Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1785


This Thanksgiving sermon was preached by William Hazlitt in Hallowell, Maine on December 15, 1785.


sermon-thanksgiving-1785

A

Thanksgiving

Discourse

Preached

At

Hallowell,

15 December, 1785.

By William Hazlitt, A. M.

Psalms cvii. 8.

O that men would praise the Lord, for his goodness, and for his wonderful works to the children of men.

When the voice of those, to whom the people have committed the reins of government, the dictate of true wisdom, and is immediately connected with our own most important interests, it should always meet our cordial wishes, and be esteemed a manifestation of their good will towards us.

But, nothing can be more rational, nothing can be more amiable, and ornamental to us, than an affectionate gratitude to our Great Creator.

Nothing can be more rational, than that we should now assemble, to commemorate our dependence, to direct our thoughts to the fountain of all our mercies, to adore the God of all wisdom, and grace, for all his blessings bestowed upon us, to praise his name, and be joyful in him; and, at the same time, to humble ourselves in his fight, under a sense of our own unworthiness, to lament that we have so far departed from him, to supplicate his clemency and reconciliation, and earnestly to devote our remaining live to his service.

The Psalmist, and his nation, upon whom he called to unite with him, in so pious and laudable an exercise, have every reason to give thanks to the Lord, for his goodness, and everlasting mercy, and for the marvelous communications of his love, to them in particular.

They were the Redeemed of the Lord, whom he had redeemed out of the hand of the enemy, and gathered out of all lands, to show forth his praise. They had wandered in the wilderness in a solitary way. They had found no city to dwell in. hungry, and thirsty, their fouls sainted in them.

But, though their frequent rebellions might have led them to expect the contrary, when they cried to the Lord in their trouble, be delivered them out of their distresses. He led them forth, by the right way, that they might go to a city of habitation.

It was, therefore, infinitely becoming them, when they reflected on the days that were past, to be aroused to their duty, to remember and worship, to love and obey, their Creator and Redeemer, whilst their anointed Ruler, expressing his own devout wishes, and interesting himself in the universal happiness, lifted up his voice to Heaven, and said, O that men would praise the Lord, for his goodness, and for his wonderful works to the children of men.

Every living thing receiveth good from the hand of God. The whole human race are his offspring, his continual dependents, and beneficiaries, all whose enjoyments are unceasingly streaming down upon them, from the boundless ocean of his benevolence. They all, therefore, should repeatedly celebrate his wonderful works, and praise him their refuge and strength, and the author of every good, and perfect gift.

But, the people of these United States are so peculiarly circumstanced, that, if they considered the deliverances which have been wrought for them, the mercies they have experienced instead of judgments, and all their various obligations without number, they should be proportionably, and singularly excited, to offer to god their devoutest acknowledgments of praise, and to make their light shine with so glorious a lustre, that others may learn from them, and, likewise, glorify our Heavenly Father.

But, that your duty may be the more forcibly urged upon you, let us, first, take a transient review, of the great goodness, and wonderful works, of our Almighty Benefactor and Friend, towards you.

Hence, let us be led to consider what an immense debt of gratitude you owe him, and what is that conduct, therefore, which may justly be expected from you.

You, like the children of Israel, are the redeemed of the Lord, whom he hath redeemed out of the hand of the enemy.

Your ancestors, in search of liberty, fled form the cultivated fields, and the proud and flourishing cities of Britain, and traversed a wide, and tempestuous ocean, compared with which the Red Sea might be called an insignificant stream.–They, afterwards, wandered thro’ the wilderness in a solitary way, and had no certain dwelling place, whilst they were surrounded with wild beasts, roaring through the forests, with men almost as wild as they, with numerous tribes of venomous serpents, and had to contend with all the inclemency’s of the changing seasons, without any other covering than the vaulted Heavens. Yet, they were protected. They multiplied, and spread. They converted and trackless desert into fruitful fields and gardens. And, from an inconsiderable party, they are now become Thirteen Independent States.

You, their descendants, have reaped the benefit of their toilsome labors. You are, in many respects, highly favored beyond them. You have grown in strength, as the years of time rolled on. Your flocks, and your heads, have spread over the hills, and valleys. Your storehouses are filled with the fruits of the earth. You lie down in peace, and rise up in safety, in comfortable habitations. Your cities continue increasing, and new ones rising along you extensive coasts. Your merchants visit all the quarters of the globe. And, each of you can fit, under his own vine, and under his own fig tree.

You should, farther, consider the divine benefits which you have individually experienced. You have been all raised out of nothing, by Omnipotent power and good ness. Your Great Creator hath nourished, and brought you up like children. You are the people of his pasture, and the sheep of his fold. He hath defended you, hitherto, from the snares of death. He hath visited you, in sickness, and in health. He hath smiled upon you, in prosperity. He hath refreshed you, in adversity. He hath made you forget the labors of every day, by sweet slumbers in the night. He hath awakened you every morning, to renew the pleasure of your active enjoyments. Whilst you were forgetful of Him, he was present with you for good. And, notwithstanding your transgressions, you are still, not consumed, but preserved in the exercise, of your rational and moral powers, and, every moment, surrounded, with his loving kindness.

Let us, again, review the benefits, which have flowed down upon us, since the beginning of this year, that is, now, drawing to a close. Who hath supported us? Who hath fed the springs of our lives, spread our tables for us, and shielded us from all the dangers we have escaped, through the whole of this period?

Let us compare this year with many of the years which are past. Let us look back, to those many, successive, gloomy years, when an infernal war, with all its dreadful train of horrors, spread carnage, and desolation, thro’ the land; when every man was afraid of his neighbor; when the number of the slain, was daily increasing the number of disconsolate widows, and orphans, bereaved of their protectors, and piercing the Heavens, with their cries; when he, who sowed his field, knew not but he sowed it for the lawless soldier, who, after slaughtering him, might riot on the fruits of his labors; when, after shutting the doors of your houses, as it were his night, you knew not, who should sleep in them, the next night, when various calamities were continually crowding upon you; when your absent friends were likely to expire, with the swords of the enemy sheathed in their bowels; when famine often stared you in the face, and all your liberties, and privileges, seemed to stand upon the cast of a die.

Contrast, with these calamitous scenes, your present situation. Behold sweet peace returned to your borders. Behold the tyrant, and oppressor fled. Behold all the instruments of war converted into implements of husbandry, your swords into plowshares, and your spears into pruning hooks. Behold him, who soweth, and him who laboreth, secure that they do not labor in vain. Behold your families sit smiling around you, without any dread of the enemy, or avenger. Behold yourselves, not only taking your rank amongst the nations, but safe from every future, hostile invasion, unless it be your own faults. And, shake off their slumbers. Wonder at your forgetfulness. Resolve to act like men.

Again, consider how the successive seasons have smiled upon you. You have had the early, and the latter rain. Your meadows have been clothed with grass and your fields with corn. The spring has vegetated; the summer has matured; and the harvest has ripened, the various productions of the earth. And, though you may remember some extraordinary years, which, in some places, and, in some particular instances, have yielded a more abundant increase; yet, you must acknowledge, that you have not only enough for your own consumption, but much to spare for the supply of other nations, to whom the nations, to whom the Heavens have been as brass, and the earth as the burning sands, and who are, now, looking to you, in the tone of supplication, to compassionate them, and their children, and give them bread to eat.

Consider, also, the great riches, which you have drawn out of the ocean–the remarkable success, with which, we learn from authority, you fishery has been crowned. This, is one of the greatest sources of wealth a nation can enjoy; and this is, as it were, at your very doors. Whilst some nations have no such advantages. Whilst those of some nations dare not even catch the fish that abound in their own rivers. You are without control, in this respect. You can, in a few weeks, supply your own families, and, at the same time, load a multitude of ships for foreign markets, and receive in return either gold, or silver, or such luxuries as you may prefer to these two much desired metals.

Consider, again, that though death is always making his inroads amongst us, and, though some of you have felt severely the breached made in your families, by this king of terrors; you have not, however, been bereaved of all your friends. You have not been visited with the sweeping pestilence, which, in Smyrna, and in other parts of the earth, has extinguished whole families, cut off three fourths of the inhabitants, and, at times, not left a sufficient number of the living, to bury the multitude of the dead.

And, consider, whilst other nations have been visited with tremendous earthquakes, which, have rent the rocks, divided the hills, made the ground roll under houses with all their inhabitants. And, whilst other nations have been terrified with thundering volcanoes, or visited with desolating hurricanes, which, besides alarming their fears, and destroying some of themselves, and in the midst of riches; you have been exempted from such calamities. The earth has been at rest, under you. The Heavens have been at peace, above you. The great Lord of the Universe hath spared you, and been very gracious to you.

But, particularly, consider the immense riches of the Divine Goodness, with which you are favored, by the Christian Revelation. This is a sufficient counterbalance to all the possible evils, that can befall us in this transitory world. For, this giveth access to the Divine Majesty, free and welcome access to his throne of Grace. This unfolds to us all his glorious perfections, and represents Him to us in the captivating dress of love–reveals Him our merciful Heavenly Father, our God in Christ Jesus, reconciling us to himself, and calling to us, to fly from death, and receive the blessed crown of Eternal Life. This gives rest to the weary, and heavy laden, joy to the mourners, liberty to the captives, light to those who fit in darkness, hope and pardon to all returning sinners, makes us victorious over death, and the grave, and opens to our view a bright, approaching world of Everlasting Day, where we shall have no pain, nor sorrow, nor sickness, nor any other source of anguish of spirit, but a fullness of joys unceasing, and unspeakably glorious. There, we shall meet all our friends, never to part more, there we shall be united with all the spirits of the just made perfect. There we shall continually behold, the face of our Benevolent, and Universal Father. And, there, we shall live, and reign, with Christ Jesus our Lord, forever.

The blessings of the glorious Gospel, are, therefore, such, as may reconcile us to all events, and make us indifferent what afflictions await us, whilst we can joy in God, through our Lord Jesus Christ.

But, we are not only favored with the Gospel itself; we are, likewise, favored with the inestimable privilege of examining it for ourselves, and, independently of the inventions of corrupt priests and politicians, and of all human authority whatever, of walking in that pure light with which it surrounds us.

Whilst the people, of some other nations that are called Christian, have no access to the Gospel, are never allowed to look into it, are obliged to depend on vague, and lying reports concerning it, and , instead of it, to receive a system of fable and imposture, which was fabricated in the darkest ages; you, on the contrary, have this rich treasure, in your own hands, and in your own language. You can search it by night, and by day, and continually refresh your minds with the review of all its heavenly doctrines. And, whilst you are, thus, enabled, to form your own judgment of every doctrine, you, also, have the privilege, however widely different your sentiments, of openly professing and vindicating them, and of worshipping God, according to the unbiased dictates of your own consciences. And, thus, you are in the way of gradually dispersing all superstitious darkness, and of continually improving in divine knowledge, of growing in grace, and in the knowledge of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, until you at length attain perfection, unawed by the terrors of the arm of flesh, and having no temptation to prevaricate, or act the hypocrite.

Once more; you should, also, call to mind, and distinguishing civil privileges which you enjoy, which, though less than the dust of the balance, when compared with those derived from the Gospel, are notwithstanding very estimable, and should be regarded as a great blessing from God.

Whilst many other nations, are groaning under the yoke, and trembling at the nod of the successive tyrants who oppress them. Whilst some of them have no security of their lives, or properties, and those of high rank amongst them, may be stripped of all their possessions in a moment, may be sent chained to the public works, or imprisoned, and murdered, or sold like sheep for the slaughter, at the arbitrary mandate of the reigning chief, without any accusers, judges, or jury. Whilst others who are more happily circumstanced, are subject to hereditary princes, whom they cannot choose, and whom they cannot banish from their thrones, whatever be their crimes, or, in whatever bloody, and expensive wars they obstinately involve them. It is your happy lot, on the contrary, to govern yourselves, according to your pleasure. Your Rulers go forth from amongst yourselves, are annually removable at your pleasure, and are not your masters, but your servants. You are subject to no foreign jurisdiction. You make your own laws. You levy your own taxes. You can go where you will, and do what you please–Acts of injustice, oppression, and violence, the toleration of which would be equally inimical to you all, are the only things, which you cannot do with impunity. none of you can command another, without his own consent. None of you can seize upon the property of another. The life of the poorest man, is as sacred as the life of the richest. You are all mutually engaged, to vindicate all the equal rights, and privileges of each individual. You are all, in short, equal fellow citizens, without any preeminence one above another, except what superior industry, or singular merit, will necessarily acquire, or what is voluntarily conferred for the good of the whole. And, whilst you are possessed of a happy constitution, you have the power, at the same time, as new lights break out upon you, to remedy all its defects, and to go on improving it until the end of time.

Consider, then, your situation, and circumstances, and then say, Hath not the Lord our God done great things for you?

Consider his general providential care of you, and all the unmerited blessings, which have been poured down upon you. Consider the many deliverances, that have been wrought for you, and that you now have sweet peace in all your borders. Consider the fruitful, and healthy seasons of the passing year, and the variety of enjoyments which have accompanied them. Consider your exemption from agonizing famine, from desolating hurricanes, and from other overwhelming calamities, which have been already recited. Consider all your civil and religious liberties, and especially the riches of the divine grace in the Gospel, where you have life and immortality brought to light, and every possible joy that can refresh the heart of man. And, then, reflect, what an immense debt of gratitude you owe your Almighty Benefactor and Friend, for all his great goodness, and wonderful works, towards you.

Let us, next, consider the returns we have made, and the returns which we ought to make, to the Great Lord of the universe, our Omnipotent Guardian, and out most Merciful Redeemer.

Every being should be grateful for the benefits he receives. Even the ox, knoweth his owner, and the ass his master’s crib.–All the works of God demand our praise. And, praise is the natural language of the human heart. We should praise our Great Original, for life, and health, for peace, liberty, and abundance, for the refreshments, and consolations of every moment. Our fouls should especially praise, and magnify his Holy Name, that we are not appointed to wrath, but to obtain salvation by Jesus Christ, an everlasting salvation in the Heavens.

If you, the, have recorded all the divine benefits in your hearts; and, if the thought of them has uniformly produced in you, an affectionate gratitude, and an holy obedience. If you have been truly thankful to the Supreme Governor, for his refreshing showers, and fruitful seasons, for your repeated escapes from various impending dangers, and tragically calamitous scenes, and for the extension of daily accumulated mercies. If you have walked worthy the high vacation, wherewith you are called; and are now determined evermore to approve yourselves the grateful beneficiaries of his providence, to walk together as brethren, and, in all respects, to live, the life that you now live in the flesh, according to the faith of the Son of God;–then, may you raise your hymns of praise with joy, cast all your cares, and burdens upon him, who will never leave, nor forsake you, and humbly look forward, with faith, and hope, to his everlasting loving kindness.

But, on the other hand, if whilst you have experienced successive mercies, you have been the more unthankful and unholy. If you have forgotten the source of all your blessings, whilst they were plenteously poured down upon you. If you neglected to adore your Protector whilst He was shining upon you with the light of his countenance. If you murmured, whilst in the possession of health, and peace, and abundance. If you allowed yourselves in the practice of profane cursing, and swearing, and the most horrid blasphemies, whilst you were receiving good at the hand of God. If you undervalued that liberty, for which you fought, and for which many thousands sacrificed their lives. If you made it a cloak for licentiousness. Or, if the principal use which you made of it, was to foment, and encourage party divisions, or to throw off all civility, and indulge a surly rudeness towards those, who had not injured you. And, if you despised the goodness, forbearance, and longsuffering of God. If you abused the riches of his Grace. If you threw contempt upon the blessed Gospel. If you preferred the conceits, and contradictory creeds and concessions of men, to its pure, and heavenly doctrines. If you deserted the house of prayer, whilst your friends, and acquaintance, were there calling upon God. If you slighted his public worship, and spent the day of the Lord, in a slothful indolence, instead of devoutly prostrating yourselves at his footstool. If, also, you have been railing against your neighbors, and sitting in judgment upon their opinions, whilst you should have been reforming yourselves. And, if, instead of embracing the Gospel, as a perfect revelation, which is fully able to make us wise unto salvation, you have been in search of other revelations; and, as if Jesus Christ were the minister of sin, have given a loose rein to your various appetites, and passions, that his grace might abound. Then, you may wonder, that you are not as Sodom and Gomorrah. And, the, instead of glorying in your advantages above other nations, and imagining, on this account, that they are greater sinners, you should rather learn this lesson, that you must perish unless you repent.

Let us, now, then, endeavor to impress upon our minds, all the wonderful works of God towards us, and to offer to Him our suitable acknowledgments of praise.

Let us say, that we have sinned, and confess our unworthiness before Him. Let us say, that our sins have rendered us unworthy the blessings we have received, and prevented that improvement of them, to which they were all calculated to lead us.

Let us, therefore, cast away from us all our transgressions, whilst we humbly implore the Divine forgiveness, and resolve to sin no more.

Let us show, that we truly value our civil and religious liberties, by continually improving them to our growth in every excellency, and perfection, by cherishing the love of truth, of justice, of mercy, of universal benevolence, and brotherly love, and by avoiding all oppression, and wrong, and protecting all others, in the possession of all those privileges, which we claim, and enjoy ourselves. Let us, particularly, consider, how deplorably wretched we should have been, without the light of the glorious Gospel. And, let us be all gratitude for this light of Heaven, delight in it, and walk in it to the mansions of bliss. Let us search the scriptures as our rich treasure. Let us apply all their doctrines, and promises to our hearts. Let us learn from them, to watch, and pray, against temptation. Let us learn from them to overcome the world, and its lusts. Let us learn from them, not to forsake the assembling of ourselves together. Let us learn from them to be sober, and temperate, to adorn the doctrine of God our Savior in all things, and whether we eat, or we drink, or whatever we do, to do all to his glory, and to be continually rising from this flying scene to an inheritance in the Heavens. And, thus, let our whole lives be a perpetual hymn of praise, to the God of all goodness and love.

You should, also, learn, as members of this particular state, to do everything in your power, to promote the general happiness. You should discountenance all measures, that tend to anarchy and confusion, or that lay the foundation of party, inflammatory divisions. As you are all brethren, you should not be actuated, by partial motives, but pray for the equal prosperity, and glory, of the whole Commonwealth. You should aid those in power, to establish more and more a perfectly righteous government. You should encourage industry. You should reward integrity. You should frown upon the oppressor. You should discountenance every vice. You should approve yourselves the exemplary patterns of every branch of righteousness. You should acquaint your children, and all your domestics, with the Holy Scriptures. You should teach them, obedience, humility, piety, and such a love of their country, as is not inconsistent with the love of the whole human race. You should inculcate upon their minds, the nature, importance, and all the advantages of public worship. And, as literature advances knowledge, as knowledge increases virtue, and as virtue produces, and diffuses happiness, the education of youth should be an essential object of your earnest attention. You should teach your children to read, before you teach them to work. You should give them all the knowledge in your power. You should encourage public schools, and endow them in such a manner, as shall lead you to expect, that they will be filled with able masters. You should cherish your University, and, as much as lieth in you, accelerate the general culture, and the daily advancing progress of the whole circle of the sciences.

At the same time never losing sight of the Glorious Gospel, as transcendently more valuable than all the riches, and honors of this present world, you should promote, to the utmost, the most unbounded religious free enquiry, that pure Christianity may be separated from all those corruptions and dross, which have been blended with it, and which have so greatly obscured its lustre, and that, shining forth, in its original splendor, it may speedily procure universal admiration, captivate all the hearts, and influence all the affections of all the children of men, and crown them all with honor, and glory, everlasting.

Thus, you will exhibit a lovely pattern to all your brethren of the neighboring states. You will draw them, to the vindication and practice of all that is excellent. You will rejoice, and benefit, the whole world of mankind. And, whilst you are, in the best manner, securing and increasing, all your mutual. Temporal, interests, you will be laying a foundation that can never be moved, you will be rising to a kingdom, which will endure, after the Heavens shall be rolled together as a scroll, and after all the revolutions of this world, shall be remembered only, as a dream of the night.

But, once more, as members of a state, independent in itself, yet, at the same time, bound in solemn confederation with many other states, you should labor to have this union more firmly cemented, and established upon the most solid basis.

Each of these states, has its peculiar local advantages, which should not excite the envy of any particular state, but the great joy of the whole.

You should all be considered as one family, which will ever grow in greatness, in proportion to the felicitating circumstances of each individual.

There should, therefore, be no clashing of interests, no jealous surmisings, no variance, or discord, amongst you the enemy of any particular state, and he, who would aggrandize any particular state, upon the ruins of any other, should be considered as universal enemies.

You should all rejoice together, in the reciprocal advantages, and prosperous labors of one another. You should all be as a city upon a hill, to enlighten the rest of the world.

No one should circumvent his neighbor. No one should enrich himself enrich himself, to the detriment of his neighbor. No one should see his neighbor in distress, or any calamity coming upon him, without giving him all that succor, which he himself would wish, and expect, in the same circumstances.

In short, you should all draw the same way, and set an example of justice, and benevolence, to the whole world. You should rejoice with those, who do rejoice, and weep with those who weep. You should be continually improving your several constitutions, and modeling all your laws, according to the dictates of sound wisdom. And, you should not only not strive with one another, not only render to one another every service; but, you should clasp all the children of men in an affectionate embrace, and, whilst you teach them all brotherly love, and become a wonder in the earth, at the same time, be the delight of your Father, who is in Heaven.

Upon the whole, as the redeemed of the Lord, his distinguished beneficiaries, and highly favored children, possessing health, and peace, and liberty, surrounded with a multitude of mercies, daily experiencing the riches of the Divine forbearance, and long suffering, and, at the same time, called to Eternal Glory, by Christ Jesus, be prevailed upon to cherish a grateful sense of all your obligations, and to walk worthy of the character of men, and Christians.

Suitably humble yourselves before the Great Lord of the universe, whilst you revolve in you minds all the successive overflowing’s of his goodness, and all your acts of ingratitude, and disobedience; and, adoring his mercy, implore his pardon, and say, that you will sin no more.

Be ashamed, that you have ever been forgetful of his benefits, that you have ever taken his Holy Name in vain, that you have ever thrown contempt upon his worship, that you have ever treated one another differently from what you would be treated yourselves, that you have ever departed from the least of those delightful commandments which have been communicated to you. And, henceforward, become pure and holy, celebrate his perfections, supplicate, and praise him with all your hearts, increase in knowledge, and spiritual wisdom, abound in all goodness, render every possible service to another, rejoice in the growing happiness of all your brethren around you, and be continually advancing to the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ. And, whilst you yourselves, thus praise the Lord for his goodness, and are perpetually rising to still greater perfection, and bliss, expand your benevolent wishes to the most distant nations, and pray that the whole earth may become one temple, and that all those beings which it contains may learn the voice of praise, and altogether rejoice before the Lord forever.

Go farther still. Traverse in imagination, the vast infinitude of the boundless universe, and pray that the whole may become one glorious theatre, resounding with his praise, all men, and all angels, forming one chorus, and saying, HALLELUJAH, THE LORD GOD, OMNIPOTENT REIGNETH.

Thus, you will lay the best possible foundation of increasing worldly prosperity and greatness, and of eternal felicity. You will be blessed, and your children after you. Successive generations, led by your examples, will be improving in every grace and virtue, and rising to glory, and honor. All the evils, which at present attend you, for your good, will be removed. The Heavens will smile upon you. The earth will be replenished with greater riches. The seasons will become more temperate, and fruitful. Your corn, and your wine, and your oil will increase. Your flocks, and your herds, will spread over the downs, in innumerable multitudes. Your families, will multiply, and enlarge their borders. Your fame, will spread from the East to the West. You will have the honor, of founding, and building up an empire, more glorious, and durable, than any the world has ever seen. And, after having finished your joyful course on the earth, protected, and applauded, by the Universal Sovereign, you will be received into everlasting habitations, into unchanging mansions of love, and peace, and bliss:–Yours will be an inheritance, which is incorruptible, and undefiled, and which fadeth not away, reserved in Heaven for you, through our Lord Jesus Christ.

Sermon – Before the Governor and Legislature – 1785 Connecticut

THE NECESSITY OF

ATONEMENT,

AND THE CONSISTENCY BETWEEN THAT AND

FREE GRACE,

IN FORGIVENESS,

Illustrated in THREE SERMONS,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS ECELLENCY THE GOERNOR, AND A LARGE NUMBER OF BOTH HOUSES OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT, DURING THEIR SESSIONS AT NEW-HAVEN, IN OCTOBER, A. D. M.DCC.LXXXV.

BY JONATHAN EDWARDS, D. D.
Pastor of a Church in New-Haven.

NEW-HAVEN: Printed by Meigs, Bowen and Dana,
M.DCC.LXXXV.

PREFACE.
If the common Apology for printing Sermons, the Desire of the Hearers or of Friends, be sufficient, the Author will be excused in this Publication. However, he is sensible that this Apology will not go far, unless the Sermons themselves be pertinent and useful: and that if they be pertinent and useful, they will not need this or any other Apology. Such as they are, they are sent forth, with the sole Request, that wherein the Author hath presumed to walk in an unbeaten Track, he may be favoured with the same Attention and Candour, which everyone would wish in the like Case.

New-Haven, Dec. 12, 1785.

 

The Necessity of ATONEMENT, and its Consistency with FREE GRACE in Forgiveness.
EPHESIANS I. 7.
In whom we have Redemption through his Blood, the Forgiveness of Sins, according to the Riches of his Grace.
THE doctrine of the forgiveness of sins is a capital doctrine of the Gospel, and is much insisted on by the writers of the New-Testament: above all, by the author of this epistle. In our text, he asserts that we are forgiven according to the riches of grace: not merely in the exercise of grace, as the very term forgiveness, implies: but in the exercise of the riches of grace: importing that forgiveness is an act of the most free and abundant grace. Yet he also asserts that this gratuitous forgiveness is in consequence of a redemption by the blood of Christ. But how are these two parts of the proposition consistent?—if we be in the literal sense forgiven in consequence of a redemption, we are forgiven on account of the price of redemption previously paid. How then can we be truly said to be forgiven: a word which implies the exercise of grace? and especially how can we be said to be forgiven according to the riches of grace? This is at least a seeming inconsistence. If our forgiveness be purchased, and the price of it be already paid, it seems to be a matter of debt, and not of grace. This difficulty hath occasioned some to reject the doctrine of Christ’s redemption, satisfaction, or atonement.—Others, who have not been driven to that extremity by this difficulty, yet have been exceedingly perplexed and embarrassed. Of these last, I freely confess myself to have been one. Having from my youth devoted myself to the study of theoretic and practical theology, this has to me been one of the GORDIAN KNOTS in that science. How far what shall now be offered towards a solution, ought to afford satisfaction, is submitted to the judgment of my candid auditors.

Our text naturally suggests these three enquiries.

Are sinners forgiven through the redemption or atonement of Jesus Christ only?—What is the reason or ground of this mode of forgiveness?—Is this mode of forgiveness consistent with grace, or according to the riches of grace?—Let us consider these in their order.

I. Are we forgiven through the redemption or atonement of Jesus Christ only? I say, redemption or atonement, because, in my view, they mutually imply each other. That we are forgiven through the atonement of Christ—and can be forgiven in no other way, the scriptures very clearly teach. For evidence as to the first of these particulars, I appeal to the following passages of scripture, which are indeed but a few of the many which exhibit the same truth. First, our text itself: “In whom we have redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of sins, according to the riches of his grace.” Romans III. 24. “Being justified freely by his grace, through the redemption that is in Jesus Christ.” Acts, XX. 28. “To feed the church of God, which he hath purchased with his own blood.” Hebrews, IX. 12. “By his own blood he entered in once into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemption for us.” I. Peter. I. 18. “Forasmuch as ye know, that ye were not redeemed with corruptible things, as silver and gold, but with the precious blood of Christ, as of a lamb without blemish and without sot.” Ibid. chap. II. 24. “Who his ownself bare our sins, in his own body on the tree, that we being dead to sin, should live unto righteousness: by whose stripes ye were healed.” Isaiah, LIII. 4, 5, 6. “He hath borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows—He was wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities, the chastisement of our peace was upon him, and with his stripes we are healed.—“The Lord laid on him the iniquity of us all.” Ibid. v. 10, 11, 12. “Yet it pleased the Lord to bruise him; he hath put him to grief;–when thou shalt make his soul an offering for sin, he shall see his seed—He shall bear their iniquities—And he bare the sins of many.”

The scriptures also teach the absolute necessity of the atonement of Christ, and that we can obtain forgiveness and salvation through that only. The sacrifices appointed to be made by the ancient Israelites, seem evidently to point to Christ; and to show the necessity of the vicarious sacrifice of him, who is therefore said to be “our Passover sacrificed for us;” and to have given himself for us, an offering and a sacrifice to God, for a sweet smelling favour;” and “now once in the end of the world, to have appeared, to put away sin, by the sacrifice of himself.” I Cor. V. 7. Eph. V. 2. Heb. IX. 26. As the ancient Israelites could obtain pardon in no other way than by those sacrifices; this teaches us that we can obtain it only by the sacrifice of Christ.

The positive declarations of the New-Testament teach the same truth still more directly,–as Luke XXIV. 25, 26. “O fools, and slow of heart to believe all that the prophets have spoken! Ought not Christ to have suffered these things, and to enter into his glory?” verse. 46. “Thus it behoved Christ to suffer, and to rise from the dead the third day.” Romans, III. 25, 26. “Whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith in his blood, to declare his righteousness—that he might be just, and the justifier of him which believeth in Jesus.” It seems that God could not have been just in justifying the believer, had not Christ been made a propitiation. John, III. 14, 15. “As Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the son of man be lifted up.” Heb. IX. 22. “Without shedding of blood is no remission.” I Cor. III. II. “Other foundation can no man lay, than that is laid, which is Jesus Christ.” Acts, IV. 12. Neither is there salvation in any other: for there is no other name, under heaven, given among men, whereby we must be saved.”

The necessity of the death and atonement of Christ sufficiently appears by the bare event of his death.—If his death were not necessary, he died in vain. But we cannot suppose that either he or his father would have consented to his death, had it not been absolutely necessary. Even a man of common wisdom and goodness, would not consent either to his own death or that of his son, but in a case of necessity, and in order to some important and valuable end. Much less can we suppose, that either Christ Jesus the Son would have consented to his own death, or that the infinitely wise and good father would have consented to the death of his only begotten and dearly beloved son, in whom his soul was well pleased, and who was full of grace and truth, the brightness of his own glory and the express image of his person, the chiefest among ten thousand and altogether lovely, if there had not been the most urgent necessity. Especially as this most excellent son so earnestly prayed to the father, to exempt him from death; Mat. XX. 39. “O my father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me! Nevertheless not as I will, but as thou wilt.” The son himself hath told us, John, XI. 42. “That the father heareth him always:” and therefore we may be sure, that if the condition of his pathetic petition had taken place; if it had been possible, that the designs of God in the salvation of sinners should be accomplished, without the death of Christ; Christ’s prayer, in this instance, would have been answered, and he would have been exempted from death. And since he was not exempted, we have clear evidence, that his death was a matter of absolute necessity.

The necessity of the atonement of Christ, is clearly taught also by the apostle, Gal. II. 21. “If righteousness come by the law, then Christ is dead in vain.” It is to no purpose to pretend that the law, in this passage, means the ceremonial law; because he tells us hap. III. 21. “That if there had been a law given, which could have given life, verily righteousness should have been by the law.” But the moral law was a law which had been given, and since no law which had been given could give life, it follows, that forgiveness and life could not be by the moral law, any more than by the ceremonial, and that if they could, Christ is dead in vain.

II. Our next inquiry is, what is the reason or ground of this mode of forgiveness? Or why is an atonement necessary in order to the pardon of the sinner?—I answer, it is necessary on the same ground and for the same reasons, as punishment would have been necessary, if there had been no atonement made. The ground of both is the same. The question then comes to this: why would it have been necessary, if no atonement had been made, that punishment should be inflicted on the transgressors of the divine law? This, I suppose, would have been necessary, to maintain the authority of the divine law. If that be not maintained, but the law fall into contempt, the contempt will fall equally on the legislator himself; his authority will be despised, and his government weakened. And as the contempt shall increase, which may be expected to increase, in proportion to the neglect of executing the law, the divine government will approach nearer and nearer to a dissolution, till at length it will be totally annihilated.

But when moral creatures are brought into existence, there must be a moral government. It cannot be reconciled with the wisdom and goodness of God to make intelligent creatures and leave them at random, without moral law and government. This is the dictate of reason from the nature of things. Besides the nature of things, we have in the present instance fact, to assist our reasoning. God hath in fact given a moral law and established a moral government over his intelligent creatures. So that we have clear proof, that infinite wisdom and goodness judged it to be necessary, to put intelligent creatures under moral law and government. But in order to a moral law, there must be a penalty; otherwise it would be mere advice, but no law. In order to support the authority and vigour of this law, the penalty must be inflicted on transgressors. If a penalty be denounced indeed, but never inflicted; the law becomes no law, as really as if no penalty had been annexed to it. As well might no law have been made or published, a that a law be published, with all the most awful penalties, and these never be inflicted. Nay, in some respects it would be much better and more reconcilable with the divine perfections. It would be more consistent, and shew that the legislator was not ignorant, either of his own want of power to carry a law into effect, or of the rights of his subjects, or of the boundaries between right and wrong. But to enact a law and not execute it, implies a weakness of some kind or other: either an error of judgment, or a consciousness of a depraved design in making the law, or a want of power to carry it into effect, or some other defect. Therefore such a proceeding as this is dishonourable and contemptible; and by it, both the law and legislator not only appear in a contemptible light, but really are contemptible.

Hence, to execute the threatening of the divine law, is necessary to preserve the dignity and authority of the law, and of the author of it, and to the very existence of the divine moral government. It is no impeachment of the divine power and wisdom, to say, that it is impossible for God himself to uphold his moral government, over intelligent creatures, when once his law hath fallen into contempt. He may indeed govern them by irresistible force, as he governs the material world: but he cannot govern them by law, by rewards and punishments.

If God maintain the authority of his law, by the infliction of the penalty, it will appear, that he acts consistently in the legislative and executive parts of his government. But if he were not to inflict the penalty, he would act and appear to act, an inconsistent part; or to be inconsistent with himself.—If the authority of the divine law be supported by the punishment of transgressors, it will most powerfully tend to restrain all intelligent creatures from sin. But if the authority of the law be not supported, it will rather encourage and invite to sin, than restrain from it.

For these reasons, which are indeed all implied in supporting the dignity and authority of the divine law, it would have been necessary, had no atonement for sin been made, that the penalty of the law be inflicted on transgressors.

If in this view of the matter, it should be said, Though for the reasons before mentioned, it is necessary that the penalty of the law, in many instances, or in most instances, be inflicted; yet why is it necessary, that it should be inflicted in every instance? Why could not the Deity, in a sovereign way, without any atonement, have forgiven at least some sinners? Why could not the authority of the law have been sufficiently supported, without the punishment of every individual transgressor? We find that such strictness is not necessary or even subservient to the public good, in human governments: and why is it necessary in the divine?[[To these inquiries I answer, by other inquiries. Why, on the supposition of no atonement, would it have been necessary, that the penalty of the law should be inflicted in any instance? Why could not the Deity, in a sovereign way, without any atonement, have pardoned all mankind?—I presume it will be granted, for the reasons before assigned, that such a proceeding as this, would be inconsistent with the dignity and authority of the divine law and government. And the same consequence in a degree, follows from every instance of pardon in this mode. It is true the ends of human governments are tolerably answered, though in some instances the guilty are suffered to pass with impunity. But as imperfection attends all human affairs; so it attends human governments in this very particular, that there are reasons of state which require, or the public good requires, that gross criminals, in some instances, be dismissed with impunity, and without atonement. Thus, because the government of David was weak, and the sons of Zeruiah were too hard for him, Joab, a most atrocious murderer, could not, during the life of David, be brought to justice. In other instances, atrocious criminals are pardoned, in order to obtain information against others still more atrocious, and dangerous to the community. In many instances, the principals only in certain high crimes, are punished: the rest being led away by artifice and misrepresentation, are not supposed to deserve punishment. And it is presumed, that in every instance, wherein it is really for the good of the community, to pardon a criminal, without proper satisfaction for his crime; it is because of either some weakness in the particular state of the government, under which the pardon is granted; or some imperfection in the laws of that state, not being adapted to the particular case; or some imperfection attending all human affairs. But as not any of these is supposable in the divine government, there is no arguing conclusively, from pardons in human governments, to pardons in the divine.

It may be added, that in every instance in human governments, in which just laws are not strictly executed, the government is so far weakened, and the character of the rulers either legislative or executive, suffers, either in point of ability or in point of integrity. If it be granted that the law is just, and condemns sin to no greater punishment than it deserves, and if God were to pardon it without atonement, it would seem, that he did not hate sin in every instance, nor treat it as being what it really is, infinitely vile.

For these reasons it appears that it would have been necessary, provided no atonement had been made, that the penalty of the law should have been inflicted, even in every instance of disobedience: and for the same reasons doubtless was it necessary, that if any sinners were to be pardoned, they should be pardoned only in consequence of an adequate atonement. The atonement is the substitute for the punishment threatened in the law; and was designed to answer the same ends of supporting the authority of the law, the dignity of the divine moral government, and the consistency of the divine conduct in legislation and execution. By the atonement it appears that God is determined that his law shall be supported; that it shall not be despised or transgressed with impunity; and that it is an evil and a bitter thing to sin against God.

The very idea of an atonement or satisfaction for sin, is something which, to the purposes of supporting the authority of the divine law, and the dignity and consistency of the divine government, is equivalent to the punishment of the sinner, according to the literal threatening of the law. That which answers these purposes being done, whatever it be, atonement is made, and the way is prepared for the dispensation of pardon. In any such case, God can be just and yet the justifier of the sinner. And that that which is sufficient to answer these purposes, has been done for us according to the gospel plan, I presume none can deny, who believe, that the eternal word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, and that he the only begotten and well beloved son of God, John I. 14, bare our sins in his own body on the tree, I Peter II. 24, and gave himself a sacrifice to God for us. Eph. V. 2.

But perhaps some who may readily grant that what Christ hath done and suffered, is undoubtedly sufficient to atone for the sins of his people; may also suppose that if God had seen fit so to order it, we might have made a sufficient atonement for our own sins. Or whether they believe in the reality and sufficiency of the atonement of Christ or not, they may suppose that we might have atoned, or even now may atone, for our own sins. This hypothesis therefore demands our attention.

If we could have atoned, by any means, for our own sins, it must have been either by our repentance and reformation, or by enduring a punishment, less in degree or duration, than that which is threatened in the law as the wages of sin. No other way for us to atone for our own sins appears to be conceivable. But if we attend to the subject, we shall find that we can make no proper atonement in either of these ways.

