Era or Event: 1780s-1850s: Early Republic

Timothy Stone was born in 1742 and graduated from Yale College in 1763. He spent a year studying theology under the Rev. Brinsmade and began preaching in Connecticut in 1765. This is the text of his Election Day sermon from May 10, 1792.

Sermon,

Preached Before His Excellency

Samuel Huntington, Esq. L.L.D.

Governor,

And The Honorable The

General Assembly

Of The

State of Connecticut,

Convened At Hartford, on the Day of the

Anniversary Election.

May 10th,1792.

By Timothy Stone, A.M.

Pastor of a Church in Lebanon.

“At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, in said State, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1792.

Ordered, That the Hon. William Williams, and Mr. Elkanah Tisdale, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Timothy Stone, for his Sermon delivered before this Assembly at the General Election on the 10th of May instant, and desire a Copy of the same that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record.

Examined, by George Wyllys. Sec’y.”

Behold, I have taught you statutes and judgments even as
the Lord my God commanded me, that ye should do so
in the land whether ye go to possess it. Keep, therefore,
and do them; for this is your wisdom and your
understanding in the sight of the nations,
which shall hear all these statutes and say,
“Surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people.”

DEUTERONOMY IV.5, 6.

We are not left in doubt concerning the wisdom and salutary [useful] nature of that constitution under which the Hebrews were placed, as it proceeded immediately from God; and in reference to the particular circumstances of that people, was the result of unerring perfection. It was a free constitution in which all the valuable rights of the community were most happily secure. The public good was the great object in view, and the most effectual care was taken to preserve the rights of individuals. Proper rewards were promised to the obedient and righteous punishments allotted for the disobedient [Deuteronomy 28:l,15]. God designed for special reasons that [the] seed of Abraham should be distinguished in a peculiar manner from all other nations; He therefore undertook the government of them Himself in all matters respecting religion, civil policy, and that military establishment which he saw to be necessary for their happiness and defense. We find Moses — who received this constitution from God and delivered it to his people — frequently exhorting them to maintain a sacred regard for this Divine institution and to pay a conscientious obedience to all its laws, in doing of which they might secure to themselves national prosperity and enjoy the unfailing protection of Almighty God [Deuteronomy 28:1-14; Leviticus 26:3-12; Deuteronomy 4:5-8].

To deter them from disobedience, he called up their attention to that solemn scene which opened to their view when they stood before the Lord their God in Horeb — when there were thunders and lightnings and a thick cloud upon the mount and the voice of the trumpet exceeding loud so that all the people that was in the camp trembled [Exodus 19:16]. And the Lord commanded saying, “gather Me the people together and I will make them bear My words that they may learn to fear Me all the days that they shall live upon the earth, and that they may teach their children. For the Lord thy God is a consuming fire, even a jealous God” [Deuteronomy 4:10, 24].

The argument made use of in the text to excite in that people a spirit of obedience to their constitution and laws was this: that it would raise their character in the sight of the nations, who from thence would be led to entertain a veneration [respect and admiration] for them as a great nation, a wise and understanding people. This sacred passage, in connection with the important occasion which hath called us to the house of God this morning, may direct our attention to the following inquiry: in what doth the true wisdom of a people — a civil community — consist?

The general answer to this question may not be difficult; it will no doubt be readily admitted that the highest wisdom of a community of intelligent beings must consist in pursuing that line of conduct which shall have the most direct and sure tendency to promote the best good of the whole, both in time and eternity Whatever creatures may conceive to be a good, either through imperfection of understanding or degeneracy of heart, yet if that which they call good is inseparably connected with more pain than pleasure, taking in the whole of their existence, then it cannot with propriety be styled good — certainly not the best good; consequently wisdom will not choose it. The province of wisdom is to discover and elect the most valuable objects and to adopt the best means to obtain them. These observations apply with equal force to individuals and communities — to all classes of men, whether in the higher or lower walks of life. Communities, most certainly as well as individuals, under guidance of wisdom will pursue that conduct which shall have the desired tendency and will affect the highest good. This question as it respects mankind at large in their present state might admit a great variety of answers, some of which may demand particular notice on the present occasion. As,

1. Wisdom will direct a community to establish a good system of government. It may be a question whether the all-wise God ever designed that any of His intelligent creatures — even in a state of perfection — should exist without some kind of government and subordinating amongst themselves. All creatures have the same capacities; neither are they placed under equal advantages; and if those may be found whose capacities are equally extensive, still they are different and seem to be designed for different purposes and stations in the great system. We read of thrones, dominions, principalities, and powers amongst the angelic hosts [Colossians 1:16 & Ephesians 3:10], which titles denote various stations among those sinless beings, that they are differently employed in degrees of subordination to each other in the government of that holy family of which God is the father. But however this may be (as our acquaintance with that world of glory is very imperfect), yet it is beyond doubt that government was designed and is absolutely necessary for men on earth in their present state of degeneracy.

