address was plain and forcible. He felt for all the interests of his country with ardor, though in subserviency to a far higher principle—disinterested regard to the prerogatives of Jehovah’s character and law. As might be expected from such a messenger, acting under the immediate direction of heaven, each branch of his address was, to an unusual degree, pointed and solemn. “O daughter of my people gird thee with sackcloth and wallow thyself in ashes; make thee mourning as for a son, most bitter lamentation. The bellows are burnt, the lead is consumed in the fire, the founder melteth in vain, for the wicked are not plucked away. Be thou instructed, O Jerusalem, lest my soul depart from thee; lest I make thee desolate, a land not inhabited. Thus saith the Lord, stand ye in the ways and see; and ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.”

The circumstances which dictated the text, being those now sketched, its more particular application to the present occasion, will naturally direct our thoughts to two enquiries:–

What are those paths pursued by our fathers, which in a more distinguishable sense constitute the good way:–And

The nature of that rest to be secured by walking in them.

In view of the proposed outlines to the present attempt, it is far from my design to amplify in indiscriminate praise of ancient times, at the expense of those which are modern. Forward to concede the fact, that the age of the fathers was marked with numerous foibles or even faults, at the same time it will be contended, that in view of all circumstances it was an age to a superior degree exemplary and respectable; it is therefore the joint demand of gratitude and interest, that we carefully select its virtues and copy them into our own practice.

While standing in the way to see, there is no old path which more clearly and forcibly strikes the mind than the confirmed belief of our fathers in the Christian scriptures. The fact is not to be questioned, that short of fifty years past, scarcely a single avowed infidel either disgraced or endangered this privileged part of God’s American heritage. Every voice was rather in union with that of the apostle, “Lord to whom shall we go, for thou hast the words of eternal life.” Good sense, accompanied with reverence for Jehovah, formed the prevailing character; and the Bible was seen to command universal and unwavering esteem. The wide departure from such an happy state of sentiment and feeling which has since taken place, is but too perceptible and ominous. Numerous causes have conspired to produce the wide spread of infidelity among us; causes which continue to operate, and that not without being much strengthened by the solicitude which ever marks party spirit, to support its own favorite cause whether right or wrong. The motives which excite the infidel to exertion, are injudicious and malevolent in the extreme. The great effort of his life is to prostrate a system which can injure no one, and if true, promises essential advantage to all. To leave out of view the solemn article of death, with all that may ensue, the Christian scheme of religion merits the highest esteem and most industrious encouragement. Both its doctrines and moral precepts are adapted to promote personal enjoyment, strengthen the bands of social intercourse, and reduce to consistency and order the discordant, deranged interests of the world.

Another of those good old paths, the subject of present enquiry, was an especial reference to the religion of the heart. Our fathers did not stop short with advocating a mere speculative religion, however rational and sublime; but superadded their confirmed belief of its inward, transforming influence. Morality was their frequent theme, though not to prevent its being a morality the fruit of pre-existing grace. Although such a trait in ancient character, may probably sink it in the esteem of some and even subject him who mentions it to the disgust and obloquy of those who take pride in their liberal modes of thinking, it ought and will be contended that experimental religion is a great and glorious reality. None ought to blush in mentioning its name or in urging it home to the heart. While in the case of the private citizen it forms an invaluable possession; to the Christian magistrate, it is in superior degrees necessary and advantageous. In exact proportion as the duties devolved upon him are weighty and arduous, he ought to cultivate an holy temper—place his supreme dependence upon God—and encourage the vigorous exercise of faith with respect to those rewards, which await the faithful servant. Are these remarks just, we certainly owe no thanks to those who are so forward at the present day to rationalize our holy and good religion. Too rational already for them to love it, their efforts re no better than disguised infidelity. While their professed object is to display its harmony and extend its popularity, they in fact do more than the avowed infidel to disorganize its parts and enfeeble its energies.