1. We could not make atonement for our sins by repentance and reformation. Repentance and reformation are a mere return to our duty, which we ought never to have forsaken or intermitted. Suppose a soldier deserts the service into which he is enlisted, and at the most critical period not only forsakes his general and the cause of his country, but joins the enemy and exerts himself to his utmost in his cause, and in direct opposition to that of his country; yet after twelve months spent in this manner, he repents and returns to his duty and his former service: will this repentance and reformation atone for his desertion and rebellion? Will his repentance and return, without punishment, support the authority of the law against desertion and rebellion, and deter others from the like conduct equally as the punishment of the delinquent according to law? It cannot be pretended. Such a treatment of the soldier would express no indignation or displeasure of the general at the conduct of the soldier: it would by no means convince the army or the world, that it was a most heinous crime to desert and join the standard of the enemy. Just so in the case under consideration:–The language of forgiving sinners barely on their repentance is, that he who sins shall repent; that the curse of the law is repentance; that he who repents shall suffer, and that he deserves, no further punishment. But this would be so far from an effectual tendency to discourage and restrain from sin, that it would greatly encourage to the commission and indulgence of it; as all that sinners would have to fear, on this supposition, would be not the wrath of God, not anything terrible, but the greatest blessing to which any man in this life can attain, repentance. If this were the condition of forgiving sinners, not only no measures would be taken to support the divine law, but none to vindicate the character of God himself, or to shew that he acts a consistent part, and agreeably to his own law; or that he is a friend to virtue and an enemy to vice. On the other hand, he would rather appear as a friend to sin and vice, or indifferent concerning them. What would you think of a prince who should make a law against murder, and should threaten it with a punishment properly severe; yet should declare that none who should be guilty of that crime and should repent, should be punished? Or if he did not positively declare this, yet should in fact suffer all murders who repented of their murders, to pass with impunity? Undoubtedly you would conclude that he was either a very weak or a very wicked prince; either that he was unable to protect his subjects, or that he had no real regard to their lives or safety, whether in their individual or collective capacity.

2. Neither could we make atonement by any sufferings short of the full punishment of sin. Because the very idea of atonement is something done, which to the purpose of supporting the authority of the law, the dignity and consistency of divine government and conduct, is fully equivalent to the curse of the law, and on the ground of which, the sinner may be saved from that curse. But no sufferings endured by the sinner himself, short of the curse of the law, can be to these purposes equivalent to that curse; any more than a less number or quantity can be equal to a greater. Indeed a less degree or duration of suffering endured by Christ the Son of God, may, on account of the infinite dignity and glory of his person, be an equivalent to the curse of the law endured by the sinner as it would be a far more striking demonstration of a king’s displeasure, to inflict, in an ignominious manner, on the body of his own son, forty stripes save one; than to punish some obscure subject with death. But when the person is the same, it is absurd to suppose that a less degree or duration of pain can be equal to a greater, or can equally strike terror into the minds of spectators, and make them fear and no more do any such wickedness; Deut. XIII. 11.

Besides; if a less degree or duration of punishment, inflicted on the sinner, would answer all the purposes of supporting the authority of the divine law &c. equally as that punishment which is threatened in the law; it follows that the punishment which is threatened in the law is too great, is unjust, is cruel and oppressive: which cannot be as long as God is a just being.

Thus it clearly appears, that we could never have atoned for our own sins. If therefore atonement be made at all, it must be made by some other person: and since as we before argued, Christ the son of God hath been appointed to this work, we may be sure, that it could be done by no other person of inferior dignity.

It may be enquired of those who deny the necessity of the atonement of Christ, whether the mission, work and death of Christ were at all necessary in order to the salvation of sinners. If they grant that they were necessary, as they exhibit the strongest motives to repentance; I ask further, could not God by any revelation or motives otherwise, whether externally or internally, exhibited, lead sinners to repentance? We find he did in fact, without the mission, work and death of Christ, lead the saints of the Old Testament to repentance. And doubtless in the same way, he might have produced the same effect, on men of modern times. Why then doth the scripture say, “Other foundation can no man lay, than that is laid, which is Jesus Christ:” and, “neither is there salvation in any other?”—If it be said that these texts are true, as God hath seen fit to adopt and establish this mode of salvation: It occurs at once, that then it may with equal truth be said, concerning those who were converted by the preaching of Paul; and other foundation could no may lay, for their salvation, than the apostle Paul. In this sense too every event which ever takes place, is equally necessary as the mission and death of Christ: and it was in no other sense necessary, that Christ should be sent and die, than that a sparrow should fall, or not fall, to the ground. In short to say, that the mission and death of Christ were necessary, because God had made this constitution, is to resolve all into the sovereignty of God, and to confess that no reason of Christ’s mission and death is assignable.

Besides, if the mission, death and resurrection of Christ, and the knowledge of them, be, by divine constitution, made necessary to the salvation of sinners; this will seem to be wholly inconsistent with the fundamental principle of the system of those who deny the atonement of Christ; I mean the principle, that it is not reconcilable with the perfections of God, to refuse a pardon to any who repent. If bare repentance and reformation be the ground of pardon, doubtless all who repent, though ever so ignorant of Christ, his death and resurrection, and of the motives to repentance therein exhibited, are entitled to pardon; and if so, in what tense will the Socinians say, the mission and death of Christ are necessary to pardon? Not surely as purchasing salvation, for even those who are ignorant of them;–This is abhorrent to their whole system. Not as exhibiting the strongest motives to repentance; because in the case now supposed, these motives are perfectly unknown. And they will not say, it is impossible for any to repent, who are ignorant of Christ. 1

Again, how is it more consistent with the divine perfections, to confine pardon and salvation to the narrow limits of those who know and are influenced by the motives to repentance, implied in the death and resurrection of Christ; than to the limits of those who repent and depend on the atonement of Christ?

It may be further inquired of those gentlemen mentioned above, whether the pardon of the penitent, be according to the divine law, or according to the gospel.—If it be a constitution of the law, that every penitent be pardoned, what then is the gospel? And wherein does the grace of the latter, exceed that of the former?—Besides, is it not strange, to suppose that bare law knows anything of repentance and of the promise of pardon on repentance? Surely such a law must be a very gracious law: and a very gracious law and a very gracious gospel seem to be very nearly one and the same thing.—It has been commonly understood that the divine law is the rule of justice. If so, and it be a provision of the law, that every penitent be acquitted from punishment; then surely there is no grace at all in the acquittal of the penitent, as the gentlemen to whom I now refer, pretend there is none on the supposition of the satisfaction of Christ.—Again; if the law secure impunity to all penitents, then all the terror or punishment which the law threatens, is either repentance itself, or that wise and wholesome discipline which is necessary to lead to repentance; these are the true and utmost curse of the law. But neither of these is any curse at all; they are at left among the greatest blessings which can be bestowed on those who need them.—But if it be granted that the bare law of God does not secure pardon to the penitent, but admits of his punishment, it will follow that the punishment of the penitent would be nothing opposed to justice. Surely God hath not made an unjust law.—It also follows, that to punish the penitent would be not at all inconsistent with the divine perfections; unless God hath made a law, which cannot in any instance be executed consistently with his own perfections. And if the punishment of the penitent, provided no atonement had been made, would not be inconsistent with justice, or with the perfections of God, who will say, that the pardon of the penitent, on the sole footing of an atonement, is inconsistent with either?

If neither strict justice, nor the divine law founded on justice, nor the divine perfections, without an atonement, secure pardon to all who repent, what will become of the boasted argument of the Socinians, against the atonement, that God will certainly pardon and save, and that it is absurd and impious to suppose, that he will not pardon and save, all who repent? Are the Socinians themselves certain, that God will not do that which eternal justice, his own law, and his own perfections allow him to do? The dilemma is this:–eternal justice either requires that every penitent be pardoned in consequence of his repentance merely, or it does not. If it do require this, it follows, that pardon is an act of justice and not of grace: therefore let the Socinians be forever silent on this head. It also follows, that repentance answers, satisfies, fulfills, the divine law, so that, in consequence of it, the law has no further demand on the sinner. It is therefore either the complete righteousness of the law, or the complete curse of the law: For cursed is everyone that continueth not in all things written in the book of the law to do them. It also follows, that sin is no oral evil. Doubtless that which deserves no punishment, or token of the divine displeasure, is no moral evil. But the utmost that justice, on this hypothesis, requires of the sinner, is repentance, which is no token of the divine displeasure, but an inestimable blessing.—It also follows, that as eternal justice is no other than the eternal law of God, grace and truth, life and immorality came and were brought to light by Moses, since the law came by him; that the law contains exceeding great and precious promises, which promises however, exceeding great and precious as they are, are no more than assurances, that we shall not be injured.—It follows in the last place that justice and grace, law and gospel are perfectly synonymous terms.

Or if the other part of the dilemma be taken, that eternal justice does not require, that every penitent be pardoned; who knows but that God may see fit, to suffer justice, in some instances, to take place? Who will say that the other divine perfections are utterly inconsistent with justice? Or that wisdom, goodness and justice cannot coexist in the same character? Or that the law of God is such that it cannot be executed in any instance, consistently with the divine character? 2 These would be bold assertions indeed: let him who avows them, at the same time prove them. Indeed he must either prove these assertions, or own that justice requires the pardon of every penitent, and abide the consequences; or renounce the doctrine, that the divine perfections require that every penitent be pardoned, without an atonement. 3

 

SERMON II.
EPHESIANS 17.
In whom we have redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of sins, according to the riches of his grace.
 

HAVING in the preceding discourse, given an answer to the two inquiries proposed concerning the necessity, and the ground of the necessity of the atonement of Christ, I proceed to the third, which is,

III. Are we, notwithstanding the redemption of Christ, forgiven freely by grace?—That we should be forgiven wholly through the redemption of Christ, and yet by free grace, hath, as I observed, appeared to many, a grand inconsistency, or a perplexing difficulty. In discoursing on this question, I shall,

1. Mention several modes in which attempts have been made to solve this difficulty.—2. I shall suggest o me considerations which may possibly lead to the true solution.

First. I am to mention several modes, in which attempts have been made, to solve this difficulty.

1. Some allow that there is no exercise of grace in the bare pardon 4 or justification of the sinner: that all the grace of the gospel consists in the gift of Christ; in providing an atonement; in the undertaking of Christ to make atonement, and in the actual making it. And as the pardon of the sinner is founded on those gracious actions; so that in a more lax sense is also said to be an act of grace.—As to this account of the matter, I have to observe—That it is rather yielding to the objection, than answering it. It is allowed, in this state of the matter, that the pardon of the sinner is properly no act of grace. But this seems not to be reconcilable with the plain declarations of scripture; as in our text; In whom we have redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of sins, according to the riches of his grace. Being justified freely by his grace, through the redemption that is in Jesus Christ, Rom. III. 24. These and such like passages seem plainly to import, that pardon itself is an act of grace, and not merely that it is founded on other acts, which are acts of grace.—Besides the very idea of pardon or forgiveness implies grace. So far only is any crime pardoned, as it is pardoned graciously. To pardon a crime on the footing of justice, in the proper sense of the word justice, is a direct contradiction.

Again; It is not proper to say, that the pardon of the sinner is an act of grace, merely because it is founded on the gracious gift of Christ, and his gracious act in making atonement. It is not proper to say, that any act is an act of grace, merely because it is founded on another act, which is really an act of grace. As well we may say, that if a creditor, by a third person, furnish his debtor with money sufficient to discharge his debt, when the debtor has paid, in this way, the full debt, it is an act of grace in the creditor to give up the obligation. Whereas, who does not see that the furnishing of the money, and the giving up of the obligation, are two distinct acts, and however the former is indeed an act of grace; yet the latter is no more an act of grace, than if the money had been paid to some other creditor, and he had given up an obligation for the same sum. If it be an act of grace in the creditor, to deliver up an obligation, for which he hath received the full sum, because the money paid was originally furnished by himself, then it would be consistent with justice in the creditor, to retain the obligation, after he has received the full sum for which it was given; or to reject the money, and cast the creditor into prison, though he tenders payment. But neither of these, I presume, will be pretended to be just.

2. Some have attempted to relieve the difficulty now under consideration, in this manner: They say, The pardon of the sinner is no act of grace to Christ, because he has paid the debt for the sinner: but that it is an act of grace to the sinner: because the debt was paid, not by the sinner himself, but by Christ. Nor was Christ so much as delegated by the sinner to pay his debt.—Concerning this I observe, in the first place: That if the atonement of Christ be considered as the payment of a debt, the release of the sinner seems not to be an act of grace, although the payment be made by Christ, and not by the sinner personally. Suppose any one of you, my auditors, owes a certain sum: he goes and pays the full sum himself personally. Doubtless all will agree, that the creditor, in this case, when he gives up the obligation, performs a mere act of justice, in which there is no grace at all. But in what respect would there have been more grace in giving up the obligation, if the money had been sent by a servant, by a friend, or by any third parson? Here I am sensible an objection will arise to this effect; But we did not send the payment of our debt to God, by the hand of Christ as our friend: we did not delegate him to make atonement for us; he was graciously appointed and given by God.—To this I answer, That this objection places the whole grace of the gospel in providing the savior, not in the pardon of sin. Besides, if by delegating Christ, be meant such a sincere consent and earnest desire, that Christ should make atonement for us, as a man may have, that his doubt every true Christian, in this sense, delegates Christ to make atonement for his sins. Did not Abraham and all the saints who lived before the incarnation of Christ, and who were informed that atonement was to be made for them by Christ, sincerely consent to it, and earnestly desire it? And though now Christ has actually made atonement, yet everyone who walks in the steps of the faith of Abraham, is the subject of the like sincere consent to the office and work of Christ, and the like earnest desire, that by his atonement, a reconciliation may be effected between God and himself.—So that if Christ have, in the proper sense of the words, paid the debt for his people, his people do as truly send him to make this payment, as a man ever sends his friend to make payment to his creditor.

Nor is anything wanting to make any man, or all men, in this sense, delegate Christ to make atonement for them, but the gift of repentance or a new heart. And if God had not prevented them by previously appointing Christ to the work of redemption, all mankind being brought to repentance, and being informed that Christ, on their consent and delegation, would make atonement for their sins, would freely have given their consent, and delegated him to the work.

But what if the people of Christ did not, in any sense; delegate him to this work? Would this cause the payment of their debt by Christ, to be at all more consistent with free grace in their discharge? Suppose a man without any delegation, consent, or knowledge of his friend, pays the full demand of his creditor, it is manifest, that the creditor is obliged in justice to discharge the debtor, equally as if the agent had acted by the delegation from the debtor. Or if we had in every sense delegated and commissioned Christ, still our pardon would be an act of grace, as still we should be treated more favourably than our personal characters deserve.

Now to apply the whole of this to the subject before us: If Christ have, in the proper sense of the words, paid the debt which we owed to God, whether by a delegation from us or not; there can be no more grace in our discharge, than if we had paid it ourselves.

But the fact is, that Christ has not, in the literal and proper sense, paid the debt for us.—It is indeed true, that our deliverance is called a redemption, which refers to the deliverance of a prisoner out of captivity, commonly effected by paying a certain sum as the price of his liberty. In the same strain, Christ is said to give himself a ransom for many, and Christians are said to be bought with a price, &c. All which scripture expressions bring into view the payment of money, or the discharge of a debt.—But it is to be remembered, that these are metaphorical expressions, therefore not literally and exactly true. We had not deprived God of his property: we had not robbed the treasure of heaven. God was possessed of as much property after the fall as before: the universe and the fullness thereof still remained to be his. Therefore when Christ made satisfaction for us, he refunded no property. As none had been taken away, none needed to be refunded. But we had rebelled against God, we had practically despised his law and authority, and it was necessary, that his authority should be supported, and that it should be made to appear, that sin shall not go without proper tokens of divine displeasure and abhorrence; that God will maintain his law; that his authority and government shall not be suffered to fall into contempt; and that God is a friend to virtue and holiness, and an irreconcilable enemy to transgression, sin and vice. These things were necessary to be made manifest, and the clear manifestation of these things, if we will use the term, was the debt which was due to God. This manifestation was made in the sufferings and death of Christ. But Christ did not, in the literal sense, pay the debt we owed to God; if he had paid it, all grace would have been excluded from the pardon of the sinner. Therefore,

3. Others seeing clearly that these solutions of the difficulty are not satisfactory, have said, that the atonement of Christ consisted, not in the payment of a debt, but in the vindication of the divine law and character: that Christ made this vindication, by practically declaring the justice of the law, in his active obedience, and by submitting to the penalty of it, in his death: that as what Christ did and suffered in the flesh, was a declaration of the rectitude of the divine law and character, so it was a declaration of the evil of sin; and the greater the evil of sin appears to be, the greater the grace of pardon appears to be. Therefore the atonement of Christ is so far from diminishing the grace of pardon, that it magnifies it.—The sum of this is, that since the atonement consists, not in the payment of a debt, but in the vindication of the divine law and character; therefore it is not at all opposed to free grace in pardon.

Concerning this stating of the matter, I beg leave to observe; that if by a vindication of the divine law and character, be meant, proof given that the law of God is just, and that the divine character is good and irreproachable; I can by no means suppose, that the atonement consisted in a vindication of the law and character of God. The law is no more proved to be just, and the character of God is no more proved to be good, by the perfect obedience and death of Christ, than the same things are proved by the perfect obedience of the angels, and by the torments of the damned. But I shall have occasion to enlarge on this point by and by.

Again; if by vindication of the divine law and character, be meant, proof given that God is determined to support the authority of his law, and that he will not suffer it to fall into contempt; that he will also support his own dignity, will act a consistent part in legislation and in the execution of his law, and will not be disobeyed with impunity, or without proper satisfaction: I grant, that by Christ the divine law and character are vindicated; so that God can now consistently with his own honour, and the authority of his law, forgive the sinner. But how does this make it appear that there is any grace in the pardon of the sinner, when Christ as his substitute, hath made full atonement for him, by vindicating the law and character of God? what if the sinner himself, instead of Christ, had by obedience and suffering, vindicated the law and character of God; and in consequence had been released from farther punishment? Would his release in this case, have been by grace, or by <>justice? Doubtless by the latter and not by the former: for “to him that worketh, is the reward reckoned, not of grace, but of debt.” Rom. IV. 4.—Therefore why is it not equally an act of justice, to release the sinner, in consequence of the same vindication made by Christ? Payment of debt equally precludes grace, when made by a third person, as when made by the debtor himself. And since the vindication of the divine law and character, made by the sinner himself, precludes grace from the release of the sinner; why does not the same vindication as effectually preclude it, when made by a third person?

Those authors who give us this solution of the difficulty under consideration, seem to suppose that it is a sufficient solution to say that the atonement consists, not in the payment of debt, but in the vindication of the divine law and character; and what they say, seems to imply, that however or by whomsoever, that vindication be made, whether by the sinner himself, or any other person, it is not at all opposed to the exercise of grace in the release of the sinner. Whereas it appears by the text just now quoted and by many others, that if that vindication were made by the sinner himself, it would shut out all grace from his release. And I presume this will be granted by those authors themselves, on a little reflection. To say otherwise, is to say, that though a sinner should endure the curse of the law, yet there would be grace in his subsequent release—It seems then that the grace of pardon depends, not barely on this, that the atonement consists in a vindication of the law and character of God; but upon this particular circumstance attending the vindication, that it be made by a third person. And if this circumstance will leave room for grace in the release of the sinner, why is there not as much grace in the release of the sinner, though the atonement of Christ be a payment of the sinner’s debt: since the payment is attended with the same important and decisive circumstance, that it is made by a third person?

Objection. But we could not vindicate the law and character of God; therefore it is absurd to make the supposition, and to draw consequences from the supposition, that we had made such a vindication.—Answer: It is no more absurd to make this supposition, than it is to make the supposition, that we had paid the debt to divine justice; for we could no more do this than we could make the vindication in question. And if it follows from this circumstance, that we neither have vindicated nor could vindicate the divine character, that our release from condemnation is an act of grace; why does it not also follow from the circumstance, that we neither have paid nor could pay the debt to divine justice, that our release is an act of grace, even on the supposition, that Christ has in the literal sense paid the debt for us?

Thus, not any of these modes of solving this grand difficulty, appears to be satisfactory. Even this last, which seemed to bid the fairest to afford satisfaction, fails. Therefore,

Secondly. I shall suggest some considerations, which may possibly lead to the true solution.—The question before us, is, whether pardon through the atonement of Christ be an act of justice or of grace. In order to a proper answer to this question, it is of primary importance, that we have clear and determinate ideas affixed to the words justice and grace.

I find the word justice to be used in three distinct senses: sometimes it means commutative justice, sometimes distributive justice, and sometimes what may be called general or public justice.

Commutative justice respects property and matters of commerce solely, and secures to every man his own property. To treat a man justly in this sense, is not to deprive him of his property, and whenever it falls into our hands, to restore it duly, or to make due payment of debts. In one word, commutative justice is to violate no man’s property.

Distributive justice consists in properly rewarding virtue or good conduct, and punishing crimes or vicious conduct; and it has respect to a man’s personal moral character or conduct. To treat a man justly in this sense, is to treat him according to his personal character or conduct.—Commutative justice in the recovery of debts, has no respect at all to the character or conduct of the debtor, but merely to the property of the creditor. Distributive justice in the punishment of crimes, has no respect at all to the property of the criminal; but merely to his personal conduct: unless his property may, in some instances, enhance his crimes.

General or public justice comprehends all moral goodness: and though the word is often used in this sense, it is really an improper use of it. In this sense, whatever is right, is said to be just, or an act of justice; and whatever is wrong or improper to be done, is said to be unjust, or an act of injustice. To practice justice in this sense, is to practice agreeably to the dictates of general benevolence, or to seek the glory of God and the good of the universe. And whenever the glory of God is neglected, it may be said, that God is injured or deprived of his right. Whenever the general good is neglected or impeded, the universe may be said to suffer an injury.—For instance; if Paul were not to be cast down from heaven, to suffer the pains of hell, it would be wrong, as it would be inconsistent with God’s covenant faithfulness, with the designed exhibition of his glorious grace, and with the good of the universe. In this sense, it would not be just. Yet in the sense of distributive justice, such a treatment of Paul would be perfectly just, as it would be no more than correspondent to his personal demerits.

The term grace, comes now to be explained—Grace is ever so opposed to justice, that they mutually limit each other. Wherever grace begins, justice ends; and wherever justice begins, grace ends. Grace as opposed to commutative justice is gratuitously to relinquish your property or to forgive a man his debt. And commutative injustice is to demand more of a man, than your own property.—Grace as opposed to justice in the distributive sense, is to treat a man more favourably or mildly, than is correspondent to his personal character or conduct. To treat him unjustly is to use him with greater severity, than is correspondent to his personal character.—It is to be remembered, that in personal character I include punishment endured, as well as actions performed. When a man has broken any law, and has afterwards suffered the penalty of that law; as he has, by the transgression, treated the law with contempt, so by suffering the penalty, he has supported the authority of it: and the latter makes a part of his personal character, as he stands related to that law, as really as the former.

With regard to the third kind of justice, as this is improperly called justice, and as it comprehends all moral goodness, it is not at all opposed to grace; but comprehends that, as well as every other virtue, as truth, faithfulness, meekness, forgiveness, patience, prudence, temperance, fortitude, &c. All these are right and fit, and the contrary tempers or practices are wrong, and injurious to God and the system: and therefore in this sense of justice are unjust. And even grace itself, which is favour to the ill-deserving, so far as it is wise and proper to be exercised, makes but a part of this kind of justice.

We proceed now to apply these explanations to the solution of the difficulty under consideration.—The question is this, Is the pardon of the sinner, through the atonement of Christ, an act of justice or of grace?—To which I answer, that with respect to commutative justice, it is neither an act of justice nor of grace. Because commutative justice is not concerned in the affair. We neither owed money to the deity, nor did Christ pay any on our behalf. His atonement is not a payment of our debt. If it had been, our discharge would have been an act of mere justice, and not of grace. To make the sinner also pay the debt, which had been already paid by Christ, would be manifestly injurious, oppressive, and beyond the bounds of commutative justice, the rule of which is, that every man retain and recover his own property, and that only. But a debt being paid, by whomsoever it be paid, the creditor has recovered his property, and therefore has a right to nothing further. If he extort, or attempt to extort, anything further, he proceeds beyond his right and is guilty of injustice.—So that if Christ had paid the debt for the believer, he would be discharged, not on the footing of grace, but of strict justice.

With respect to distributive justice, the discharge of the sinner is wholly an act of Grace. This kind of justice has respect solely to the personal character and conduct of its objet. And then is a man treated justly, when he is treated according to his personal oral character. If he be treated more favourably than is correspondent to his personal character, he is the object of grace. I say personal character of a third person, or to anything which may be done or suffered by another person, than by him, who is the object of this justice, or who is on trial, to be rewarded or punished. And with regard to the case now before us, what if Christ has made atonement for sin? This atonement constitutes no part of the personal character of the sinner: but his personal character is essentially the same, as it would have been, if Christ had made no atonement. And as the sinner, in pardon, is treated, not only more favourably, but infinitely more favourably, than is correspondent to his personal character, his pardon is wholly an act of infinite grace. If it were, in the sense of distributive justice, an act of justice: he would be injured, if a pardon were refused him. But as the case is, he would not be injured, through a pardon were refused him; because he would not be treated more unfavourably than is correspondent to his personal character.

Therefore though it be true, that if a third person pay a debt, there would be no grace exercised by the creditor, in discharging the debtor, yet when a third person atones for a crime, by suffering in the stead of a criminal, and distributive justice still allows him to be punished in his own person. The reason is, what I have mentioned already, that justice in punishing crimes, respects the personal character only of the criminal: but in the payment of debts, it respects the recovery of property only. In the firmer case, it admits of any treatment which is according to his personal character: in the latter, it admits of nothing beyond the recovery of property.

So that though Christ has made complete atonement for the sins of all his disciples, and they are justified wholly through his redemption; yet they are justified wholly by grace. Because they personally have not made atonement for their sins, or suffered the curse of the law. Therefore they have no claim to a discharge on account of their own personal conduct and suffering.—And if it is objected, that neither is a debtor discharged on account of anything which he hath done personally, when he is discharged on the payment of his debt by a person: yet justice does not admit, that the creditor recover the debt again from the debtor himself: why then does it admit, that a magistrate inflict the punishment of a crime on the criminal himself, when atonement has been made by a substitute? The answer is, that justice in these two cases is very different, and respects very different, objects. In criminal causes, it respects the personal conduct or character of the criminal, and admits of any treatment which is correspondent to that conduct. In civil causes, or matters of debt, it respects the restitution of property only, and this being made, it admits of no further demand.

In the third sense of justice before explained, according to which anything is just, which is right and best to be done; the pardon of the sinner is entirely an act of justice. It is undoubtedly most conducive to the divine glory, and general good of the created system, that every believer should be pardoned, and therefore, in the present sense of the word, it is an act of justice. The pardon of the sinner is equally an act of justice, if, as some suppose, he be pardoned not on account of the death of Christ, considered as an equivalent to the curse of the law denounced against the sinner; but merely on account of the positive obedience of Christ. If this be the mode and the condition of pardon established by God, doubtless pardon granted in this mode and on this condition, is most conducive to the divine glory and the general good. Therefore it is, in the sense of justice now under consideration, an act of justice; insomuch that if pardon were not granted in this mode, the divine glory would be tarnished, and the general good diminished, or the universe would suffer an injury. The same would be true, if God had in fact granted pardon, without any atonement, whether by suffering or obedience. We might have argued from that fact, that infinite wisdom saw it to be most conducive to the divine glory and the general good, to pardon without an atonement; and of course that if pardon had not been granted in this way, both the divine glory and general good, would have been diminished, and injustice would have been done to the universe.—In the same sense the gift of Christ, to be our savior, his undertaking to save us, and every other gift of God to his creatures, are acts of justice. But it must be remembered, that this is an improper sense of the word justice, and is not at all opposed to grace, but implies it. For all those divine acts and gifts just mentioned, though in this sense they are acts of justice, yet are at the same time, acts of pure grace.

In this sense, of justice, the word seems to be used by the apostle Paul, Rom. III, 26. “To declare his righteousness, (or justice,) that he might be just and the justifier of him which believeth in Jesus.” That God might be just to himself and to the universe. Again in Psalm LXXXV. 10. “Mercy and truth are met together, righteousness and peace have kissed each other.” Righteousness, in the distributive sense, hath not kissed peace with respect to the sinner; but so far as it speaks anything, calls for his punishment. But the public good, and the divine glory admit of peace with the sinner.—In the same sense the word occurs in the version of the psalms in common use among us, where it is said “justice is pleased and peace is given.”—Again in the catechism of the assembly of divines, where they say, “Christ offered up himself a sacrifice to satisfy divine justice.

Thus it appears, that the pardon of the sinner, in reference to distributive justice, which is the only proper sense of the word, with respect to this matter, is entirely an act of grace, and that although he is pardoned wholly through the redemption of Jesus Christ.

It is in the same sense an act of grace, as the gift of Christ, or any other most gracious act of God. Though the sinner is pardoned wholly through the redemption of Christ, yet his pardon is an act of pure grace, because in it he is treated inconceivably more favorably then is correspondent to his personal character.

The pardon of the sinner, on this plan of the redemption or the atonement of Christ, is as entirely an act of grace, as if it had been granted on an atonement made, not by the sufferings of Christ, but merely by his active obedience. For if we suppose, that the atonement of Christ consists wholly in the obedience of Christ, not in his sufferings, in what sense would the pardon of the sinner be an act of grace, in which it is not an act of grace, on the hypothesis concerning the atonement which hath been now stated? Pardon is no more procured by the payment of the sinner’s debt, in the one case, than in the other. If it be said that Christ’s suffering the curse of the law is the payment of the debt; I answer, this is no more a payment of the debt, than the obedience of Christ. If it be said that Christ’s obedience only honors and magnifies the law, I answer, No more is done by the sufferings of Christ.—It is true, that if the sinner be pardoned on account of Christ’s obedience, he is treated more favourably than is correspondent to his personal character. The same is true, if he be pardoned on account of Christ’s sufferings. If it be aid, that in the one case, Christ suffers, as the substitute of the sinner; I answer, In the other case, he obeys as the substitute of the sinner. In one case, Christ has by his sufferings made it consistent with the general good, to pardon the sinner; in the other case, he hath made the same thing consistent with the general good, by his obedience. And if this circumstance, that the pardon of the sinner is consistent with the general good, abolishes, grace from his pardon in the one case, the same circumstance is productive of the same effect, in the other.—The truth is, that in both cases, the whole grace of pardon consists in this, and this only, that the sinner is treated infinitely more favourably, than is correspondent to his personal character.

Again; according to this scheme of the atonement, the pardon of the sinner, is as wholly an act of grace, as if he had been pardoned without any atonement at all. If the sinner had been pardoned without any atonement, he would have been treated more favourably than is correspondent to his own character: so he is, when pardoned through the atonement of Christ. In the former case, he would be pardoned, without a payment of his debt: so he is in the latter. If the measures taken by God, to secure the public good, those measures consisting neither in any personal doing or suffering of the sinner, nor in the payment of debt, be inconsistent with grace in the pardon of the sinner, in the one case; doubtless whatever measures are taken by God, to secure the public good in the other case, are equally inconsistent with grace in pardon. And no man will pretend, that if God do pardon the sinner without an atonement, he will pardon him in a way which is inconsistent with the public good.—In this view of the objection, either the bare circumstance that the pardon of the sinner is consistent with the public good, is that which abolishes the grace of pardon; or it is the particular mode, in which the consistence of pardon and the public good, is brought about. If the bare circumstance of the consistence of pardon and the public good, be that which abolishes the grace of pardon; then it seems, that in order that any pardon may be gracious, it must be inconsistent with the public good: and therefore the pardon of the sinner without any atonement, being by the concession of the objector, a gracious act, is inconsistent with the general good of the universe, and with the glory and perfections of God, and therefore can never be granted by God, as long as he is possessed of infinite perfection and goodness, whereby he is necessarily disposed to seek the good of the universal system, or of his own kingdom.

Or if it be said, that it is the particular mode, in which the consistence between pardon and the public good is brought about, which abolishes the grace of pardon; in this case it is incumbent on the objector, to point out what there is in the mode, which is opposed to grace in pardon. He cannot pretend, that in this mode, the debt of the sinner is paid, or that in repentance the sinner’s personal character is so altered, that he now deserves no punishment. If this were the case, there would certainly be no grace in his pardon. It is no grace, and no pardon, not to punish a man who deserves punishment. If the objector were to hold, that the personal character of the sinner is so altered by repentance, that he no longer deserves punishment, he would at once confute his own scheme of gracious pardon.

Neither can it be pretended, by the advocates for pardon without atonement, that there is any grace in pardon, in any other view than this, that the sinner is treated more favourably, than is correspondent to his personal character. And pardon on such an atonement as Christ hath made, is, in the same view, an act of grace. So that if the true idea of grace, with respect to this subject be, a treatment of a sinner more favourable than is correspondent to his personal character; the pardon of the sinner through the atonement of Christ, is an act of pure grace. If this be not the true idea of grace, let a better be given, and I am willing to examine it; and presume that on the most thorough examination of the matter, it will be found, that there is as much grace in the pardon of the sinner, through the atonement of Christ, as without any atonement at all.—Surely it will not be pleaded, that it is no act of grace to treat a sinner more favourably than is correspondent to his own personal character; of some other man, or some other being; and that it is no act of grace in a prince to pardon a criminal, from respect to the merits of the criminal’s father; or that if Capt. Asgill had been the murderer of Capt. Huddy, there would have been no grace exercised in the pardon of Asgill, from respect to the intercession of the court of France.

On every hypothesis concerning the mode or condition of pardon, it must be allowed, that God dispenses pardon, from regard to some circumstance, or juncture of circumstances, which renders the pardon both consistent with the general good, and subservient to it: and whatever this be, whether the death of Christ or anything else, provided it be not the payment of money, and provided the personal character of the sinner be the same, it is equally consistent or inconsistent with grace in pardon.

In short, the whole strength of this objection, in which the Socinians have so much triumphed, that complete atonement is inconsistent with grace in the pardon of the sinner, depends on the supposition, that the atonement of Christ consists in the literal payment of a debt which we owed to God; and this groundless supposition being set aside, the objection itself appears equally groundless, and vanishes like dew before the sun.

Whatever hypothesis we adopt concerning the pardon of the sinner, whether we suppose it to be granted on account of the death of Christ; or on account of the obedience of Christ; or absolutely without any atonement; all will agree in this, that it is granted in such a way, or on such conditions only, as are consistent with the general good of the moral system, and from a regard to some event or circumstance, or juncture of circumstances, which causes pardon to be consistent with the general good. And that circumstance or juncture of circumstances, may as well be called the price of pardon, the ransom of the sinner &c. as the death of Christ. And whereas it is objected, that if God grant a pardon from respect to the atonement of Christ, we are under no obligation to God for the grace of pardon; I answer that whenever God grants a pardon, from respect to the circumstance or juncture of circumstances before mentioned, it may as well be pleaded, that the sinner so pardoned, is under no obligations of gratitude to God, on account of his pardon; for that it was granted from regard to the general good, or to that circumstance which rendered it consistent with the general good, and not from any gracious regard to him: or that if he be under any obligation to God, it is to him as the author of that circumstance or juncture of circumstances, which renders his pardon consistent with the general good, and not to him, as the dispenser of his pardon: as it is objected, that if, on the scheme of pardon through the atonement of Christ, we be under any obligation to God at all, it is merely on account of the provision of the atonement, and not on account of pardon itself.

Perhaps some loath to relinquish this objection, may say, Though it be true, that the pardon of the sinner, on account of the atonement of Christ, be a real act of grace; would it not have been an act of greater grace, to pardon absolutely, without an atonement?—This question is capable of a twofold construction. If the meaning be, Whether there would not have been more grace manifested towards the sinner, if his pardon had been granted, without any atonement: I answer, by no means; because to put the question in this sense, is the same as to ask, Whether the favour of pardon granted without an atonement, would not be greater in comparison with the sinner’s personal character, than it is when granted on account of the atonement of Christ. Or whether there would not have been a greater distance between the good of pardon, and the demerit of the sinner’s personal character: if his pardon had been granted without an atonement, than if it be granted on account of the atonement of Christ. But the good, the safety, the indemnity of pardon, or of deliverance from condemnation, is the very same, in whatever way it be granted, whether through an atonement or not, whether in a way of grace or in a way of debt, whether from a regard to the merits of Christ, or the merits of the sinner himself. Again, the personal character of the sinner is also the same, whether he be pardoned through an atonement or not. If his pardon be granted without character and conduct the greater: or if it be granted on account of the atonement of Christ, it makes not the demerit of his personal character the less. Therefore as the good of pardon is the same, in whatever way it be granted; and the personal character of the sinner pardoned is the same; the distance between the good of pardon, and the demerit of the sinner’s character is also the same, whether he be pardoned on account of the atonement of Christ, or absolutely, without any atonement. Of course the pardon of the sinner is not an act of greater grace to him personally, if granted without regard to any atonement, than if granted from regard to the atonement of Christ.

But perhaps the meaning of the question stated above, is, Whether, if the sinner had been pardoned, without an atonement, it would not have exhibited greater grace, in the divine mind, or greater goodness in God, and whether in this mode of pardon, greater good would not have accrued to the universe. The answer to this question wholly depends on the necessity of an atonement, which I have endeavoured briefly to show, in the preceding discourse. If an atonement be necessary to support the authority of the law and of the moral government of God, it is doubtless necessary to the public good of the moral system, or to the general good of the universe and to the divine glory. This being granted or established, the question just now stated, comes to this simply, whether it exhibits greater grace and goodness in the divine mind, and secures greater good to the universe, to pardon sin in such a mode, as is consistent with the general good of the universe; or in such a mode as is inconsistent with that important object:–a question which no man, from regard to his own reputation would choose to propose.

 

SERMON III.
 

EPHESIANS I. 7.
In whom we have redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of sins, according to the riches of his grace.
 

HAVING in the preceding discourses, considered the particulars at first proposed, which were, That we can obtain forgiveness, in no other way, than through the redemption of Christ—The reason or ground of his mode of forgiveness—and the consistency between the complete atonement of Christ, and free grace in forgiveness—The way is prepared for the following inferences and reflections.

If the atonement of Christ be a substitute for the punishment of the sinner according to the divine law, and were designed to support the authority of that law, equally as the punishment of hell; then we may infer, that the atonement of Christ does not consist in shewing, that the divine law is just.—With regard to this, I venture to assert two things—That the obedience and death of Christ do not prove, that the divine law is just—That if they did prove this, still merely by that circumstance they would make no atonement.