Creatures who have risen in rebellion against the holy and perfect government of Jehovah have partial connections [an attachment to their temporal life above their eternal life], selfish interests, passions, and lusts which often interfere with each other and which will not always be controlled by reason and the mild influence of moral motives however great: but these in their external expressions must be under the restraint of law or there can be no peace — no safety among men. Some kind of government is therefore indispensably necessary for the happiness of mankind that they may partake of the security and other important blessings resulting from society which cannot be enjoyed in a state of nature. Without any consideration of the various forms of government which have been adopted in different ages and countries, that may be the best for a particular people which in the view of all their circumstances affords the fairest prospect of promoting righteousness and of securing the most valuable privileges of the community in its administration.

Civil liberty is one of the most important blessings which men possess of a temporal nature — the most valuable inheritance on this side heaven. That constitution may therefore be esteemed on the best which doth most effectually secure this treasure to a community. That liberty consists in freedom from restraint, leaving each one to act as seemeth right to himself, is a most unwise mistaken apprehension [Proverbs 14:12 & 16:25]. Civil liberty consists in the being and administration of such a system of laws as doth bind all classes of men — rulers and subjects — to unite their exertions for the promotion of virtue and public happiness. That happy constitution enjoyed by the Hebrews of which the Supreme Lawgiver was the immediate [author], other than a system of good laws and righteous statutes which limited the powers and prerogatives of magistrates, designated the duties of subjects and obliged each to that obedience to law and exchange of services which tended to mutual benefit. (Deuteronomy 4:8): “And what nation is there so great that hath statutes and judgments so righteous as all this law which I set before you this day.” A state of society necessarily implies reciprocal dependence in all its members, and rational government is designed to realize and strengthen this dependence and to render it in such sense equal in all ranks — from the supreme magistrate to the meanest peasant — that each one may feel himself bound to seek the good of the whole. When individuals do this, whether rulers or subjects, they have a just right to expect the favor and protection of the whole body. The laws of a state should equally bind every member, whether his station be the most conspicuous or the most obscure. Rulers in a righteous government are as really under the control of law as the meanest [lowest] subject, and the one equally with the other should be subjected to punishment whenever he becomes criminal by a violation of the law. Rewards and punishments should be equally distributed to all, agreeably to real merit or demerit without respect of persons. A constitution founded upon the general and immutable laws of righteousness and benevolence, and corresponding to their particular circumstances, will therefore become a primary object with a wise and understanding people.

2. The wisdom of a people will appear in their united exertions to support such a system of government in its regular administration.

Enacting salutary laws discovers the wisdom and good design of legislators, but the liberty and happiness of the community essentially depend upon their regular execution. The best code of laws can answer no good purposes any further than it is executed. Every member in society is bound in duty to the community, himself, and posterity to use his endeavors that the laws of the state be carried into execution.

Laws point out the existing offices, relations, and dependencies of the community; they serve for the direction, support, and defense of all characters; but considered as restrainers, they more especially respect the unruly members. (I Timothy 1:9,10): “Knowing this, that the law is not made for a righteous man, but for the lawless and disobedient, for the ungodly and for sinners, for unholy and profane, for murderers of fathers and murderers of mothers, for manslayers, for whoremongers, for them that defile themselves with mankind, for liars, for perjured persons, and if there be any other thing that is contrary to sound doctrine.”

It is unreasonable to expect that the vices of man which are inimical [harmful] to society will be restrained by silent laws existing upon paper; they must be carried into execution and be known to have an active existence that such as contemn [disrespect and ignore] the law may not only read but feel the resentment of the community. It is not within the reach of human understanding to look with precision into futurity – to discover all the circumstances and contingencies which may take place among a people; neither is it certain that every person who may possess a fair character for ability and integrity, and who may be called into public life, will be governed in all his actions by public and disinterested motives. Through necessary imperfection or corrupt design, statutes may be enacted which may not prove salutary in their execution but greatly prejudicial to the common good; hence ariseth the necessity of alterations and amendments in all human systems.

Changes, however, should be few as possible, for the strength and reputation of government doth not a little depend upon the uniformity and stability observed in its administration. Laws, while they remain such, ought to be executed; when found to be useless or hurtful, they may be repealed. To have laws in force and not executed, or to obstruct the natural course of law in a free state, must be dangerous will have many hurtful tendencies, will greatly weaken government, and render all the interests of the community insecure. Liberty, property, and life are all precarious [insecure] in a state where laws cease in their execution. When known breachers of law pass with impunity [without penalty] and open transgressors go unpunished — when executive officers grow remiss in their duty, especially when they connive [wink] at disobedience — all distinctions betwixt virtue and vice will vanish, authority will sink into disrepute, and government will be trampled in the dust — for which reasons (with others that might be named), it must be the wisdom — the indispensable duty of all characters in society — to unite their exertions for the support of righteous laws in their regular administration.