It may be proper, in this part of the discourse, also to remind you, how industrious our fathers were, to give existence and energy to moral sentiment. Wherever the sphere of their influence extended, they were forward to impress ideas of the divine existence and government—the ties of social relation—creature accountableness—and the solemn remunerations of eternity. They were under no apprehension of practicing undue influence upon the untaught mind. They did not conceive it an encroachment upon the rights of natural liberty, to prepossess the heart in favor of what is virtuous and useful. Foreign to the impressions of moral sentiment, the whole is put to hazard which constitutes well regulated community. Proper veneration for civil rulers is done with—good neighborhood ceases—the natural and powerful cement of families is destroyed—and the nearest connection in life treated with baseness and infidelity. As all must be sensible, the efforts of the present day that tend to such an unwelcome issue, are by no means small. In total disregard of the good example of the fathers, how many among us have the effrontery to circulate writings, and advocate them in private conversation, the avowed design of which is to prostrate all distinctions in life—reduce man to a state of nature—vacate the solemn rights of marriage—and surrender the dearest interests of human nature to the guidance of appetite and passion. Such is the boasted philosophy which closed the eighteenth, and is with too much success, ushering in the nineteenth century. A commendable regard to the future respectability of the age in which we lie, would almost prompt a desire that the powers for history were extinct—that no heart possessed the inclination of hand the ability to inform posterity, how base were the ideas and degenerate the practices of their fathers.

In this connection you will permit me to mention also, that spirit of social deference and subordination which strongly marked the age of the fathers. As for the fact, no person to a considerable degree advanced in life, will undertake to call it in question. Not to pain your feelings by a recital of what is now fact,–the time has been when children did not conduct as though they were compeers with their parents—when those covered with grey hairs were treated with reverence—when talents and literary improvement excited feelings of veneration—and when both legislative and executive office, were looked up to and obeyed as the institution of God. Let a selfish, equalizing spirit say what it may, society will never rise with regularity and firmness unless the feelings of rational subordination constitute its basis;–feelings rarely operative, provided they do not commence with childhood, gradually forming into settled habit with the increase of years. With mankind, more the creatures of habit than of sentiment, when the latter principle does not operate to the extent which might be wished, the good influence of the former is by no means to be rejected. The parent and schoolmaster do more to make the child a good or bad citizen, than the whole which can be done through the remainder of life. It must be a great force indeed, which bends the full grown tree into a new direction. Bent aright at first, very little after labor is required to mould it to that particular situation in the great political machine, where it is most needed. Those who do not early commence the habit of commendable subordination and respect for superiors, almost without exception, prove themselves restless, troublesome members of community. A turbulent, incendiary temper, being the character of the child, will not fail to operate when arrived to years of manhood. The ring-leader of quarrel and faction among his play-mates, is certain of being an high toned demagogue, to whatever department of life providence afterwards assigns him. These remarks are jointly supported by theory and observation. Beyond most others, the spirit in question is one which society ought seriously to deprecate. The evidence of history is explicit to the point, that numerous well regulated governments have lost their liberties with everything which mankind hold dear, by means of a single unprincipled, ambitious individual. Through the agency of intrigue or direct usurpation, they have thus in a day exchanged the brightest national prospects for the chains of unqualified slavery. There is no kind of government which more loudly reprobates this spirit, than what ours does. For though a republican government gives opportunity for the exercise of the fiery, uncontrollable spirit, yet the genuine principles of such a government are opposed to its existence.