1. The obedience and death of Christ do not prove, that the divine law is a just law. The sufferings of Christ no more prove this, than the punishment of the damned proves it. The former are the substitute of the latter, and were designed for substance to prove and exhibit the same truths, and to answer the same ends. But who will say that the torments of the damned prove the justice of the divine law? No more is this proved by the sufferings of Christ. If the justice of the divine law be called in question, the justice and moral perfection of God is of course equally called in question. This being the case, whatever he can say, whether by obedience or suffering, to testify the justice of the law, must be considered as the testimony of a party in his own cause; and also as the testimony of a being whose integrity is as much disputed, as the justice of the law. It cannot therefore, be received as proof in the case. The testimony of God, whether given in obedience or suffering, so long as his character is disputed; proves neither that the law is just, in reality, nor that it is so in his own estimation. A being of a disputed character may be supposed to testify, both contrary to reality, and contrary to his own knowledge. And as the character of the deity is disputed, by those who dispute the justice of the divine law; so there is the same foundation to dispute the character and testimony of the son of God. Therefore the obedience and death of Christ do not prove, that the divine law is just.

2. If the obedience and death of Christ did prove that the law is just; still by this circumstance, they would make no atonement for sin.—If it were a truth, that the obedience and death of Christ did prove the divine law to be just, and merely on that account made atonement, the ground of this truth would be, that whatever makes it manifest that the law is just, makes atonement. The essence of the atonement, on this hypothesis, is placed in the manifestation of the justice of the divine law. Therefore this manifestation, however, or by whomsoever it be made, is an atonement. But as the law is really just, it was doubtless in the power of infinite wisdom to manifest the justice of it, to rational creatures, without either the obedience or the death of Christ, or of any other person.—If it were not in the power of infinite wisdom to manifest the justice of the divine law, without the death of Christ; then if Christ had not died, but all men had perished according to the law, it never would have appeared that the law is just.—But bare attention to the law itself, to the reason, ground, and necessity of it, especially when this attention is excited, and the powers of the mind are aided, by even such a divine influence, as God does in fact sometimes give to men of the most depraved characters; is sufficient to convince of the justice of the law. But there can be no dispute, whether the sanctifying and savingly illuminating influences of the spirit of God, without the obedience and death of Christ, would convince any man of the justice of the law. We have no more reason to dispute this, than to dispute, whether the angels who kept their first estate, did believe the justice of the law, before they were informed of the incarnation and death of Christ. According to this hypothesis therefore, all that was necessary to make atonement for mankind, was to communicate to them sanctifying grace, or to lead them to repentance: and as to Christ, he is dead in vain.

Besides, if the obedience and death of Christ did ever so credibly manifest the justice of the law, what atonement, what satisfaction for sin, would this make? How would this support the authority of the law? How would this make it to appear, that the transgressor may expect the most awful consequences from his transgression? Or that transgression is infinitely abominable in the sight of God? And how would the manifestation of the justice of the law, tend to restrain men from transgressing that law?—Whatever the effect of such manifestation may be on the minds of those innocent creatures, who have regard to justice or moral rectitude; yet on the minds of those who are disposed to transgress, and have lost the proper sense of moral rectitude, the manifestation would have no effectual tendency to restrain them from transgression: therefore would in no degree answer the ends of the punishment threatened in the law, nor be any atonement for sin.

Perhaps some may suppose, that what hath now been asserted, that the death or atonement of Christ does not prove the justice of God and of his law, is inconsistent with what hath been repeatedly suggested in the preceding discourses, that it is an end of the death or atonement of Christ, to manifest how hateful sin is to God. If the death of Christ manifest God’s hatred of sin, it seems, that the same event must also manifest God’s love of holiness and justice. In answer to this, I observe; that the death of Christ manifests God’s hatred of sin and love of holiness, in the same sense as the damnation of the wicked manifests these, viz, on the supposition that the divine law is just and holy. If it be allowed the divine law is just and holy, then everything done to support and execute that law, is a declaration in favour of holiness and against sin; or a declaration of God’s love of holiness and of his hatred of iniquity. Both the punishment of the damned, and the death of Christ declare God’s hatred of all transgressions of his law. And if that law be holy, to hate the transgressions of it, is to hate sin, and at the same time to love holiness. But if the law be not holy, no such consequence will follow: it cannot, on that supposition, be inferred from the divine hatred of transgression, that God either hates sin or loves holiness.

Again; we may infer from the preceding doctrine, that the atonement of Christ does not consist essentially in his active or positive obedience. By atonement I mean that which, as a substitute for the punishment which is threatened in the law, supports the authority of that law, and the dignity of the divine government. But the obedience of Christ, even in the most trying circumstances, without any tokens of the divine displeasure against the transgressors of the law, would never support the authority of the law, and the dignity of the divine government. It by no means makes it appear, that it is an evil and bitter thing to violate the law, and that the violation of it deserves, and may be expected to be followed with most awful consequences to him, who dares to violate it.—A familiar example may illustrate this matter. It is the rule or law of a certain family, that a particular child shall steadily attend the school kept in the neighbourhood, and that if he absent himself for a day, without licence, he shall feel the rod. However after some time the child being weary of observing this law, does absent himself, and spend the day in play. At night the father being informed of it, arraigns the child, finds him guilty, and prepares to inflict the punishment, which he had threatened. At this instant, the brother of the offending child intercedes, acknowledges the reasonableness of the law, which his brother hath transgressed, confesses that he deserves the penalty, but offers himself to make satisfaction for his brother’s offence. Being interrogated by what means he expects to make satisfaction; he answers, By going himself to school the next day.—Now can anyone suppose, that in this way the second child can make satisfaction for the offence of the first? Or that if the father were to accept the proposal, he would find the authority of his law, and the government of his family supported with dignity? Or that the offending child, or the other children of the family, would by this mean be effectually deterred from future offences of the like nature?—And however trying the circumstances of going to school may be, if those circumstances be no token of the father’s displeasure at the disobedient child’s transgression; still the going to school of the second child, will not make the least satisfaction for the offence of the first.

I venture to say further that not only did not the atonement of Christ consist essentially in his active obedience, but that his active obedience was no part of his atonement properly so called, nor essential to it. The perfect obedience of Christ was doubtless necessary in order to the due execution of his prophetical office; in order to his intercession: and also in order that the salvation of his disciples might be a reward of his obedience. But that it was necessary to support the authority of the divine law in the pardon of sinners, does not appear.—If Christ himself could possibly have been a sinner, and had first made satisfaction for his own sin; it does not appear, but that afterward he might also satisfy for the sins of his people.—If the pretender to the crown of Great Britain, should wage war against king George, in the course of the war should be taken, should be brought to trial, and be condemned to the block; will any man say that the king of France, by becoming the substitute of the pretender, and suffering in his stead, could not make atonement for the pretender, so as effectually to support the authority of the British laws and government, and discourage all future groundless pretensions to the British crown? Yet the king of France could plead no perfect obedience to the British laws.—Even the sinner himself, but upon the supposition of the infinite evil of sin, could by his own sufferings, atone for his sins. Yet he could not exhibit a perfect obedience.

Beside; if the bare obedience of Christ have made atonement, why could not the repentance and perfect obedience of Christ’s people themselves, have answered, instead of the obedience of Christ? Doubtless if they had suffered the penalty of the divine law, it would have answered to support the authority of the law, and the vigour of the divine government, as really as the death of Christ. And since the eternal sufferings of the people of Christ, would have answered the same end of supporting the authority of the law, as the sufferings of Christ; why would not the eternal perfect repentance and obedience of the people of Christ, have answered the same end, as his obedience in their behalf? If it would, both the death and obedience of Christ as our substitute, are entirely in vain. If the elect had only been converted, and made perfectly and perseveringly obedient, it would have answered every purpose both of the death and obedience of Christ. Or if the obedience of Christ in the flesh were at all necessary, it was not necessary to support the authority of the law and government of God; but merely as it was most wise, that he should obey. It was necessary in the same sense only, as that the wind should, at this moment, blow from the north-east, and not from the south-west, or from any other quarter.

If the mere active obedience of Christ have made atonement for sin, it may be difficult to account for the punishment of any sinners. If obedience without any demonstration of divine displeasure at sin, will answer every purpose of the divine authority and government, in some instances, why not in all instances? And if the obedience of sinners themselves will answer as really as that of Christ, why might not all men have been led by divine grace to repentance, and perfect subsequent obedience, and in that way been saved from the curse of the law? Doubtless they might: nor was there originally, nor is there now, without any consideration of the atonement of Christ, any other necessity of the punishment of any of mankind according to the law, than that which results from mere sovereign wisdom: in which sense indeed it was necessary that Christ should be given to be the savior of sinners, that Paul should be saved, and that every other event should take place, just as it does take place.

From our doctrine we also learn the great gain which accrues to the universe by the death of Christ.—It hath been objected to the idea of atonement now exhibited, that if the death of Christ be an equivalent to the curse of the law, which was to have been inflicted on all his people; then there is on the whole no gain, no advantage to the universe: that all that punishment from which Christians are saved, hath been suffered by Christ, and therefore that there is just as much misery and no more happiness, than there would have been, had Christ not died.—To this I answer,

1. That is not true, that Christ endured an equal quantity of misery, to that which would have been endured by all his people, had they suffered the curse of the law. This was not necessary on account of the infinite dignity of his person. If a king were to condemn his son to lose an ear or a hand, it would doubtless be esteemed by all his subjects, a proof of far greater displeasure in the king, than if he should order some mean criminal to the gallows: and it would tend more effectually to support the authority of the law, for the violation of which, this punishment should be inflicted on the prince.

2. That if it were true, that Christ endured the very same quantity of misery, which was due to all his people; still by his death an infinite gain accrues to the universe. For though the misery, on this supposition, is in both cases the same, and balances itself; yet the positive happiness obtained by the death of Christ, infinitely exceeds that which was lost by Christ. As the eternal Logos was capable of neither enduring misery, nor losing happiness, all the happiness is lost by the substitution of Christ, was barely that of the man Christ Jesus, during only thirty-three years; or rather during the three last years of his life: because it does not appear, but that during the rest of his life he was as happy, as men in general, and enjoyed as much or more good, than he suffered evil. But the happiness gained by the substitution of Christ, is that of a great multitude, which no man can number, of all nations, kindreds, and people and tongues; Rev. VII. 9. Now if the happiness of one man for three years, or at most for thirty-three years, be equal to that of an innumerable multitude throughout eternity, with the addition of the greater happiness, which Christ himself must enjoy now that he has brought so many sons to glory, beyond what he would have enjoyed, if all these had been plunged in inconceivable and endless misery: then it may be justly said, on the present hypothesis, that by the substitution of Christ, no advantage is gained to the universe. But if the latter infinitely exceed the former, the gain to the universe, even on the supposition, that the sufferings of Christ were equal to those, to which all his people were exposed, is infinite.

I may also hence take occasion to oppose an opinion which appears to me erroneous; which is, that the perfect obedience of Christ was in a great measure designed, to show us, that the divine law may be obeyed by men. It shows indeed, that it may be obeyed by a man in personal union with the divine nature. But how does this show, that it may be obeyed by a mere man? If we should also allow, that it shows, that a man born into the world in perfect innocence, and who is not a fallen creature, may obey the law: yet how does this prove, that it may be obeyed by a fallen creature, dead in trespasses and sins?—It is an undoubted truth, that there is no inability in men to obey the law, except that which is of a moral nature, consisting in the disinclination or disaffection of their own hearts; which does not in the least excuse them in their disobedience. But this is manifest by other considerations, than the perfect obedience of Christ: if it were not, it would not be manifest at all.

Another remark which naturally offers itself in discoursing on this subject is, that Christ’s obedience of the precepts of the law, without submitting to the curse, would by no means prove the justice of that curse. This is the idea of some: That God sent his son into the world, to obey the precepts of the law, & that her mere obedience of these, proves the justice both of the precepts and of the penalty of the law. I have already given the reasons by which I am made to believe, that the obedience of Christ does not prove the precepts of the law to be just. But if it did prove the precepts to be just, it would not therefore prove the penalty too to be just. As the precept of any law may be just and reasonable, yet may be enforced by a penalty which is unjust and cruel; so the proof that the precept is just, does not at all prove, but that the penalty may be unjust and cruel. Indeed as the penalty of any law is designed to support and enforce the precept of that law, so to prove the justice of the penalty, proves the justice of the precept: because not the slightest penalty can be just, when applied to enforce an unjust precept. But this rule when inverted, doth not hold good. To prove the justice of a precept, does by no means prove the justice of the penalty by which that precept is enforced. So that if Christ have proved he precepts of the divine law to be just, this by no means infers the justice of its penalty.—On the other hand; if Christ came to prove the justice of the law, and all that he has done to this effect, have an immediate reference to the precepts only; and if he have done nothing to establish the justice of the penal art, considered by itself; the aspect of the whole will be, that the penal part is unjustifiable, and that for this reason he did not pretend to justify it.

The subject which hath been under our consideration, also shews us, in what sense the sufferings of Christ were agreeable to God, it has been said, that it is incredible, that mere pain should be agreeable to a God of infinite goodness; that therefore the sufferings of Christ were agreeable to God only as a proof of the strength of the virtue of Christ, or of his disposition to obey the divine law.—If by mere pain be meant pain abstracted from the obedience of Christ, I cannot see why it may not be agreeable to God. It certainly is, in the damned: and for the same reason might have been, and doubtless was, in the case of our Lord. The father was pleased with the pains of his son, as they were necessary to support the authority of his law and government, in the salvation of sinners.

Another reflection naturally suggested by this subject is, that in punishing some sinners according to the curse of the law, and in requiring an adequate atonement, in order to the salvation of others; God acts, not from any contracted, selfish motives, but from the most noble benevolence and regard to the public good.—It hath often and long since been made a matter of objection to the doctrines of the future punishment of the wicked, and of the atonement of Christ; that they represent the deity as having regard merely to his own honour and dignity, and not to the good of his creatures, and therefore represent him as deficient in goodness. But can it be pretended to be a proof of goodness in God, to suffer his own law, which is the perfect rule of virtue, to fall into contempt? However it might afford relief to some individuals, if God were to suffer his moral kingdom to be dissolved; can it be for the general good of the system of his creatures? Is it not manifestly necessary to the general good of the created system, that God’s moral kingdom be upholden? And that therefore the authority of the divine law, and vigour of the divine government be maintained? If so, then it is also necessary to the general good, that punishments be inflicted on the disobedient and lawless; or that they be pardoned in consequence only of a proper satisfaction or atonement.

So that those very doctrines which of all others are made matter of the most objection to the divine goodness or benevolence, are clear proofs of goodness, and are absolutely necessary to it.—If a prince should either make no laws for the government of his subjects, or should never execute them: but should suffer all crimes to pas with impunity: you would by no means esteem him a good prince, aiming at the good of his subjects: you would not hesitate to pronounce him either very weak or very wicked.

In reflecting on this subject, we may notice the reason, why so many, who profess to be advocates for that doctrine of atonement, yet place the atonement in that, in which it does by no means consist. The principal reason seems to be, that they have conceived, that the idea of Christ’s having suffered an equivalent to the punishment, to which all his people were exposed, is inconsistent with grace in their pardon. But if I have been so happy as properly to state the ideas of justice and grace, it appears that there is as much grace in the pardon of sinners on account of such an atonement as that just mentioned, as there would be on account of an atonement consisting in mere obedience; or as there would be in pardon without any atonement at all.

Hence also we see, that the death of Christ in our stead, is not useless or in vain. The oppressors of Christ’s substitution and atonement, assert, that no good end is answered by the sufferings of an innocent, amiable and virtuous person, in the stead of the guilty. But surely to support the authority of the law and of the moral government of God, is not a vain or unimportant end. It was not in vain that Zaleucus, having made a law, that all adulterers should have both their eyes put out, and his own son being the first who transgressed, put out one of his own eyes and one of his son’s. Hereby he spared his son in part, and yet as effectually supported the authority of his law, as if it had been literally executed.—Nor was it in vain, that during the late war, a soldier in the American army of a robust constitution, pitying his fellow-soldier of a slender constitution, who was condemned to receive a certain number of stripes, petitioned to be put in the place of the criminal, and actually received the stripes. 5 For the authority of the martial law was effectually supported, and perhaps by this mean, the life or future health and service of the criminal were preserved, and would otherwise have been lost.

Neither was the death of Christ in the stead of sinners, any injury done to an innocent person. As well may we say, that Zaleucus, or the soldier just mentioned, were injured: Or that a man is injured, when another man receives the money of him, which he voluntarily tenders in payment of the debt of a third person: Or that a man is injured by the surgeon, who takes off his leg to preserve his life, the man himself consenting, and desiring him so to do.

Again; we may observe in what sense justice and the divine law are satisfied by the death of Christ; and in what sense the atonement of Christ is properly called a satisfaction. It is only the third kind of justice before mentioned, that is satisfied by Christ. No man for the reasons already given, will pretend that commutative justice is satisfied by Christ; for the controversy between God and the sinner is not concerning property.—Nor is distributive justice satisfied. If it were, there would indeed be no more grace in the discharge of the sinner, than there is in the discharge of a criminal, when he hath endured the full punishment, to which according to law, he hath been condemned. If distributive justice were satisfied, it would have no further claim on the sinner. And to punish him, when this kind of justice has no claim on him, is to treat him more unfavourably or severely than his personal character deserves. If so, the penitent believer, considered in his own person, deserves even according to the strictness of the divine law, no punishment; and that merely because he repents and believes: and if so, repentance and faith satisfy the law, or are the curse of it, as I have already shown. If distributive justice be satisfied, it admits of no further punishment, and to punish him further, would be as positively unjust, as to continue a man’s punishment, after he hath endured the full penalty of any law.—If distributive justice be satisfied by Christ, in the behalf of sinners, then the rule of distributive justice is not the personal character of a man, but the character of his friend, his advocate, or representative; any man has a right, on the footing of distributive justice, is not the personal character of a man, but the character of his friend, his advocate, or representative; any man has a right, on the footing of distributive justice, to be treated according to the character of his representative; and if he be not thus treated, he suffers an injury; he is abused. On this principle, no prince or magistrate will have a right to punish, for any crime, a subject who can procure a man of a virtuous life, to represent him and plead his cause.

But perhaps it will be said, that distributive justice is satisfied by the death of Christ, because he placed himself in our stead, and suffered in our room; and that whenever a person thus substitutes himself for another, and suffers the punishment due to that other, that other hath a right to a discharge, as distributive justice is then satisfied.—Now according to this objection, the true idea of distributive justice is, to treat a man either according to his own sufferings, or according to the sufferings of his representative. And if according to the sufferings of his representative, why not according to the obedience of his representative. And this brings us just where we were; that every man may in justice demand, to be treated according to the character of his representative; which is absurd.

Distributive justice therefore is not at all satisfied by the death of Christ. But general justice to the deity and to the universe is satisfied. That is done by the death of Christ which supports the authority of the law, and renders it consistent with the glory of God and the good of the whole system, to pardon the sinner.

In the same sense of the law of God is satisfied by the death of Christ: I mean as the divine glory and the general good, which are the great ends of the law, are secured.—In this sense only is the atonement of Christ, properly called a satisfaction; God is satisfied, as by it his glory and the good of his system are secured and promoted.

Objection. But is not distributive justice displayed in the death of Christ?—Answer. The question is ambiguous: If the meaning be, Is not distributive justice satisfied? I answer, for the reasons already given, in the negative. If the meaning be, Is there not an exhibition made in the death and sufferings of Christ, of the punishment to which the sinner is justly liable? I answer in the affirmative; distributive justice is, in this sense, displayed in the death of Christ. But it is no more displayed, than the punishment of the sinner is displayed, in the death of Christ.

It may be proper here to notice the sense, in which justice admits of several things which it does not demand: That it admits of the salvation of Paul, but does not demand it. And it would admit also of the damnation of Paul, but does not demand that.—But in these instances the word justice is used in two very different senses, which ought to be carefully distinguished. When it is said, justice admits of the salvation of Paul, the third kind of justice before described, must be intended. The general good admits it: neither the glory of God nor the good of the system, opposes it.

But distributive justice, which requires every man to e treated according to his personal character, does not admit that Paul should be saved: So far as this kind of justice says anything concerning this matter, it demands that Paul be punished according to law: And if this justice be made the rule of proceeding in the case, Paul will inevitably be cast off. This kind of justice no more admits of the salvation of Paul than it admits of the salvation of Judas. But it is said, that “justice admits of the salvation of Paul, but does not demand it.” Justice to the universe does demand it, as fully as admit of it, and the universe would suffer an injury, if he were not to be saved: but justice to the universe, neither demands nor admits of the salvation of Judas. Whereas distributive justice to Paul personally, as much demands that he be not saved, as that Judas be not saved.

But if we will make a distinction between what justice admits and what it demands, the true and only distinction seems to be this: Justice admits of anything which is not positively unjust; of any favour however great or manifold: But it demands nothing, but barely what is just, without the least favour, and which being refused, positive injustice would be done. Distributive justice then admits of the salvation of Judas or of any other sinner; as surely no injustice would be done Judas in his salvation; but it demands not this, as it is a mere favour, or something beyond the bounds of mere justice; or it is no injury to Judas, that he is not saved. Neither does distributive justice demand the salvation of Paul. But public justice both admits and demands both the salvation of Paul and the damnation of Judas. On the other hand, it neither admits nor demands the damnation of Paul, nor the salvation of Judas.—But distributive justice, according to the present distinction between the meaning of the words admit, and demand, though it admits both of the salvation and damnation, of the one or the other: Or, to express the same thing in other words; no injustice would be done either to Paul or Judas personally, if they were both saved or both damned. Distributive justice never demands the punishment of any criminal, in any instance; because no injury would be done him, if he were graciously pardoned. It demands only that a man be not punished being innocent: or be not punished beyond his demerit; and that he b rewarded according his positive merit.

These observations may help us to understand a distinction, which to many hath appeared groundless or perplexing; I mean the distinction of the merit of condignity and merit of congruity. Merit of both these kinds refers to rewards only, and has no reference to punishments: and that is deserved by a merit of condignity which cannot be withholden without positive injury. That is deserved by a merit of congruity which is a proper expression of the sense which the person rewarding, has of the moral excellency of the person rewarded; which however may be withholden without positive injury. Of the former kind is the merit, which every good and faithful citizen has, of protection in his person, liberty and property, and the merit of a labourer who has earned his wages. These cannot be withholden without positive injury. Of the latter kind is the merit, which some eminently wise and virtuous citizens have, of distinguishing honours or marks of esteem. If these be withholden, the proper objects of them, may indeed be said to be neglected, but not positively injured.

This subject teaches also, in what sense God was under obligation to accept, on the behalf of the sinner, the mediation and atonement of Christ. It hath been said, that when Christ offered to make atonement for sinners, God was under the same obligation to accept the offer, as a creditor is to accept the proposal of any man, who offers to pay the debt of another. This is not true: because in matters of property, all that the creditor hath a right to, is his property. This being offered him, by whomsoever the offer be made, he hast the offer of his right; and if he demand more, he exceeds his right; and he has no more right to refuse to give up the obligation, on the offer of a third person to pay the debt, than to refuse the same, when the same offer is made by the debtor himself. All will own, that if a creditor were to refuse to receive payment, and give up the obligation, when the debtor offers payment; it would be abusive and unjust: and let any man assign a reason why it is not equally abusive and unjust, not to receive the payment, and to give up the obligation, when payment is offered by a third person.

But it is quite otherwise in atoning for crimes, in which distributive, not commutative justice is concerned. As the rule of distributive justice is the personal character of the person to be rewarded or punished, and not property; if a magistrate refuse to accept any substitute, and insist on punishing the criminal himself, he treats him no otherwise, than according to his personal character, and the criminal suffers no injustice or abuse. Nor is the magistrate under any obligation of distributive justice, or justice to the criminal himself, to accept a substitute.

It is true, that the circumstances of the case may be such, that it may be most conducive to the public good, that the offered substitute be accepted: in this case wisdom and goodness or public justice will require that it be accepted, and the criminal discharged.

This leads me to observe, that it hath also been said that when Christ offered to become a substitute, and to make atonement for sinners, God was under no obligation to accept the proposal.—This, I conceive, is as wide of the truth, as that he was under the same obligation to accept the proposal, as a creditor is to accept the proposal of a third person to pay the debt of his friend.—The truth is, the glory God and the greatest good of the moral system, did require, that Christ should become a substitute for sinners; and that his offered substitution should be accepted by God. This was dictated and recommended by both wisdom and goodness. So far therefore as wisdom and goodness could infer an obligation on the father, to accept the substitution of his son, he was under obligation to accept it. But this obligation was only that of the third kind of justice before explained, a regard to the general good.

This subject further teaches us, that that constitution which requires an atonement, in order to the pardon of the sinner, is nothing arbitrary. That divine constitution which is wise and good, as being necessary to the good of the moral system, is not arbitrary. But if an atonement was necessary, in order to support the authority of the divine law, and the honor, vigour and even existence of the divine moral government, while sinners are pardoned; undoubtedly that constitution which requires an atonement, in order to the pardon of the sinner, is the dictate of wisdom and goodness, and by no means, of an arbitrary spirit.

Hence we also learn in what sense the death of Christ renders God propitious to sinners. It does so only as it supports the authority of his law and government, and renders the pardon of sinners consistent with the good of the system, and the glory of God.

Finally; this subject teaches the groundlessness of that objection to the doctrine of atonement, that it represents the deity as inexorable. If to refuse to pardon sinners unless it be in a way which is inconsistent with the authority of his law, and with the authority and even existence of his moral government; is indeed a proof, that God is inexorable; then that God will not pardon sinners without atonement, or in a way which is inconsistent with the authority of his law, and with the authority and even existence of his moral government; is indeed a proof, that God is inexorable. But unless it be an instance of inexorability, that God will not pardon sinners, unless it be in a way which is consistent with the good of the moral system, there is no ground to object to the doctrine of atonement, that it represents the deity as inexorable. On the other hand; that God requires an atonement in order to pardon, is an instance and proof of truly divine goodness: and if he were to pardon without an atonement, it would prove, that he is destitute of goodness and regardless, not only of his own glory, but of the true happiness of the system of his moral creatures.

THE END.
ERRATA.
Page 24 Line 3 from the bottom, between it and common insert not. p. 29, 1. 30, for chater. Read character. P. 34, 1. 18, After far insert as. P. 35, 1. 5, dele and. P. 39, 1. 4, for this, read his. p. 40, 1. 26, After consistent, insert with. P. 49, 1. 22, For passitive read positive. P. 50, 1. 9, For ventre, read venture. P. 51, 1. 21, For at, read a.

 


1. “It is certainly the doctrine of reason, as well as of the Old Testament, that God is merciful to the penitent, and nothing is requisite to make men, in all situations, the objects of his favour, but such moral conduct as he has made them capable of.” [Priestly, Corruptions of Christianity page 279.]

2. That law in which Paul delighted after the inward man; which he declares to be holy, and just, and good; to be glorious too, nay, in the abstract, glory. (Rom. VII, and 2 Cor. III.) and which David pronounces to be perfect, and more desirable than gold, yea, than much fine gold: sweeter also than honey and the honey comb. Psalm XIX.

3. “Arguments drawn from such considerations as those of the moral government of God, the nature of things, and the general plan of revelation, will not be put off to a future time. The whole compass and force of them is within our reach, and if the mind be unbiased, they must, I think, determine our assent.” Corruptions of Christianity, Vol. I. p. 278.

4. The impropriety of expression, in speaking of pardon without grace, would need an apology, were not it common in treatises on this subject. No more is intended, than that the sinner is acquitted or released, without grace.

5. This I am informed was real fact.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1795 Pennsylvania


William White (1748-1836) graduated from the College of Philadelphia in 1765, was ordained in 1772, and became rector of Christ Church in 1779. He served as chaplain in the Continental Congress, helped organize the Anglican church in America after the Revolution, and was elected Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church. To see the corresponding national Thanksgiving Proclamation issued by George Washington click here.


sermon-thanksgiving-1795-pennsylvania


A
Sermon

On the

Reciprocal Influence

Of

Civil Policy

And

Religious Duty

Delivered in

Christ Church, in the city of Philadelphia,
On Thursday, the 19th of February, 1795,
Being the Day of General Thanksgiving.

By William White, D. D. Bishop of the
Protestant Episcopal Church, in the
Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.

Philadelphia:
Printed by Ormrod & Conrad, at the Old
Franklin’s Head, No. 41, Chesnut-Street.

March, 2d. 1795.

DEDICATION.

To the President of the United States.

Sir,
The liberty which I take, of sending the following Sermon from the Press, with a dedication to the first Magistrate, is not from the thought, that I can, in any way, add to the reputation, so high as his, in
our own country and throughout the world; but for a use, which arises out of my argument.

The relation which I have asserted of religion to civil policy, is well known to be considered as chimerical by some; while it is contemplated by others, as involved in whatever relates to the prosperity of the commonwealth. If a question should be raised, concerning the sense of the governments under which we live, it cannot be denied, that persons of the latter description may appeal to many particulars, in law and in practice, which can be defended on no other ground, than that of the propriety of the states availing itself of the religious principle in the minds of its citizens, in order to answer the purposes of its institution. When, therefore, in addition to constantly operating sanctions, we hear the voice of our country calling on us to assemble, for the express design, of offering our acknowledgments to the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, for his prospering of its counsels, and of invoking the continuance of his mercies; it is another sanction of the latter opinion, which the advocates of it cannot fail to notice, as being to their purpose; especially if it be aided by the reputation of those, from whose authority it proceeds.

It cannot have escaped the notice of any, that, since your elevation to the seat of supreme Executive authority, you have, in your official capacity, on all fit occasions, directed the public attention to the Being and the Providence of God: And this implies a sense, as well of the relation, which nations, in their collective capacities, bear to him, their Supreme Ruler; as of the responsibility to him of earthly Governors, for the execution of the trusts committed to them. Even had such acknowledgments come from any one, whose conversation or whose conduct were in opposition to the principle implied; still they might have been pleaded, as an homage to the truth, extorted by existing circumstances or by some selfish views; at the expense of the violation of theory, or else of the crimination of the person. In the present instance, it is to my purpose to remark; and, but for this circumstance I should not now remark it; that an unimpeached sincerity of character, accompanied by the public acknowledgment of a Divine Being, not attached to station but evidenced throughout life, warrants, on every rul of evidence, a much stronger construction. We have a right, to apply the testimony of such a character, as the result of an enlightened conscience; and to think it an advantage to our cause, to pronounce, that a mind, which has embraced all the civil interests of the American people, has not overlooked the relation which they all bear, to the great truths of religion and of morals.

On this ground, Sir, I presumed, in the following discourse, delivered in your presence, to apply the summons under which we were assembled, to the doctrine which it was my object to establish: in doing which, it could not escape my recollection, that the sanction would come, with especial weight, before a Congregation, who have been witnesses of a correspondent conduct of the person, in his attendance on divine worship among them, during the frequent occasions of his temporary residence in this city, within the twenty years last past. For the truth of the construction of the act of government, the preacher only is responsible: The right of making the construction, if it be done with decency, seemed to come within his privileges as a citizen: And for any censure he might hazard, as to the propriety of the reasoning, he was willing to commit himself in that respect; considering, as he did, that the point intended to be established, was not mere matter of speculation, but involved important duties of civil rulers and equally important rights of Christian ministers: the former, as a conformity to professions brought forward to the public eye; and the latter, as giving us an opportunity to remind our civil superiors, when occasion and prospect of usefulness occur, of practicing duties, which with a view to the happiness of the civil state, they, officially and with great propriety, recommended to us and to our congregations.

From this statement of circumstances, the design, and, I hope, the propriety of the Dedication, must be evident. It is, Sir, that in proof of a point, which I believe to be essential to the duties and to the felicities of public and of private life, I may, in the most explicit and pointed manner that occurs to me, avail myself of the aids which I think I discover, in the measures of your administration and in the weight of your character: a use of human authority, which cannot be objected to, as in applicable to the subject; because it is of the essence of my argument, that, in every permanent government, civil rulers will be drawn to confess the principle asserted; either, as in the present instance, by a declaration of truths believed and felt; or, as may happen, by a compliance with what they suppose to be popular prejudices and weakness. And this is a circumstance, which I apply in proof, that my doctrine is involved in, and inseparable from social order.

The time, Sir, may come, and I believe it must come, when the doctrine here maintained will be held a much more important subject, than it has yet been, or political investigation; and when the acknowledging of if will be demonstrated by fact, to be a trait in the character of the enlightened statesman and in that of the virtuous citizen. In that event, it will be no small part of the praise of the chief magistrate of the present day, that, as the result of his own judgment and consistently with his own practice, he made acknowledgments, which are in contrariety to a theory, that sets open the flood-gates of immorality.

What is more, the time will assuredly come to another state of being; and I cannot suppose that the personage whom I am addressing has a doubt of the certainty of it; when the recollection of having upheld the interests of religion and of virtue will be a more substantial consolation, than any now arising from the merited gratitude of fellow citizens and the applauses of distant nations.

That you may enjoy that best reward of your present labors; and that the remainder of your life may be crowned with a measure of felicity, proportioned to the glory of the past period of it; is, Sir, the sincere wish and the devout prayer, of your respectful, affectionate and obliged humble servant,
WILLIAM WHITE
Feb. 28th, 1795.

ADVERTISEMENT.
The author of the following sermon consented to the Publication of it, at the request of many whom he esteems; and particularly, of his Brethren, the Episcopal Clergy in this City: A request, which, considering the nature of the subject and the reasons given for the publication, he could not refuse; without consciousness of a degree of sensibility to the censure or the indifference of the public, which, perhaps, would be a greater fault than another, to avoid the imputation of which, he has evaded many other applications, for the committing of discourses to the Press.

Deut. XXXIII. Part of 27.
“The eternal God is thy refuge, and underneath are the Everlasting Arms.”
I will begin with a confession, which, if it should be offensive to any, cannot consistently be so to those, who have given their attendance on the present occasion. It is this: that, however I revere the appointments under which we are assembled, and value the pious purposes which it states ; yet I rejoice in it, not so much for its more immediate and declared uses, as for the proposition in which it will stand to the opinion, maintained by many, that there is no necessary connection, between civil government and religion; or, in other words, between the duties of the social state, and those which are supposed to be the dictates of devotion. This is an opinion, which has been set up, at different times, by infidelity and by fanaticism, as it has suited their respective purposes. It has gained ground, in our day, among those who are no enemies of social order; but who, disgusted at the abuses, to which religion has been prostituted by power, see no remedy for them, but in the opposite untried extreme. To all, therefore, who think they discover, in that extreme, the seeds of the dissolution of morals and of government, it must be agreeable to contemplate an appointment, grounded on the contrary important truth; and which, issuing from the first branches of the federal government, and being honoured and attended to by the other branches of it, may be considered as the opinion of the nation, delivered to us by its constituted authorities, that it is bound to acknowledge the presiding Providence of God; to cultivate his favour by acts of worship; and to impress on the public mind, that sense of his perfections, which is the highest sanction of the duties of individuals, to the commonwealth, and to one another.

Were my opinion, on this subject, other than what has been stated, I should find it continually contradicted in the Scriptures. For we are told, on that high authority,-“they who rule over men, should rule in the fear of God;” and, “by him kings reign, and princes decree justice;” a sentiment alike applicable to the administrators of public authority, under every form, or by whatever name; and it is he, “who speaks the word concerning states and kingdoms;”-to “build and to plant,” on the one hand, and “to pluck up and destroy,” on the other. And in the New Testament, however far the kingdom of its divine author, from being that of this world, yet it has an influence on its affairs, in the injunction it gives, “to be subject not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake;” and in its affirming, of magistrates, that they are “God’s ministers,” designated to their stations by his Providence.

These authorities, and may others to the purpose, however far from confounding religion and human policy, in respect to their sanctions, and the states of being to which they belong, yet shew, that the two subjects are contemplated by revelation, as having and action and reaction on one another.

Among the many places to my purpose, are the words of my text. They are those of the Jewish Law-giver; when, having seen his people borne (as it is said) “on Eagles’ wings,” and now on the verge of the promised land; and when, having taken a view from the top of Pisgah, of countries on which he was not to enter, he contemplates, in prophetic visions, the future fortunes of the nation; and, in some of the strongest symbols of eastern poetry, describes them, such as they afterwards came to pass. Of this exalted strain, my text is a very small part. I have taken it, merely for the acknowledgment it contains, of the relation of the nation to their heavenly King; in their being the subjects of his protecting and blessing providence. And therefore, I shall say no more in the way of comment, out proceed to the object of this discourse: which is, to show,
1. The Sanctions of which government may extend, to the encouragement of religion and the practice of its duties;
2. The aids, which religious duties must bring, to the support of government and the accomplishment of its righteous ends; and
3. The joint effect of both these considerations, on the purpose, for which we are, this day, assembled.

1st. I am to show, the sanctions which government may extend, to the encouragement of religion, and the practice of its duties.

One way, is by acknowledging religion to be the basis of its existence.

That this is so, needs no other proof, than that government arises out of the wants of society, in al its possible circumstances: for it follows, that the relation between rulers and the people, or, if you will, between the public and the individuals severally who compose it, is as evident as that between husband and wife, or that between parent and child, or any other: all which relations, existing as they do in nature, point to the will of the God of nature, as the source of the duties they involve.

The evidence of the relation thus asserted is not weakened, by the considering of the civil state, under the notion of a social compact. For although express or implied compact be the origin of the forms of government and of the titles of those who govern; yet, it is not left to compact, whether there shall be government; but it arises from that property of our nature, by which we are social beings; and therefore can never be denied, as an appendage to the human condition; unless it be contended, that it is more agreeable to the order of nature, to seek our respective abodes in the recesses of forests; not to leave them, except to prey on other animals and on one another; and to retire from our bloody meals, satiate and sullen, to our dens.

But no: it is a characteristic of man, that he is a social being: Society however, cannot exist, without government: which, therefore, rests on the will of God, who ordained society and qualified us for its enjoyments. Is it not, then, an instance of the propitious influence, which religion may look for from the civil state, that it should acknowledge itself, to have been created by her pleasure, and to be supported by her commands? The scriptures, alike exact in tracing the origin, as in defining the limits of our duties, have drawn the line of distinction on the present subject; in declaring government to be, in respect ot the forms under which it is administered, “the ordinance of man;” and yet, in respect to the foundation on which it stands, “ordained of God:” a foundation, which cannot be shaken, without the destroying of every vestige of moral obligation; as well from the administrations of those who govern, as from the submission and the obedience which they require.

2dly. Another aid, which religion may receive from government, is in the good examples of those, by whom its power are exercised.