As it would be exceedingly unreasonable to expect that any people can ever realize the benefits of good government under a weak or a wicked administration in which persons destitute of abilities or of stable principles of righteousness and goodness fill the various departments of the state, hence,

3. The wisdom of a people will appear in the election of good rulers.

The peace and happiness of communities have a necessary dependence, under God, upon the character and conduct of those who are called to the administration of government. A bad constitution, under the direction of wise and pious rulers who have capacity to discern [and the] disposition and resolution to pursue the public good, may become a blessing being made to subserve many valuable purposes. But the best constitution committed to rulers of a contrary description may be subverted or so abused as to become a curse and be rendered productive of the most mischievous consequences. The understanding or folly of a people in reference to their temporal interests is in nothing more conspicuous than in the choice of civil rulers. In free states the body of electors have it in their power to be governed well if faithful to themselves and the public in raising those to offices of trust and importance who are possessed of abilities and have merited their confidence by former good services.

Knowledge and fidelity are qualifications indispensably necessary to form the character of good magistrates. No man ever possessed natural or acquired abilities too great for the discharge of the duties constantly incumbent upon those who act as the representatives of the Most High God in the government of their fellow creatures: multitudes, however well disposed, are totally incapable of such trust. The interests of society are always important; they are many times involved in extreme difficulty through the weakness of some and the wickedness of others; and there is need of the most extensive knowledge, wisdom, and prudence to direct the various opposing interests of individuals into one channel and guide them all to a single object: the public good. Woe to that people to whom God by His providence [Divine sustenance, oversight, and intervention]in judgment shall say, “I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them. And the people shall be oppressed every one by another and every one by his neighbor: the child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient and the base against the honorable. And judgment is turned away backward and justice standeth afar off, for truth is fallen in the street and equity cannot enter; and he that departeth from evil maketh himself a prey” (Isaiah 3:4,5 and 59:14,15).

But knowledge alone will qualify no person to fill a public station with honor to himself or advantage to others. The greatest abilities — the most extensive knowledge — are capable of abuse; and when misapplied to selfish ambitious purposes, may be improved to the destruction of everything valuable in society.

Fidelity [integrity], therefore, is another essential characteristic in a good ruler. This is a qualification so absolutely essential that when known to be wanting, no conceivable abilities can atone for its absence. Fidelity hath no sure unshaken foundation but in the love and fear of the one true God — that love which extends its benign [gentle] influence to all the creatures of God. This is a branch of that benevolent religion which the Son of God came down from Heaven to establish in the hearts of men on earth; this, when seated in the soul of man, becomes a stable principle of action and will have a habitual influence in all his conduct, whether in public or private life; this will enable rulers to maintain the dignity of their elevated stations amidst the strong temptations with which they may be assaulted, feeling their just accountableness to those of their fellow men who have placed such confidence in them as to entrust them with all their valuable temporal interests — and what is infinitely more, feeling their accountableness to God, they will labor to discharge the important duties of their office, remembering that the day is fast approaching when notwithstanding “they are gods, and children of the Most High, yet they shall die like men, and fall like one of the princes” [Psalm 82:6-7]. Able pious magistrates who wish to answer the end of their appointment will not wish to hide their real characters from the public eye; they will come to the light that their deeds may be manifest [John 3:21].

It is the interest and privilege of an enlightened free people to be acquainted with the characters of their most worthy citizens who are candidates for public offices in the community; and it is equally their interest and privilege to make choice of those only to be rulers who are known among their tribes for wisdom and piety. Following the salutary counsel of the prince of Midian, they will provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness [Exodus 18:21].

Free republicans, as observed above, have it in their power to be governed well, but they are in the utmost danger through a wanton abuse of this power. Actuated by noble public spirited motives and a primary regard to real merit in their elections, they will have the heads of their tribes as fathers to lead them in paths of safety and peace. Under the guidance of such rulers who consider their subjects as brethren and children, and all the interests of the community as their own, a people can hardly fail of all that happiness of which societies are capable in this degenerate state.

But when party spirit, local views, and interested motives direct their suffrages — when they lose sight of the great end of government the public good and give themselves up to the baneful influence of parasitical demagogues – they may well expect to reap the bitter fruits of their own folly in a partial unwavering administration. Through the neglect — or abuse — of their privileges, most states have lost their liberties and have fallen a prey to the avarice [greed] and ambition of designing and wicked men. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn” [Proverbs 29:2]. This joy — or mourning — among a people greatly depends on their own conduct in elections. Bribery here is the bane of society; the man who will give or receive a reward in this case must be extremely ignorant not to deserve the stigma of an enemy to the state; and should he have address to avoid discovery, he must be destitute of sensibility not to feel himself to be despicable. All private dishonorable methods to raise persons to office convey a strong suspicion to the discerning mind that merit is wanting; real merit may dwell in obscurity, but it needeth not; neither will it ever solicit the aids of corruption to bring itself into view. When streams are polluted in their fountain they will not fail to run impure; offices in government obtained by purchase, will always be improved to regain the purchase money with large increase, and a venal administration [one that may be bought or sold for money or influence] will possess neither disposition nor strength to correct the vices of others but will lose sight of the public happiness in the eager pursuit of personal emolument [gain].