Another noticeable fact, with respect to our fathers, was their strict adherence to the principle, that none ought to be elevated to public office except those whose opinions and behavior were strictly Christian. Brilliancy of talents was a secondary consideration in their view, when accompanied with an unprincipled heart. What confidence can the public mind reasonably place in men who spurn our holy religion and sanguinely calculate upon death as the termination of existence? Except that feeble principle the fashionable world stiles honor, what stimulus have they to the regular and useful performance of those duties made incumbent by office? With respect to such persons, in what consists the obligatory strength of oaths? The idea of future accountableness laid aside, an oath instantly dwindles to a mere cipher.—A not less weighty class of objections are adduceable [to bring forward in argument or evidence] against the scandalously immoral than against the avowed infidel. Elevated to office, the influence of example never fails to be doubly impressive. To emulate and copy high life is inseparable from human nature. Beauty and deformity of character in the peasant or beggar, strike the mind in a very feeble manner, compared with what they do when attached to the rich and powerful. Clothed with the purple, vices the most base and odious, by a kind of magic influence, become completely fascinating;–there being nothing more certain than that the libertine magistrate, from whom the whole evil has originated, will not do anything to correct it either by the enacting of laws or their after execution. It is hard to conceive how the friends of society, and especially those who profess themselves Christians, can give their suffrage for men of the above description. Conscience must have had administered to it some soporific draught, or it could not be the case. Though it be a conduct which nothing can justify, two causes may assist to its explanation;–the rage of party spirit, and the base arts of electioneering. Nearly without fail do these two great scourges of community act in conjunction. Beyond most other circumstances, political controversy has a powerful operation to call into exercise the irascible, violent feelings of human nature. Rational, calm thought laid aside, a wide opening is made to misrepresentation and seduction. Those are never wanting whose highest gratification consists in poisoning the public mind, and warping it aside from the advancement of its great and permanent interests. The advancement of some pecuniary interest, through more commonly a wish to rise into office, is the stimulus to such an insidious, contemptible line of conduct. A people must have lost their native good sense, when they cease moist heartily to despise the electioneering candidate. Persons who will adopt and persevere in such a line of conduct, ought to be unfailingly viewed with disapprobation and disgust. They affront the discernment and impartiality of their fellow citizens, and in the place of a rightful claim to promotion they only deserve contempt and frowns. The honorable name freeman is most improperly applied to the one, who ceases to follow the dictates of his own unbiased judgment and surrenders himself the tool of unprincipled intrigue. When we consider who are the individuals upon whom such intrigue is commonly practiced, it is matter of surprise that its effect is not more extensive and ruinous. However good the intentions of the middle and lower classes of society, their habits of life and want of correct information upon numerous political subjects, greatly expose them to deception. The address made to their passions finds no corrective influence from the quarter of judgment. Although till of late, this state has exemplified nothing of the evil which is the subject of present remark; it now fast gains ground, and is an omen dark to our future weal, and of course makes loud demand for vigorous opposition, from argument, example and law. The growing venality which marks elections is a circumstance which beyond most others, strongly indicates a premature old age to these American states. A most desirable matter would it be for this state, might it reassume its former dignified ground with respect to free, unbiased suffrage, before such reassumption is rendered additionally impracticable.

It merits to be further remarked with respect to the good way which our fathers pursued;–that they did not manifest an inclination constantly to innovate upon the established government. Both men and measures commanded their approbation and support, so long as nothing was discoverable unprincipled in the one, or essentially defective in the other. The correct political maxim no doubt had full possession of their judgment, that a less perfect form of government is preferable to one more studied and nicely balanced, that fails in the important article of execution. The fallacy of theory is in no instance more glaring, than with respect to plans of national government. The statesman often exhibits what appears consistent and beautiful upon paper which in course of carrying it into effect does not fail to produce the speedy and complete ruin of empire. A greater chimera was never imagined, than that a single form of government admits of universal application. It is the unquestionable right of every nation to adopt what kind of government it pleases; but the great point is that its principles be adhered to with firmness and its duties fulfilled with punctuality. How fortunate would it have been, for the fairest portion of Europe, which in course of a few years past, has exhibited a strange and most forbidding spectacle to the world, had its citizens felt the unquestionable justice of these remarks and conformed to them in practice? Mad with theory—infatuated by a spirit of overturn, they exchanged evils which required redress for those still more pressing and to be deprecated. Has the daring enterprise of an individual, given a successful check to such a state of things, and from a chaos of confusion and tyranny produced a degree of national order and energy in government, the example, notwithstanding, is worthy of universal notice and improvement. It teaches nations to appreciate a settled order of things, to dread innovation, and to cling to their constitutional chart with increased gratitude and strength of attachment. None but essential and glaring defects, ever authorize experiment upon the forms, and much less upon the principles of established government. A pillar removed is never easily replace, and how often is it fat that the removal of a single pillar exposes the building to certain and speedy destruction. The hazard thus incurred is often immense, yet there is no circumstance of national exposure to which the feelings of our nature more directly and forcibly impel. Passing by all adventitious circumstances, it is a radical propensity of the human mind to dislike government. It implies the relinquishment of certain rights, for the more perfect security of others. It calls for partial sacrifice to a common interest, that the vigilance and energies of that interest may give freedom of exercise and permanency to those private rights which are retained. To comply with the social compact which is a dictate of the judgment, involves no small share of self-denial. Owing to the restless temper of man, his constant effort is to independence and self-direction. Hence the frequent efforts made, to counteract the constitutions of well regulated society. Notwithstanding the numerous advantages derived from governmental association, those restraints and burdens it is under necessity to impose, have a direct tendency to excite the calumny or more daring opposition of licentious and ignorant men. And how perfectly do these remarks, inferable from the structure of human nature, coincide with our own observation? The person who has noticed the progress of things in these states for a number of years past, cannot fail to approve their correctness. Under various disguises, the effort has been constant to undermine our excellent constitution;–a constitution of government equally the work of necessity and wisdom; and no other evidence is requisite in its favor, but the unexampled prosperity of the country during the whole period since it began to operate. Inauspicious to the success of any constitution however good, as the past convulsed period has been, ours has succeeded to a wonder. There is no class of citizens but what has been remarkably smiled upon, under its auspices. The three great component parts of American society, the farmer, merchant and mechanic, must fight against their own interests, provided they calumniate its principles or endeavor to enfeeble its energies. Are certain burdens necessarily attached to all governments, for the various purposes of their own support, and the furtherance of justice upon the great scale, ours has much the fewest of such burdens of any government throughout the civilized world. It deserves serious thought, which is preferable, such comparatively small burdens, or the complete prostration of all constitutional authority. Where there is no form of government in operation, and of consequence no law, the state of things cannot be otherwise than unfortunate in the extreme. A country which has experienced so much of divine beneficence, in baffling the plots of foreign enemies, ought to be very cautious not to lay violent hands on itself. Such is clearly the joint dictate of commendable gratitude to the Father of all mercies and of a principle of self-preservation. Smiled upon as our national affairs have been for many years, they are not at present beyond the reach of essential and permanent detriment. Continuing to be divided among ourselves, the whole which mankind hold dear is put to hazard. The order of society will of course be deranged,–our liberties may be wrested from us—our morals are certain to depreciate even below what they now are—while triumphant infidelity is but too likely to assume the place of godliness.