However apparently true in theory, the encomiums made on man, as a being governed by reason; yet, when brought to the standard of practice, it must be confessed, that he is much oftener governed by prejudice, or by passion, or by fancy; or, by what combines them all, a propensity to imitation. There can be but little occasion to demonstrate, that high stations, with their usual attendants of wealth, of patronage, and of real or supposed abilities, must be powerful incentives to an imitation of the virtues of those who fill them: and if it could be doubted, it might be seen to be the result of a correlative fact, that can have been unobserved by few, I mean the frequent effect of the vices of such persons, in the corrupting of the minds and the morals of their dependents, of their companions, and in proportion as their spheres extend, of the public generally. There arises, indeed, from this view of the subject, the awful truth, that even splendid benefits to society give us, sometimes, an inadequate ground, on which to judge of the general usefulness of the characters, by whom they have been achieved. Moralists tell us, to call no man happy, before his death: But to determine on his usefulness, we must go beyond that period; and form a probable estimate of the effects of his actions, on his fellow men, in ages to come; aye, and on their condition in that state, in which both they and he shall answer, for “the things done in the body.” If, while he was dazzling–perhaps benefiting them by his labors, he was corrupting them by his example; if his children, his servants, his friends, in short all who either from connection, or from the eminence of his station, had their notice drawn to him, knew nothing of his acknowledging of a God, than what arose from a profanation of his name; if they beheld him living in the habitual neglect of those acts of devotion, by which alone it can be made venerable to the mass of mankind, and by which alone they can be trained to the practice of its duties; and if the poison of his ungodly living be spreading over the body politic, to the depraving of its members and perhaps, before long, to the downfall of the government, which it is his boast to serve; in regard to all, who, in this picture, stand confessed, could we see them, with the whole assemblage of their actions; looking back to the motives from which they spring and to the consequences in which they end; it would be a series of mischiefs, for which no services can atone.

But to turn aside from this representation, of what civil rulers may do by a corrupt conduct, I rather delight in reminding those whom the present occasion has brought together, of what they may do, by their opposite good example. They may, by the profession and the practice of religion, show them to be as ornamental to the private character, as they are essential to the peace and the prosperity of the state: they may make irreligion and immorality as unfashionable, as they are base: they may extend the opinion, until it shall be as universal as it is true, that society has no sure hold of a man’s integrity, but by motives which address themselves to his conscience: they may expose the folly and the mischiefs of the assertion, that a bad man in private life is not, on that account, the worse citizen or ruler of the state. They may do all this; and therefore, to say nothing of their own responsibility for a good, which Providence has connected with their stations; the position is true, that government may extend this benefit to religion, thro’ the medium of the good examples of those, who are entrusted with the administration of its powers.

3dly. It may effect the same, by laws. I mean such laws, as are for the suppression of immoral conduct: it being this and not the conscience, to which laws apply. I mean, further, such laws, as encourage bodies of men, associated for the purposes of devotion and of charity, and which maintain them in their rights and their properties. And if anyone should extend the sentiment, to such laws, as exist in the eastern parts of this union, affording to bodies of the description stated, a more positive and direct aid, I know of no principle of government, that can interfere; and there is so much credibly said, of the good order, and of the good morals resulting, as not to permit me to doubt their usefulness. But I wish, on this point, to express myself with reserve; and to limit the privilege of the citizen, by the decorum of the ministry. It is the belief of Christians, that their church is “the stone from the mountain, made without “hands,” which shall survive all the revolutions of states and kingdoms: and “stand forever.” They know, that it will exist, independently on the policy of the world; but whether this will obtain its righteous ends, without the sanctions and the precepts of the other, may be doubted. In what way, if at all, that aid should be applied, must be left to the community, thro’ the medium of their public functionaries. To us, as Christians, it only belongs, to implore the Divine being, that in this and in every other line. They may have wisdom to discern and grace to accomplish the high ends of their delegation.

In the meantime, left the sentiments now expressed should be construed to a meaning, foreign to that of him who utters them; it may be proper to declare, that they are considered as independent on any alliance, by which, either the magistrate may make religion the engine of despotism, or by which the priesthood may avail itself of his authority, to establish a dominion over consciences. The first, wherever the evil exists, partakes of the character of that beast in the revelation, to whom “the dragon “gave his power and seat and great authority:” and the latter has the properties of that other beast in the same book, “which had two horns “like a lamb and spake like a dragon.” Still, the just and reasonable objects of religion and of civil policy are, in part, the same; and therefore, the one may extend its salutary influence to the other. I pretend not either to prescribe, or to limit the extent in which they may be expected to co-operate; any further that to pronounce, that either of them is misapplied, whenever its venerable name is made a cover, for measures which violate the high demands of justice, or of mercy, or of civil and religious freedom.

But while I wish to supplicate, with modesty, the sanction which government may extend to religion; I will adopt, under the second head of my discourse, the higher tone of confidence, as to the aids, which religion must bring to government: must, in the strictest sense; in regard, not only to the sure tendency of religious duties, but to the impossibility, that society should exist without them.

The way to demonstrate this, is to point out several instances, in which the influence of religious duties is deeply felt; and then to submit to every understanding, whether, considering the difficulty of restraining the passions of mankind, within the bounds necessary to the social state, even with these aids, it is credible, that the object can be accomplished without them.

The first proof I shall give, is, that religion is the proper principle of all duty; it being beyond the ingenuity of man, to devise another, that shall extend to all times and to all cases. Is it possible, then, that a regard to the Being who sees in secret, that powerful principle, which manifests itself in personal conduct, in domestic duties, in short, in all the affairs of private life, may be spared from the high departments of the public? That there is no call for it, in the exercise of public rights, nor in the enacting of public law, nor in the administration of public justice, nor in the expenditure of public treasure?

The argument derives weight, from the acknowledgment made by the wisest statesmen of different times and countries, of there being the imperfection inherent to government, that it is, in itself, insufficient to its objects; owing to the innumerable occasions, in which the temptations to injury either have no counterpoise in the danger of detection, or are so powerful as to defy it. hence it is, that rulers of every description have had recourse, more or less, to the religious principle in the mind; the virtuous, because they venerate it, as the voice of God, giving effect to their designs; and the wicked, as supposing it a weakness, which they may abuse. We may be told, indeed, of the hypocrisies, which have been engrafted on this stock: Which, however, only show, how deep is the root of the principle, which must be conformed to, either in sincerity or in pretense. For as there would be no imposing professions of friendship, if there were not such a tender sentiment in nature; and no wearing of the mask of patriotism, if there were not such a species of benevolence to adorn and dignify the mind; so, there would be no hypocrisy for the purposes of state, if real religion were quite foreign to its concerns.

Is there not, then, incorporated in the condition of humanity, an evidence of the principle of humanity, an evidence of the principle in question? Must not its influence be felt, in innumerable cases, remote from the notice of human eye, and in an extent, that surpasses the powers of human calculation? And in this its silent operation, must it not be a powerful counterpoise, to the basest passions of our nature? To that daring ambition, which would disregard every impediment of law? To that disappointed ambition, which would sacrifice the world, to its revenge? To that love of rule, which would let no bounds to its oppressions? And to that love of gain, which nothing else can circumscribe? What if, in very many, these passions rage without control: Still society gains a great deal, from the many, in whom they are, by religion, conquered: from the many more, in whom they are, by her admonitions, bounded: and from the many more, in whom, by her awful presence, they are accommodated to character and decorum; and even forced to assume the cloak of apparent virtues.

2dly. There is a powerful effect of religion, in the cultivation it brings to all amiable affections: which I mention as another proof, of the aid asserted. The most obvious property of devotion, is its elevating of our minds to that all perfect good, whom we cannot contemplate, without moral improvement. Let anyone, who doubts of the amiable tendency of religion, consider devotion as an operative principle on the mind; investigating its effects, when it acts, retired from every notice, but that of its great object; and independent on any dark passions, with which error or infirmity may clog it: and let him deny, if he can, that, whether it be a duty or a weakness, the affections which it prompts are those of gratitude; of humility; of resignation; of love; but above all, of a longing desire, to be conformed to the standard of perfection thus displayed to it; especially of imitating the essential benevolence of his nature, which extends as wide as the creation. Can then such affections be awakened, in our intercourse without Creator; while we are insensible to the occasions which call for them, in our intercourse with our fellow men? Shall the same person have a heart easily melted in one case, but cold and obdurate in the other? Shall he, in the former relation, be grateful, humble, resigned, affectionate? And in the latter, be ungrateful, arrogant, impatient, selfish? No; the habits of the mind cannot show the impressions of such opposite and inconsistent molds: and if so, it is evident, that devout affections must yield their genial warmth to all those departments of private life, the felicities of which make up the great compound of public good, which it is the object of law and of government to accomplish.

3dly. There is a proof of my point, in the vast diversity of condition, accompanying the social state, in all the variety of its forms: A circumstance, which calls for the contentment of very many; while, independently on religion, there can be no rational motive to the duty, that shall be applicable to the great majority of mankind. Perhaps it would, in some measure, break the force of this argument, if it could be proved, that the only fit and intended government, is the despotism of the few, over the miserable many: Although even then, there would be this inconsistency in the divine government, that the few are too weak for the sovereignty assigned to them, without a belief in the many, of duties which have no existence, but in the imagination. But to uphold the opinion of a commonwealth, in which every individual has his part; to describe a government, the leading feature of which, is the combining of the interest and the wills of all, to a single point and for a united object; and yet to imagine, that, independently on the sanctions which religion offers, the citizens of such a commonwealth, or the subjects of such a government are bound to contribute in their respective callings, whatever these may be, to the common good; and to suppose, that its least successful members will not–indeed, may not arrogate to themselves, such portions of its wealth and of its honors, as either fraud or violence may promise to make their own; is project, alike chimerical in theory and shown to be impossible in practice. Yes, it has always happened, that whenever, either by the refinements of a false philosophy, or by any other means, the mass of a people have been brought to disregard the first and leading truths of religion, all have become impatient to govern; and there have been none qualified to every vestige of equal liberty and equal law; or, if the names were retained, it was only to render the power the more secure and the oppression the more extreme: An awful lesson to thee, O my country; and what exhibits to thee irreligion in high station, as a blasting of the honors of the patriot and an impeachment of the integrity of the man.

Lastly; I will mention another instance; which, indeed, is not strictly another; but a confirmation of those which have gone before: I mean, the blessed tendency of those express precepts in the scriptures, which were given to promote the great points of social order and submission to authority and law. They are such as that of “rendering tribute to Caesar;” and of course, to the Supreme Power, under whatever form or name; that of “being subject: to the powers that be;” and that of being subject to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake;” with others, which it is not necessary to repeat: Precepts, which, however they have been perverted to the setting of prerogative above law, were never given to prescribe forms of government, or to adjust the pretensions of interfering claims; but having in contemplation acknowledged government, under whatever form, declare, that the interests and the passions of the individual are to bow before the authority of the public; under the highest penalties, which even religion has to offer. Now it cannot be affirmed of these precepts, any more than of the others in scripture, that they have their full force on all, who confess their obligation. Yet it is impossible, but that they must have a visible effect on some; and a silent and insensible influence over many more: and therefore, such a religion must be fruitful of aid to the government, under whose protection it lifts up its voice; and whose prosperity it teaches us to pray for and to promote.

And now, if, after a discussion of the points stated, there should be any one in this assembly, who thinks that the proofs do not apply; and who, therefore, believes, that a member of the community is not the worse citizen of the worse statesman, for his being an irreligious or an immoral man; or rather, for it is to this the argument extends, its being no part of his character, that it is adorned by the profession of religion, and by the practice of its duties; and who would risqué the future fortunes of his country, on the issue of such a Theory; unsupported as it is by the history of past times and contradicted by the opinions of the wisest and the best men, in all ages and in all countries; I would remind such a person, of the consequences of the experiment, if it should be unsuccessful. For in that case, it goes to the utter depravation of the morals of the people. In regard to their civil interests, it lands them, after the fluctuations of faction, with all its horrors, in that only cure of a corrupted community, unrelenting despotism. And in regard to their condition in another life, however uninteresting to such a political adventurer; the very possibility of its “second death,” and the danger of having added to the number of its victims, should make him, at least, seriously weigh the consequences which he hazards.

In the meantime, I hope it appears to the audience generally, that there was reason, to exult, as I did, in the beginning of this discourse, in the civil sanction which my doctrine receives, from the appointment under which we are assembled; and that I promised to apply, in the conclusion, the tow points discussed, as incentives to the duty of the occasion.

It is the duty of thanksgiving, for mercies of the greatest magnitude; a duty, which, if the argument of this discourse is well founded, rests on us, in the double character of citizens and of Christians: which calls on us, as well to attend to the patronage extended by the public authority, to the practice of piety; as to yield to the same authority, the aids it asks of us, for the forwarding of its righteous views.

If ever there were causes of general devout gratitude, they must be such, as are brought before us, at this time: causes, which, however comprehensive of benefits of various forts, may be traced to that principal cause, under Providence, the establishment of a government, proportioned to the necessities of the nation; and connected with that event, the molding of the constitution of the state government, to the principles of the federal. For that great lading event, about the time of its accomplishment, we poured forth our praises to Almighty God, in this place. But however sincere our joy, it was reserved to subsequent events, to show us the full benefit of the occasion of it. For it seems to have been a part of the dispensation, which was permitting bloody wars among powerful nations, to place this rising commonwealth, at the eve of the mighty contest, in the very condition, which, alone, could prevent her from being involved in and, perhaps, the victim of the storm. So that, if we have formerly contemplated, with devout gratitude, an event, which finding us disunited and weak at home, neglected and despised abroad, with a discouraged agriculture and an almost ruined commerce, produced an immediate and progressive increase, in whatever can make a people prosperous, secure and happy; there was yet, in reserve, an evidence of the magnitude of the mercy; an opening of the precipice, on the verge of which we stood; but which we should not now contemplate, without lifting up our voices and our hearts, to the presiding power of God; who has thus guarded us against not only seen, but unseen dangers; and has done more for us, than our own knowledge of our situation permitted us either to ask, or to think.

Even with this apparent guard against the danger, who, among us, did not possess, a few months ago, some such feelings as those of the prophet, when under the view of the desolations coming on his country, he exclaimed, in the agony of his spirit, “O my soul, thou hast heard the sound of the trumpet and the alarm of war? The danger has died, like distant thunder, with noise, but not with desolation. This is a mercy, which may best be estimated, by a contrast with the miseries of weeping millions of our fellow men: and if we have a sense of the benefit, now is the time to raise the song of gratitude to him, who, with such tender care, has” defended us under his wings and “made us safe under his feathers;” and “whose faithfulness and truth have, so conspicuously, been our shield and buckler.”

Little, however, does it avail, for a country to be free from foreign war, if discord, foul fiend, blow the trumpet of sedition within her bosom; and if, when citizen and citizen disagree, the appeal be made, not to law, not to the fountain from which law should issue; but to violence and persecution. Such, however, is what faithful history will record; not to stain the rising glory of our republic, but to illustrate its principles; competent as they have been found, to the calling forth of the spirit and of the strength of the community, against those who would arrogate to themselves its powers. Far be it from me, to open wounds, which, I hope, are closing; or to dwell on errors, for which penitence is, probably, endeavoring to atone. But it is impossible to take into view the full ground of our Thanksgiving, unless we remember the disorder referred to, with gratitude for the suppressing of it; this, after a forbearance, which should have prevented the necessity, and yet by a firmness and force, which rendered resistance desperate; with the least possible injury to private convenience, and to public treasure; and with the rendering of what had happened an additional security of the government, endangered by it. all which, while it deservedly directs the public gratitude to those, whose wisdom guided and whose courage accomplished the measure, should carry us further; even to the adoration of the high and mighty Ruler of the Universe; who, having bid the billows roll, has bid them sleep; who has brought lasting good out of temporary evil; and who is thus conspicuously beheld, in his “stilling,” not more “the rage of the sea, and the noise of his waves,” than “the madness” of popular tumult and insurrection.

If there could be any doubt of these public mercies, it would be easy to read their proper character, in the private benefits, which flow from them. For was there ever a country, which, in the same space of time and in proportion to its numbers and its means, has exhibited the like spirit of enterprise on the ocean? Has made the same extension of its agriculture? Has witnessed the beginnings and the progress of so many useful arts and trades? Has received so many testimonies of the increasing respect of foreign nations, not only in the treaties of their governments, but in the emigrations of their subjects? These are mercies, which the world witnesses and records: Well then does it become us, not only to confess them, but to give the praise where it is supremely due, to that gracious Being, who make “the clouds drop down on us their fatness;” and who, in every other way, blesses the public, and the individuals, generally, who compose it.

Here my enumeration would cease; if a new ground of gratitude had not recently arisen from what is stated as a subject of prayer, in the appointment. I allude to the instruction that we should intercede, in favor of the whole family of mankind, for the blessings, which we possess or ask for, ourselves. For bear witness, o ye nations of the earth, that confederate America, not seeking her glory and her wealth, in the destruction of you citizens, in the devastation of your countries and in the spoiling of your commerce, wishes you every felicity, which she can implore of a gracious providence, for herself! Am I sanguine, in contemplating the benevolent sentiment, as in part carrying into effect, in the confessed negotiations of contending nations? I trust not: And may God grant, not only the full accomplishment of the event desired; but that, to perpetuate it, there may, more and more, prevail the genuine spirit of that religion, and fruit of which will at last be, that “nation shall not rise against nation: and that “they shall learn war, no more.”

And now, I hope I shall not be thought to derogate from the mercies enumerated, if, having a retrospect to the argument of this discourse, I exhort you, in the language of scripture, to “rejoice, with trembling:” To “rejoice, for the real ground of joy, in the blessings stated; but “with trembling,” left, in this career of prosperity, there be a lurking evil, to disappoint us of its fruits. When we compare the circumstances of the settlement of this country, with the energy, which, in a variety of ways, has been of late years, put forth; it is no unsuitable inquiry to a reflecting mind, how far the characters which have been formed and the events which have been achieved, were the result, under Providence, of those religious persuasions and of those virtuous habits, which were a general characteristic of the early settlers; and therefore, how far a now growing spirit of irreligion may be like a worm, in the issuing buds of the glory of the republic? If the answer be such as is suggested by my subject, the danger cannot be discovered, nor the error corrected, too soon. Let then the occasion be considered, as calling our attention “to the rock from which we were hewn;” And thus, as drawing us back to the habits, which have raised us to our rank among the nations. How great a change this would make on many, who, otherwise deserve well of their country, cannot escape our notice. In regard to all such, great is the difficulty of Christian ministers; men, who ought to cultivate, in themselves and in others, a reverence, as well of the persons, as of the stations, of those who possess the confidence of the public; great, I say, is our difficulty, in pressing the most obvious duties, without an apparent implication of their examples, as having a contagious influence on morals. Were this avoided, we could not make the world blind, to the confession implied by themselves, in their attendance on such occasions as the present, of what ought to be their attendance, at other times.

Guardians of your country’s weal! By the sanction which you have given to this day’s devotions, you have demanded their support of the high interests, which you superintend: Let is not then be thought an indecent freedom, that, in return, we invite your patronage of the practice of piety, in all its duties. Christian brethren, generally! The government, in its various branches, confesses, this day, the connection of its purposes, with your devotions: Let it receive the benefit of them; not only at this time, but on all fit occasions; and especially, by their happy influence, in the discharge of the duties of life.

Finally, one and all! “Fear God and keep his commandments.” For this it the whole “of man;” in regard, as well to the dignity of his nature, as to his duties, private and public.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1795 Massachusetts

The Rev. Thomas Baldwin
 

Thomas Baldwin (1753-1825), an influential pastor and well-known author, was born and raised in Connecticut until the age of 16 when he moved to New Hampshire, where he later became a member of the State Legislature. As a young man, he was many times called upon to read sermons before his church when the minister was absent. In 1783, he became an ordained evangelist and for 7 years traveled on horseback among the state’s towns, preaching the Gospel until 1790, when he became the pastor of the Second Baptist Church in Boston. (This is the church where he was pastoring when he preached this Thanksgiving Sermon in accordance with the national Thanksgiving Proclamation issued by President George Washington). In 1803, Baldwin began publication of the Massachusetts Baptist Missionary Magazine, later renamed the American Baptist Magazine (the only Baptist publication in America for years), of which he was the only editor until 1817 and the senior editor until his death in 1825. During his lifetime, Baldwin published 34 separate works, including several books and numerous sermons (published at the special request of his hearers). Baldwin died in Maine at the age of 72, having the day before his death preached two sermons in Massachusetts.

Second Baptist Church of Boston
 

July 27, 1743 – The church was established (formed from a church split from First Baptist Church)
March 15, 1746 – The church meets in its own building for the first time
1743-1790 – The church has four separate pastors
1790-1825 – Thomas Baldwin becomes its fifth pastor, leading the church for 35 years

Notable Events During the Tenure of Pastor Thomas Baldwin
 

1803-1805 – Baldwin was a noted revival preacher, and during this part of the Second Great Awakening, 212 members were added to his church
January 1, 1811 – A new church building is dedicated with an estimated 3,000 people present
July 27, 1816 – A Female Sabbath School (only for poor children) is begun, with 37 children present; they are taught the alphabet, reading, and spelling and memorized portions of the Bible, catechisms, etc.
1817 – A Male Sabbath School begins
1817- 1825 – The Sabbath School is expanded to include children of the rich as well as the poor


 


sermon-thanksgiving-1795-massachusetts
A

SERMON,

DELIVERED

FEBRUARY 19, 1795:

BEING

THE DAY OF

PUBLIC THANKSGIVING

Throughout the United States.

BY THOMAS BALDWIN.

P S A L M XXXIII 12

BLESSED IS THE NATION WHOSE GOD IS THE LORD, AND THE PEOPLE WHOM HE HATH CHOSEN FOR HIS OWN INHERITANCE.

 

In obedience to the call of the President of the United States, we are now, my brethren, assembled in the house of God to offer thanksgiving and prayer to the “great Ruler of nations, for the manifold and signal mercies which distinguish our lot as a nation” [a direct quote from the 1795 Thanksgiving Proclamation issued by President George Washington]. And as God is this day publicly to be praised in the assemblies of His people, I have thought the [Bible] passage now read might be a suitable foundation of our present meditations.

This beautiful psalm, whoever might be the penman of it, is evidently designed to set forth the power and goodness of God in such an amiable [agreeable] light as to excite our confidence, awaken our gratitude, and warm the devout passions of the soul with sacred joy.

If we contemplate God either in His word or works, we shall find abundant matter for joy and thankfulness: “For the word of the Lord is right, and all His works are done in truth. He loveth righteousness and judgment; the earth is full of goodness of the Lord” [Psalm 33:4-5].

From this view of the righteousness, equity, and benevolence of the Divine government, the pious psalmist was led to exclaim, as in the text; “Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord, and the people whom He hath chosen for his own inheritance.” That we may more fully enter into the spirit of the text, we shall attempt:

I. To show when it may be said of a nation that “the Lord is their God” – to consider what evidence a people may have that the Lord has chosen.

II. To consider what evidence a people may have that the Lord hath chosen them for His inheritance.

III. That we may infer the duty and obligations of a people thus favored and blessed (in illustrating of which we shall attend to several particulars contained in the proclamation).

I. We are to show when it may be said of a nation that “the Lord is their God.”

As a nation, we form a particular character in distinction from that of individuals. As such, we may exhibit the amiable [likeable] features of virtue and religion, or the base picture of vice and infidelity. In this character we may receive temporal blessings as the fruits and reward of virtue, and also suffer national calamities as the punishment of our vice and impiety.

Therefore,

1. When as a nation we acknowledge the eternal God to be the Creator, Preserver, and Upholder of all things – when we acknowledge His universal dominion over all worlds, and all beings – and when we attribute those Divine perfections to Him which are necessary to form His exalted character and render Him the proper object of our love and esteem; and

2. When we acknowledge that system of truth contained in the Bible to be His word, and as such reverence and obey its doctrines and precepts – when we cordially subscribe to its Divine originality [inspiration] and rest all our hopes of futurity on its precious promises – when we endeavor to imbibe its genuine spirit and live agreeably to its dictates; and

3. When we acknowledge Him as the lone object of religious worship and adoration in distinction from all false gods and idols – when at stated seasons we attend upon His institutions and offer up our prayers and praises through that medium which He hath appointed; and

4. When we acknowledge Him as our rightful Sovereign and live in subjection to His laws (for it can never be supposed that a people have chosen the Lord for their God, while they refuse to have him reign over them. The very language of His enemies is, “Let us break His bands in sunder and cast His cords away” [Psalm 2:3], whilst those who approve of His government say, “The Lord is our Lawgiver, the Lord is our King, He will save us” [Isaiah 33:22]. And, said Jesus, “Then are ye My friends when ye do whatsoever I command you” [John 15:14]); and

5. When we acknowledge His universal Providence over all the works of His hands (if we rely upon His protecting care and Providence, we shall manifest it by appealing to His wisdom to direct us when involved in darkness and difficulty, and to His power to defend us when surrounded by threatening dangers; and finally, in leaving the issue of our most interesting concerns to the righteous disposal of Him who controls all human events);

6. And lastly, when we acknowledge the Lord to be the Giver of all mercies (nothing can be more calculated to keep us humble and thankful than to realize our dependence on God: “Every good and every perfect gift comes down for the Father of lights” [James 1:17]. A sense of our own unworthiness and of the Divine goodness in bestowing favors upon us will excite in us the most lively [strongest] sentiments of gratitude and undissembled [genuine] joy and will finally issue in thanksgiving and praise).

But we come

II. To show, what evidence a people may have that the Lord hath chosen them for his inheritance.

The terms very naturally imply each other; agreeably to the tenor of the new covenant, “I will be their God and they shall be My people” [Ezekiel 37:27]. And again, “I love them that love me” [Proverbs 8:17].

Although this part of our subject may not appear so capable of proof as the former (since neither love nor hatred can be certainly known by common course of Providence) as one event happeneth to all, yet undoubtedly there may be some rational evidence in favor of the people whom God hath chosen.

As

1. God’s disposing a people to choose Him to be their God is a clear evidence that He had previously chosen them for His inheritance: “Ye have not chosen Me (said the Savior to His disciples, that is first) but I have chosen you” [John 15:16]. They had indeed chosen Him with all their hearts; but this was consequent upon His choice and therefore could not be the cause, although it was the best evidence of their being His people. “We love Him because He first loved us” [1 John 4:19]. But we observe,

2. Special and remarkable instances of Divine interposition in behalf of a people naturally lead us to conclude that God hath chosen them for His own.

Of old, He chose the seed of Abraham for His people and Jacob for the lot of His inheritance; and although He suffered them for a season to be afflicted by their enemies, yet when the set time was come for their deliverance from Egyptian bondage, His arm was made quite bare in the fight of the nations.

The children of Israel at this time were sunk under the most abject slavery. They indeed groaned under their bondage but had no idea of deliverance; and by being so long accustomed to serve, they had quite lost the spirit of enterprise. Yea, they were so far inured [accustomed] to their wretched condition and so indifferent to the cause of freedom, that after Moses had exhibited his credentials and given the most unequivocal proof of his being sent of God to liberate them from their vile servitude, they were ready upon almost every appearance of difficulty or danger to raise their clamorous voices and say, “Let us alone that we may serve the Egyptians.” But their drooping spirits were finally cheered, and with one consent they rallied round the standard of freedom; and while the Egyptians for their cruelty were visited with various plagues and were now mourning the loss of their first-born, under cover of the night they made their escape. But the tyrant of Egypt soon determined to pursue them.

The ransomed tribes, not being furnished with weapons of defense in order to escape the Philistines, took their route by the way of the wilderness and were now encamped between Migdol and the Red Sea. Imagination itself could scarce conceive of a situation more disadvantageous and distressing than theirs. The sea spread itself in their front; on either side they were enclosed by inaccessible mountains. Hahiroth on one side and Baal-zephon on the other, forbade their flanking off, whilst in their rear they beheld their late imperious master with all their tyrant bands in crowded columns advancing towards them, glittering in armor and amply furnished with the whole apparatus of death!

At this critical moment when ruin appeared inevitable, Moses – who had the most perfect command of himself – endeavored to calm their fears and excite their confidence in God. “Stand still,” said he, “and see the salvation of the Lord” [Exodus 14:13]. The cloud which led their way instantly went back and stood as an impenetrable wall before the Egyptian host. Moses now took his awful rod and stretched his hand out over the sea and the waters divided. Then, “the waters saw thee, O God, the waters saw thee; they were afraid and the depths were troubled” [Psalm 77:16]. “He made the waters to stand as an heap; they were congealed in the heart of the sea” [Exodus 15:8], until the chosen tribes had marched safely through.

But when one dark scene has passed, another equally distressing instantly opened to their view. They were now traversing the barren sands of Arabia beneath a burning sun and their soul fainted within them. No fruitful fields supplied their hunger, nor cheering springs allayed their thirst. In vain they wished for the flesh-pots of Egypt or the waters of the Nile. No human exertions could save them. The Lord again interposed and the heavens supplied them with bread, and the rock followed them with streams of living water.

The interpositions of Heaven were so visible in behalf of this people that an eastern soothsayer, after using in vain all the arts of magic to curse them, was constrained to say, “The Lord his God is with him and the shout of a King is among them” [Numbers 23:21].

When David upon a particular occasion was celebrating the Divine goodness, it brought to remembrance those days of the right hand of the Most High when God so remarkably interposed in their behalf; even when they were strangers in the land. “And when (said he) they went from nation to nation and one kingdom to another people, He suffered no man to do them wrong. Yea, he reproved kings for their sakes; saying, Touch not Mine anointed and do My prophets no harm.” [I Chronicles 16: 20-22]. And thus He led them on to the possess the Promised Land.

But we are called upon by the man whom we delight to honor [President George Washington] thankfully to notice “the manifold and signal mercies with distinguish our lot as a nation.” But where shall we begin! The various streams of Divine goodness have constantly followed us through all this wilderness.

The interpositions of a kind Providence towards us from the first settlement of this country to the present day have been almost as conspicuous as those granted to Israel of old.

The groaning of our fathers under the persecuting yoke of oppression, although in their native land, was heard in heaven. Nor did they long groan in vain, for God was pleased to dispose their hearts to unite in forming the important design of attempting a passage across the pathless ocean in search of these western shores. Numerous were the trials and disappointments they experienced in leaving their native land, and many were the fears and discouragements with which they conflicted on the boisterous ocean until at length they discovered the Continent [America] and again trod on solid ground.

But how seemingly easy would it have been for the savages to have collected their numerous tribes and hurled such showers of darts and poisoned arrows upon them as to have obliged them to quit [leave] the shore; or at least to have harassed them in such a manner as to have prevented them from cultivating the soil and in that way forced them to re-embark.

Various indeed were the scenes of distress through which the first adventurers passed, and various were the deliverances which they experienced. Death early discovered their infant settlement and within less than five months after their first landing at Plymouth swept away nearly one half of their number. Sometimes painted savages with hideous yells disturbed their peaceful camp, and sometimes famine with meager visage [face] stared them in the face.

Three years after their arrival they were brought to such straits, their provisions being spent, when it was three or four months to harvest so that when they lay down at night they knew not where to get any for the morning; and for three or four months together they had neither bread nor corn. “Yet (said they) we bear our wants with cheerfulness and rest on Providence” [a quote from the Journal of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, compiled by George Cheever (New York: John Wiley, 1848), p. 283]. Nor did they rely in vain. God heard their cry and sent them relief.

Thus when death and savages and famine seemed all to combine against this feeble colony, God was pleased to give the high command, “Destroy it not, for a blessing is in it” [Isaiah 65:8].

Heaven had undoubtedly designed this beautiful part of the creation for nobler purposes than to lay an uncultivated waste for beasts and savages to roam over. It was evidently marked out by Divine Providence as the favored spot on which liberty (which had long been imprisoned in other parts of the globe) should erect her spacious temple.

But this high design was not then fully understood, and America – like a child in minority for a long season – was under “tutors and governors” [Galatians 4:1-2] of a foreign appointment until the fullness of time [Galatians 4:4] came for her to be free.

But time would fail to recount the various wonders of Divine goodness towards this land, or the numerous instances of oppression from a foreign power which led on to that memorable season which marked a new epoch in the history of the world – I mean the fourth of July 1776, which announced the freedom and independence of America.

That auspicious [fortunate] morn will long be remembered (perhaps as long celebrated) as the political birthday of this nation. Then our fathers in council assembled made their solemn appeal to the Great Judge of the Universe for the rectitude of their intentions and the justice of their cause.

And, my brethren, were not the interpositions of Divine Providence quite visible in our behalf in disposing the different states to lay aside their local prejudices and all unite in one great object? And did not Heaven remarkably smile upon our exertions? How surprising was the spirit of enterprise which then appeared in every class of citizens! Our legislators in Congress nobly opposed and effectually counteracted the subtle and perfidious [treacherous] politics of a nation long skilled in the intrigues of war. And our young sons, uninured [unaccustomed] to the dangers and hardships of a camp but animated with the noble sentiment of liberty, and led on by our immortal WASHINGTON, encountered an army of disciplined veterans with a courage and firmness which would have done honor to Roman bravery. Unsubdued [unconquered] by difficulties, and unappalled [not scared] by dangers, our troops were led on from conquering to conquer [Revelation 6:2], one army after another falling into their hands until our foes were obliged to subscribe [agree to] conditions of peace.

Shall we now, my brethren, ascribe all this glory to ourselves? No; we will say with the devout psalmist, “If it had not been the Lord Who was on our side – now may America say, if it had not been the Lord Who was on our side when men rose up against us, then they had swallowed us up quick” [Psalm 124:1-3]. It was the God of armies which led our troops to victory and glory, and His forever shall be the praise!

Happy indeed is the nation whose God is the Lord and the people whom He hath thus highly favored.

We come now, as was proposed,

III. To infer the duty and obligations of a people thus favored and blessed. The two following inferences very naturally arise from the subject;

1. If we have chosen the Lord to be our God, it is our indispensible duty to acknowledge with thanksgiving the numerous favors He confers upon us.

2. As we are dependent creatures, it is our duty to beseech the kind Author of these blessings to continue them to us and to extend those which we enjoy to all mankind.

In illustrating those observations, we shall attend particularly to the proclamation [of President Washington] upon which we are now convened.

  • 1. We are called upon to offer thanksgiving “for the possession of constitutions of government which unite and by their union establish liberty with order.” If ever a people were under obligations to the Great Ruler of the Universe for the full and free enjoyment of their natural rights and privileges, we certainly are. 1If we are not happy, we must blame ourselves for it, for our modes of government are not the dictates of a conquering tyrant but the deliberate choice of American freemen. No foreign lord has dominion over us, but our “rulers are of ourselves and our governors proceed from among us” [Jeremiah 30:21]. And as the most important offices, both Federal and State governments, are elective, no hereditary dunce can ever be imposed upon the people; but [only] the man whose tried wisdom, fidelity and patriotism shall commend him to their choice.But our constitutions are said to “unite and by their union to establish liberty with order.” But why do they unite? Undoubtedly because they secure the equal rights of all. We cannot reasonably expect that either “union or order” will long prevail where the essential rights of one part of the community are violated and government is instituted and administered for the benefit of a part only and not for the whole. May we ever consider our rights unalienable and in a constitutional way remonstrate [protest] against the smallest infringement.
  • 2. We are directed to offer public thanksgiving to God “for the preservation of our peace, foreign and domestic.”A moment’s reflection, my brethren, will convince you of the propriety of this remark. For notwithstanding the embarrassments which our trade hath suffered on the seas, and the many unprovoked insults offered to our flag; we have shown ourselves superior to those who have injured us by despising rather than retaliating their crimes. And although our western border has been partially distressed, yet the great body of the nation has been folded in the secure arms of peace. And by the blessing of God on the cause of liberty in Europe, and the wise and steady exertions of our supreme Executive [President Washington], aided by our Federal Council [the U. S. Congress], we have been preserved from the horrors and calamities of a foreign war.
  • 3. “The suppression of the late insurrection” is mentioned by our worthy President as a matter of public thanksgiving [in 1794 in western Pennsylvania, armed riots had broken out against the federal government to protest a federal tax on whiskey]. And let the cause of the unhappy insurrection be as it may, we will rejoice and praise God that the consequences were far less fatal than we feared and that it has been wisely overruled not only for the suppression of that rebellion but for the strengthening and cementing of the union. May it also be farther beneficial by deterring other from opposing lawful authority and prevent their making the desperate appeal to arms.
  • 4. “The prosperous course of our affairs, public and private” calls for our grateful acknowledgments. That our wealth and population have rapidly increased within these few years past much beyond any former calculations cannot be denied. And we have the satisfaction still to believe that the tide has not begun to ebb but is yet increasing. Our settlements are extending; the wilderness yields to the hand of cultivation and becomes a fruitful field; towns are built and cities enlarged. Citizens of every class find sufficient employ and ample encouragement to reward their industry. The liberal arts are nourished and useful knowledge discussed and surely there can be nothing wanting but real piety [holiness] to make us truly happy.

But from the uncertain tenure by which we hold these enjoyments, we are led to infer:

2. That it is our duty to beseech the kind Author of these blessings to continue them to us and extend those which we enjoy to all mankind.

And

  • 1. By the proclamation, we are directed “to beseech the kind Author of these blessings graciously to prolong them to us.” We shall be naturally led to this if we suitably realize that the same hand which bestows our blessings may take them away at any time without asking our leave [permission]. And such is the versatility of all earthly things that we know not what will be on the morrow or even what the present day will bring forth – we know not how soon the present scene may be revealed and the dark clouds of adversity overshadow our brightest prospects. Let us then humbly acknowledge our dependence on that Living Fountain and thankfully adore the Giver of All Our Mercies.
  • 2. We are exhorted to pray God “to imprint on our hearts a deep and solemn sense of obligations to Him for them.” Without this, we can never be thankful, for if we consider our enjoyments as the just reward of our own wisdom or industry, we shall feel thankful to none but ourselves. The Lord deliver us from the horrid sin of ingratitude! As our blessings are multiplied, may we consider our obligations increased to love and adore our Great Benefactor.
  • 3. We are to beech the kind Author of Our Blessings “to teach us rightly to estimate their immense value.” Our blessings, my brethren, are numberless and great. We are a people highly favored of the Lord. Our civil and religious privileges are none of the least; we “sit under our own vine and fig tree and none are permitted to disturb or make us afraid” [Micah 4:4]. We worship God according to the dictates of our own consciences without the dread of an Inquisition or fear of persecution. We are indeed exalted to heaven in point of privilege; let us not forget that “where much is given, there much will be required” [Luke 12:48].
  • 4. We are directed to pray that we may be kept from “abusing” the favor we enjoy. It is too often the case that those who have called upon God in the day of their trouble have forgotten Him in the time of prosperity. Happy would it be if we could learn that sacred lesson, “to use the world as not abusing it” [1 Corinthians 7:31]. Our blessings are given us to use but not to abuse. They are often bestowed in abundance so that we may disperse abroad and give to the poor, and thus lay up a treasure in the heavens which “fadeth not away” [1 Peter 1:4]. But should we become vain in our prosperity and “forget the God which made us and lightly esteem the Rock of our salvation” [Deuteronomy 32:15]; we must expect He will turn His hand against us and deprive us of the blessings we abuse. May the Lord “preserve us from the arrogance of prosperity” and enable us so to walk before Him as a nation that He may delight to prosper and bless us.But we are to conclude our supplications by praying,
  • 5. That God would “impart all the blessings we possess or ask for ourselves to the whole family of mankind.”