4. Wisdom will lead a people to maintain a sacred regard to righteousness in reference to the public and individuals.

Moral righteousness is one of those strong bonds by which all public societies are supported. Heathen nations ignorant of divine revelation and the particular duties and obligations which are enlightened and enforced by the word and authority of God, have nevertheless been sensible of the great importance of moral righteousness. Greece and Rome in the beginning of their greatness, before they sunk into effeminacy and corruption, were careful to encourage and maintain public and private justice — they labored to diffuse principles of righteousness among all ranks of their citizens. Many of their writings on this subject deserve attentions so far as the observance of moral duties respect civil communities and the well-being of mankind in the present world. As all civil communities have their foundation in compacts by which individuals immerge out of a state of nature and become one great whole — cemented together by voluntary engagements, covenanting with each other to observe such regulations and perform such duties as may tend to mutual advantage — hence ariseth the necessity of righteousness, this being the basis on which all must depend. When this fails, compacts [agreements and contracts] will be disregarded, men will lose a sense of their obligations to each other, instead of confidence and harmony will be a spirit of distrust and fear, every man will be afraid of his neighbor, jealousies will subsist between rulers and subjects, the strength of the community will be lost in animosity and division all ability for united exertion will be destroyed; and the bonds of society being broken, it must be dissolved. It was long since observed by one of the greatest and wisest of kings and will forever remain true: “That righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin is a reproach to any people” [Proverbs 14:34]. The truth of this divine maxim doth not depend upon any arbitrary contribution or positive system of government but flows from the reason and nature of things.

There is in the constitution of heaven an established connection between the practice of righteousness and the happiness of moral beings united in society. Public faith and private justice lay a foundation for public spirit and vigorous exertion to rest upon; in such a state, every one will realize such punishment as his offence or neglect of duty may deserve. In a fixed regular course of communicative and distributive justice, all may know before hand what the reward of their conduct will be. What the apostle hath said concerning the natural body (and applied to the church of Christ) may with equal propriety and little variation be applied to political societies. These bodies are composed of various members; the members have various offices; but all of them are necessary for the well being of the whole; there is something due from the body to every member and from every member to the body; every part is to be regarded and righteousness maintained throughout the whole [1 Corinthians 12:12-26].

The members of a well-organized civil community, under an equal and just administration, have no more reason to complain of the station allotted to them in Providence [Divine sustenance, oversight, and intervention] than the members of the natural body have of the place by God assigned them in that. “The eye cannot say unto the head, I have no need of thee; nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you. But that the members should have the same care one for another. And whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honored, all the members rejoice with it” [1 Corinthians 12:21,25,26]. No member of the natural body of a civil community or of God’s moral kingdom can be required to do more than observe the proper duty of its own station; when this is performed, all is done which can reasonably be demanded; it hath done well and may expect the approbation [praise] and protection of the whole body.

Men may indeed complain because they are not angels, and do it with as much propriety as to feel discontented because they are not all placed at the head of civil communities. The all-wise God hath given us our capacities and fixed our stations, and when righteousness is observed by us and the community of which we are members, we shall then do and receive what belongs to us, and this is all we can reasonably desire.

5. The wisdom of a people essentially consists in paying an unfeigned [unhypocritical and sincere] obedience to the institutions of that religion which the Supreme Lawgiver hath established in His church on earth.

That religion which God hath enjoined [commanded] upon rational beings is not only necessary for His glory but essential to their happiness. To establish a character as being truly religious under the light of divine revelation, it is by no means sufficient that men should barely acknowledge the existence and general providence of one supreme Deity. From this heavenly light, we obtain decided evidence that the Almighty Father hath set His well beloved Son, the blessed Immanuel, as King upon His holy hill of Zion. This Divine person, in His mediatorial character, “is exalted far above all principality, and power, and might, and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world but also in that which is to come. And all things are put under His feet” [Ephesians 1:21-22]. “That at the name of Jesus, every knee should bow, of things in heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth; and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father” [Philippians 2:10-11].

In vain do guilty mortals worship the great Jehovah and present their services before Him but [except] in the name and for the sake of this glorious Mediator. For it is His will “that all men should honor the Son, even as they honor the Father.” [John 5:23]

Communities have their existence in and from this glorious Personage. The kingdom is His, and He ruleth among the nations [Psalm 22:28]. Through His bounty and special providence [Divine sustenance, oversight, and intervention] it is that a people enjoy the inestimable liberties and numerous advantages of a well-regulated civil society – through His influence they are inspired with understanding to adopt with strength, and public spirit to maintain, a righteous constitution. He gives able impartial rulers to guide in paths of virtue and peace or sets up over them the basest of men. By His invisible hand, states are preserved from internal convulsions [disturbances] and shielded by His Almighty arm from external violence; or through His providential displeasure they are given as a prey to their own vices — or to the lusts and passions of other states — to be destroyed. Thus absolutely dependant are temporal communities and all human things upon Him who reigneth King in Zion [Daniel 4:17,25,32]. “Be wise now therefore, O ye kings; be instructed, ye judges of the earth. Kiss the Son lest He be angry, and ye perish from the way, when His wrath is kindled but a little: blessed are all they that put their trust in Him” [Psalm 2:10,12].