It will only be further remarked of the fathers, that they were powerfully actuated by a love of their country. Many circumstances conspired to awaken and give energy to such a principle. The persecutions which prompted their removal to this land—the multiform hardships and dangers which marked distant establishments in a savage country—and the constant effort made to abridge, or wholly vacate their charter rights, gave increased strength to feelings constitutional in the human mind. Attached to the parent state by strong ties, they still at no period shewed themselves forgetful that they had a country of their own. Benevolent and just to all, their views and exertions were at the same time, to a degree, local. They felt and conformed to those high obligations which they were immediately under to themselves and to their posterity. How fortunate would it have been for us as a nation, had the same love of country operated with equal force at a more recent date? Foreign attachments have been one principal source of the numerous embarrassments under which we have and do continue to labor. Hence in particular those violent party animosities, which cannot be either denied or excused. For the citizens of an independent nation to attach themselves with warmth to the views of this or the other country, is equally servile and impolitic. The real point both of dignity and interest lies here, to remember that we are Americans, and prove ourselves equally independent in conduct, as in name. May it not be hoped that the late pacification among the contending nations of Europe, will operate to extinguish party spirit and consolidate our union upon the broad basis of harmonized views, feelings and exertions?

A few remarks upon the closing paragraph of the text will complete the present attempt. “And ye shall find rest to your souls.” The nature of this rest admits no question. Intimately related as the good behavior of the present life may be to the rewards of eternity, this is not the principal object of the passage now under review. Its primary reference is to those worldly advantages which are national. The whole extent of life often fails to realize the rewards of private virtue; but those of public, national virtue are never thus distant. The natural course of things, seconded by the promise of Jehovah, insures the event “that righteousness exalteth a nation.” Nations are often exalted, as the result of divine sovereignty, foreign to their own good behavior, yet such exaltation is most commonly judicial and greatly insecure as to its permanency. How far our national exaltation is of such a character demands careful enquiry. Upon whatever principle we account for the fact, the allotments of providence to us as a nation have been without example. The ground we now occupy, in some points of view, is elevated and commanding, though not to supercede a laudable wish to advance still higher. However eligible our present situation, it leaves room for much improvement. Did we pursue the good ways which our fathers trode, with that industry which their example recommends; each interest of our country whether natural or moral, literary or political, would be essentially advanced.