This beautiful sentiment, my brethren, breathes universal benevolence and good will to the whole human race. Much more is implied in it than what is expressed. I conceive that it fully authorizes and enjoins us to extend our views to other objects not so particularly mentioned in the proclamation. And

1. We will fervently pray that the blessings of the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ which we peculiarly enjoy may be extended to all mankind – that the altars and idols of Pagan superstition may fall before the light of truth and that the shades of Mahometan imposture [Islamic deception] may be dispelled by the bright beams of the “Sun of Righteousness” [Malachi 4:2]. And that the dragon and the beast and the false prophet; and all the anti-Christian powers which have in any way opposed and persecuted the religion of Jesus Christ may be subdued. May the Gospel with its benign [gentle] influences extend from land to land and from sea to sea until the knowledge of God shall cover the earth, from the rising to the setting sun [c.f., Isaiah 11:9].

2. As we enjoy the blessings of peace, we sincerely wish the same to all our fellow-men. Base indeed must be the heart which for any pecuniary [monetary] advantages would wish a war to continue, which makes such havoc of the human species. Hence, my brethren, let us offer up our prayers continually to the God of Peace that the present distressing war among the European nations may come to an end [the Second Hundred Years War between France and Britain and their respective allies were raging in Europe at this time], and that it may terminate in the overthrow of tyranny and despotism and the establishment of liberty and the equal rights of man. And particularly, that nation which came to our relief in the day of trouble [France] may speedily obtain and give such honorable conditions of peace as shall convince the world that they are friends to liberty, order, and humanity and are only to be dreaded by tyrants. May they soon realize all the advantages which a free and enlightened people can derive from a government framed by the unalterable principles of reason and founded upon the eternal basis of equal rights.

But

3. As we desire and enjoy liberty and freedom ourselves, we will not forget our brethren who are in captivity and slavery.

Our unhappy countrymen who have fallen into the hands of the Algerines [Muslim terrorists opposing America during our first War on Terror against Islamic terrorists which lasted from 1784-1816] whose “tender mercies are cruelties” [Proverbs 12:10], shall not be forgotten in our supplications. We will beseech the God of All Compassion to remember them in the land of their captivity and to give them favor in the eyes of those who have carried them captive. We will not only pray for them but whenever we shall be called upon by proper authority, we will cheerfully subscribe for their redemption [i.e., contribute to a fund to pay a ransom to free Americans; see the WallBuilders article on this at https://wallbuilders.com/LIBissuesArticles.asp?id=374 ] and restore them again to the embraces of their friends and the blessings of freedom.

But the benevolent sentiment we now dwell upon does not confine our wishes here; no, we wish the same blessings of liberty which we enjoy to all mankind. May the day soon arrive when not difference of climate or features nor the color of the skin – when nothing but crimes shall consign any of the human race to slavery.

Urged by my own feelings, I am persuaded, my brethren, you will indulge me to mention in particular one of our suffering friends. I mean the brave, but unfortunate Marquis de la Fayette! “At the age of nineteen he espoused the cause of America,” and early determined to embark for this country. But before he could accomplish his design, intelligence arrived at Paris “that the American insurgents reduced to two thousand, were flying [retreating] before a British force of thirty thousand regulars.” In short, things appeared so discouraging that our commissioners at Paris “thought it but honest to dissuade him from the present prosecution of his perilous enterprise.” But nobly triumphing over every discouragement, he said, “Hitherto I have only cherished your cause – I am now going to serve it.” 2 He at length procured a vessel at his own expense and came to America. Soon after his arrival, Congress conferred on him the rank of Major-General, which he accepted – but with the condition of serving at his own expense. 3

His services for several years together in the American army are too well known to require a particular detail upon this occasion. The later part of his command, however, was peculiarly distinguished by the difficulties he encountered and the important services he rendered this country – particularly in counteracting and harassing the movements of the British army in Virginia.

From his embarrassed [difficult] situation at a certain time, Lord Cornwallis thought himself so sure of taking him that he wrote to the British court that “the boy could not escape him.” But the fact proved just the reverse, for he found not long after that it was impossible for him to escape and was finally obliged to resign himself and army as prisoners of war [i.e., the British surrender at Yorktown in 1781].

Can we now, my brethren, who enjoy the fruit of his toils, forget this generous patron of American freedom who is now suffering the horrors of a wretched confinement and languishing in a dreary [French] prison? [Lafayette was imprisoned five years (1792-1797) because of his views of liberty, first in Germany and then in Austria. At the time of this oration, he was still in prison – a fact that greatly angered Americans since he was an American citizen – an honor awarded him by Congress at the end of the Revolution – as well as an American hero]. No; we will raise our supplicating voice to Heaven for him. And may that God who heareth the groans and sighs of the prisoner break the bars of Magdeburg Castle and let that oppressed patriot go free! And may the glorious Gospel of Peace which proclaims liberty to captives and opens the prison doors to them that are bound extend its heavenly influence throughout the world!

To conclude.

While we commiserate [empathize with] the cause of the unfortunate and sympathize in their distresses, let us endeavor wisely and thankfully to improve our privileges and blessings to the glory of God and the best good of our fellow-men. Let us diligently cultivate habits of “sobriety, order, morality and piety” and study to lead “quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty” [1 Timothy 2:2].

And may the God of Abraham, of Isaac and of Israel – the God in Whom our fathers trusted and found deliverance – continue to be our God and to bless us. “There is none like unto the God of Jeshurun, Who rideth upon the heaven in thy help and in His excellency upon the sky” [Deuteronomy 33:26]. “The eternal God is thy refuge and underneath are the everlasting arms” [Deuteronomy 33:27]. “Happy is that people that is in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord” [Psalms 33:12].

A M E N
 


Endnotes

The following footnotes appear in this form in the original sermon:

1. As a nation, we certainly enjoy every natural right; and if under any of the State Constitutions any class of citizens do not enjoy equal privileges, the matter will undoubtedly be attended to at a proper time and the grievance redressed.

2. Amer. Geog. pp. 136, 137.

3. Ibid.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1795 Philadelphia


The following is the text of a sermon preached by Samuel Stanhope Smith on February 19, 1795 – the day of the national Thanksgiving proclaimed by President George Washington.

Samuel Stanhope Smith (1751-1819) graduated from Princeton in 1769 and began helping his father (a minister) with his school and studying theology. He became a tutor at Princeton in 1770 where he studied under John Witherspoon and was ordained in 1773. Smith played a role in the founding of August County College (later Washington and Lee Univeristy) and Hampden-Sydney College. He became president of Princeton upon Witherspoon’s death in 1794 and served until 1812.


sermon-thanksgiving-1795-philadelphia


The Divine Goodness
To the
United States of America.

A
DISCOURSE,
on the
Subjects of National Gratitude.
Delivered in the Third Presbyterian Church in Philadelphia,
On Thursday the19th of February, 1795,
Recommended by the President of the United States,
To be observed throughout the Union as a Day of
General Thanksgiving and Prayer.
Published at the Request of the Committee of that Church.

By Samuel Stanhope Smith, D.D.
Vice-President and Professor of Moral Philosophy and
Divinity, in the College of New-Jersey.

A
SERMON, & c.

PSALM cvii. 21.
Oh! That men would praise the Lord for his goodness, and for his wonderful works to the children of men!

This verse is the chorus1 of a psalm destined to offer to God the praise of a devout and grateful people for the goodness of his providence towards their nation, and individually towards themselves in various situations of life. It is therefore a proper introduction to our present duty. “Let us sacrifice the sacrifices of thanksgivings, and declare his works with rejoicing.”

Thanksgiving to God for public, or for private blessings is an act of worship as reasonable as it is pious—because, as the whole course of nature is arranged and moved by him, every good and perfect gift, which we enjoy, must flow to us from the immediate direction and beneficence of his providence. Surrounded continually with many proofs of the divine goodness, and partakers of many of its fruits, thanksgiving ought to form a part of our daily devotions. But singular instances of personal or national felicity require public and solemn acknowledgments. Connected by fraternal relations with the whole family of mankind it is our duty to rejoice in their happiness, as well as to sympathize with them in their misfortunes. But, united with our country by more intimate ties, it is especially our duty to bring our vows and offerings of praise for her prosperity before the throne of eternal mercy. To this pious office we are now invited by her voice speaking through that illustrious and excellent magistrate who adds to all his other virtues a sacred regard to religion, and who has ever shown an exemplary and humble acknowledgment of divine providence, even in those moments, so glorious to himself, when the human heart, elated by the splendor of success, is most apt to forget its dependence upon God.

Although it is the business of the philosopher to trace the relations of causes and effects, and though every event in society, as well as in nature, may be referred to some adequate cause incorporated into the system of the universe; yet does not this impair our obligations to God, the first mover of all, or diminish the reasonableness of our present duty. He who created the universe, who gave to all things their respective powers, and arranged their combinations, foresaw also their results, intended every end, and prepared, in the general system, the necessary means to accomplish it. Short-sighted indeed is the man who terminates his view on the means, and who does not discern in them the superior direction of that Infinite Being from whom they have derived their existence and their agency. When therefore I retrace our mercies, however a speculative mind may be able to refer them to political, or to natural causes, it is our duty to direct our gratitude ultimately to the Supreme Disposer of all events, who, in the plan of the universe, had prepared, and in the train of his providence has conducted these causes to a happy issue.

It will be impossible, in the time allotted for a single discourse, to go into a detail of all our public blessings; and I forbear, at present, to point out the chastisements or the threatening of Divine Providence which have been mingled with them, and which should awaken within us an humble and holy circumspection of conduct, and preserve us, in our prosperity, from an undue elation of mind. I shall confine my view to a few of the most obvious and important subjects of national gratitude, that are either peculiar to the time, or have been suggested by some striking circumstances in the conduct and opinions of the present age.

The subjects then to which I shall call your attention, at present, and on which I would awaken your gratitude are, the existence and success of the federal government—the continuance of peace with the powers of Europe, and the prospect of returning peace with our savage neighbors—our internal tranquility, and particularly the suppression of the late unhappy insurrection.—And lastly, that which, in the enumeration of national blessings, ought always to hold the chief rank, our enjoyment of the Christian religion I nits purity, unshackled by power, uncorrupted by fraud.

I. In the first place the existence and success of the federal government.

Altho’ this system was framed by men of acknowledged patriotism, and distinguished talents; yet, as it is so difficult in theory to embrace and reconcile the infinite diversity of interests and opinions that exist in an extensive country, to seize the proper springs of human action, and, by a single impulse, to move ten thousand wheels, the forces and tendencies of which are hardly subject to calculation, and as in operation every political theory is liable to be deranged by unforeseen accidents, government, at first is a measure merely of experiment. It requires time to verify, or to correct its principles. These observations justify me in going so far back as the establishment of the federal government, and calling it up at present as a subject of acknowledgement to heaven. The experience of six years entitles us now to call it a blessing. It has more than realized the expectations of every friend to public order who wished to see energy infused into the laws, of every real patriot who hoped to see public credit redeemed, and the prosperity of the nation established on a firm basis, and even of every enthusiast for his country who fondly gloried in the name of an American. Under the former system, the exertions of the states were divided, unequal, dilatory, and feeble. No common principle of union and energy pervaded them, and concentrated the efforts of the whole. The supreme council of the republic, divested of power, could only recommend their duty to the citizens, and supplicate from them their tardy, their jealous, their parsimonious, and reluctant aids. America resembled a giant paralyzed, and laid upon his back, who can move but one limb at a time, and that feebly and irregularly, and who, robbed of his strength, can use his hands only to beg a precarious assistance of his children.

Public credit was expiring—general industry languished—the resources of the nation were inactive and unexplored—the soldier was defrauded of the dear bought reward of his dangers, and his toils—the faithful patriot who had sacrificed his possessions to the liberty of his country was oppressed with want—and foreigners who, through admiration of our heroism, had been led to trust our in integrity, were beginning to turn their admiration into contempt. That proud and irritated nation whose setters we had broken, triumphed us in our extremity complained of our injustice—and the adherents of monarchy laughed at the imbecility and faithlessness of the people.

It has frequently been asked, whence it could arise that men who had acquired so high and just a reputation as those patriots had who conducted our revolution, should frame a system of government that on experience has been found so inefficient and injurious? Illustrious men! I venerate their memory—But they were deceived by that noble enthusiasm which they felt in their own souls, they were deceived by that elevated and sublime virtue which was displayed at that time by the whole mass of the people. Advice was law—the public will anticipated the resolutions of the legislature—every citizen contended who should serve his country best, and who should make to it the most illustrious sacrifices. Those great legislators forgot that this was only a revolutionary virtue—they forgot that it is the character of great and generous passions to draw every other principle to their service, and to elevate human nature to their own dignity. In the transport of liberty they fondly hoped that it was the virtue, not of the occasion, but of the people—that it was peculiar to their country—and that, when she should be emancipated it would be eternal. They framed therefore a system of government adapted only to patriots, and heroes,—a government, that did not contemplate those unjust, and selfish principles which take possession of the human heart in the ordinary state of society, and which cannot be made to bend to the public good but by the force of the laws, hence resulted the imbecility of our former federation, and the numerous evils that were growing upon us apace under a system that was chiefly advisory, and that had not within itself the efficient springs of action, nor the power of compulsion—But let us remark the change that has taken place, and with gratitude to heaven let us remark it, since the new system has been established.

The first benefit that has accrued, and that is, indeed, the foundation of almost all others, is the resurrection of public and individual credit. Confidence in the laws, and confidence among the citizens has been restored; millions that were lying dead in the hands of the possessors, were suddenly revivified, and brought into active, and extensive operation. What has been the consequence? A face of prosperity was instantly diffused over the whole continent. Instead of that torpor that benumbed the hands of industry, enterprise was reanimated—agriculture began to flourish—commerce was extended—the extremities of the globe were explored by our merchants—and India and China saw with astonishment in their ports the ensigns of a new nation which seemed to have suddenly sprung out of the earth. Improvements are rapidly extending themselves. Roads of communication are stretched in every direction—canals are opened—rivers are united—the forests are extirpated—the earth subdued under the active toils of the husbandman, yields a double increase to his vows. The arts have been reproduced—new ones have been created—the limit of cities have been enlarged—new ones have been built—labor and industry are everywhere renovating the face of nature. Were all the improvements of a few years within the United States collected together so that they could be contemplated under one view, how would they beggar the utmost efforts of despotism? Despots, like the Roman emperor, or the Russian czar, may drain their empire to raise by force one splendid capital encompassed by deserts, and by inactive and disconsolate vassals—liberty can rear a thousand flourishing cities, everywhere filled with happy and industrious citizens, surrounded by fertile and cultivated fields. She diffuses population and strength, improvement and wealth throughout the whole republic. The empire of the despots is like the monstrous image of Nebuchadnezzar, the head of which was of gold, but it was supported by legs and feet only of iron and clay. The republic resembles the Jupiter of Phidias, where you behold gold and ivory, majesty and beauty, proportion and symmetry in every part. What thankfulness do we owe to God, whose providence presides over all, for the liberty which we enjoy. And, when we compare our present situation and prospects, with the desolations of the late cruel war waged upon us by tyrants, or with that state of imbecility and languor which afterwards succeeded under a puny and paralytic government, what praise is due to him for the blessings of our present state? You now see the laws active and revered—the tribunals enlightened and impartial—the republic respected, her friendship courted, her wisdom admired by all nations, and her example copied by one of the most powerful upon earth—Would to heaven, that that great and heroic people had copied also a larger portion of her moderation!

This government contains an admirable balance of liberty, and of energy. Resting on the free election of the people in all it departments, and supported only by their attachment, there results the highest security that their happiness will be cherished, and their rights protected. But as a single republic is not calculated to act with promptness and vigor over an extensive territory, this defect is remedied by the union of many distinct and sovereign states in one political system. Each state is calculated to maintain and promote the interest and felicity of its own citizens—the general government protects and defends the whole. The general government protects and defends the whole. The general government, like the heart, diffuses the vital principle through every member. But if it acted alone, this current, would flow with a languid motion to the remoter parts, the respective states, like the vigorous muscles of an athletic body, assist to propel it, with warmth and force, to the most distant extremities.

Happy under this admired frame of policy, the principal evils against which we have to guard are those of consolidation, and those of division. Consolidation would end in tyranny—and division would expose to destructive and perpetual wars. To the former of these evils, we are perhaps less exposed than to the latter. The influence, the interests, the vigilance, and, I may say, the pride of the individual states, are our security against it. Division is a calamity which we have more reason to fear. And I see, with infinite regret, that obstinate factions are beginning to be formed. To what degree they may proceed in decomposing and dissolving the present harmonious system van be known only to God, and to posterity. But, next to slavery, I deprecate its dissolution as the worst of evils. If we would effectually guard against it, we ought to be no less cautious of weakening the federal government, than vigilant against the insidious approaches of tyranny. On this subject the Amphictyonic confederacy in Greece affords us an instructive example. The jealousy of the states which composed that league, gradually detracted from its authority, till at length it was deprived of the power necessary for the general interest. Ambitious demagogues, that they might acquire influence at home, impelled the people to resist its decrees. The council of Amphyctions was at length dissolved by the contempt into which its authority had fallen It was reunited only on particular emergencies by some common and imminent danger that threatened Greece. Then you might see it a theatre of rash and hasty treaties, made and observed with Macedonian faith. Cemented for a moment by fear or by interest, they were always broken by caprice or by intrigue. The states which composed it were engaged in perpetual wars; and, finally, it became the tool of a tyrant by whom they were successively enslaved. Such, also, are the unhappy consequences which I anticipate from dissolution of our union. We shall become the prey of one another, the sport of sovereign intrigue, and at last, perhaps, the victims of foreign ambition.

When we contemplate these dangers, with what ardent gratitude should we raise our hearts to the throne of the Eternal for our present tranquility and union? With what fervor ought we to address our prayers to him, to the control of whole providence all events are subject, that he would graciously preserve to us these inestimable blessings—that he would eradicate the seeds of faction wherever they are beginning to shoot—that he would endue our councils with wisdom, and with moderation—and that he would continue to a remote posterity that happy federation under the influence of which we have already begun to enjoy such an unusual series of public and private felicity?

When we recollect the difficulties that attended the organization of this government by the convention, and its reception by the states, we are led more particularly to recognize in it the direction and good providence of God. The jarring interests that were to be compromised—the jealousies that were to be allayed, or satisfied—the pride that was to be reconciled—the powers vested in the government—the right and extent of taxation—the establishment of the executive—the organization of the judiciary—the constitution of legislative so as to give an equal representation of the people, and yet secure the sovereignty of the states.—These, and innumerable other difficulties which cannot here be detailed, but which would necessarily arise in arranging such a vast and complicated system, long held the convention in balance.—They were ready to abandon their work in despair, when, suddenly, a luminous wisdom disembroiled their embarrassment, a spirit of conciliation compromised all interests and opinions. Shall I not justly ascribe this happy issue to the mercy and direction of heaven? For, although the philosopher and politician may be able to develop the causes that conspired to produce the event, yet, are not the springs of all causes in God? Does not he hold in his hand their eternal chain and guide, by an invisible energy and wisdom, their infinite relations and results? Among the favorable circumstances accompanying the establishment of the federal system, I cannot omit to mention the preservation of the life of the worthiest of our citizens, and his acceptance of the chief magistracy, to whom America had before owed so many obligations, and who has, in so uncommon a degree, united in his favor the public sentiment and suffrage. His acknowledged talents, his disinterested patriotism, and his eminent services to his country, gave weight to his opinion in the public councils, contributed, in no small degree, to the adoption of the constitution, and have greatly promoted the stability, the tranquility, and the energy of its operation.—The goodness of God in his providence over nations, often appears in the characters which he prepares for their safety and defense. David he raised up for the glory, Cyrus he anointed for the restoration of his ancient, and chosen people. I confess, I recognize in this illustrious citizen the immediate hand of heaven. Hardly can I imagine talents more fitted to our situation, both in war, and in peace, than those which distinguish and adorn his character. Do I depreciate, by this merited eulogy, the talents of his fellow-citizens?—No—but where have we seen such a fortunate assemblage of caution and intrepidity, of patience and enterprise, of modesty and firmness, of cool and penetrating judgment, and prompt decision, of love of the people, yet superiority to popular clamor, and finally of that felicity which the Romans so much valued in a general—a Christian will call it the smiles of divine providence that seems to render auspicious all his undertakings?—Will envy dash back these honest praises in our face, by saying that other citizens might have been found of equal talents? Be it so.—But they have not been found. What though Rome might have possessed other senators besides Fabius who could have vanquished Hannibal? Or besides Fabricius who could have disdained the bribes of Pyrrhus? Shall Fabius or Fabricius therefore be robbed of the glory with which they have been crowned by the consent of ages?—I esteem it one of our chief mercies, and I count it one of the noblest acts of patriotism in him to forsake his secure situation on the summit of fame, to accept the dubious helm of government, and, for the good of his country, to put to risk a reputation which history assured to him, untarnished and immortal.

II. Another cause for which we are this day called to render praise to almighty God is the continuance of peace with the powers of Europe, and the prospect of its speedy re-establishment with those savage tribes who have so long harassed us with their depredations.

Peace is an inestimable blessing to a young and growing country not yet enervated by luxury, nor sunk into effeminacy and sloth. These vices indeed sometimes require the purifying flame of war to purge them off; and the state emerges from its fires regenerated, as it were, and new-created. But we need tranquility in order to repair the losses which we incurred in effecting the revolution. We need it to relieve the people from that load of debt which was the price of our freedom. We need it to augment our population, to cultivate an immense scope of unimproved territory, to promote our commerce, to cherish the arts, and to hasten the progress of society and manners towards perfection.2 War, in our present situation, particularly with Europe, would be to us one of the most fatal calamities. Not to speak of the evil of an accumulated national debt that oppresses the people that overloads the springs of government, that cheeks public enterprise and improvement, and must necessarily long hold a young country in a state of infancy and depression. Our own remembrance of the miseries of the late war with Britain will teach us to estimate its evils in the desolation of our cities—in the conflagrations and rapine that spread distress throughout the United States—in the loss of our friends and fellow-citizens by battle, captivity, imprisonment, and contagion. O Britain! Thy prison-ships, those vaults of contagion, those dungeons of infernal cruelty and torture, the eternal reproach of thy humanity, still fill our souls with horror at the recollection. These cruelties that robbed us of our brothers, affect us infinitely less for their loss than for the manner of their death.—It is the manner of savage warfare likewise, which, though less pernicious to the republic at large, renders it peculiarly dreadful to individuals who lie exposed to their inroads. The continual uncertainty of death from an enemy who seeks his prey by stealth, the indiscriminate murder of each sex and of every age, the atrocious barbarity with which they sacrifice their victims, and the fiend-like cruelty with which they inflict and enjoy the torments of the sufferers, while they should make us at all times fervently deprecate an Indian war, ought now to increase the sincerity and ardor with which we return our thanks to Almighty God for our present prospects of peace.

He has humbled us before them in successive defeats. He has permitted them to spread devastation and blood over a frontier of a thousand miles. He has made them the rod by which he has chastised us. Yet may he say to us as to his ancient people, “For a small moment have I forsaken thee, but with great mercies will I gather thee.” Lately, he has turned our defeats into victory; and the humbled savage, abandoned by that unfriendly power which had inflamed his animosities, supplied his arms, and directed his operations, begins to turn his thoughts on peace.

But, as I have suggested, it is a still greater mercy, that we have been preserved from being sucked into the gulf of European politics and wars. We are so involved by commercial relations with the system of Europe, that we are necessarily affected by their quarrels, and are in no small danger of being sometimes obliged to take part in them. It is but lately that we have been reduced to a most delicate and hazardous crisis by the haughtiness and violence of one nation, and by the audacious attempts of the minister of another.3 Has not the former, affecting a tyranny, and dictating a new law of nations upon the ocean, committed the most injurious and insolent spoil upon our commerce? Has she not treated our citizens with every outrage that could flow from hatred and contempt? Has she not held fortifications? has she not known to have excited that ferocious war that has so long afflicted our frontier—to have kindled against us the rage, assisted the councils, and concentrated the force of the savage tribes? Is it not plain, that she meditated hostilities? That she had already conceived the purpose of attacking us, and only waited the opportunity to carry it into execution? What her violence could not do had been almost affected by the artifices of a bold and insolent minister. Contrary to the rights of our sovereignty and the obligations of our neutrality, he equipped hostile armaments in our ports—He arrayed our citizens under the banners of his nation—He endeavored to incite the people to rebellion against their own government.—In projects so daring and atrocious he was supported by a party in the republic, not inconsiderable in numbers and influence, who attempted, in the pursuit of their favorite design, to brave all the constituted authorities of their country, and who were clamorous for war. Different motives seem to have actuated this party. Some were, and others affected to be, influenced by mistaken gratitude to a nation struggling for its liberties which had rendered us the most necessary and efficient aids, while we were contending for the same glorious object.4 Some, I fear, were governed by a deplorable ambition which hoped to mount into notice and distinction only by the confusion and miseries of their country.—Others, fired by a generous indignation against that government from which we have received so many injuries, were willing to retaliate its insolence and crimes.—But, shall we, in pursuing either reparation or revenge, inflict tenfold injuries on our own country? It is lawful, say they, it is laudable to detest, and to nurse in the hearts of our children, a military rage against a nation that has been willing to destroy us, and that still harbors against us the most hostile resentments. This maxim, my brethren, is contrary to the spirit of our holy religion. But, religion apart—be it as they will—let every American have been led by his father, like Hannibal, to the altar, to swear eternal hatred against the enemy of his country—should he not, like Hannibal, wait the proper moment to avenge her wrongs? Should he not at least be compelled by necessity alone to wage a disadvantageous war?

The causes I have mentioned seemed to be impetuously urging us to a desperate crisis when the goodness of heaven interposed to arrest the danger. For shall I not ascribe to the secret inspiration and direction of the Most High, the wisdom and moderation of the councils of America? Shall I not ascribe it to a merciful providence over us that the hostile plans of Britain have been all blasted on the plains of Belgium? Do we not owe to the mercy of God the prudence and firmness displayed, in the most embarrassing circumstances, by that great magistrate who presides at the head of our government. I see him like a rock in the mist of the ocean, receive unshaken the fury of all its waves. Violence, intrigue, faction, dash themselves to pieces against him and fall in empty murmurs at his feet.

Let us render praise to the Eternal who, in the midst of these imminent dangers, hath hitherto preserved to us the precious blessing of peace with the nations of Europe—who hath lately subdued our savage enemies under the arms of a general who has deserved well of his country—and who, in his good providence, hath in every exigency, raised up for us the natural means of safety and defense. “Salvation belongeth unto the Lord! They blessing is upon thy people.” Psalm, 3, 8.

III. Another subject of thankfulness on this day, is the preservation of our domestic tranquility, and particularly the extinction of a dangerous insurrection that put in hazard the happiness and safety of the republic.

We cannot be sufficiently grateful to heaven for the blessings of internal harmony and order. We cannot be too careful to preserve them inviolate. When civil discord agitates a nation, all the ends for which men united in society are defeated. And in civil wars, a rage more ardent and destructive is commonly excited than that which takes place in hostilities between independent nations. We have reason to bless God that, amidst all the subjects of dissention and party that exist among us, our peace at home remains present so entire. That formidable insurrection, which threatened the existence of government, or the dismemberment of the republic, has been crushed under the powerful arm of the law. The energy of the measures that have been adopted, and the alacrity of the citizens in proffering their services to suppress rebellion, and to testify their attachment to the constitution which they had chosen, have, I hope, effectually repressed that spirit of anarchy and disorganization that was beginning to spread itself with alarming rapidity. The rebels relied for protection and support on the favor and concurrence of a large part of their fellow-citizens, and on the indifference and connivance of the rest. Good God! What would have been our deplorable condition if their ideas had been realized? Divided, discontented, powerless—the contempt and insult of foreigners—the sport of their intrigue—severed to pieces—attacked by piece-meal—distributed among them, we should have been without a name, without a country, without liberty. What is liberty but obedience to the laws? Where the laws are disobeyed, no man can be secure—no man can be free. In what light then are we to view the ringleaders of this insurrection? In what light are we to view those who assisted and fomented it? Are they not incendiaries? Are they not parricides? Do they not deserve the detestation of every good citizen?

Too many, I fear, have been indirectly accessory to this unhappy event who intended not to all the consequences that have resulted from their opposition to government. But the phantoms of tyranny that were perpetually conjured up—the violent and unwary appeals that were made through the channels of the press, and by subservient orators to the passions of an undiscerning multitude who were remote from the sources of real and authentic information—the advantage taken of these by artful and ambitious demagogues who hope to produce themselves to notice, and raise themselves to eminence by playing on the credulity and follies of the people, all contributed to urge the opposition of the insurgents to a crisis—at last their frenzy burst through every tie of duty and subordination, and they dared openly and triumphantly to trample on the laws. Ah! The passions of a people are dangerous engines of faction or ambition. Often you may rouse them to a destructive fury by the grimace of false patriotism, or the fanaticism of mistaken liberty. But you cannot mark the point beyond which they shall not rise. They are not to be allayed by the same arts of persuasion by which they were excited. When they have mounted to a certain pitch, if they are not subdued by the force of the state, they subside only after having spent themselves in acts of violence and horror—they come to be shocked at a review of their own works. Republics, though more calculated for the improvement and perfection of human nature than other forms of government, are peculiarly liable to be disturbed by the arts of demagogues—and demagogues are the greatest curse of republics. May Americans return to their own moderation and good sense. Let no combination of men attempt to resist the will of the majority constitutionally expressed. Abhor the factions that lead to embroil the public peace. Cherish internal order as being among the most precious gifts of Heaven. And let us return thanks to God who hath “stilled the tumults of the people,”—who “hath caused the crafty to be taken in their own snare”—who hath made the counsel of the forward to be carried headlong.”

IV. The last subject of national gratitude which I have mentioned, is our enjoyment of the Christian religion, freed from the setters both of civil and ecclesiastical power.

The Gospel of Christ is the most precious gift which God hath bestowed upon mankind. Without it, this world would be a gloomy vault in which we should wander blind, or only engaged in the pursuit of unreal phantoms—a miserable prison in which we should groan a few days and be no more. Human reason had for ages sought in vain for a clear and simple law of duty that should be intelligible to all, and by its certainty possess sufficient authority to impose its obligation on the conscience. In vain it endeavored to penetrate the veil with which God hath covered the mysteries of futurity—It met with nothing in its researches but eternal disappointment—a dismal uncertainty still rested upon death. And the miseries of life pressed the heavier upon mortals, that they had no solid hopes of a future and better existence. Christ hath revealed a law of duty so perfect, that reason though compelled to approve could never have reached it—so simple that the humblest understanding can conceive it—and possessing such evidence and authority as to give it the firmest hold upon the heart. Chasing from the human mind the frivolous, or the gloomy superstitions with which it had been filled, the gospel imparts to it the most sublime discoveries of the divine nature—Raising it to a pure and rational piety towards the Father of the universe, it becomes to it the source of the sincerest and the noblest pleasures. But it displays its excellence and power chiefly on two subjects on which reason has been always most embarrassed, and on which it has drawn its dubious conclusions with the greatest diffidence, the forgiveness of sins and an immortal existence. It offers to the penitent the only solid ground of peace of conscience by revealing the atonement, and by assuring him of the promises of divine mercy. To the pious, it confers on life its highest enjoyment, by the hope of living forever; and its calamities it alleviates by enabling them to look forward to the period, not far remote when “God shall wipe away all tears from their eyes; and there shall be no more death, neither sorrow nor crying; neither shall there be any more pain: for the former things are passed away.” Rev. xxi, 4.—Precious! Ineffable consolation under all the anxieties and sorrows that prey upon the human heart, and that, without this, would often make us weary of being!

The blessings which we enjoy from religion as individuals, deserve our recollection and acknowledgment on a day of national thanksgiving—because the nation is but the mass of individuals. But it has more direct political relations which require us to recognize it as the chief of our public mercies.

It is the surest basis of virtue and good morals, without which Free states soon cease to exist. Even the superstitious rites of paganism, by acknowledging a deity, were infinitely preferable to absolute infidelity. Enforcing the dictates of conscience by the dread of a divine power, they added an important sanction to the moral law.5 Much more is a religion of principle, like that of Christianity, calculated to regulate the manners of men, and to produce the most happy effects on society. Taught from their infancy to do justice, to love mercy, and to respect the laws of their country as the ordinance of God, they are prepared to become good citizens. Impressed with the fear of a holy and eternal power that takes cognizance of human actions—directed continually to that righteous tribunal where virtue will meet with the most illustrious rewards, and vice shall suffer its deserved punishments—instructed to believe that God regardeth the heart, the principle and fountain of conduct, can they enjoy stronger motives to purity of life? Or can human wisdom impose on immortality and disorder more effectual restraints?

This holy religion we enjoy, freed from the degenerating influence of civil, or of ecclesiastical domination. They corrupt in the church whatever they touch. Among us truth is left to propagate itself by its native evidence and beauty. Stripped of those meretricious charms that, under the splendor of an establishment, intoxicate the senses, it possesses only those modest and simple beauties that touch the heart. It recommends itself by the utility of its effects. Wealth and power are apt to inflame the pride, and softer the indolence of the priesthood, in whose hands religion then degenerates into a lifeless form, or into a frivolous system of foppery and superstition. But in America, a diligent and faithful clergy resting on the affections, and supported by the zeal of a free people, can secure their favor only in proportion to their useful services. A fair and generous competition among the different denominations of Christians, while it does not extinguish their mutual charity,6 promotes an emulation that will have a beneficial influence on the public morals.

The lawgivers of antiquity convinced that virtue is essential to the prosperity, and even to the existence of free governments, and finding in their religions only ceremonies instead of precepts, were often obliged, order to supply the defect, to have recourse to an austere and rigorous discipline of labor and obedience, that they might prepare their youth to become citizens. To these they added inspectors of the public manners,7 whose duty it should be to preserve them from degenerating, or to bring them back to their original standard. These advantages, sought so earnestly by the greatest efforts of legislative genius among the ancients, are all happily procured to us by the Christian religion. Her instructions take possession of the heart from our most tender years—She forms the morals of the citizens under the sacred authority and care of the church—She teaches the purest system of virtue that was ever taught on earth—She adds to virtue the most powerful sanctions that were ever known among men. And what those legislators with difficulty and but partially accomplished by their censors of the public manners, she more effectually attains by the moral discipline, and the useful emulation of the different sects.

Lately, there has sprung up a sect of political emperies who pretend to deny the necessity or utility of religion, and who would willingly discard it from the state, as they have eradicated it from their hearts. They system of infidelity which was once thought to be cold and gloomy, has at length shown itself to be furious and inflamed. In one nation, where it could act out its spirit, we have seen the apostles of atheism more fanatical than the disciples of Omar, who endeavored to destroy all the monuments of art and genius, and more bloody than the votaries of Moloch who worshipped their infernal idol in the blood of men. Blaspheming the living and eternal God, have they not consecrated to a false and misguided reason with hecatombs of human victims? I may now speak freely on this subject. Those of my humble and imitative countrymen who adopt their opinions implicitly from this nation, and who so flexibly bend after every revolution of party in its capital, will not now deem it profane to un-nitche Danton, Brissot, and Robertspierre, or to drag Marat form his pretended godship in the pantheon where madness and folly had placed him. These men disdaining the examples of other ages, and mad with rage against religion, endeavored to extirpate it from the republic. The more effectually to insult its worship, they instituted a farce in the temple of reason. Was it God, the eternal reason, who framed the universe, whom they meant to adore under a new title? No—God did not form a part of their system—The people were not able to comprehend so multiform and abstracted an idea. But, filled with admiration of their own wisdom, it was this which they canonized in their heated imaginations.8 Each man carried his ridiculous deity in his own brain. ‘Twas its visions and whimsies that he deified—O Egypt! The scorn of ages for the contemptible worship of reptiles and monsters! Did thy temples ever contain so many monsters, such fantastic and reproachful mockeries of divinity, as did these strange temples of reason!

Blessed Savior! Are these the substitutes which infidelity invents for the purity and glory of thy holy religion? Are these the works of those strong and superior minds who affect to despise thy humble birth; thy innocent and instructive life! The condescension of thy mercy! The sacrifice of thy cross! The hopes of immortality which thou hast revealed, and which thou hast verified by thy resurrection! The errors of the human imagination, when it departs from thee, are among the strongest proofs of the truth and excellence of thy gospel!—Ever, may we cherish it as the dearest, the most sacred treasure that heaven has conferred on mortals!

But, could these pretended philosophers, these novel politicians, succeed in their attempts to eradicate the principles of religion from the minds of men, what would be the consequence on the conduct of life, and the order and happiness of society? The general mass of mankind can never be made to embrace the principles of a sound and extensive morality by the evidence of reason alone.—Their minds are too limited—Their occupations are too numerous.—They must receive them from authority.—And no authority is so competent to this end as that or religion. Can their passions be restrained by the delicate force of taste, of sentiment, of honor? No—they must be subjected to the power and control of a supreme legislator who is able to punish and reward.9 —If then, you remove the precepts and sanctions of religion, what limit can you prescribe to the passions of the multitude? What will restrain them from hastening whithersoever pleasure invites, whithersoever want stimulates, or revenge impels? Lust, riot, debauchery; theft, robbery, oppression; treachery, poisoning, assassination would be the fruits of a general atheism. Do these politicians rely upon the power of conscience to control the vicious tendencies of human nature?—Conscience derives its force chiefly from a future state, and from presenting to the mind the power and justice of God. Remove these ideas, and feeble, indeed, in the mass of the people, would be its remonstrances against the temptations of interest, the influence of example, the force of the passions. Without religion the whole fabric of public morals, and of social order, would tumble to pieces. But, thanks be to God! He has implanted the religious principle so deeply in the human heart, that it is impossible for impious politicians ever to eradicate it. The storms of a revolution, or the violence of an atheistic and fanatical10 faction, may shake it for a moment, but afterwards, it will strike its roots deeper, and grow with more vigor and luxuriance. And, I doubt not, that nation is yet destined to be the theatre of a pure, and enlightened piety.

Let us render to God the sacrifices of thanksgiving because we enjoy the institutions and the gospel of Jesus Christ, and enjoy them in so much simplicity, and so much purity. We enjoy the law of truth and holiness revealed by him from heaven—the promise of the forgiveness of sins, and mercy from God to the guilty who are penitent—and the assured hope of life and immortality, which he alone hath brought to light. For a single theorem in geometry did an ancient philosopher, in the rapture of discovery, offer an hundred victims to the deity who had illuminated his mind—what sacrifice shall we pay to God for truths the most glorious and consolatory that have ever been made known to the world? Shall we bring him thousands of rams, or ten-thousands of rivers of oil? No—these would be a poor offering—and God, in pity to our poverty, condescends to accept our gratitude and praise in the room of all. “He that offereth praise, saith he, “glorifieth me.” Let us join in the song of the angels who announced the birth of the Savior.—“Glory to God in the highest! And on earth, peace and good will to men!” Let us re-echo in the church the ascriptions and the triumphs of heaven—Halleluiah!—Salvation, and glory, and honor, and power unto the Lord our God!

AMEN!