The holy religion of the Son of God hath a most powerful and benign influence upon moral beings in society. It not only restrains malicious revengeful passions and curbs unruly lusts, but will in event eradicate them all from the human breast. It implants all the divine graces and social virtues in the heart; it sweetens the dispositions of men and fits them for all the pleasing satisfactions of rational friendship; teaches them self denial; inspires them with a generous public spirit; fills them with love to others — to righteousness and mercy — and makes them careful to discharge the duties of their stations; diligent and contented in their callings. This, beyond any other consideration, will increase the real dignity of rulers, will give quiet and submission to subjects; this is the only true and genuine sprit of liberty which can give abiding union and energy to states and will enable them to bear prosperity without pride and support them in adversity without dejection; this will afford all classes of men consolation in death and render them happy in God — their full eternal portion — in the coming the world.

Religion, therefore, is the glory of all intelligent beings from the highest angel to the meanest [lowliest] of the human race and will forever happily its possessors, considered either individually or as connected in society, for this assimilates the hearts of creatures to the great fountain of being in the exercise of general and disinterested affection and is the consummation of wisdom.

If the preceding observations have their foundation in reason and the Word of God, we see the happy connection between religion and good government. The idea that there is, and ought to be, no connection between religion and civil policy appears to rest upon this absurd supposition: that men, by entering into society for mutual advantage, become quite a different class of beings from what they were before — that they cease to be moral beings and consequently lose their relation and obligations to God as His creatures and subjects and also their relations to each other as rational social creatures. If these are the real consequences of civil connections, they are unhappy indeed as they must exceedingly debase and degrade human nature; and it is readily acknowledged these things being true, that religion can have no further demands upon them. But if none of the relations or obligations of men to their Creator and each other are lost by entering into society — if they still remain moral accountable beings and if religion is the glory and perfection of moral beings — then the connection between religion and good government is evident and all attempts to separate them are unfriendly to society and inimical [harmful] to good government and must originate in ignorance or bad design. Religion essentially consists in friendly affection to God and His rational offspring [i.e., mankind], and such affection can never injure that government which hath public happiness for its object.

Attempts have been made to distinguish between moral and political wisdom – moral and political righteousness — as though there were two kinds of wisdom and righteousness, distinct in their nature and applicable only to different subjects: that which is moral belonging to the government of men as subjects of God’s dominion, and that which is political to men as subjects of civil rule. But if wisdom and righteousness are the same in the fountain as in the streams — in God as in His creatures, differing not in the nature and kind but only in degree — then all such distinctions are manifestly without foundation. We read, it is true, of a particular kind of wisdom, the fruit of which is “bitter envying and strife and every evil work: and that this wisdom is earthly, sensual, and devilish” [James 3:14,15]. But until it is made to appear that this is more friendly to civil government than the wisdom “from above, which is pure and peaceable, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy” (James 3:17), the supposed distinction will not apply to human governments with advantage, nor destroy the connection between religion and good government.

Religion and civil government are not one and same thing; though both may — and are — designed to embrace some of the same objects, yet the former extends its obligations and designs immensely beyond what the latter can pretend to, and it hath rights and prerogatives [privileges] with which the latter may not intermeddle. Still, there are many ways in which civil government may give countenance [approval], encouragement, and even support to religion without invading the prerogatives of the Most High or touching the inferior, though sacred, rights of conscience and in doing of which it may not only shew its friendly regard to Christianity but derive important advantages to itself.

The friends of true happiness, whether ministers of state or ministers of religion, or in what ever character they may act, will therefore exert themselves to promote that cause which aims at no less an object than the glory of Jehovah and the highest felicity of his unlimited and eternal kingdom.

A civil community formed, organized, and administered agreeably to the principles which have been suggested will possess internal peace and energy; its strength and wealth may easily be collected for necessary defense; consequently will ever be prepared to repel foreign injuries: it will enjoy prosperity within itself and become respectable amongst the nations of the earth.

Could this — and the other states in the American Republic in their separate and united capacities — be established upon the principles of true wisdom — [upon] that righteousness and goodness which have their foundation in the nature of things and are essential parts of the Christian system — could we build upon this foundation, we might set forth a good example and become a blessing to mankind; in this way we might establish character as a wise and understanding people [and] become (Song of Solomon 6:4,10) “beautiful as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem”; we should “look forth as the morning, fair as the moon, clear as the sun, and terrible as an army with banners.”

Those deserve well of their brethren who have devoted their time and superior abilities to the public in the establishment and administration of civil constitutions which are calculated to answer purposes importantly beneficial to mankind. These thoughts may call our grateful attention to the honorable and venerable characters collected this morning in the house of God. Some respectful, serious addresses to the different characters here present may conclude this discourse.