Agriculture connected with a growing population—mercantile enterprise—the arts and sciences—industry and economy through all the various classes of society—energetic government, and the wide diffusion of united views and exertions with respect to national interests, could not fail to form the result. With fervent piety and good morals added to these circumstances, it is hard to conceive what further internal improvements a people could wish. The principles of happiness and prosperity among themselves being thus firmly established, they may safely calculate upon “sitting under their own vine and their own fig-tree, with none to make them afraid.” And in view of this sketch of “rest to the soul”—of national emolument, aggrandizement and security, who of us but must feel grateful that it has been already so far realized, and who will refuse solemnly to pledge all his future exertions for its completion? In a superior degree indebted to a sovereign all-gracious providence for public blessings, yet we cannot ensure to ourselves their future continuance unless through the instrumentality of personal exertion. Means and the end are as closely connected in the civil, as in the natural world. Not an individual who assists to compose community, fails to have numerous and weighty duties devolved upon him for the promotion of the general weal. While moral and religious principles should never be out of view, as a stimulus to action through the different grades of society; each grade ought to study and carefully adhere to its own particular department of action. The private citizen ought to be in the habit of industry, punctuality in dealing, and submission to constituted authority. Those who minister at the altar must study uncorruptness of manners, purity of doctrine and the whole fervor of zeal in the best of causes. Those in executive office, should be equally careful never to overleap the boundary of law, or see its requirements trampled under foot with impunity. In the judicial department, an high regard to law and justice must never be subordinated to party interest or a fear of rejection from office. With respect to the legislator, his ideas upon every subject which comes before him ought to be correct, his views superior to the influence of local attachment, his firmness too great to be shaken by the strong collision of party, and his integrity bottomed upon a good heart. With the body politic thus classed, each one confining himself to his own proper province, order and perpetuity are certain to constitute its great prominent features. Peculiarly privileged in this state from the proper combination of these various social powers, we are probably not more indebted to either of them, than to a wise and upright legislative magistracy. From the first establishment of Connecticut to this day, a large proportion of those annually chosen to legislate, have no doubt, to an happy extent, exemplified the character of the good ruler drawn by the pen of inspiration, “The God of Israel said; the rock of Israel spake unto me, he that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain.”

Under an impression that the public suffrage, the current year, has fallen upon characters not less meritorious than those who have possessed the same honorable designation;–may I be permitted to recommend and urge, that they recollect with care and adhere with firmness to that general system of policy, which has rendered this state, for nearly two centuries, united and secure, prosperous and respectable. With the past thus a model for future procedure, the demand is direct and forcible, that science and religion should continue to command the liberal patronage of the civil arm. Fostered by legislative aid, they are certain to make large remuneration for all the pains and expense. A treasonable wish to enfeeble and ultimately prostrate the varied interests of community, can in no way be so easily corrected, as by the diffusion of knowledge and the sentiments of piety. Good principles and an immoral behavior sometimes incorporate, yet as a general rule the corrective power of the former over the latter is great. There is no so eligible mode of discouraging vice, as by a marked preference in the laws in favor of virtue. While wise and upright legislators duly appreciate these foundation principles, and encourage a spirit of reliance upon Jehovah for his special direction, it may be calculated with confidence, that they will legislate well, and should on no account fail to live in the hearts of a grateful people.

Without confidence in government, it cannot fail to sink into contempt and all the unhappiness of enfeebled operation. Few greater blessings are there than good rulers and good laws;–though let it not be forgotten that they form a blessing which subjects may realize or reject as they please. I have no doubt as a general fact, it is more the fault of the people than of the ruler, that their expectations from government are not answered. With that mutual confidence between those who govern and those who are governed, which ought to prevail, no essential interest would be put to hazard; tyranny and anarchy would be kept at an equal remove; and by a close combination of views and exertions, each interest whether private or public, individual or social, would rapidly progress to its greatest possible extent.

Under the special direction of a sovereign, holy providence, may such prove the future lot of this particular state and of those connected states, which assist to compose our growing and respectable empire! Wise for ourselves, as it could be wished we were, the prophet’s flattering anticipation in view of his beloved country, would not be either too sanguine or flattering in view of our own, “Thine eyes shall see Jerusalem a quiet habitation, a tabernacle that shall not be taken down. Not one of the stakes thereof shall be removed, neither shall any of the cords thereof be broken. But there the glorious God will be unto us a place of broad rivers and streams; wherein shall go no galley with oars, neither shall gallant ship pass thereby. For the Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the lord is our king, he will save us.”