Endnotes

1 The whole psalm is constructed agreeably to the rules of that species of poetry by strophe and antistrophe of which we find so many examples, not only in this book, but in other parts of the ancient scripture, and which, from the manner of conducting their music in the public worship, became the prevalent character of the Hebrew poetry. Their musicians seem to have been generally divided into two bands. One band began with a strophe containing some devout sentiment—the other made its responses by an antistrophe which was constructed in different ways; but, most frequently, it contained some contrast or antithesis to the strophe, or introduced some similar and related sentiment, or even repeated the same sentiments with some variation in the expression—an example of which we have in the verse immediately following the text,—“Let them sacrifice the sacrifices of thanksgiving and declare his works with rejoicing.” The former part of this verse was probably played and sung by the first band,—the latter part seems to be the response of the second band. Frequently there was added a chorus, which was either done by introducing a separate band, or by both uniting in the music at the same time. The structure of this part seems to be different in different psalms. In general, perhaps, it was not constructed with that artificial antithesis or reduplication, that prevailed in the rest of the composition. The chorus of the psalm from which the text is taken, and of several others, is a sentiment that appears to contain the burden of the song, and is frequently repeated in the course of the psalm.

Nothing can be more contemptible than the criticism of Thomas Paine on the subject of Jewish poetry, in that book of his which he has chosen to entitle, the Age of Reason; a book more fraught with errors on the subject both of religion and of ancient literature than any of the same size with which I am acquainted in the English language. He has read somewhere, or some person has told him, that many parts of the Hebrew scriptures are written in verse; for of this he could know nothing from his own acquaintance with the original language, or even with the English translation, which he glories either to never have been read, or forgotten. Yet he attempts to prove from one passage in the translation, which he quotes wrong, that, because there are ten syllables together which fall into regular feet, according to the rules of English versification, therefore, the original must have been in Hebrew metre. This is a species of criticism which no man who was not consummate in impudence as well as in ignorance, could have attempted to palm on the public. Whoever thought before him, that a literal translation of verse in one language would fall into verse, of a totally different measure, in another? The ten syllables which he produces are from the first verse of the prophecy of Isaiah–,”Hear O ye heavens, and give ear O Earth”—If he had read his bible, he would have written it with nine syllables, “Hear O heavens, and give ear O Earth.” But to demonstrate that it will make a part of a good English complete, he adds a verse of his own, “Tis God himself who calls attention forth.” By the same rule of criticism, I can prove that Thomas wrote his book in verse. For, for if you take the next eight syllables of his prose, and add eight more, of at least as good poetry as his own, you will have the following lyric couplet.

“Another instance I shall quote,”
Religion’s odious to a sot.

Now this is a proof of the same kind with his, that Thomas Paine wrote in verse. It is probable, indeed as I have said, that a great part of the Hebrew scriptures is written in some kind of poetic measure or rhythm. Critics however are not able to determine whether their poetry consisted in certain combinations of long with short, or of accented with grave syllables, or not; because the pronunciation of the language is totally lost. The most judicious are inclined to think, that it consisted rather in certain contrasts or resemblances that took place between the ideas or objects in different lines, together with a similar structure of period in each. See Lowth de suc. Poes. Heb. Praelec. & prelim. Dissert. To translation of Isaiah.

2 I say hasten the progress of society and manners towards perfection – for, I am not one of those who think rudeness and ignorance essentially connected with virtue.

3 On this subject, when I freely censure the measures of two nations which are invidiously [in a manner arousing resentment] said to govern our political parties, if it be asked to which I attach myself, I say, to neither, but to the people of America.

4 But not to mention that those to whom we were most directly indebted have all been obliged to flee their country, or has passed under the guillotine, they seem to have forgotten that these aids were the result, not of national friendship, but of national interest, and that the claims of gratitude therefore, extend no farther than is equally consistent with our own interest.

5 The legislators of antiquity constantly incorporated religion into their political systems. Xenophon, who was equally an accomplished general, and able statesman, and an elegant writer, always joins the fear of the Gods with the prosperity of states, and makes it one of the chief virtues of his favorite hero.

6 Uncharitable contentious usually spring from the exclusive possession of emoluments and privileges by one party.

7 Such as the Areopagus [earliest aristocratic council which met at the “Ares’ Hill” near the Acropolis] at Athens, the senate and the old men of Sparta, and the censors at Rome.

8 These men rejecting revealed religion and substituting reason in its place, it must have been that reason which each votary possessed, that framed the character of the object of his worship. It must have partaken, therefore, of all the variety and extravagance which the ignorance or fanaticism of myriads of people could give it.

9 It is sometimes said to be improper to sound piety and virtue on the principles of hope and fear in man – – particularly on fear. It is true that virtue, in its perfection is the love of our duty. But its spirit and its habits, must in the beginning, and especially in gross minds, be cultivated by the motives that I have mentioned.

10 We have lately seen that these two characters are not inconsistent as was once supposed. – – And the fanaticism of an atheist is found to be more furious, cruel, and bloody than that of a false religionist.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1795

Joseph Lathrop (1731-1820) Biography:

Lathrop was born in Norwich, Connecticut. After graduating from Yale, he took a teaching position at a grammar school in Springfield, Massachusetts, where he also began studying theology. Two years after leaving Yale, he was ordained as the pastor of the Congregational Church in West Springfield, Massachusetts. He remained there until his death in 1820, in the 65th year of his ministry. During his career, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity from both Yale and Harvard. He was even offered the Professorship of Divinity at Yale, but he declined the offer. Many of his sermons were published in a seven-volume set over the course of twenty-five years.

This Thanksgiving sermon was preached by Lathrop on February 19, 1795.


sermon-thanksgiving-1795-1

NATIONAL HAPPINESS,

ILLUSTRATED IN A

SERMON,

DELIVERED AT

WEST-SPRINGFIELD,

ON THE NINETEENTH OF FEBRUARY, 1795.

BEING A DAY OF

GENERAL THANKSGIVING.

BY THE REV. JOSEPH LATHROP, D. D.

NATIONAL HAPPINESS, &c.

PSALM LXVII. 1, 2.

GOD BE MERCIFUL UNTO US AND BLESS US, AND CAUSE HIS FACE TO SHINE UPON US; THAT THY WAY MAY BE KNOWN ON EARTH, AND THY SAVING HEALTH AMONG ALL NATIONS.

It was after some happy change in the national state of the Jews, that this psalm was composed. The design of it was, to acknowledge God’s mercy in the deliverance granted them from late dangers and calamities, and to solicit the continuance of those gracious smiles under which they now rejoiced. A reason, why the Psalmist prayed for the prosperity of his own nation, was that God’s salvation might be known among all nations.

We will contemplate those circumstances, which are most essential to national prosperity and happiness: And then shew, that a regard to other nations should be a governing principle in our prayers for the happiness of our own.

I. We will, first, consider that national happiness, which is expressed by God’s blessing us, and causing his face to shine upon us.

When we speak of happiness in this world, we must understand it with its necessary qualifications.

There can be no complete happiness below the skies. The world does not admit of it, nor are mortals capable of enjoying it. Our natural weaknesses and passions as well as our vices and follies, render a state of society necessary to our tolerable subsistence; and, at the same time, render our happiness in this state very imperfect. There are evils which arise from the natural imperfection of society. To these we submit, that we may avoid the greater evils of solitude.

One half of the miseries of life result from our unreasonable expectations. We view the world in a false light, and demand from it better and greater things than it has to bestow. Hence, being deceived and mortified, we become discontented and envious. Let us bring down our views to the standard of nature, and, with these views, act well the part assigned us in life: Then will the world never deceive us; and never shall we feel the tortures of discontent in contemplating our own condition, or of envy in contemplating that of our neighbors.

The same moderate and rational views are necessary to the peace and happiness of a community. If men enter into society, with expectations of a state of public prosperity, which it is beyond the power of the world to give, or the capacity of mortals to receive, they will soon feel themselves disappointed; and, blind to the real cause, they will grow restless and impatient, imputing to the wickedness or misconduct of others the evils which naturally result from human imperfection, and which are artificially increased by their own delusive fancy. If we would enjoy the real benefits of society, we must consider it as consisting of men, like ourselves, weak, imperfect and mortal; and adjust our expectations to the nature and condition of things; mend where we can, and bare what cannot be altered.

1. The first thing necessary to national happiness is Freedom and Independence.

A people under the domination of a power out of themselves—of any power over which they have no check or control, are always liable to oppression, and never escape it long. No being, below the heavens, is worthy to be trusted with absolute, irresponsible authority. Such authority, in the hands of vain man, will soon be perverted to the misery of those unfortunate mortals over whom it is exercised. It is the interest of the tyrant to increase the burthen of his slaves, that he may enrich himself and his favorites; and it will be his policy to keep them low and uninformed, lest they should know their oppressions and seek redress. An attempt in government to obstruct the channels of public information, will always awaken the jealousy of a free and virtuous people.

2. That a people may be happy, their government must be good.

The ends of government are defense against foreign injury, and the prevention or redress of private wrongs.—That government only can be called good, which is adapted to accomplish these ends.—It must on the one hand, have so much energy, as to protect the individual in his personal rights, preserve internal tranquility, and collect the strength of all in the common defense: And it must, on the other hand, have so much liberality, as to reserve and secure to private citizens the full exercise of all that natural liberty which is consistent with those objects. A government framed and tempered in this manner, is calculated for general happiness.

The same boundary between the powers of government, and the liberties of the people cannot be fixed for all nations, nor for the same nation at all times. As a small and free people grow more numerous, wealthy, commercial and refined; their government will, of course, become more complex and will gradually assume a greater portion of the common liberties. To expect, in a state of civil refinement, all the freedom of native simplicity, is to combine, in imagination, things which are incompatible in nature. The savages of the wilderness have little property and less commerce. They are strangers to luxury and avarice, know but few wants, and feel but few temptations to injure one another. They live upon the chace, collect ornaments from the shells on the shore, stake their thirst at the stream, find a bed on the turf, and enjoy a shelter under the oak. Government with them is simple. Their natural liberty is liable to little restraint. They need but few laws to direct their conduct, and but few penalties to enforce their laws.

In civilized and refined nations the case is widely different. Separate interests awaken various passions, and urge to various pursuits. Industry and enterprise introduce wealth; this affords the means of luxury; and luxury creates new wants; these prompt to commerce, and to intercourse and connexion with different nations. Hence arises the necessity of numerous laws with penal sanctions to enforce them. Consequently men’s natural liberties are subjected to greater restraints for the more effectual security of their persons and properties. In this state of government there must exist a variety of offices. These raise expectation, and give play to ambition. Hence competitions among private citizens for places of power, and often bold strides toward despotism by those already in power.—Therefore that a people may be, and continue to be free, safe and happy, they must act well their parts in their private stations, and commit the administration of their public affairs to men, whose virtues and abilities entitle them to confidence. While they avoid a capricious jealousy, they must exercise a prudent vigilance, inspect the conduct of their servants, and transfer to better hands the trust which they find to be abused. They must disdain to become the dupes of party design and political intrigue; and spurn, with honest indignation, every attempt to corrupt their integrity and bias their freedom in the public elections.

3. A mild and prudent administration of government is necessary to national happiness.

The true object of legislation is, not the exclusive emolument of particular persons; but the general happiness of the community. Small inconveniencies had better remain, than the dignity of legislation be degraded for their removal. Frivolous laws bring government into contempt. Laws needlessly multiplied, and frequently changed, make duty uncertain and difficult to be known, and render government troublesome and hard to be obeyed. New laws create new obligations, generate new crimes, and increase the danger of punishment. Artificial crimes are easily committed, because conscience and habit have placed no guard against them. The frequent commission of such crimes facilitates the commission of real ones; and thus vitiates the public manners, and diminishes the energy and respectability of government.

Punishments are designed, not to take revenge for an offense, but to reclaim the offender and deter others from transgression. The efficacy of punishments to prevent crimes depends more on their certain execution, than on their extreme severity. The hope of impunity will usually be in some proportion to the severity of the punishment threatened: for this will interest humanity on the side of the offender, either to prevent a prosecution, or procure an acquittal. A moderate punishment is more certain in its execution; and it is certainty that carries terror.

Punishments, which, by stigmatizing or mutilating the body, consign the sufferer to perpetual infamy, should never be admitted. They are as contrary to true policy, as they are to humanity and religion. We should always aim to reclaim an offender: but if we would reclaim him, we must not make him desperate.

Whether capital punishments ought, in any case, to be inflicted on those, whom we have in our power, is a question, which, if the safety of the state will permit, humanity will choose to decide in the negative. To shorten the important term of human probation is, perhaps, too bold an assumption of God’s awful prerogative, except where he himself has expressly given the warrant. If a milder punishment is compatible with general security, it ought to be preferred. We look back, with horror, on some parts of the judicial system, which existed before the revolution; and we abominate the present sanguinary system in England. It is hoped that our experience will justify an increasing moderation.

There is, perhaps, nothing which so weakens government, as the severity, and so corrupts the manners, as the frequency of public punishments.

A people cannot be virtuous, while their conduct is embarrassed with numerous and uncertain laws, and their persons and properties endangered by a thousand wanton penalties.

4. Peace is an important circumstance in national felicity.

Internal Peace is the strength of a people, and their best security against foreign invasion. This is necessary to the improvement of arts, the culture of virtue, and the diffusion of knowledge, and the increase of national wealth.—A small people united are powerful and respectable. A great nation, divided into conflicting factions, soon become defenseless and contemptible. Divisions in government, and insurrections among the citizens, are ill boding symptoms. They indicate a distempered state of the body, and tend to dissolution.

Peace with neighboring nations is always to be desired. A people cannot be happy in a state of war. This is one of the greatest calamities incident to nations. It wastes their substance, consumes their youth, desolates their fields, corrupts their morals, and spreads distress wherever it marks its progress.

A wise people will study to avoid the occasions of war; they will be cautious, that they offer to their neighbors no real injuries, and that they resent not, in too high a tone, the injuries which they perceive. At the same time they will discover spirit to feel an unprovoked outrage, and firmness to support their national dignity.

No nation, perhaps, enjoys a situation more favorable to peace, than ours. We possess a fertile and extensive territory, productive of the various supplies of human want. Husbandry, and the arts subservient to it, are our principal object. The most useful manufactures are pursued to advantage. We have no distant colonies to defend; and no powerful enemy on our continent to fear. A wide ocean divides us from the proud and contentious nations of Europe. Our commerce, consisting chiefly in solid articles of human subsistence, is so important to most of those nations, that it will be an object of their attention. If we meet with injuries, too great to be borne, we may, without the danger attending hostile reprisals, probably obtain redress by a suspension of trade. This is always a just and inoffensive measure. It is the uncontroverted right of every independent people. No commercial regulation will be urged as a ground of war, unless a war was previously meditated, and a pretext insidiously fought.

5. Increasing population is among the circumstances of national prosperity.

The prophet, describing the happy state of the Jews, after their return from Babylon, says, “God will increase them with men, like a flock, and their waste cities shall be filled with flocks of men.” And, besides their natural increase, it was promised, that there should be large accessions from other nations, who, allured by the goodness of their land, the freedom of their government, and the excellency of their religion, should fondly seek a connexion with them. “Many people shall come and seek the Lord in Jerusalem, and from all languages shall men take hold of the skirts of him that is a Jew, saying, We will go with you, for we have heard, that God is with you.” 1

The happy increase of a people depends much on the healthfulness of their climate, the extent of their country, the fertility of their soil, their general industry, the facility of acquiring property, external peace, internal order, toleration in religion, a good civil constitution, and a wise administration of government. The singular concurrence of these circumstances strongly favors the population of our country.

A rapid increase, however, by the accession of foreigners, may be attended with some danger. It may introduce too great a diversity of interests, manners and habits, and may thus cause parties among the people, corruptions in government, and degeneracy of morals; and may eventually subject the country to a foreign influence. In prescribing the qualifications, on which foreigners shall be admitted to the privileges of natural citizens, the greatest care should be taken to guard against these evils.

6. General Plenty is an important circumstance in national happiness.

This is one of the blessings requested in this psalm—“Let the people praise thee, O God.—Then shall the earth yield her increase; and God, even our own God shall bless us.”

The wealth, which our Psalmist thought desirable, and which he considered as the fruit of God’s favor, was not the plunder and booty of war—not the ravages and spoils of conquest—not the influx of unbounded commerce—not the sudden accumulation of property in the hands of a few, effected by artful schemes of speculation, to the injury of many; but it was the rich produce of the earth, under the hands of honest industry, and the smiles of a bountiful sky.

Commerce is, indeed, useful, and in some degree necessary to civilized and refined nations. This brings many conveniences, which cannot otherwise be obtained. It contributes to the increase of knowledge and the improvement of arts. It humanizes the manners, gives spirit to industry, and a spring to enterprise. But when it becomes the principal object, it is dangerous to a people. Carried to excess, it supplants more necessary occupations. It raises some to opulence, but depresses the many. It introduces a disparity of condition inconsistent with general liberty. It tends to luxury and corruption of manners.

That kind of wealth, which arises from the culture of the earth, is the most valuable. This is immediately adapted to human use, affords necessary supplies for every member of society, prompts to general industry, yields the fewest temptations to vice, and is, in a competent degree, attainable by men of all conditions.

A people, who pursue their own happiness, will principally encourage this, the first employment of men, and those arts which are immediately connected with it. This gives them an independence of other nations, and brings others to a dependence on them. The Almighty promised to the Jews, that, when, for their obedience, he should bless them in their flocks and herds, in the fruit of their ground, and in all the work of their hands, then “they should lend to many nations, and should not borrow; should be above only, and not beneath.

7. Another privilege necessary to the felicity of a people is the gospel revelation; for this affords the means of religion; and on religion depends national, as well as personal, happiness.

We are not to expect the miraculous interpositions of heaven for individuals, or communities. God governs the world by such general and steady laws, as mark for all the several departments of their duty, and encourage their diligence in the parts respectively assigned them. There is an established connexion between virtue and happiness; and between vice and misery: and this connexion is as apparent in public bodies, as in private members.

The benevolent Ruler of the universe, delights in the happiness of his subjects. If he sends his judgments among them, it is in consequence of their iniquities, and in order to their amendment.

Without virtue, national liberty cannot be maintained. A corrupt and degenerate nation, by the force of an absolute tyranny, to which they have long been accustomed and under which their spirits are broken, may be held in a state of union. But a people possessing a free spirit, and enjoying a government of their own, cannot long continue in a state of internal peace and liberty, without a good degree of public virtue. In their case virtue must do that, which force does in the case of slaves.

All the social virtues are founded in piety to God; in a belief of his providence, a fear of is judgment, and confidence in his goodness and power.

RELIGION inspires men with love to one another, to their country, and to the world. It teaches them mutual justice, fidelity and condescention. It restrains them from oppression and fraud; curbs their ambition and avarice’ corrects their passions and sweetens their spirits. Influenced by religious principles, they will set those to be rulers over them, who are men of truth and integrity, fearing god, and hating covetousness; and rulers of this description, will be a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them who do well.

If piety and virtue generally prevail, a people will soon rise to dignity and importance; if they are extinguished, slavery and misery must ensue.

We are to consider the enjoyment of divine revelation, as our highest privilege. This, while it marks the way to eternal glory in the heavenly world, explains and inculcates the virtues, on which depend the happiness and safety of the nations on earth. It gives us exalted ideas of the Supreme Being, and enlarged conceptions of his government. It instructs us in the duties, which we owe to one another, and urges them by motives of the most solemn importance it has instituted those ordinances of social worship, which are wisely adapted to promote knowledge and virtue, to unite the members of society in sentiment and affection, to make every man useful in his station here, and prepare him for a higher and happier station hereafter.

The blessings, which have been enumerated, as necessary to national prosperity, are those which a gracious Providence has distinguished our happy lot.

We have a government of our own framing founded in principles of liberty – administered by men of our choice – and adapted to promote the happiness of all classes of citizens. Most other nations are under a government imposed by force, or palmed by artifice, continued by craft or power, and exercised with partiality and tyranny.

We are in a state of internal tranquility. This has, indeed, by the folly of some misguided citizens, suffered a momentary interruption, in an extreme part of the nation; but it is now happily restored. And doubtless, the well chosen terror, which soon compelled a submission, will be followed with a well timed lenity, which may conciliate lasting affection. If we look around, we see many nations in a state widely different from ours; either distracted with intestine divisions, or struggling for emancipation from slavery, or fainting in the arduous and unequal conflict, or suffering, or likely soon to suffer the convulsions of a general revolution.

We also – save that some savage tribes have molested our infant settlements, – now enjoy peace with all the nations of the world; while more than half of Europe are involved in the horrors of war, and are drawing forth their strength for mutual destruction. Our numbers, by internal population, and the accession of strangers, are rapidly increasing; while the nations of Europe are declining by the consumption of war, and the drain of continual emigrations.

Though, in the season past, the harvest in some parts suffered a sensible diminuition, yet we enjoy a competence of all the necessaries of life; and of many of them we have a surplus, from which we can, in a measure, answer the unusual foreign demand.

We are favored with the pure, uncorrupted revelation of the gospel, and with the free, uncontrolled exercise of religion; while a great part of our fellow men, are benighted in ignorance, blinded by superstition, or enslaved to a tyrannical hierarchy.

When we contemplate the difference between our own state, and that of other nations, our hearts should glow with gratitude to God who has made us to differ – should be filled with solicitude to ensure the continuance, by a wise improvement, of our privileges – should melt into comparison for the wretchedness of multitudes of our race – should be warmed with servant desires, that God, whose face has shone on us would cause his way to be known on earth, and his saving health among all nations.

This leads us,

II. To our second observation. That a regard to the happiness of other nations should be a strong motive to desire and pray for the happiness of our own.

Nations, however independent of each other, in the constitution of their own governments, are, in the divine establishment, nearly connected. Great and important events in one nation often extend their influence to many others. All history verifies this observation. Our own recollection confirms it.

The principles of liberty, which have been publicly defended in the writings of our country, and happily established in the revolution of our government, have passed the Atlantic, and called the attention of the nations in Europe. Some of them animated by our example, and emboldened by our success, have made spirited exertions to effect for themselves a change or reform. France has been hitherto successful; and her success will probably give the spirit and principles of liberty a more extensive spread. Much, however, may depend on our future wisdom and virtue. If we should disgrace our revolution, either by madly running into confusion on the one hand, or by supinely degenerating into despotism on the other, our example would damp the spirit, and obstruct the progress of liberty in the nations, which have begun to cherish it. But on the contrary, if we appear to be happy in the government, which we have adopted, many nations will partake with us in the felicity. Encouraged by our prosperity, they will amend their government in conformity to ours; and, in the mean time, the oppressed will find among us a safe retreat.

In order to our exhibiting such an example of national prosperity, as will attract the attention, and encourage the exertions of other nations we must preserve the true spirit of liberty, and the essential principles of our revolution. We must practice and promote the virtues on which the happiness of society depends; such as industry, frugality, justice and beneficence. As the foundation of all these, we must maintain piety to God, and support the means of piety which God has instituted.

“Righteousness exalts a nation.” Our national virtue considered only in regard to ourselves, will appear to be vastly important – as important as the liberty and happiness of increasing millions for an unknown succession of ages. But when we consider this virtue, as diffusing the same liberty, and the same happiness among other nations of the earth, its importance rises beyond the reach of imagination.

We are to love our country, and seek its peace. But true benevolence will not confine its regards to so small an object; it will extend its kind wishes and friendly embraces to the whole system of rational beings. We are to desire the happiness of our country, not merely for its own sake, but rather for the sake of mankind in general. We are to pray for God’s blessing and the smiles of his face upon us, not that we may have power to trample on the rights of others, but that others, by our means, may be free and happy. “God be merciful to us,” says the Psalmist, health among all nations. Let the people praise thee, O God. Let the nations be glad and sing for joy.”

While we rejoice in our national prosperity, let us not be high minded, but fear. Our situation is, in many respects, happy; but there are circumstances attending it, which may justly awaken apprehensions.

All governments tend to despotism. Without virtue and vigilance among ourselves, this will be the fate of our own.

While the war in Europe continues, our peace is precarious. Our commercial connexions with the belligerent powers, render our situation critical and delicate.

The war with the savages has been a national calamity; but most severely felt by those, who are immediately exposed to their incursions.

The conduct of the British government in detaining our posts contrary to the treaty of peace—in exciting the savages to make war upon us—in fending troops to aid them—in insulting our neutrality by capturing and condemning our vessels—and in compelling our seamen to serve on board their ships, is a full proof of their unfriendly disposition: And however the late Treaty may have issued, there is much ground to fear, that their professions will be delusive, and their friendship but temporary.

France, though hitherto remarkably successful, has not finished her conflict, nor established her government. Danger attends her still. The unhappy suppression of the revolution in Poland may, perhaps, give the Ruffians, who owe no good will to the French Republic, an opportunity to join the combination against her. The accession of so great a power to the general confederacy, will bring on France a great weight, which, after so long and violent exertions, may be too mighty for her alone to sustain. If she should ultimately fail in the conflict, we shall have cause to tremble for ourselves. To her successes, as the immediate cause, we are clearly to impute the continuance of our tranquility. That the British government have entertained hostile intentions toward us, there can be no doubt; and that their intentions have been diverted, rather by the French arms, than by any new and sudden impulse from their own justice and humanity, everyone must believe.

In the serious contemplation of our political state, not to mention our moral state, which surely is not the most promising, can we not discover much occasion to mingle prayers with our praises, and fear with our rejoicing?

The religion of the gospel influencing our hearts, and governing our lives, is our grand security. If this is treated with indifference, all our privileges are uncertain, and probably will be of short continuance; and the calamities, which distress other nations, will fall on us.

Let us then, in our respective places, contribute to the honor and influence of religion; obey it ourselves, and recommend it to others. Thus, while we secure our own souls, we shall, in the most effectual manner within our power, serve the interest of our families, our neighbors, and our country; and by promoting the interest of our country; we shall advance the general happiness of the human race.

Let us then adopt the prayer of the Psalmist;–“God be merciful to us and bless us, cause thy face to shine upon us; that thy way may be known on earth, and thy saving health among all nations. Let the people praise thee, O God; let all the people praise thee. Let the nations be glad and sing for joy; for thou shalt judge the people righteously, and govern the nations upon earth. Then shall the earth yield her increase; and God, even our God shall bless us. God shall bless us, and all the ends of the earth shall fear him.”

AMEN.

 


Endnotes

1. This passage, though literally descriptive of the State of the Jews, after their restoration to their own land; doubtless has a prophetic aspect on the state of the Christian church in some glorious period yet future.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1795


Levi Frisbie (1748-1806) graduated from Dartmouth in 1771. After graduating, he served as a missionary to various Indian tribes – including the Delaware Indians and Canadian tribes. Frisbie was the pastor of the 1st Congregational Church at Ipswich, MA beginning in 1776. This Thanksgiving sermon was preached in Massachusetts on February 19, 1795.


sermon-thanksgiving-1795-2

A

Sermon

Delivered February 19, 1795,

THE DAY

OF

Public Thanksgiving

Through The

United States

Recommended By The

President.

By Levi Frisbie,
Pastor of the First Church in Ipswich.

PSALM c. 3,4.

Know ye, that the LORD He is GOD, it is He that hath made us and not we ourselves; we are his people and the sheep of his pasture. Enter into his hates with thanksgiving, and his courts with praise: Be thankful unto him and bless his name.

It is the indispensable duty of all the nations of the earth, to know that the LORD he is God, and to offer unto him sincere and devout thanksgiving and praise. But if there is any nation under heaven, which hath more peculiar and forcible reasons than others, for joining with one heart and voice in offering up to him these grateful sacrifices, the United States of America are that nation. And although some of them have, not many months ago, paid their thankful, and public acknowledgements to the great Author of their numerous favors, yet they will not be reluctant to comply with the recommendation of our chief Magistrate, for repeating a service so important and joyful; especially considering the great additional reasons they have for it, and the affecting and agreeable idea of uniting with all the States in its devout performance.

And among the various passages of scripture which presented to view, none appeared more suitable than that which has just been read, to excite and direct our sentiments and expressions of gratitude and praise upon this great occasion. In the beginning of this divine song, the Psalmist calls upon the inhabitants of every land to celebrate the praises of God in joyful strains. He then appears to address himself more immediately to the people of Israel, and exhorts them to know that the LORD he is God. That is, let your minds be impressed with a lively remembrance, a deep conviction, that JEHOVAH, the God of Israel, is the only true and living God. And he is our Creator, for it is he that hath made us and not we ourselves. He hath not only called us into existence, as individuals, by his providential energy, but by the wonderful and gracious operations of his mighty hand, he hath made us a nation, and taken us into a near and happy relation to himself. For we are his people and the sheep of his pasture. These figurative expressions allude to the conduct of the God of Israel, in making that people the object of his peculiar care and kindness, the redeeming them from cruel bondage, leading them into the land of promise, introducing them into his rich and plentiful pastures of invaluable privileges and enjoyments; that is, making ample provision for their civil and religious instruction, security, virtue and happiness. For all which they were bound to enter his gates with thanksgiving, and his courts with praise.

Now, although the conduct of God towards us as a nation has not been marked with wonders and miracles has not been marked with wonders and miracles, as it was towards the people of Israel, yet has it not been such as to warrant us to adopt, with a good degree of propriety, the language of the Psalmist and say, “The LORD he is God, ‘tis he who hath made us and not we ourselves; we are his people and the sheep of his pasture:” Let us therefore “enter his gates with thanksgiving, and his courts with praise. Let us be thankful unto him and bless his name.

Taking the text in this appropriate sense, it leads us to consider

I. The reasons and motives we have for offering to God thanksgiving and praise:

II. The nature and manner of this duty; or in what it consists, and how it is to be performed.

In the first place, we are seriously to consider the reasons and motives we have for offering to God thanksgiving and praise.

The first reason is, that he is indeed the only living and true God. Know that the LORD he is God. And do we not all profess to know and believe that JEHOVAH the God of Israel is the true God; the Author of al being and the Dispenser of all benefits? And that, consequently, it is our indispensible duty to honor him with a tribute of adoration and praise?

Secondly, As he is the true God, so he stands related to us as our most wise, powerful and benevolent Creator. For it is He who hath made us and not we ourselves. God is said to create things in several different sense—First, when he produces something where nothing before existed. Secondly, when by his immediate wisdom and power he forms or raises creatures out of pre-existent matter. Thus he formed Adam out of the dust of the earth, and caused the earth and waters to bring forth those various tribes of living creatures which inhabit them. Thirdly, when by the operation of the laws and principles of nature, he causes some beings to produce others of the same constitution and likeness with themselves. Thus when one generation of plants and animals perishes, “He sends forth his spirit” as the Psalmist declares “and they are again created, and he renews the face of the earth.” In this manner, we, and all other living creatures are now created. We are as really brought into existence by a divine power, as Adam was, though this power operates according to the laws, and through the medium of natural and secondary causes—If then, our being, in connection with the powers of life, action and enjoyment which belong to it, together with all the means of pleasure, safety and happiness with which we are furnished, is a great and fundamental blessing derived from God, surely we are bound to praise him for it, and to acknowledge the bestowment of it, as an expression of his infinite power, wisdom, and goodness.

Fourthly, God is said to make or create a people, when by the agency and direction of his providence they are formed into a nation, united by the bonds of civil society, and placed under the influence of civil government—In this sense, he is represented as having made or created the nation of thee?”* So the prophet Isaiah speaking to the same people declares, Thus saith the Lord who created thee, O Jacob, and he that formed thee O Israel.† Now, although it be true, that the operations of divine providence in forming the Jewish nation, were miraculous, and extraordinary , and are not so in forming any other nation, yet ‘tis equally true that his providence has, in a more ordinary manner, a directing, superintending influence in the formation of all other nations. This will be readily acknowledged by all who believe the doctrine of a general and particular providence; or that God orders, permits, directs and controls, the great affairs of the world, of nations and societies, and even the concerns of every individual of mankind. He hath formed them with rational and social natures, and inspired them with principles and instincts which excite them to seek their own safety and happiness; and hence they are drawn by inclination and impelled by necessity to form themselves into societies. But these societies cannot subsist, and attain the end of their formation without civil government, and such laws and regulations as are suited to promote and secure their order, safety and happiness. Therefore as the principles and circumstances which dispose and constrain a people to assume a national capacity, and form a civil government, originate from god, and operate under the superintendence of his Providence, their national state and character are the effect of his appointment and agency, and he may be said to be their former and Creator—And if their government and civil institutions are wise and righteous, and if the officers and magistrates who are to administer this government, to form and execute its laws and regulations, are wise, just and faithful in the discharge of their duty, then they are dignified and warranted by the sanction of the divine authority and approbation— And hence it is that St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans assures us: “There is no power but of God: the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power shall receive to themselves damnation. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou not then be afraid of the power? Do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same: For he is a minster of God to thee for good; but if thou do that which is evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain; for he is a minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil.”* Now, although several difficulties might occur in attempting a particular explanation of this passage, yet it evidently teaches us, that however civil government and its ministers may result from human wisdom, study and labor, and from the choice and appointment of the people, yet they are notwithstanding the ordinance and ministers of God. And hence St. Peter exhorts us “to submit to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake: whether to the King as supreme; or unto governors, as unto them that are sent by him, for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well.”† The reason of all this, is, that every wise and useful ordinance of man is confirmed by the approbation and authority of God. From the foregoing observations we see the propriety of asserting, that a people formed into a nation and placed under the influence of a wise and righteous government, is made or created of God—And if this be true with respect to well formed and regulated nations in general, ‘tis more especially true with regard to our own. For it will not be acknowledged that it was the kind and powerful hand of divine providence, which led our forefathers from their native country, and planted them in these far distant regions, the uncultivated abodes of savage beasts and men? Was it not the same providence which so ordered their education and circumstances as to impress their hearts with such an ardent and indelible love of liberty, as prompted them to seek the established and unmolested enjoyment of it, in a wild inhospitable desert, where they were exposed to numberless toils and hardships, dangers and deaths? And was it not the same parental favor that enabled them to cherish and cultivate the principles and blessings of civil and religious liberty with a wise and sedulous care and diligence; and to form and establish such civil, literary and religious institutions and regulations, as had the best tendency to defend and support all their sacred rights and privileges, and transmit them inviolable to posterity? And when these rights and privileges were threatened and attacked by the policy and power of a jealous, a mighty, and warlike nation, what but the special protection, agency and assistance of a gracious and powerful providence, inclined and enabled us to oppose and repel these attacks with united vigor and perseverance, and conduct us through the toils, dangers, calamities and disasters of a long and grievous war to the established enjoyment of Peace, Independence and Liberty? And when that form of federal government, which was devised and established with that extreme caution and sense of liberty and independence, which were natural to a people under the circumstances which then obtained, was found entirely inadequate and insufficient to answer the ends of its institution, what but the most powerful and gracious influence of divine providence led us to form, to adopt, and establish another Constitution with such a remarkable degree of unanimity, harmony and order! What though numbers were dissatisfied with it, yet the voice of the people in its favor was, in the opinion of able judges, much more general and universal that could have been expected. And its adoption and establishment with such extraordinary peace and harmony, are events which fill the patriots and politicians not only of America, but of Europe, with astonishment! And must not all wise and impartial judges admit that the nature, the organization and the execution of our constitution have been such, and the beneficial influences and effects of it have been so numerous and various, as to prove its wisdom, liberality, and excellency to be equal, if not superior to any other in the whole world? Allow that it has defects (though I know not what they are) yet is there, can there be any human institution that is free from them? And if this were abolished, would there be any rational prospect of a better? Especially amidst the jarring principles, interests and passions of the present day. And if those who have been chosen and appointed to administer the Government of these States in its various departments, have, in any instance, erred in opinion, judgment or practice, where is the man or the number of men who will venture to assure us, or undertake to convince us that they could have done better? That they could have produced and secured to our American nation a greater degree of peace, safety, wealth, honor, and happiness? If our federal legislators and magistrates have sometimes differed in sentiment, yet does not fact and experience prove that the measures of the majority have been in a great degree wise and salutary? And let candor and charity put the most favorable constructions which reason will permit, on the opinions and conduct of those in opposite sentiments—Now from the preceding train of observations, are we not warranted to appropriate the words of our text, and say, The Lord he is God, it is he that hath made us and not we ourselves—Our Nation was formed by his special providence—Our Government is his ordinance; the officers of it are his ministers for good, and that for all this we have the highest reason gratefully to adore and praise his name.

And may we not proceed a step farther and say, We are his people and the sheep of his pasture? For if his granting us such an extensive enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, affording us the sacred treasure of his word, the truths, promises, ordinances and blessings of his gospel; of his granting us the means of civil, moral and religious instruction and improvement, in such a constant and liberal abundance, as puts us under the best advantage for securing our temporal and eternal happiness; if all this brings God near to us, in such manner as to form that relation which denominates us the people of God; then certainly we are so far his people. And if to increase and establish this relation ‘tis necessary that we acknowledge him to be the only true God, and our God, and the divinity, excellency, and importance of the doctrines, ordinances and blessings of his religion, and attend upon and improve them with seriousness, constancy and sincerity, then so far as we do all this, we are his people. And if great numbers have been dedicated to God by baptism, if a large portion of the Nation have devoted themselves to him by covenant transactions and special ordinances, and if a godly number of them have done this with unfeigned piety and sincerity, will not all this go still farther towards constituting us the people of God; and laying us under a double obligation of rendering to him a grateful tribute of obedience and praise?