May it please YOUR EXCELLENCY (for more information see note #¹), seats of dignity of free republics are truly honorable where merit and the voice of uncorrupted citizens are the only causes of elevation [placing in office]. The first Magistrate in such a state is more respectable than the most powerful monarch who obtains his throne either by arbitrary usurpation, the arts of venality [buying or selling office for money or influence], or even the fortunate circumstance of hereditary succession. In either of the instances supposed, the throne may be filled without personal worth, may be supported by the same means by which it was at first obtained, and may be improved for the purposes of idleness and dissipation — or what is worse, to consume the wealth, destroy the liberties, and even sport with the lives of subjects. By means of such abuse of power, a people will be rendered vastly more wretched than they would have been in a state of nature and yet find it extremely difficult to extricate themselves from these complicated evils. But such abuse of power cannot so easily take place or be continued in free republican governments where places of honor are inseparably connected with important duties — duties which must be performed, otherwise such places will not long be supported under the jealous inspection of a people possessed of the knowledge and love of liberty, together with the means of its preservation.

These considerations add to the merit and increase the luster of those worthy characters which have been repeatedly called by the united voice of their brethren to preside in this State. The understanding of this people and their knowledge of worth have been conspicuous in the attention generally paid to deserving personages in the election of their rulers — especially in the long succession of wise religious governors whose eminent talents and pious examples have been so extensively beneficial to this community. (For more information see note #².)

May your Excellency’s name, in this honorable catalogue, remain a lasting memorial of the many services which you have rendered to this people as a public testimony of the respect of your enlightened fellow citizens, and may your unremitted exertions for their prosperity be continued and all your benevolent endeavors to promote their temporal and eternal interests meet the Divine blessing — may you never bear that sword in vain which the exalted Mediator, through the instrumentality of men, hath put into your hand [Romans 13:4]; let this be a shield to the innocent, the widow, and the orphan in their oppressions while it remains a terror to all such as do evil [Jeremiah 22:3 & Romans 13:3]. You will, if possible, scatter the wicked with your eyes [Proverbs 20:8]; but when coercion becomes necessary, you will bring the wheel over them [Proverbs 20:26].

Sensible of the weighty cares and strong temptations of your exalted station, may your dependence be increasingly fixed on that glorious and gracious Being Who hath called you to office, esteeming His approbation [approval and praise] infinitely superior to the applause of mortals. By the weight of your example and the influence of that authority with which you are clothed, may you, sir, do much for the honor of God the Redeemer — for the advancement of His holy religion among men — for the promotion of righteousness and peace in this and the United States of America — for the abolition of slavery and every species of oppression — for the increase of civil and religious liberty in the earth. And when by the Supreme Disposer of all events you may be called to relinquish the honors and cares of this mortal life, our prayer to Almighty God is that in that solemn hour you may enjoy the supports of conscious integrity, meet with the approbation of your Judge, and be graciously received to the society of the blessed.

The public address may now be respectfully presented to his Honor the LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR (for more information see note #³), the COUNCIL, and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

HONORED GENTLEMEN:

The trust which God and this respectable Csommonwealth have reposed in you is truly important. All the temporal interests of this people, in a sense, are put into your hands and committed to your management for the general good. Children place strong confidence in the wisdom and tender care of their natural parents; so do this people in you, gentlemen, as their civil fathers. This confidence is not only implied but expressed in the designation of your persons to those offices which you hold in the government of your fellow citizens. Civil liberty is an inheritance descending from the Father of Lights, a talent which individuals may not despise or misimprove [abuse] without guilt: how vastly important, then, must this — with its connected blessings in society — be to a large community? The extensive views and patriotic feelings of wise and virtuous magistrates cannot fail deeply to impress their minds with the weight and solemnity of the trust reposed in them. Great anxiety for preferment betrays a weak mind or a vicious heart. Those only deserve the honors of an elevated station who are willing to bear the burdens and perform the duties which belong to it, and to reap the rewards which righteousness and benevolence will bestow; and who, in the ways of well doing, can meet with calmness the temporary ingratitude of a misguided misjudging people. Not that the preacher would be understood to mean that great esteem with an ample pecuniary recompense are not due to those whose time and superior talents are employed in promoting the happiness of their fellow men.

You gentlemen are vested with an authority which men of wisdom and virtue will ever revere — which properly exercised, none can resist without resisting the ordinance of God [Romans 13:2], and persevering in their resistance “must receive to themselves damnation” [Romans 13:2]. May you ever exercise such authority in the meekness of wisdom for the best good of your brethren agreeably to those unchangeable laws of righteousness and goodness which the Supreme Lawgiver hath established in His moral kingdom. (Ecclesiastes 3:16, Psalms 101:6): “That no iniquity, be found in the place of righteousness, or wickedness in the place of judgment [Ecclesiastes 3:16]; Your eyes will be upon the faithful of the land that they may dwell with You — those who walk in the perfect way [Psalms 101:6],” will be designated by you for all important executive trusts.