May we not add, that we are moreover the sheep of his pasture? He has acted towards us the part of a wise, powerful and compassionate Shepherd, in watching over us, defending us, and making provision for our natural, civil, moral and religious subsistence and happiness. For in the first place, he has defended, and still continues to defend us, in a happy measure from the insidious policy and hostile intentions of our enemies. He hath, as our illustrious President pertinently observes in his Proclamation, “granted us an exemption from foreign war, and an increasing prospect of the continuance of that exemption.” And this exemption is the more worthy of grateful acknowledgments, because, by our alliance with one of the belligerent nations, and by the depredations committed on our trade, and the hostile appearances presented to us by another, we were forcibly excited to war; moreover by gratitude, and by a friendly regard to the cause of the one nation, and by a resentment against the other, irritated by the misguided zeal, or the mistaken policy of men among ourselves, we were strongly solicited to arms. But it is not clearly evident by the courses and issue of events, and by the favorable prospects we are encouraged to entertain of the compensation of our losses and the redress of our wrongs, that the counsels and measures of the friends of peace were the most wise and salutary? And have we not great reason to acknowledge with gratitude the influence of that gracious providence, which led to such counsels and measures, and has so far crowned them with success? We must certainly acknowledge the magnitude of this favor, if we duly consider the horrors of war, and the blessings of peace. That the sword of war is a dreadful calamity we may learn from the late distress, disorder and misery which it has lately spread through France, and the share which surrounding nations have suffered in the same calamities. Alas poor Poland, what bosom does not bleed at thy melancholy fate! O inexorable War! What destruction of property, what devastation of cities, what slaughter of millions, what rapine and carnage, what groans and tears of anguish and distress, have marked thy sanguinary course! And whole heart does not recoil at the idea of realizing these tragic scenes on the plains, in the fields, towns and villages of America? Fields, towns and villages, which seem rather destined to be abodes of industry and plenty, regularity and peace. Who can contemplate the spectacle of towns and villages in flames, of fathers and children, husbands and brothers weltering in blood; of the sighs and groans of parents, the tears and lamentations of widows and orphans, without the deepest emotions of anguish and grief? And who then does not fervently deprecate the horrors of war; and adore the God of peace for granting us an exemption from them, and continuing to us the inestimable blessings of tranquility and safety? Besides what an overwhelming load of deep-died wickedness and guilt must hang upon the soul of that nation, of those individuals of it, who plunge it into war without the clearest justice, the most pressing necessity? Who is to answer at the tribunal of heaven for all the blood and carnage, the misery and distress which mark its course? Not only the first aggressors, but those also who attempt to repel these aggressors by the sword, before all pacific measures of accommodation are found ineffectual, and justice and necessity warrant a resort to arms. Happy then for our nation that it is not involved in the guilt of blood—And happy for us too, “That a seasonable control has been given to a spirit of disorder, in the suppression of the late insurrection.” If the daring prosecutors of that insurrection had prevailed; if the same spirit of sedition and rebellion had spread through all the states, a civil war, the most dreadful of all wars, must have been the consequence, Farewell then to our happy constitution, to our wife and liberal government, to all its salutary laws and regulations, and to all the order and safety, peace and prosperity, glory and happiness we have enjoyed under it. They must all have sunk, perhaps irrecoverably sunk, in the wide and wasteful gulf of anarchy and confusion, ruin and wretchedness. But thanks be to God, that under the influence and direction of his gracious providence, the wise and spirited exertions of the fathers and friends of our country have been effectual to suppress the insurrection, and more fully to confirm our precious tranquility. And among the various circumstances which attend this interesting event, the readiness with which our fellow citizens presented themselves to reduce their deluded brethren to order and subordination, the spirit of steadiness, harmony and benevolence with which they proceeded, and the accomplishment of this purpose with so little effusion of human blood, are such as ought to be regarded with the warmest gratitude and satisfaction.

We may here also recollect the happy success of our arms against our savage neighbors, who had so long and so frequently harassed our frontiers, and committed cruel ravages upon the lives and properties of our brethren; and the favorable prospect of a just and honorable peace with those hostile invaders. In all these gracious dispensations, God hath treated us as the sheep of his pasture, and like a kind, powerful and faithful Shepherd, has defended his American flock against the artful and the violent designs of its enemies. What though he permitted them for a season, to threaten and disturb our peace and prosperity in such a degree as to create us much anxiety and trouble, and to darken our animating prospects with a gloomy cloud of threatening evils, yet as he has restrained and averted these evils, dispelled the cloud which hung over us, and restored in a great degree our light and tranquility, this, instead of being a reason for depreciating his favors, is an argument for more fervent and joyful thankfulness and praise—And can anyone be under so strong an influence either of prejudice, ignorance or ingratitude, as to lay his hand on his heart and solemnly deny “The happy course of our public affairs in general—the unexampled prosperity of all classes of our citizens; and that these are circumstances which peculiarly mark our situation with indications of the divine beneficence towards us”?* Do not our Constitutions of State and federal Government unite, and by their union, establish Liberty with order? Can a more happy union and combination of Governments be devised by the wisdom of man? And if they can, where is the instance of it? And who are, or will undertake to be, the Authors of such a device? No human institutions, we acknowledge are, or can be perfect, either in their formation or execution. But ‘tis far easier to censure and complain, than to amend and improve, and if any are disposed to censure and complain, must not facts, must not experience silence and confuse them—For do not fact and experience unitedly manifest, that in these United States, justice is administered, order preserved, peace and safety secured, arts, manufactures, agriculture and commerce encouraged and protected, as fully as in any States, Kingdom or Community in the whole world? Or if all has not been done in these respects which was necessary to satisfy our warmest wishes, yet must not the deficiency be imputed either to the youthful state of our nation, or to want of power, or, in some instances, to want of experience in others to unforeseen and unavoidable occurrences, and to that inevitable imperfection which must attend all human plans, expedients, and operations? And what if it should be found that those who are most dissatisfied, have been themselves the instruments of preventing, in some instances, that more perfect success and prosperity in public affairs, the want of which they so loudly complained of? Now then; from the view which we have taken of the peace, the prosperity, the safety, honor, and happiness realized in our Nation, must we not feel ourselves under the strongest obligations to acknowledge with fervent gratitude, the infinite kindness and beneficence of the great and merciful Shepherd of his American flock, in defending, guiding and cherishing them with such a constant care, tenderness and diligence, and comforting them with numberless blessings of his grace and bounties of his providence? Having considered the reasons we have for thankfulness and praise, we proceed in the

2nd Place, to consider the nature and manner of this duty; or in what it consists, and how it ought to be performed.

And in the first place, let it be observed that thankfulness is a grateful homage of the heart; it consists primarily in the internal sentiments and affections of the soul; in the heart being deeply impressed with a sense of the infinite kindness and mercy of God, and disposed to acknowledge them with sentiments of gladness, humility reverence, and love—And this implies an affecting consciousness of our exceeding sinfulness and ill desert, and the consequent freedom, riches and glory of the divine goodness and grace–And the flame of thankfulness and praise which is enkindled in the heart, should in the

SECOND place, ascend up to God in offerings and ascriptions of social adoration, in songs of humble gratitude and joy. Every person, every society should engage in these devout and thankful acknowledgments, so that the whole people in their national and collective character and capacity, may offer up praise and thanksgiving to God. If it be sufficient reason for an individual to worship and praise God, because he made and reserves him, ‘tis equally a reason for a Nation to perform the same duty, for He also, as we have shown, is the maker and preserver of Nations.—A Nation is considered as a moral and political person; its rulers, therefore, who exercise its understanding and will, should observe and acknowledge the goodness of the God of Nations, recommend the same conduct, and study to diffuse the same spirit through all the members of the great political body: Sot that all the constituent parts of it, and consequently the whole, may adore the majesty and mercy of God; may enter his gats with thanksgiving and his courts with praise. And Thirdly, True thankfulness to God consists in paying a proper respect to his Institutions, and putting a suitable estimation upon his benefits. We should therefore highly value and respect the Ordinances of his Gospel, and the doctrines, precepts and blessings of his holy religion. Unless we exercise this love and reverence for them, and manifest these affections by a sincere faith, repentance and obedience, we neither possess nor discover a cordial thankfulness for them. The religion of the Gospel is the most excellent and comprehensive blessing which a nation can enjoy. It not only teaches us the way to pardon, holiness and eternal happiness; but also gives us excellent instructions upon the nature, the dignity and usefulness of civil Government and it Ministers; commanding us to honor and respect them as the ordinances and ministers of God. But is it not a melancholy truth, that in these days of boasted light and liberty, people seem to have too much forgotten that government has any connection with religion, or any dependence on the appointment or authority of God? They pride themselves in the idea that the people are the foundation of power, that the sovereignty resides in them, and is by them delegated to certain representatives, whom they call the servants of the people, but do not consider that they are at the same time servants of God. And hence they are too often guilty of the folly and arrogance of trusting them not merely as servants but as slaves. For who does not observe that the ministers of Government are treated by some, at this day, with a boldness, indecency and indignity, which a man would hardly use towards a servant in his family? And does not this arise, in part, from ignorance and inattention to the sacred nature of civil Government, and the sacred character of its ministers. ‘Tis readily acknowledged that the right of forming civil institutions and appointing civil officers is vested primarily in the people by their Supreme Governor; but when these are formed, and appointed, if they possess the character and qualities, which are essential to their nature and design, they are ratified by the sanction of divine authority and approbation: and therefore ought to be viewed and treated with honor and respect. To treat them in this manner, is an injunction of religion, a dictate of reason, a conduct necessary to our own interest and happiness, and a conduct without which we shall never be suitably thankful to God for the blessings of a wise and liberal Government.

‘Tis undoubtedly the duty and privilege of the people to watch over the conduct of their rulers, but no with a captious jealousy, or an extreme and rigid exactness. Candor and reason require that those errors, in the judgment or conduct of rulers which are not essential, and do not appear to rise from principles and institutions evidently evil, should not be made subjects of sever and indecent censures and reflections. And when ministers of Government forfeit the confidence of the people, and the dignity of their stations, they are to be deposed, or set aside, by the community according to the rules of the Constitution, and not by individuals or small combinations of the people—And this deposition or rejection ought to be managed with caution, candor, and an honest regard to the public good, and not with rashness and passion, or at the instance of ambitious men, who only wish for the places and emoluments of those whom they are zealous to depose.

The preceding observations have been made with design to show the necessity of respecting and honoring government and rulers, in order to our being thankful to God for them, and making a wise and grateful improvement of the advantages they afford us. For who will be thankful for that which he censures, reproaches and contemns? If then we would be thankful for the blessings of civil society and government, and for all the advantages we derive from the administration of political ministers and magistrates, let us view them as highly important, treat them with deference and respect, and rejoice in them as great and valuable enjoyments.

And we ought to put proper estimation upon the peace, prosperity, and numerous privileges and advantages with which our nation is distinguished—We have seen that they are great and numerous, superior, perhaps, to those of any other nation under heaven. And if we do not estimate them accordingly, what reason shall we see for ardent gratitude? Shall we be grateful for enjoyments which we are disposed to depreciate and despise? And yet is there not a perverse and ungrateful spirit in man, which leads him to undervalue his enjoyments, because they are not equal to his expectations? And are not we in danger of indulging this criminal, ungrateful spirit? Perhaps we have flattered ourselves that our government, our rulers, our laws and regulations, and the benefits we should derive from them, would rise almost to the summit of perfection. Our expectations have not perhaps been completely answered. And hence some are too ready to cavil and complain. And instead of condemning themselves for their extravagant expectations, they condemn men and measures for not being as perfect as they have vainly expected—and they will not thankfully receive and enjoy the benefits they have, because they have not all they desire—They will not acknowledge that degree of national safety, peace, and happiness which obtains, because ‘tis not, in their view, as perfect as it might be. But let us be sensible that ‘tis the folly, the sin, the destruction of nations and individuals, to despise, to lose what they do or might enjoy, by aiming at a perfection which is beyond their reach—Let us then avoid “hazarding the advantages we enjoy by delusive pursuits.” Let us consider how infinitely superior our enjoyments are in number and magnitude, to what we deserve; acknowledge them as the unmerited gifts of God; and feel our unbounded obligations to him for making us his people, and the sheep of his pasture.

FOURTHLY, Thankfulness consists in a wise, virtuous and pious improvement of the favors of heaven. The virtue, the homage, the gratitude expected from us by their gracious author, consist eminently in a prudent, joyful, and pious use and enjoyment of them. Virtue and reason are easily satisfied; but imagination, vanity and lust are insatiable; they devour rather than enjoy their objects, and are still mad for more. And perhaps one reason why we, in this country, are no more perfectly contented, is, that we are in pursuit of such boundless liberty, prosperity and plenty, as will gratify all our sensual desires, and make us a heaven upon earth.—But if we indulge these extravagant passions and pursuits, we shall never be satisfied, we shall be always disappointed. And perhaps ‘tis in mercy that God hath cut short our success and plenty, both by sea and land. Let us then learn the true nature, use and value of our numerous enjoyments; and that to improve them with piety, gratitude and temperance, is the only way to contentment and happiness. For in this way we may add the joys of an approving conscience, the happiness of divine approbation, and blessed hope of eternal life and glory to all our other enjoyments; which will give them a sweetness and solidity which nothing else can communicate. Duty and interest, as therefore unitedly urge us to a proper estimation, and Christian improvement of all the benefits of society, the bounties of providence and the blessings of religion.

LASTLY, we should manifest our esteem of divine favors, and our gratitude to the great Author of them, by sincere and earnest supplications not only discover a proper sense of the greatness of our enjoyments, and the infinite goodness of their Author; but are the best means to retain them, and to procure the bestowment of others. If we esteem the continuance and increase of our blessings and enjoyments, as objects not worthy of our prayers, we greatly and criminally depreciate and despise them. And can we expect that God will continue to bestow what we thus treat with neglect and indifference? Prayer is not only an appointed mean to procure the bestowment and continuance of favors; but it has a happy influence to prepare our minds for a thankful reception and virtuous improvement of them. O then let us all, under a grateful and admiring apprehension of the distinguishing mercy of God, adore his perfections, believe is truths, obey his precepts, attend his ordinances, implore, receive and improve his benefits, social, civil and religious, with such humility, piety, and diligence as may effectually promote our virtue and happiness as individuals, our peace, honor, and prosperity as a nation, and our everlasting joy and blessedness as children of god in the Kingdom of his Glory, AMEN.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1795


Samuel West (1730-1807) graduated from Harvard in 1754. He was pastor of a church in New Bedford, MA in 1761. He served as a chaplain during the Revolutionary War, joining just after the Battle of Bunker Hill. West was a member of the Massachusetts state constitutional convention, and a member of the Massachusetts convention that adopted the U.S. Constitution. This Thanksgiving sermon was preached in Boston on February 19, 1795.


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SERMON

DELIVERED UPON THE LATE

NATIONAL THANKSGIVING,

FEBRUARY 19th, 1795.

By SAMUEL WEST, A.M.

Pastor of the South Church in Boston.

A Sermon.

I Congratulate you my hearers on the present joyful occasion.

Few Countries have experienced more or greater changes, especially for the last twenty years, than our own. Clouds and darkness have often overshadowed our political Hemisphere; they have been constantly dispersed by the Providence of Go, and what instance of this nature taken in connection with the general prosperity of our States at the present period, has induced our supreme executive Magistrate to invite us to assemble this day, and in our respective places of worship, unitedly to ascribe thanksgiving and praise to the great and gracious Ruler of the world.

As adapted to our purpose, we shall improve those words of the prophet Daniel.

Daniel 2d chapter, 20th & 21ft Verses.

“Daniel answered and said, blessed be the name of God forever and ever; for wisdom and might are his, and he changeth the times and the seasons; he removeth Kings and setteth up Kings; he giveth wisdom unto the wise and knowledge unto them that know understanding.”

God had been graciously pleased in answer to his earnest prayers to reveal to the Prophet the interpretation of that mysterious dream which had greatly perplexed the mind of the King of Babylon, and the meaning of which he had fought from hi wise men in vain. This vision presented to the view of the Prophet such admirable changes in the kingdoms of this lower world as filled him with grateful astonishment. He saw mighty Empires gradually rising and declining in succession; and the events of each intimately connected with, and bringing forward an illustrious kingdom, small indeed in its commencement, but eventually embracing the world; superseding every other dominion; producing the greatest glory to God and happiness to man.

Full of this grand and pleasing prospect the Prophet expresses the feelings of a truly pious and devout heart in the sublime language of the text. “Blessed be the name of God, forever and ever, &c.”

We are not indulged as Daniel was with the visions of God, but when we reflect on past events, when we attend to the present circumstances of our Country and mark the many strong symptoms of her future greatness, may we not feel in a degree the same pleasing gratitude to Almighty Providence. And from the anticipation of the increasing prosperity and happiness of our country, adopt with great propriety the language of the Prophet. “Blessed be the name of God forever and ever; for wisdom and might are his, and he changeth the times and the seasons.”

Without a very minute to every part of the text the words lead us to observe,

1st. That National changes are under the direction of an infinitely wise and gracious Providence, “who changeth the times and the seasons; who removeth Kings and setteth up Kings.” To which we shall add,

2d. That a good government, such as our country now enjoys, is an invaluable national blessing for which we owe the warmest gratitude to the Ruler of the world. We shall conclude with such remarks and exhortations as suit the occasion.

1st. Then we observe, that national changes are under the direction of an infinitely wise and gracious Providence. “He changeth the times, &c.”

If there is a God who ruleth and judgeth in the world he must respect those large portions of the human race which constitute the distinct nations of the earth. If individuals nay, even the falling sparrow is an object of his attention, much more will he attend to those great national changes with which the welfare and happiness of millions of his rational creatures are closely connected.

But however national changes may be ascribed to the providence of God, there are certain principles in nature, agreeably to which they are generally produced and regulated.–Thus different forms of Government may be traced to the natural character and passions of men, operating according to the circumstances in which they are placed, as the prosperity and decline of particular nations may with equal certainty be derived from their moral character.

To reverence old age; to respect a father, are dictates of nature. Hence arose the most ancient of all governments the Patriarchal; the only government, probably, which existed previously to the general deluge–when the long-lived father, many centuries before his death might find himself the natural ruler of a nation more numerous than any one now inhabiting the face of the earth.

This species of government continued after the deluge in the Hebrew Patriarchs. Abraham was distinguished in his character. It is indeed common to all mankind in their most simple and unimproved state, who generally unite in bestowing the honors and devolving the weight of government on those who are supposed to have derived wisdom from age and experience.

But this kind of government is incompatible with that insatiable desire of power and property, which is the certain consequence of an improved state of society, or of what is called civilization, which by extending our views and enlarging the sphere of our enjoyments, supplies fuel to the passions of the human heart.

Nimrod began the race of Monarchs. He founded the first great Empire recorded in history. From the concise character given in scripture of this founder of Monarchy, he appears to have been bold, enterprising, but turbulent man, who probably united artifice with strength in establishing his despotism. His empire lasted for many ages; but for many ages it has been so perfectly destroyed that the situation of its vast capitol Ninevah cannot be determined, even from its ruins. Thus transient is the glory of the world!

Monarchy always has been, and is to this day, the most prevalent form of government among mankind. Shall we infer from thence that it is best adapted to human nature, and most conducive to peace, order and the general good of society? The inference would be false, and might as well be applied to any other effect of the restless passions of men, which are not governed by a view to the general good, but aim at their own gratification.

Could we indeed be sure of wisdom and goodness in the Monarch, reason would prefer the uniformity of an individual ruler, after the example of the Government of the Universe. But when we consider the weakness and depravity of human nature, and the very critical situation of the man vested with sovereign rule, it appears to be folly in the extreme for a people to subject themselves to the caprice of a man, unless he is something more than we have a right to expect from humanity; will be dazzled with his exaltation; forget himself, give loose to his passions and become the scourge of those who have foolishly trusted themselves to his power.

It is surprising how abject the minds of men may be rendered by a long course of slavery. However, in some instances, oppression has produced proper resentment, injured nations have been roused; have felt their own weight; resolved to vindicate their natural rights; and to throw the yoke of oppression from their weary necks. But too often alas! They have been intercepted by the pride and artifice of their popular leaders, who have abused the confidence which the people have reposed in them, to accomplish their own wicked purpose, transferring the sovereignty from the Monarch to themselves. In consequence of which the people have only exchanged one tyrant for another, or for many. Multiplying their burdens in proportion as they have increased the number of their rulers. In the same proportion strengthening the chains of their slavery and lessening the probability of obtaining that freedom which was the object of their wishes.

But to the honor of human nature, this has not always been the case. People have in some instances found leaders to conduct them through such revolutions, who, to consummate wisdom, firmness, and perseverance, have added the greatest moderation; and who, like the Deity, have estimated their glory from the happiness which they have procured for others. Who, the conflict being over, have retired to enjoy in the bosom of peace, the affection of their fellow citizens, and the blessings with which they have been instrumental of enriching their country, by exposing themselves to the danger and toils of war.

Such to the praise of Almighty God be it mentioned, has been the case with United America; in consequence of which, she had the almost unexampled happiness of forming a constitution of government for herself; the production of the united wisdom of her chosen sons, and the most invaluable blessing, of a temporal nature Heaven could bestow on our favored country.

As particular forms of government result from the natural character and passions of men, so the prosperity and decline of states may with still greater certainty be traced to the moral character of nations. The state of morals and religion, which we would always connect, is the natural pulse of a nation; which will invariably rise or fall as public virtue prevails or declines; it being an immutable maxim, that “righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people.”

It has been said indeed, that as in nature there is regular progress, increase and decline, so nations have their helpless infancy, active youth, vigorously manhood and feeble old age, followed with inevitable dissolution. But the simile, however beautiful, is far from being just. Nature is governed by fixed laws; agreeable to which changes take place with inevitable necessity; such as no power or wisdom of man can control. Thus what power has man either to shun the enfeebling effects of old age, or that death to which it certainly leads him. Whereas the prosperity or decline of nations depend on moral causes, which are always capable of being varied. In consequence of a change of character, or reformation in morals, a nation may be rescued from ruin, when in the most critical situation; this is precisely the language of God himself by the mouth of the Prophet Jeremiah. “At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, or concerning a kingdom, to pluck up and to pull down and to destroy it; if that nation against whom I have pronounced turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them.”

The decline of states then appears to be no further connected with their duration than as pride, luxury, and immorality, are too often the consequence of such duration; there are the seeds of national ruin; the diseases, which unless corrected, must terminate in the dissolution of the state. How powerful a motive in the breast of every lover of his country to stem the torrent of vice, by making every exertion in his power to promote Christianity, that divine religion, the progress of which, equally tends to advance the prosperity of nations, and the happiness of individuals.

We proceed to observe,

2dly. That a good government, such as our country now enjoys, is an invaluable blessing, for which we owe the warmest gratitude to the Ruler of the world.

If the great God changeth the times and season, removeth Kings and setteth up Kings, then the nation which has eminently experienced the changes here referred to, must consider her present happy government as a blessing for which she is peculiarly indebted to the good providence of God.

That good Government is of the greatest importance to national prosperity and happiness, is abundantly evident. The effect may be strikingly illustrated from what takes place in particular families, which may be considered as states in miniature. How wretched is the family where vice and folly preside, how happy where wisdom dwells with prudence, and both conspire to promote domestic order, prosperity and peace. With equal certainty does the folly or wisdom of government determine the condition of nations. When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice, but when the wicked bear rule the people mourn.

But are the United States thus happy in a good form of government wisely administered? Yes, this is the language of the present solemnity; it is for this we are invited to offer unto God thanksgiving. But in order to satisfy ourselves and to warm our hearts with gratitude on the occasion, let us take a country, compared with the governments of other countries, and our own situation at some former periods.

One great advantage which we enjoy both as united, and individual states is fixed forms of governments, concise and definite, which are, or may be in the hands of every citizen, and are easily understood. History furnishes nothing equal to this previous to the America revolution, what has taken place in France since, engages our devout wishes and fervent prayers; but we wait until time shall unfold the sequel. What was called the constitution of the ancient Grecian Republics, was too indefinite to deserve the name; it served to unite them against a foreign enemy, but left them to perpetual broils among themselves. The Roman republic was such in name rather than reality. In modern times while the greater part of the world is subjected to arbitrary rule, those nations which lay claim to fixed and liberal forms of government have derived them from incidents taking place at distant periods; they are the work of different hands, and are essentially deficient in uniformity of design and harmony of parts; are too complex and unconnected to afford either pleasure to those who contemplate, or security to those who possess them, they are not therefore to be compared with the beautiful temple of Liberty which has been erected in America; of which every part discovers unity of design, and adds strength and beauty to the whole.

In most government there is a competition between the rulers and the ruled; they are considered as having separate interests, not always consistent with each other. In the American constitutions this is effectually destroyed; the rulers and the ruled are the same; the people govern themselves; and the poorest freeman (and I would to God there were none but freemen in the United States) feels a conscious dignity, while he holds in his hand, on the day of election, his proportion of the government of his country. Suitably to estimate and wisely to improve this privilege, is the best security of public freedom. In fact, our government happily unites the two grand objects of all political institutions, freedom with energy.

When we look back on the history of our country, we may collect from thence many circumstances to strengthen our gratitude one the present occasion. At an early period after the settlement of our fathers in this country, an unhappy jealousy, excited by their rapid growth, took place in the breasts of the British rulers, and the American Colonies were suspected of entertaining a disposition to independence long before any such disposition existed. This produced continual efforts on the side of the British government to restrain, and on our side to preserve our civil liberties, till finally, an attempt to violate our charter, essentially to change our government, render us more dependent on Great Britain, and to tax us without our consent, led to the late revolution. In the progress of which we could mention many circumstances in our favor which approached nearly to miracle, and marked in the most striking manner, the interposition of divine Providence. But we must content ourselves with observing what we believe will be readily admitted, that scarcely an event took place, which however threatening at the times, did not eventually lead to the furtherance of our great design Independence and Peace.

After a long and painful struggle our views were accomplished, our independence was established, and we flattered ourselves that we might now enjoy, peaceably, the hard-earned fruits of our toils. But alas! Danger is often nearest when least expected. Never were the American States in a more critical situation than at the period now referred to.

The comparatively lax compact which had served to hold us together while pressed by a foreign enemy, soon appeared to be insufficient for that purpose when the pressure was taken off and the States were at peace. Congress wanted power and their laws energy; they could recommend, but could not enforce. All were not disposed to comply. We had contracted a debt, a revenue must be had and there appeared no other expedient for obtaining it but a direct tax levied by individual States. The taxes were heavy; many parts of the country were distressed; discontents arose; designing men took advantage of popular complaints, an insurrection was the consequence. But how admirable are the ways of Providence; instead of essentially injuring us, it terminated in the adoption of that constitution of government, in the happy effects of which, we this day rejoice, and may say with peculiar propriety, “blessed be the name of God, for ever and ever; for wisdom and might are his, and he changed the times and the seasons.”

If the excellency of any government may be estimated by the prosperity of the people who are under it; the general prosperity of all orders of men in the United States, will give to our government the loudest encomiums. And this, let me observe, extends to the administration, as well as to the constitutions of our government. Indeed, the admirable wisdom and prudence by which we have been conducted through the threatening appearances of a foreign war, and the alarming circumstances of a domestic insurrection, demand our warmest gratitude to our National Rulers in general, but especially to that venerable Father of his country, who has been raised up, qualified and supported by the Father of the Universe, to be her glory and to promote her happiness. But here let our gratitude and our praises terminate on Him “who giveth wisdom to the wise and knowledge unto them that know understanding.”

An Indian war seems to have been entailed on our country; it commenced early and has continued with little intermission, it recedes from us as our frontier extends. But we flatter ourselves that the wise and liberal policy adopted by our National Rulers, as it has nearly extinguished that war for the present, will prevent its ever being equally distressing in future, as in former periods.

We are not intimately acquainted with the circumstances of the late insurrection in Pennsylvania; it is sufficient to observe, that every man appeared to feel proper indignation at the wanton opposition to laws of our own making, in which, if there is anything oppressive, the means of redress are in our own hands.

The alertness with which everyone listened to, and obeyed the call of the President for suppressing the late insurrection, affords a pleasing evidence of the energy of our government, and of what is equally pleasing, that the people, though they differ in political opinions with respect to what is of less importance, are united in affection to their country, her constitution and laws, and are equally ready to defend them.

We mention, in the last place what is much to the honor of our government, that it does not invade the rights of conscience, nor profane Christianity, by undertaking to legislate for the kingdom of Christ, but allows every man to think and act for himself, with respect to that most interesting subject religion; for his errors in which, he can only be amenable at the bar of Jehovah. This is rendering to God the things that are God’s; and marks the progress of that light which the gospel was designed to diffuse on the world, and which, though it may be eclipsed in particular instances, will finally prevail to the production of universal knowledge, liberty, virtue, and happiness to man, and the greatest possible glory to its gracious Author.

We might here give a loose to our imaginations, and as Daniel did, anticipate the events of future ages. We may behold this extensive Continent filled with civilized inhabitants; vast cities adorned with the monuments of art and of industry, where now all is dreary wilderness; and what is still more pleasing, where now all is dreary wilderness; and what is still more pleasing, from the accomplishment of unfailing prophecies, a pure worship offered to the God of Heaven from countless millions of wise, virtuous, and happy people.

But what is more to our present purpose, is to inquire how we may secure to ourselves and transmit to our posterity, the public blessings which we now enjoy? Evidently by promoting the cause and interests of Christianity, which, in its progress, is equally productive of public and of personal happiness.

Particularly let me recommend a serious attention to domestic education. Families are the materials of which states are composed. The nurseries from which those must proceed, who are hereafter to adorn and enrich their country. As they are now formed, such will be their future growth. Let them be early taught to love their country, to respect her government and laws; to feel their obligations of gratitude to those who have been instrumental of procuring our public blessings. But above all to love and reverence the Author of their being, his word and worship. Thus will they be for a name and for a praise when we shall be numbered with the dead.

Cultivate a candid spirit where different political opinions are adopted. It is the spirit of party, and not party itself that injures society, and is therefore to be guarded against. Difference in political, as in religious opinions, is unavoidable, it can, indeed, hardly be considered as an evil in the present state of human nature; it only becomes such from the indulgence of a cruel, censorious spirit. When softened by candor, it answers valuable purposes, it affords exercise for the social affections; leads to inquiry and extends the field of knowledge. Candor does not imply instability; a man may be perfectly candid towards those who differ from him, and yet in his conduct steadily adhere to the dictates of his own mind. It is the bitterness and turbulence of party spirit which proves the bane of social peace, order and happiness. As we all need it in our turn, so should we be ready to the exercise of candor towards others. It gives dignity to our character as men, and is one good evidence in our favor as Christians. To be severe on ourselves, and candid towards others, is the perfection of the Christian character.

We are highly pleased to find that a candid spirit prevails at present in the French Republic. They already experience its happy effects, and we have no doubt of its being one means of conducting them to the accomplishment of their object, in the establishment of a wise, liberal and energetic government, under which, they and their posterity may be happy for ages to come.

Instead then of bigotry to our own opinions, as if we were the men, and wisdom must die with us; instead of indulging that party spirit which is indiscriminating as the tempest, relentless as death, and cruel as the grave, let us bear in mind that we are like those around us, weak and erring creatures, that confidence in our own opinions in disputable cases, is the result of pride and folly, the imputation of which, every man would wish to avoid; but which we cannot escape, except by cultivating that charity which thinketh no evil, is the cement of society, the best security of public peace, the bond of perfectness.

Before I conclude permit me to discharge the debt of gratitude which I owe to you. I thank you my dear people, for that liberality, candor and kindness which have marked your conduct towards me. Be assured that it is not in language to express the desire I feel, not of your approbation only, but of being instrumental of promoting your salvation and happiness.–Finally,

Let us rejoice, that “He who changeth the times and the seasons, removeth kings, and setteth up kings,” has established a kingdom which cannot be moved; which shall survive the extinction of every other dominion, and finally unite all nations in the knowledge of, and submission to the great Redeemer; to whom every knee shall bow. As subjects of this Universal Sovereign, we may anticipate the period when sin and death shall be abolished; righteousness and peace restored, and we ourselves may join with the redeemed world, in ascribing blessing, and honor, and glory, and power, to him that setteth on the throne, and to the Lamb, forever and ever,

AMEN

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1794


Samuel Stillman (1738-1807) was the pastor of a Baptist church on James Island, South Carolina beginning in 1759. He preached in various congregations in New Jersey for a time and was the pastor of a Baptist church in Boston (1765-1805). Stillman was a Boston city convention member, a convention that ratified the U.S. Constitution. This Thanksgiving sermon was preached in Boston on November 20, 1794.


sermon-thanksgiving-1794

Thoughts on the French Revolution.

A

Sermon

Delivered

November 20, 1794:

Being

The Day Of

Annual Thanksgiving.

By Samuel Stillman, D. D.
Pastor of the First Baptist Church in Boston.

A Sermon

Matthew XXXIV. 6, 7, 8.

And ye shall bear of wars and rumors of wars: see that ye be not troubled: for all these things must come to pass, but the end is not yet.

For nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom: and there shall be famines, and pestilences, and earthquakes in divers places. All these are the beginning of sorrows.

It may be thought by some, that this passage is inapplicable to the present occasion. But, my brethren, we live in an age when it is strikingly exemplified. To endeavor to trace effects to their causes, and to account for the solemn state of things in the European world, its influence and issue, will be no improper employment for this day; because it will naturally bring into view abundant reasons of thanksgiving to God, who guides the affairs of empire.

The text is found in our blessed Lord’s conversation with his disciples, who struck with the magnificence of Solomon’s temple, invited his attention to it: to whom he said, See ye not all these things? Verily I say unto you, there shall not be left one stone upon another, that shall not be thrown down. This solemn declaration of an event so contrary to their expectations, excited to desire in them to be informed when it should happen. Tell us, say they, when shall these things be? And what shall be the sign of thy coming, and of the end of the world? And Jesus answered and said unto them, Take heed that no man deceive you. For many shall come in my name saying, I Am Christ; and shall deceive many. And ye shall hear of wars and rumors of wars: see that ye be not troubled: for all these things must come to pass, but the end is not yet. For nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom: and there shall be famines, and pestilences: and earthquakes in divers places. All these are the beginnings of sorrows.

The text is a prediction of events, that were to befall the Jewish nation in the first instance; and may be divided into these two inquires:

I. On what does Christ found this declaration. Ye shall hear of wars and rumors of wars?

II. What does he mean by this saying, see that ye be not troubled?–

I. On what does Christ found this declaration, Ye shall hear of wars and rumors of wars?

It is founded on his foreknowledge. In him dwelt all the fullness of the Godhead bodily: hence he thought it no robbery to be equal with God. As such, at one glance he foresaw all those events, that would take place from the beginning to the end of time. In the concise but expressive language of inspiration it is said, He sees the end from the beginning.

Peter ascribes omniscience to Christ: Lord, said he, though knowest all things; thou knowest that I love thee. His heart, but this confession, lay open to the Son of God. If his, then the heart of every other man. To know the heart is a divine prerogative.

Jesus Christ, who was in the bosom of the Father from eternity, and possessed the same nature with him, perfectly understood the whole economy of Providence, consequently those event that would befall the Jewish people.

This prophecy was literally accomplished: for horrid wars preceded the destruction of the city Jerusalem; which are mentioned by Josephus. During the siege of the city by the Roman army, thousands were slain. Several times did they groan under the dreadful calamities of civil war. These, however, were but the beginning of sorrows, compared with the evils that have befallen them since their dispersion. In the prospect of which our blessed Lord thus laments; O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, though that killest the prophets, and stonest them that are sent unto thee, how often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and ye would not. Behold your house is left unto you desolate.

This declaration was also founded on our Lord’s knowledge of the depravity of the human heart. He knew what was in man, and needed not that any man should teach him. From within, said he, out of the heart of man, proceed evil thoughts, murders, adulteries, fornications, thefts, false witness, blasphemies. Matt. XV. 19.

He also perfectly knew how that depravity would operate, or what events would arise out of it. Depravity in man is the fruitful source of evils in the world. From whence come wars and fightings among you? Says James; come they not hence even of your lusts, which war in your members?

In the front of the degrading catalogue I place ambition as a principal; which involves pride and a spirit of revenge. An ambitious man is insatiable in his desires for honor and power; and generally artful and determined in his attempts to acquire them; and implacable in his resentments in case of disappointment. Ambition has slain its ten thousands. In the small, and in the great world, it hath done unspeakable mischiefs. Its influence is evident on individuals, in families, in religion and government.

Individuals in general are anxious to excel; hence the competition we see among persons of the same, as well as of different professions. From this source ariseth also a spirit of resentment against those, who treat them contrary to the opinion they have of their own merit. Hence come contentions and every evil work.

One person of this restless temper in a family, is capable of destroying all its happiness by a haughty and overbearing conduct; and a readiness to resent every supposed neglect.

Ambition is too frequently apparent among men who profess a friendship for religion; yet religion enforces the necessity of the deepest humility. Even the immediate disciples of Christ disputed who should be the greatest. From this spirit, so contrary to the gospel, have arisen persecutions and martyrdoms.

Had mankind in general, and Christians in particular, been willing to allow to others the liberty they take, of thinking for themselves, these horrid scenes would not have taken place. But they have strangely and unreasonably imagined, in many instances, that they only have this right. Hence the frequent attempts that have been made by the civil magistrate, in countries where Christianity is established by law, to check by force the growth of opinions contrary to his own.

In government it is perpetually at work, having full scope for its baneful influence. In this instance it has often appeared as a monster with a thousand heads.

Though a republican form of government, in the opinion of the preacher, is the best calculated to promote the freedom and happiness of the people, there always will be found men of boundless ambition, who become heads of parties, and spare no pains to get into place. One circumstance is sufficient to be mentioned here, which all men must acknowledge, and that is, the competition there continually is, between them who are in, and them who are out of office. They who are in wish to keep in, and they who are out to get in: hence the contest that often happens, and the ungenerous attacks that are frequently made on personal characters, with a design of injuring them in the public opinion.

The best of men and measures are often treated with the greatest severity, in order to promote the designs of certain ambitious men. But while human nature remains in its present state of imperfection, the great body of the people should act with caution: their political salvation, under God, depends on themselves. It has often happened, that the men who have made the highest pretensions to patriotism, have been the most ambitious in heart.

In a monarchical government, where the supreme power is vested in an individual under certain limitations, this vice will exert itself. The various expensive appendages of royalty are food for an ambitious mind. The prince feels his importance, and is tenacious of his prerogative; and there always will be men enough, who surround his person, to flatter his pride and to oppress the people. The number of these sycophants is easily increased by places and pensions; till finally the best form of government, in its principles or administration, becomes corrupt.

The people groan under the yoke, complain and remonstrate without effect; for a venal majority are always ready to support the measures of the prince. At length matters become desperate; government is opposed by force of arms, many lives are lost in the conflict, and a revolution takes place. Hence the revolution in England, headed by the Prince of Orange–Hence too the revolution in America, with an excellent band of patriots, and our immortal WASHINGTON at its head.

Permit me to declare, my brethren, that I bless God he ordered me into existence at a period, which gave me an opportunity of observing the origin, progress and glorious issue of my country’s contest with her oppressors. She is free, happy and independent. Let the people praise thee, O Lord; let all the people praise thee!–the snare is broken, and we are escaped.–This is the Lord’s doing, and is marvelous in our eyes.

To return. What man can look into the present state of Poland without a mixture of grief and indignation, while he beholds that unfortunate people deprived of their liberties, and their country divided between the Empress of Russia and the King of Prussia? But they bravely struggle: and every friend to the freedom of mankind will wish them success.

It we look into France, whose present condition engages the attention of the world, we shall learn awful lessons of pride, ambition and cruelty.

To investigate the dealings of Providence toward that great nation, may tend to throw light on their present state, and help us to ascertain the reason why God contendeth with them.

The events that have taken place in France are very different in their nature. Some of them are pleasing, others painful–Some we approve, others we condemn. We highly applaud the principles of the revolution, and the noble opposition of that nation to civil and ecclesiastical tyranny. But we are obliged to censure and lament their sanguinary measures, their numerous executions, their rejection of religion, and the fluctuating state of their politics.

Sensible and dispassionate men will distinguish the good from the bad, and neither approve nor condemn in the gross. Rather they will make up their judgment with that caution, which ariseth from a consideration of the distance at which they are from the scene of action, and the misrepresentations which commonly attend such times of confusion.

Persons in every country, who are opposed to the French revolution, perpetually hold up to view their cruelty, irreligion and instability; and on the account of these condemn the whole. But this conduct is very unreasonable, and creates a suspicion, that they are in heart unfriendly to the liberties of mankind. This is the counterpart of that conduct which we Americans experienced during the revolution in our own country.

In France, “the passions of men have been enraged,” says one, “and, in the paroxysm of resentment, fear and despair, the best of causes, the cause of liberty, has been stained by the commission of crimes which afflict a great majority of their own nation, and all the genuine friends of liberty and justice through the world. None can contemplate them but with the keenest anguish, except those who are watching for occasions to slander all who resist oppressors.”

“There is no nation existing which, first and last, has produced such a number of faithful witnesses against papal corruptions and tyrannies, as France. No people have so long a lift of martyrs and confessors to show, as the Protestants of that country; and there is no royal family in Europe which has shed, in the support of Popery, half the blood which the Capets have shed. They slew above a million of Waldenses and Albigenses, who bore testimony against the corruptions and usurpations of Rome.–Who set on foot, and headed the executioners of the massacre of Bartholomew, which lasted seven days, and in which, some say, near fifty thousand Protestants were murdered in Paris, and twenty thousand more in the provinces? The royal monsters of France. A massacre this, in which neither age nor sex, nor even women with child, were spared; for the butchers had received orders to slaughter all, even babes at the breast, if they belonged to Protestants. The king himself stood at the windows of his palace, endeavoring to shoot those who fled, and crying to their pursuers, Kill ‘em, kill ‘em. For this massacre public rejoicings were made at Rome, and in other Catholic countries. Unnumbered thousands of Protestants were slain in the civil wars of France, for their attachment to their principles.”

It is impossible, in the time allowed for the present service, to recount the horrid cruelties that were inflicted on the Protestants, upon the revocation of the edict of Nantz by Louis XIV.

“He it was,” says the same writer, “who gave the death-wound to the civil liberties of France, by taking from the parliaments all remaining power, and from France every shadow of freedom. Their ancient constitution had been long impairing. It was undermined by the long impairing. It was undermined by the crafty Lewis XI. and had been nearly swept away by the daring and sanguinary councils of Richelieu under Lewis XIII. The assembly of the states had been diffused ever since the beginning of this monarch’s reign. The last time of its meeting was in the year 1614. But all civil liberty did not then expire. Its complete extinction was left for this tyrant, Lewis XIV. From his days to the time of the revolution 1789, the people were strangers to both civil and religious liberty. The same system of oppression was pursued, though not always to the same length; the same tyrannic laws continued to force, and were exercised whenever the king or his courtiers conceived it necessary for the promotion of their measures. The late banishments and imprisonments of the members of the parliament of Paris, for refusing to register those loans (because they thought them oppressive to the people) which the court demanded, are in every one’s memory;” and may be though to have hastened the down fall of that unfortunate prince, Lewis XVI.

The Bastille, that engine of horrors and misery, which no language can fully describe, continued during this reign; in which numbers of unhappy victims to despotism had been confined for years, and some of them died in their chains.

In all these banishments and murders of the tens of thousands, who fell in the cause of civil and religious liberty in France, “what Protestant nation ever did anything worth calling an exertion in their favor? Not one! When an opportunity offered for doing something for them, at the peace of Ryswick in 1697, and again in 1741, at which time four hundred were still groaning on board the galleys, or perishing in dungeons, there was not one stipulation in their favor! But the fall of this tyranny which inflicted these enormities, produces a shock which is felt from one end of the earth to the other.” And European princes, in dreadful combination, fly to arms to restore the French monarchy, or punish the nation; and by interfering with their internal affairs, with which they had no right to meddle, have become accessary to many of the horrors that attend the revolution.

Whose heart does not bleed this day at the recollection of the miseries, which the Protestants and people of France have suffered, for many centuries, under despotic and cruel princes, nobles and priests!

But, my hearers, there is a God who judgeth in the earth. Though he bear long with such awful crimes, he will not bear always. He is now making inquisition for blood. The following words of john the divine are applicable in this case; Thou are righteous, O Lord–they have shed the blood of saints and prophets, and though hast given them blood to drink, for they are worthy. Rev. xvi. 5, 6. Amidst the distresses of the scene, let us not however forget the providence of God. Not a sparrow falls to the ground without his knowledge.

For many ages, Protestants have been praying for the downfall of Popery. Jehovah is now accomplishing that great event, but with circumstances that wound our feelings. Yet his language to us is, Be still and know that I am God–I will be exalted among the heathen: I will be exalted in the earth. He is doing terrible things in righteousness.

The kingdom of France hath been for many centuries, a very important pillar of Popery. And her kings, nobles and priests have been impiously combined against the civil and religious liberties of the people. But their judgment hath come upon them as in one day. On them have the calamities of the times fallen with peculiar weight, even to their utter extirpation.

In Rev. xi. 13. we read, And the same hour there was a great earthquake; meaning great changes and convulsions among the people–and the tenth part of the city fell. That is, I support of the Papacy was lost by her. And in the earthquake were slain of men seven thousand names of men. In the original it is, seven thousand names of men; meaning all their dignified titles and orders of nobility. This has been literally accomplished in the revolution in France, by the demolition of titles and privileged orders. Citizen is their universal appellation, and Liberty and Equality their national motto. They do not mean an equality of property, abilities or influence, but of rights: It is a political equality; and is well expressed in the bill of rights of this Commonwealth–“All men are born free and equal.”

Remarkable are the words of Peter Jurieu, as French Protestant minister, written by him above a hundred years ago. He says, “The tenth part of the city which here fell, will at some future time appear to be the kingdom of France, where a revolution will take place about the year 1785, and a separation from the Papacy follow; when the names of monks and nuns, of Carmelites, Augustines, Dominicans, &c. shall perish forever; and all these vain titles, and armorial bearings, which serve for ornament and pride, shall vanish; and brotherly love make all men equal. Not that there shall be no distinctions, for it is not a kingdom of anarchy, but government shall be without pride and insolence, without tyranny and violence, and subjects shall obey their governors with a humble spirit. And all this cannot be brought about without confusion and tumult. The popish empire cannot fall but it must cause blood and a mighty noise.”

The following extracts from Dr. Goodwin’s exposition of the Revelation, who wrote one hundred and fifty years ago, merit your attention–“The saints and churches of France, God has made a wonder to me in all his proceedings towards them, first and last; and there would seem some great and special honor reserved for them yet at the last; for it is certain that the first light of the gospel, by that first second angel’s preaching in chap. xiv. (which laid the foundation of antichrist’s ruin) was out from among them, and they bore and underwent the great heat of persecution, which was a great, if not greater than any since–And so as that kingdom had the first great stroke, so now it should have the honor of having the last great stroke in the ruin of Rome.”

In his 5th sect. on Rev. xi. he says, “By the earthquake here is meant a great concussion or shaking of states, politic or ecclesiastical. The effect of this earthquake and the fall of this tenth part of the city, is killing seven thousand names of men. Now by men of name in scripture are meant men of title, office and dignity. As in Corah’s conspiracy, so here, a civil punishment falls upon these. For having killed the witnesses, themselves are to be killed (haply) by being bereft of their names and titles, which are to be rooted out forever, and condemned to perpetual forgetfulness.”

Whether this prophecy in Rev. xi. 13. was designed by the Holy Ghost to set forth the present events in France or not, it appears from what precedes, to be capable of a very easy accommodation to them.

Several circumstances in the French revolution are really astonishing. That twenty-five millions of people, devout admirers of kings, and dupes to a crafty and avaricious priesthood, should suddenly reject both, was not to be expected according to the common course of things. That they should be able to maintain their ground against all their internal enemies, and a most formidable combination of the European powers, is surprising; and much more so that they should be victorious in almost every quarter. I pray God that they may know when and where to stop. That they should have passed at once from the greatest religious superstition, to a rejection of all religion, is a very strange and serious event. How far this is the case of the great body of the people of France, we cannot determine, not having the necessary information. We rejoice however to find, according to the latest intelligence, that their leading men are returning to the principles of justice and moderation, and a professed belief of natural religion. Every good man will most earnestly pray, that they may soon embrace the whole gospel of Christ.

Their new calendar has a natural tendency to abolish the Lord’s day; and most important institution of Christianity. Yet I humbly conceive that this strange circumstance, however dark it may appear to us, will be overruled for good. It is not reasonable to suppose, that it will tend to obliterate from the minds of the people, especially children and youth, every idea of saints days, feasts and fasts, &c. which make a great part of the superstition of the Romish church? Succeeding generations will be without any knowledge of these follies of their ancestors, unless their ancient calendar should be preserved. If so, it will help on the downfall of antichrist.

If it should be said, that with the destruction of the Romish superstition, the people will be in danger of losing the Lord’s day, and its religious institutions, I answer–The Bible, the source of a Christian’s knowledge, is carefully preserved in France; and religious worship kept up on that sacred day as usual, by a number of churches of different denominations of Christians. By whom Christianity and its important institutions will, no doubt, be preserved. This was the case in their hottest days of persecution, though in a private manner, and will doubtless be the case now, seeing every man has full liberty to worship God according to the dictates of his conscience.

II. Let us now inquire, what our Lord means by this saying, See that ye be not troubled: for all these things must come to pass, but the end it not yet. For nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom: and there shall be famines, and pestilences, and earthquakes in divers places. All these are the beginning of sorrows.

Most certainly he who hath taught us, both by precept and example, to pity the distressed, and to lessen as much as possible the miseries of mankind, could not mean to teach his disciples to be unaffected with the calamities, that, in a short time, were to overwhelm the Jewish nation; nor us to be unconcerned at the distresses of our fellow-men.

Shall we hear of the horrors of war–of garments rolled in blood–of countries depopulated and laid waste–of the thousands who have been slaughtered during the present contest in Europe–of the miseries that accompany famines, pestilences and earthquakes–and not be troubled? It cannot be.

Perhaps the meanings of Christ is, Be not discouraged, or through fear, hindered from the faithful discharge of your duty, in preaching the gospel. Or, Be not troubled as though these dark and calamitous events were undirected. The government, as if he had said, is on my shoulders; I do my pleasure in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth. These things must come to pass, as punishments of nations for national crimes.

But the end is not yet–that is, the end of Jewish sufferings. For greater calamities did come upon that people for their unbelief, and rejection of the Messiah; calamities which bid defiance to description.

But the text is not to be confined to them; it has respect to the world in general, and emphatically describes its present state.

I pass now to the conclusion of the discourse.

We live, my brethren, in an interesting period of time. God is doing wonders among the nations of the earth. He rolls on, in quick succession, events that justly astonish us.

What the issue of these things will be, is the anxious inquiry of many worthy persons; concerning which give me leave to hazard a probable conjecture.

The present war in Europe is a war of kings against the people, of power against opinion. Power must be supported by fleets and armies; these cost immense sums of money. Should the war continue long, all the resources of the nations engaged in it will be exhausted, and necessity force them to terms of accommodation. But opinion is easily propagated, and can never be conquered by power. It has already passed from America to France, and pervaded the millions of its inhabitants; who have risen in a mass to oppose those powers, that are at war against their opinion of the rights of men. In Poland it prevails, and is, beyond doubt, secretly spreading among different and distant nations. If so, the probability is, that the great majority of the people, at a favorable moment, will join in the general cause against oppressors, and not only France, but all mankind finally be free.

Should this be the case, religious liberty will not be forgotten. We see in France, even in their present condition, that every man is at liberty to worship God according to his conscience. Hence we conclude, or are willing to believe, that when mankind cease to be agitated by wars and oppression, they will be convinced that they cannot live and be happy without religion. Hence will arise a spirit of inquiry, and at least a readiness to encourage it as good for the state. At the same time good men, who love the cause of Christ, will use all their influence to check, by example and instruction, the progress of vice and infidelity, and to convert mankind to the truth as it is in Jesus.–But most of all do we expect this glorious event, from the full persuasion that the cause is Christ’s; and that he will accompany the dispensation of the gospel with his special influence, as he did in the first ages of Christianity; when the difficulties it had to encounter, were greater than they will probably be at any future period.

Human nature is universally the same; men have consciences. And when religious truths are proposed to their consideration, said to be calculated to make them happy here, and hereafter, is it not probable they will listen to them, and numbers of them be turned from darkness to light? Man is a rational and inquisitive being; he wishes to be happy, but is taught by experience and facts, that this is not his rest. He knows he must die, and cannot help being concerned about his future well-being. The gospel then is excellently adapted to his condition is a sinner, and a dying man, because it brings life and immortality to light. This then is not conjecture, but a certain truth founded on the testimony of God, That the knowledge of the Lord shall ultimately cover the earth as the waters do the sea. Even so, Lord Jesus, come quickly.

Let us give glory to God, my brethren, that we enjoy this gospel, and its various important institutions; and study to improve them in a proper manner.

Let us bless the Lord this day for our happy condition as a people. While wars distract and depopulate Europe, and the wrath of man spreads desolations far and wide, we have peace. At the same time we sincerely lament those circumstances that damp the joy of the day. The Indian war creates extreme distresses to the inhabitants of our frontiers. Even here the prospect brightens, in the late success of our arms. It is the wish of every benevolent man, that this victory may issue in peace with these sons of the wilderness; and that they and we may here after dwell together as brethren, on terms of reciprocal advantage.

The western insurrection gives pain. How astonishing it is, that men should be so lost to all regard to themselves, to the government that protects them, and to the order and happiness of society, as to oppose, by an appeal to arms, a law which has been sanctioned by the majority of the people, or their representatives in Congress. This painful event hath, however, tended to display the energy of government and the excellency of our executive, in the methods that have been taken first to conciliate, and case of failure, to subdue the insurgents: also the determined spirit of our fellow-citizens to support the laws of the Union.

Let us unite in giving glory to God for our Federal Government, which hath already raised the United States to wealth and eminence. The experiment hath realized the expectations of its warmest friends, and is calculated to silence gainsayers. Our prosperity as a people cannot be denied, notwithstanding the depredations that have been committed on our commerce by the power at war, especially by the rapacity of Great-Britain.

We will bless the Lord that our land hath yielded her increase, and the people have enjoyed a remarkable share of health through the year; while fatal illness has swept off great numbers of our fellow-citizens in other parts of the Union, which we sincerely lament. But so many are the blessings conferred upon us by a kind Providence, that if we would attempt to speak of them, they are more than can be numbered

In fine.–Let love and friendship abound amidst our different political opinions. We should studiously guard against misrepresenting one another; which is too often done by men of warm passions. It ought not to be said, That the friends of the French revolution approve of all the circumstances attending it. they love the cause of liberty, and wish its universal triumph, but lament every event that checks its progress and injures its reputation.

On the other hand, let not the warm friends of the French nation, accuse their fellow-citizens of being enemies to liberty in general, who, in the warmth of their zeal for humane and moderate measures, have said some very severe and improper things against that people. If the citizens, thus opposed to each other, were to think coolly upon the subject, I flatter myself, they would unite in approving the principles of the French revolution, and in condemning every abuse of them.

Our beloved President does not hesitate to call the French republic, “The great and good friend and ally of the United States.: “It was some time (says he) before a character could be obtained, worthy of the high office of expressing the attachment of the United States to the happiness of our allies, and drawing closer the band of our friendship.–I beseech you therefore, to give full credence to whatever he shall say to you on the part of the United States, and most of all, when he shall assure you, THAT YOUR PROSPERITY IS AN OBJECT OF OUR AFFECTION.

I am confident, my brethren, you heartily approve of these expressions of attachment to that nation, who fought by your side, and assisted you in securing your freedom and independence; and who are at this moment engaged in a most important contest, in the issue of which all mankind are interested. May Almighty God make them glad according to the days wherein he hath afflicted them, and the years wherein they have seen evil; and cause these great events among the nations, to terminate in the universal establishment of the rights of man, and the peaceful kingdom of Jesus Christ. And let all the people say, AMEN.

Sermon – July 4th – 1794

Joseph Lathrop (1731-1820) Biography:

Lathrop was born in Norwich, Connecticut. After graduating from Yale, he took a teaching position at a grammar school in Springfield, Massachusetts, where he also began studying theology. Two years after leaving Yale, he was ordained as the pastor of the Congregational Church in West Springfield, Massachusetts. He remained there until his death in 1820, in the 65th year of his ministry. During his career, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity from both Yale and Harvard. He was even offered the Professorship of Divinity at Yale, but he declined the offer. Many of his sermons were published in a seven-volume set over the course of twenty-five years.

The following sermon was preached by Lathrop on July 4, 1794 in Massachusetts.


THE HAPPINESS

OF

A FREE GOVERNMENT,

AND

THE MEANS OF PRESERVING IT:

ILLUSTRATED IN A

S E R M O N,

Delivered in West Springfield,

On JULY 4TH, 1794,

IN COMMEMORATION OF

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE!

By JOSEPH LATHROP, D. D.

Published at the desire of the Hearers

THE HAPPINESS
Of a
FREE GOVERNMENT, & c.

JEREMIAH, XXX 21.
THEIR NOBLES SHALL BE OF THEMSELVES, AND THEIR GOVERNOR SHALL PROCEED FROM THE MIDST OF THEM.

 

Among the various forms of civil government, which exist in the world, monarchy is the most common; and yet, in theory, it appears the most irrational.  That a people should resign their persons and properties to the arbitrary disposal of a single man, without any regard to natural or moral qualities as he may happen to offer himself in the line of hereditary succession, seems incredible in the speculation, but is realized in fact.

From the prevalence of monarchy, some have inferred, that this form must be most agreeable to reason, and most conducive to social happiness. And will they also say, that the worship of idols is the most rational and edifying devotion; and that vice is better adapted than virtue, to the general good?  These, as well as monarchy, have in have in all ages been common.

Monarchy has taken place from various causes; and these not the most virtuous; such as conquest, usurpation, gradual encroachment, the secret combination of a few against the credulous, unsuspecting multitude.  From its general prevalence arises another cause for its continuance and increase, which is precedent and example.  The Jews were fond of monarchy, for the same reason that they were fond of idolatry.  They would be like the nations round about them.

We are informed of only one government, which was framed under the immediate direction of heaven; and this was a republic.  Monarchy was permitted, but never was instituted, by divine authority.  The Jews had it, because they would have it.  God prescribed for them a better government.  The form which he prescribed was well adapted to their genius and circumstances; and, in its fundamental principles, was equally suitable for any other people.  Among the privileges secured to them by their constitution, there was one, which might be considered as the foundation of all the rest; and is indeed, the basis of all free government—That their Rulers should be chosen by, and from among themselves.

Moses was immediately ordained by God to lead the people of Israel out of Egypt, and to communicate to them the divine ordinances and laws.  But he claimed no authority to command them until by exhibiting evidence of his divine commission, he had obtained their consent to follow him.  Much less did he claim for his family an hereditary jurisdiction over them.  When he found the burden the burden of government too heavy, for him to sustain alone, he laid the case before the people.  He never presumed, of his own prerogative, to create officers under him; but he proposed to them, that they should choose proper persons to assist him. He said to them, “Take wise men and understanding and known among your tribes; and I will make them rulers over you”.  They approved and adopted the proposal.  They answered, “The thing which thou hast spoken is good for us to do.”  The people were to choose the men, and present them to Moses; and he, as God’s minister, was to instruct them in their duty and give them their charge.

God foreseeing, that in process of time, they would incline to a kingly government, expressly provides that their king should be one of their brethren.  Moses says, “When that art came into the land, which he Lord thy God giveth thee, and shalt dwell therein, and shalt say, I will have a king over me, like as all the nations, which are about me; Thou shalt, in any wise, set him king over thee, whom the Lord shall choose; One from among thy brethren shalt thou set king over thee; thou mayst not set a stranger over thee, who is not thy brother.”  Again he says to the people, “Judges and officers shalt thou make thee in all thy gates; and they shall judge the people with just judgement.”

Joshua was nominated by Moses to be his successor.  And tho’ this nomination was by the special command of God; yet, before Joshua entered upon his office, he was presented to the whole congregation of Israel that they might acknowledge him; and he received a charge in their fight, that they might be obedient.

The Judges, or Governors, who ruled Israel after the demise of Joshua, took upon them the powers of government, not by their own motion, but by the invitation of the people; as appears from the case of Jeptha, who, being requested by the elders of Gilead to take the command of any army and fight against the Ammonites, accepted the post, on condition, that, if he prevailed, he should be their head.  And accordingly the elders and the people made him head and captain over them.

When the form of Government was changed, in that time of Samuel, from a judicial, to a monarchial, it was at the request of the people.  Samuel remonstrated against the proposed change, as what would be fatal to their liberties.  They persisted in their resolution.  Samuel yielded to it, and, by divine direction, anointed Saul to reign over them.  The prophet says, “God gave them a king in his anger.” But Saul, after his unction remained in his private station, until the people assembled, and in a formal manner, made him their king.

Saul, by his misconduct, alienated his subjects, and forfeited the kingdom.  David, by God’s command, was anointed to succeed him.  But David lived in his former capacity, until the men of Judah came, and anointed him king over them.  Their example was afterward followed by the other tribes.

After the death of Solomon, all Israel came together, to make his son Rehoboam king.  He had no hereditary right, or divine appointment, which would warrant his assumption of kingly power, without the national consent.  The people stated the terms on which they would serve him.  The young prince, fired with ambition, despised the advice of his aged counselors, and consulted with the young men, what answer to return.  They gave him such advice as heir high notions of government dictated.  It corresponded with his own pride and vanity.  He answered the people haughtily, and threatened to rule them with severity.  Thus he thought to intimidate them into submission.

The nation had not lost the spirit of liberty.  Ten tribes revolted, and made a king of their own.  They are never blamed for the revolt.  On the contrary, when Rehoboam was raising an army to reduce him, he was by a prophet ordered to desist, because the revolution was from God.

From these observations it appears, that the civil constitution, which God appointed for the Jewish nation, was designed and adapted to secure their liberty; and that any encroachment upon it warranted them to put the powers of government into new and better hands.  But what ought especially to be remarked, is, that their rulers were to be taken from among themselves, and appointed by general consent.  This consent was not always given by the whole nation assembled; but usually at least frequently, by the elders, and the heads of the families and tribes, who were deputed by the people to act for them.

In the time of the Babylonian captivity, their constitution was dissolved.  They subsisted as distinct people; but, being in the land and under the power of their enemies, they enjoyed nothing worthy of the name of government or liberty.

In the chapter, where our test is, God promises to restore them, from their present condition, to their ancient country and privileges. “I will save you from afar, and your children from the land of their captivity; and they shall return, and be in rest and quiet.” –“I will bring again the captivity of Jacob’s tents, and have mercy on his dwelling places. I will multiply them, and they shall not be few.”—“Their children shall be as aforetime, and their congregation shall be established before me, and I will punish them that oppress them.” i.e. I will restore their commonwealth to its ancient free and happy condition; and will punish he Assyrians their proud oppressors.  Accordingly the Assyrian empire was conquered by the Persians under Cyrus, about fifty years after the captivity began.  This revolution made way for the return of the Jews.  It is added, “Their Nobles shall be of themselves, and the governor shall proceed from the midst of them;’ as was the case in the first establishment of their commonwealth, and before their government had degenerated into monarchy.

Without recurring to the history of nations, we have good authority to say, that the happiness of a people, in their social and political capacity, greatly depends on their being governed by their brethren—by men freely chosen from among themselves.

The end of government is the general happiness.  It is not that a few may rit in affluence at the expense of the rest; but that all may enjoy equal security and liberty.  The idea of “many made for one,” is an “enormous faith.” “When the heart of the king, who fat on the throne, was lifted up above his brethren, he was not to prolong his days in his kingdom; neither he nor his children, in the midst of Israel.”

In a state of nature, one man has no authority over another—all are on a common level.  When the people, in a particular place, become numerous, it is necessary to associate for mutual assistance and defense.  Society cannot subsist without government, to restrain outrages, adjust differences, redress wrongs, protect the innocent, and encourage the virtuous.  In large societies, government cannot be perfectly democratical.  It cannot, in every part, be conducted by the whole body, without more expense and trouble, than is consistent with the common peace and happiness.  There must be some deputed to manage the public concerns.  The power committed to such, is for the common good.  This object will ordinarily be best understood, and most steadily pursued by rulers, who are chosen by the people, and from among themselves.

These are the soft competent judges of the abilities and circumstances of the people—their connections and dependences—how particular laws will operate—what arts and manufactures, what branches of commerce or agriculture it may be proper to encourage.  Being of the people, conversant among them, and connected with them, they can inform themselves of a variety of matters, necessary to the administration of government, with which a stranger must be unacquainted.

They will feel for the people as their friends and brethren.  They partake of the same genius, and are educated in the same manners.  Their interest is connected with that of the country.  Here they are to live and die, and here they are to leave their posterity.  Self love will prompt them to with their country’s prosperity, unless their minds are detached from it by foreign connection.

They are under special obligations to their country, because to her favor they owe their advancement and their prospects.

A people governed by their brethren have their privileges in their own hands.  They can put a check to growing aristocracy and despotism by a seasonable transfer of their important trusts.  In free states, power, at certain periods, reverts to the people, from whom it originated.  If they find, it has been abused and perverted, they can redress themselves by placing it in other hands.

In such states, rulers are bound by the laws which they enact, and are subject to the burdens which they impose.  They are responsible for their conduct; inferior officers to superior; these again to those, who are higher in the scale of government; and all in the last resort to the people.  This is a great security against abuse of power.

Besides; when the people have a voice in the appointment of their own rulers, it may be presumed, that, till a general corruption prevails, men of approved ability, virtue and integrity, will be raised to public honors. What motive, but their own good, can the people have in delegating power?  And to whom should they delegate it, but to those who will use it for this end?

A people under a free government will be happy, as long as they are virtuous and wise.  They may become vicious and corrupt.  They are then liable to be influenced by private connections, party spirit, bribery or flattery, promises or rewards, or the artifice and intrigue of crafty and designing men.

When this is the case, they give up their security, lose their liberty, and sink into slavery.

To frame and reform their own government, and to choose and change their own governors, is the natural right of mankind; but a right which few nations have the happiness to enjoy, or the boldness to claim.  These American states are now in the full possession and free exercise of this right; and may they ever have the wisdom to retain it.

We were once happy in connection with Britain.  The time came, when we found we could be happy in this connection no longer.  We then judged, that it ought to be dissolved, because the reason of it ceased.  We claimed an independent government, and heaven has supported our claim.

The past existence of the connection could be no reason for its future continuances after a separation appeared necessary to the increase of happiness, or the prevention of misery.  Every people have a right to be free—to judge of the proper means of securing their freedom—to determine when they ought to become independent of former connections—and to constitute for themselves such a government as they choose.

There is nothing in nature to fix perpetual and immutable boundaries to states; or to determine the period of union between the different parts of the same empire.  The only questions in such cases is, what will tend to the general happiness?  When a people withdraw from their ancient connection, they are to regard the general good; the peace and happiness of neighboring states, as well as their own.  Tho’ their own safety will be the primary object, the safety of others is not to be overlooked.  Benevolence is the principle, which ought to govern mankind, in their political, as well as private conduct.  But still every people must judge for themselves, what is right.  If neighboring states disapprove of the state newly constituted, or newly reformed; they may remonstrate; they may deny her the privilege of their trade, alliance and protection; they may withhold from her the positive benefits, which they grant to their friends, and which they once indulged to her; they may exclude her from all intercourse, and leave her to prove, by herself, the advantages of her independence, and of her chosen government: But they can have no right to make war upon her—to use actual force and violence—to spread destruction among her people, and desolation over her country, in order to reduce her to their will.  Such measures reason forbids: at such a scene humanity shudders.

The late British war against America, and the present war of the combined powers against France, are both wars against nature—against the common rights of mankind.  America has been happily successful; that France may be as successful, we have every motive to wish.  As liberty tends to happiness, benevolence will desire its propagation thro’ the world.  If the confederated kings should effect the conquest of France; may they not, with as fair a pretext; and will they not, with as warm a zeal, direct their power against these American states, and extinguish the flame of liberty, where it first was kindled?

We censure France for many excesses, which tarnish the glory of her revolution.  Perhaps in many instances, we censure her unjustly, for want of better information.  But whatever errors may attend her measures, her cause is just.  Whatever cruelties she may practice on her own citizens, American cannot tax her with defect of friendship or candor.  Her irregularities will not be justified; but perhaps they may, in some measure, be excused.  Her transition from slavery to liberty—from a dungeon to open day—from total blindness to perfect vision, was sudden and surprising.  As she is, at once, brought out of darkness into marvelous light; no wonder, if, for a moment, her organs are overpowered, and her reason disturbed.  By recollection and experience, she will soon recover herself, rectify her errors, and settle her government in tranquility and order.

We hope, the present conflict will issue in the increase of knowledge, and in the spread of liberty and happiness.  We hope the time is coming, when the kingdom of Christ will universally prevail, and the governments of the world will be framed according to its rational and benevolent pattern.  In his government, as administered on earth, there are no positive punishments.  Those which he has instituted are only negative, consisting in exclusion from the privileges of his church.  When his government shall be established, and his religion shall prevail through the world; there will be no war between nation and nation, for the adjustment of their claims, and no sanguinary penalties annexed to the violation of laws.  Deprivation of privileges is all the punishment, which will then be known.  Perhaps this is all that is really necessary, or can be fully justified now.

May this period be hastened.  May America, which has begun the work of political reformation, and has greatly liberalized her systems, and humanized her penal laws, still lead the way, till the glorious work shall be brought to its highest perfection.

This day completes the eighteenth year, since we renounced our subjection to foreign power, and assumed a national independence.  We are assembled to commemorate the important revolution.

The periodical commemoration of happy and interesting events is agreeable to the usage of nations, and justified by many institutions, which God made for his favored people.  The celebration of this Anniversary is of use, not only to awaken a grateful sense of God’s peculiar favor, but also to preserve the great principles of the revolution, and prevent an insensible declension into aristocracy.

Our government, in its principles, is perhaps sufficiently liberal and democratic for so large a people.  But all government tends to despotism.  Power, as well as property, has its temptations.  No man possesses so much of either, but that he is willing to acquire more.  There is the same reason, why a people should guard their public privileges, as why each man should guard his private property—the same reason, why they should inspect the conduct of their public servants to prevent encroachment, as why a merchant should watch over his clerk or factor to prevent embezzlement.

Our free government was a happy, but a costly purchase; let it not be lost by drowsy inattention, and implicit confidence.

How a free government may be preserved, is a just inquiry.

One thing necessary is frequent elections.  This is a right, which the people, by their constitution, have reserved to themselves, and which they ought to exercise with unremitting care.  No longer should the same persons be trusted with the powers of legislation, than while they appear to pursue the true interest of their constituents.  By attempts to violate the constitution, and invade the liberties of the people, they forfeit the public confidence.

Among a free people, power of any kind should never be committed to men, who are under a foreign influence, from whatever source that influence may arise.  Power in such hands, is power in the hands of foreigners.  And so far as this influence controls our government, we lose our independence.  Against this danger, the constitution which God framed for Israel, particularly guarded.  They might not take a stranger to rule over them.

Great care should be taken, that our rulers, especially our legislators, have not interest disconnected with, and opposite to, that of the people.  While they have only a common interest with their constituents, they will, for their own sakes, consult the general happiness.  When their interest becomes separate and independent, this security is lost; and it is indifferent, whether they proceed from the midst of us, or are sent us from another country.

To prevent a declension of government into aristocracy, the rewards for public services should be moderate—not so small as to be despised by men of ability, nor to large as to become an object of competition.  If compensations are immoderate, the easy acquisition of wealth, will either render the public servants too independent of, and indifferent to the people; or present too powerful temptations to luxury and dissipation.  In either case the public business will be neglected for the pursuits of avarice and pleasure.

It is pleaded, that by high rewards we shall command the services of our best men.  But our best men have other motives, and will be content with reasonable rewards.  We should be solicitous, not only to call good men into government, but to keep them, while they are there, as good as we found them.  It is unhappy, when we offer such temptations as corrupt the most virtuous.

If needless offices should be multiplied, and the public treasures dispersed in unmerited pensions, excessive salaries, and immoderate compensation; the liberties of the people will then be in danger.

The preservation of liberty depends much on a state of peace.  War will introduce a standing army, increase the number of dependents on government, and accumulate a public debt.  A large national debt tends to despotism.  It oppresses the people; affords pretexts for inventing new modes of taxation, and for opening new sources of revenue; gives opportunity for secret misapplications; and disunites the interest of the rulers from that of the people; For rulers will usually, in two great a proportion, become public creditors; and, being at the seat of government, or connected with those who are there, they can make their advantage by sudden changes, or perhaps effect sudden changes for their own advantage.  In any case, the interests of creditor and debtor are apt to interfere.  With a free people, the first object should be, to prevent a public debt.  When one is incurred from necessity, the next object should be, to extinguish it, as soon as the abilities of the people will permit.  Complete liberty, and an immense debt are incompatible.  A system which perpetuates the latter, annihilates the former.  Hence it follows, not only economy in government, but frugality among private citizens, is necessary to public liberty and happiness.  If the rulers of a young republic ape the grandeur, ostentation and parade of the corrupt and luxurious courts of ancient and opulent monarchies, they bring the people under a foreign influence of the worst kind—the influence of foreign vice.  Simple manners and frugal expenses are essential to republican liberty.  The Jews lost their freedom by a foolish fondness to be like the nations around them.

A republic, assiduously cultivating peace with the world, should, at the same time, assert her rights and support her dignity.  While she is careful not to intermeddle in foreign quarrels, nor to provoke a war by unjust aggressions; she should have spirit to resent, and fortitude to repel a daring injury.  There is a degree of tameness, which emboldens insults—a degree of passiveness, which invites and encourages war.  Little dependence is to e placed on the justice of foreign courts.  Every people must guard their own rights, keep themselves in a defensible state, and prevent, if possible, such gradual encroachments from envious powers, as shall deprive them of the means of self-defense.  An organized, well disciplined militia is a wise institution.  To such an institution a free people will readily submit; and the calls of government for the common defense they will promptly obey.

The freedom of election is a matter of essential importance.  Under such a happy constitution as ours, where the elective power is in the great body of the people, and the periods of election frequently return, direct bribery is not easily practiced.  There are other ways, however, in which the electors may be unduly biased.  The combinations of influential men to recommend and support certain candidates, may be as dangerous, as corruption itself.  The few who combine may have a particular design to serve; and, in some instances, it is possible, they may study rather to deceive, than inform the public mind.

Personal slanders, and infamous exhibitions, are always to be disapproved, as inconsistent with the freedom of parliamentary debate, and the purity of national manners.  You may hang or burn in effigy, or you may revile and proscribe in a gazette, an unworthy character; and you may do the same to a worthy character.  And, so far as you thus influence an election, you may prevent the choice of a good man, as well as a bad one.  To determine whether a man is worthy of our suffrages, we must enquire, whether he is a man of ability and information, of virtue, stability and firmness—of pure, republican principles—and whether his interest is united with that of his country.  Such a man, whatever aspersions may be cast upon him by political partisans, is worthy of our confidence.  Tho’ in particular instances, he may favor measures, which we had not previously expected, we are not hastily to reprobate his conduct; but to take time for examination; considering, that he may probably profess means of information, which have not reached to us.

An enlightened people will not easily be brought under despotism.  They will foresee and prevent the evil.  Great attention should therefore be paid to the education of youth, to the culture and diffusion of knowledge, and to the means of public information.

‘Righteousness exalts a nation.’ To preserve our liberty and independence, and to increase our importance and respectability, we must attend to the interest of virtue, as well as knowledge.  This we must promote in our private station, while we expect that our rulers pursue it in their larger sphere.  Industry, frugality, temperance, justice, benevolence and peaceableness, are virtues, in every nature, essential to the happiness of every community.  The promotion of these in smaller societies, will spread and strengthen their influence in the nation at large.

The celebration of this anniversary should be conducted in subservience to piety, benevolence, peace and good order.

While we address the great Governor of the universe, we should realize our dependence and obligations; and gratefully recognize he peculiar blessings and privileges flowing from that free and happy government, with which he has so graciously distinguished us.

When we sit down at the festive board, to participate in the bounties of  his providence, we should regard each other as brethren, members of the same great family, children of the same almighty parent, all united by common interest.  Feasting together is an act of fellowship: one design of it is to confirm the bond of brotherly union.

When we see so many of the respectable citizens of this town, assembled from every part of it, on the present occasion; we feel a peculiar pleasure in such a proof of the harmony of sentiment and affection still subsisting among us; and in the presage of its happy continuance.  And we anticipate the propriety, decency and order, with which all things will, this day, be conducted.

We sincerely thank the gentlemen from neighboring towns, for the testimony of friendship, with which they honor us; and for the unity of sentiment which they express, by assembling with us on this anniversary.  By their attendance the beauty of the scene is brightened, and the pleasure of the festivity is enlivened.

As this is the first solemnity of the kind ever celebrated in this town, we trust, it will be conducted in such a manner, that it may be reviewed by ourselves with sentiments of pleasure, and spoken of by all in terms of approbation.  We persuade ourselves, that nothing favoring of impiety will be heard, and nothing inconsistent with sobriety will be seen—that good humor, cheerfulness and friendship, will inspire every heart, glow in every countenance, and animate all our conversation—that when the festivity is closed, we shall retire without any transactions, which can be reflected on with pain, or spoken of to our reproach.

We live in a wonderful period—a period crowded with fast and interesting events.  In turning over the annals of history, we scarcely find a century, which exhibits such a variety of important scenes, as we have beheld within twenty years.  Here is a new empire founded in America; and established on the most liberal plan.  Here are fifteen distinct states, confederated under one general constitution, and each state possessing a constitution of her own—and all these deliberately formed, peaceably adopted, and cheerfully obeyed by the people.  We see this young empire growing, rising, spreading—and now embracing some respectable states, which, at birth of our independence, had not an existence. A revolution in one of the most respectable nations of Europe has surprised he world.  The unsullied rays of liberty, which first blazed in our hemisphere, have shot forth with amazing rapidity, and are now illuminating distant climes. Superstition, the support of despotism, is hastily retiring before the refulgent beams of truth; and, struck with the intolerable light, is seeking new retreats: Arts, manufactures, agriculture and the liberal sciences, are advancing.  New discoveries in the natural, and new improvements in the literary world, are making.  The rights of men, and the ends of government, are more and more understood.  The cause of righteousness is maintained, and the combinations of tyrants are frustrated.  Their thrones are tottering under them, and their crowns are trembling on their heads.

The day is coming, when liberty and peace shall bless the human race.  But previous to this, truth and virtue must prevail, and the religion of Jesus must govern men’s hearts. Then the horrors of war will cease, and the groans of slavery will no more be heard.  The rod of the oppressor will be broken, and the yoke will be removed from the shoulders of the oppressed.  The scepter will be wrested from the hands of the wicked, and the pomp of  the proud will be brought down to the dust.  The whole earth will rest and be quiet: they will break forth into singing.  The Lord will comfort Zion; he will comfort all her waste places.  He will make her wilderness like Eden, and her desert like the garden of the Lord.  Joy and gladness shall be found therein; thanksgiving and the voice of melody.

* Originally published: December 27, 2016.