Viewing yourselves in the light of truth as the ministers of God to this people for good [Romans 13:4], you will realize the important connection between the moral government of Jehovah and those inferior governments which He hath ordained to exist among men. In this light, you will esteem it your highest glory to manifest a personal, supreme regard to the benevolent institutions of the Son of God. By the weight of your example and the force of all that influence you possess, you will study to commend His holy religion to all men that you may be instrumental in promoting the temporal peace and eternal happiness of this people. Public sentiments have a vast influence upon the conduct of mankind; public sentiments receive their complexion from public men; the rulers of a people can do more than some may imagine, to promote real godliness. If this is recommended in their conversation and exemplified in their lives, it will attract the attention of multitudes; it may lead some to a happy imitation and will not fail to give strong support to all the friends of God. But men sufficiently disposed at all times to cast off the fear of God, need slender aid from public influential characters to become professed advocates, for infidelity and licentiousness. How exceedingly interesting, gentlemen, to yourselves and the community is the station assigned you in providence! May unerring wisdom guide all your steps and the God of Abraham be your shield and exceeding great reward [Genesis 15:1].

The MINISTERS OF GOD’S SANCTUARYS will accept some thoughts addressed to them, not indeed for their instruction but to “stir up their pure minds by way of remembrance” [2 Peter 3:1].

REVEREND FATHERS AND BRETHREN:

Our character as Christians obligeth us to be righteousness before God [Romans 6:13], walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless [Luke 1:6], not forgetting that of civil magistracy as one of the wise and gracious appointments of heaven which, rightly improved, will extend its happy influence beyond the present life. And our office as ministers calleth us to exhort all the disciples of Jesus that they “submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake: unto kings and governors as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of God, that with well doing ye may yet put to silence the ignorance of foolish men” [1 Peter 2:13-15]. The ignorance and folly of that principle that there is no connection between religion and civil policy is most happily refuted when the followers of Jesus act in character and demonstrate to the world that real Christians are the best members of society in every station. We are not then acting out of character when pointing out the advantages of a righteous government and the necessity of subjection to magistrates. This, however, is not the principal object of our ministry: our wisdom and understanding will eminently appear in converting sinners from the error of their ways — in winning souls to Christ. To effect which, our speech and our preaching must not be with enticing words of man’s wisdom but in demonstration of the spirit and of power [1 Corinthians 2:4].

Confiding in the unerring wisdom and boundless goodness of God, we need not be ashamed nor afraid to declare all His counsel [Romans 1:16 & Acts 20:27], being well assured that no doctrine or duty can be found in His revealed will but such as are profitable for men to believe and practice. The great comprehensive design of the Christian ministry is the glory of God in the salvation of sinners through Jesus Christ. In pursuing this noble all important design, we shall labor to exhibit the divine excellency of the Christian religion in the holiness of our lives and conversation as well as in the simplicity and uncorruptedness of our doctrines – that our example and our preaching may unite in their tendency to persuade sinners to become reconciled to God. “How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings: that publisheth peace, that saith unto Zion, thy God reigneth!” and how is this beauty increased when the spiritual watchmen upon the walls of Zion, “sing together with the voice, and see eye to eye.” (Isaiah 53:7, 8).

That this beauty may appear and shine in all the ministers and churches of Christ, let us become more fervent and united in supplications to our Father in Heaven that He may shed forth plentiful effusions [outpourings] of that spirit of love and of a sound mind [2 Timothy 1:7] which is the only abiding principle of union between moral beings. Under the influence of this Holy Spirit. Under the influence of this Holy Spirit, awakened to activity and renewed diligence by the repeated instances of mortality among the ministering servants of God in the past year, may we all pursue the sacred work assigned us with increasing joy and success until called from our labors to receive the free rewards of faithful servants in the kingdom of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.

A brief address to the numerous AUDIENCE present on this joyful anniversary will close this discourse.

BRETHREN & FELLOW CITIZENS:

Let us not vainly boast in our truly happy constitution nor in the number of wise and pious personages whom God hath called to preside in its administration. We have abundant occasion indeed to bless and praise the God of Heaven for all our distinguishing privileges, both civil and religious. Few of our lapsed race [ancestors] enjoy immunities [freedoms] equal to those which we possess, but we do well to remember that profaneness and irreligion, infidelity and ungodliness, when connected with such advantages will exceedingly enhance the guilt of men, and without repentance will awfully increase the pains of damnation. Would we become a wise understanding people, we must learn the statutes and judgments which the Lord our God hath commanded, and obey them – we must be a religious, holy people, “for without holiness, no man shall see the Lord” [Hebrews 12:14]. Let all be exhorted to become wise to salvation through faith, which is in Christ Jesus [2 Corinthians 3:15]. Amen!

Endnotes

¹.Governor Samuel Huntington (1731-1796) was the son of a Puritan farmer, and early entered the study of law. After being admitted to the bar, Huntington married the daughter of a local minister, was elected to the State Assembly, and became a judge. He was sent by his State as a delegate to the Second Continental Congress where he signed the Declaration of Independence. He continued his service in the national Congress and in fact became the President of Congress. After the Revolution, Huntington served as a judge, Lt. Governor, and then ten terms as Governor.

².Previous leaders of Connecticut who were “wise religious governors” of “eminent talents and pious examples” were numerous. For example, leaders of this description before Connecticut became an independent State included Puritan John Haynes, governor in 1639, followed by governors such as George Wyllys, William Leete, Robert Treat, Gurdon Staltonstall, and Roger Wolcott, all of whom were not only zealous in defending the liberties of the people but who also were often ministers of the Gospel or active in religious work. (Occasional governors during this period interspersed among this group were not religious and sometimes were even hostile to religion, but they were few compared to the rest.)

During the movement toward American independence, Connecticut’s governor was Jonathan Trumbull, Sr. (1710-1785). Trumbull was a minister of the Gospel, entered business, became an attorney, and was elected to the State assembly twenty-two times and became its Speaker. He later became a judge, and in 1765 resigned from office rather than take the British oath to uphold the odious Stamp In 1769, he was appointed by the Crown as Governor, but following the announcement of the separation of America from Great Britain, Trumbull threw all his influence to the patriot cause, becoming the only crown-appointed Governor to support American independence. Trumbull became the closest and perhaps most trusted confidant of General George Washington (who called him “Brother Jonathan”) and Trumbull did more to supply the Continental Army with food, supplies, munitions, and troops than any other Governor. In fact, as he initially rallied Connecticut citizens to defend their country, he addressed the assembled men, and implored them, “March on! This shall be your warrant: May the God of the armies of Israel be your leader!” Trumbull was reelected Governor fourteen times, presided over the State throughout the entirety of the Revolution, and at the close of the conflict, resigned the governorship to return to the study of theology.

Afterward the Revolution, Connecticut was again blessed with strong God-fearing governors, including Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., and the governor at the time of this sermon, Samuel Huntington.

³.The Lieutenant Governor at this time was Oliver Wolcott (1726-1797). Wolcott was commissioned as a British military officer in the 1740s to defend the frontier against attacks until a treaty was finally reached with the Indians. He then entered the study of medicine and was also elected county sheriff. In 1774, he became a part of the State governing council and served in this responsibility until after the American Revolution. In 1775, he renewed his military service of three decades earlier, only this time against Great Britain, and tore down a large statue of George III that had been erected in 1770, melting the material into bullets for the patriots. In 1776, he was elected to the Continental Congress where he signed the Declaration of Independence. He thereafter commanded several military regiments in the defense of New York and assisted in the first major American victory of the Revolution at Saratoga. Throughout the remainder of the Revolution he divided his time between Congress and military service, attaining the rank of Major General. Following the Revolution, in 1786 he was elected Lieutenant Governor of Connecticut and held that post until elected Governor in 1796. Interestingly, Oliver Wolcott’s father, Roger, had served as State governor, and then Oliver’s son later served as governor.

Samuel Deane (c. 1741-1814) graduated from Harvard in 1760. He was a minister at a church in Falmouth beginning in 1764. Deane preached this election sermon on May 18, 1794 in Massachusetts before Samuel Adams (1722-1803), Signer of the Declaration of Independence, who was the Lieutenant-Governor at that time.

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Honour SAMUEL ADAMS, Esq.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR;

THE HONOURABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,
MAY 28TH, 1794.

BEING THE DAY OF
GENERAL ELECTION.

By SAMUEL DEANE, D. D.
A PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN PORTLAND.

AN
ELECTION SERMON.

As we are convened with our civil fathers to pay our religious acknowledgments to the Deity, and to inquire in his temple, the theme for our contemplation, which I have selected from the sacred pages, is this—

IN ALL THY WAYS ACKNOWLEDGE HIM, AND HE SHALL DIRECT THY PATHS.

This respected audience will easily forgive the omission, if they should hear nothing said at this time concerning the necessity, the origin, or the nature of civil government; nor of the particular kind which is most eligible, and most conducive to the happiness of a state or nation: Things which have been often attempted on such occasions, and by those who were thought equal to the undertaking. Neither will it be so requisite to point out those qualifications which the delegated electors ought to regard in those whom they set up as rulers, as in those times when one whole branch of the legislative body were chosen by the assembled representatives, on this anniversary. Accordingly a subject is chosen which does not lead to these things; but to shew the necessity of paying a due regard to the most high God; and which contains an important encouragement to our so doing.

The words ways, and paths, in the text, are easily understood as applied to a man’s conduct in the course of his life; to that of one as much as another, whatever may be his station; so that the administration of the affairs of government is included.

If any such persons can be found, as deny, or disbelieve, the existence of the Divine Being, they are farthest of all men from complying with the duty required in the text. But it may justly be doubted whether any rational human creature has lived and died under such a delusion. The opinion can only be founded in folly. The fool hath said in his heart there is no God; and of such only it is to be expected, who are either naturally wanting in understanding, or who have greatly abused and obscured the light of reason and conscience by sin. For by the things that are made, and must have been created by him, are clearly seen, and understood, his eternal power and Godhead. The existence of things, not eternal nor self-created, must lead us to believe in one who is self-existent, without beginning, and possessed of all perfections.

But the acknowledgment of this truth, That God is, cannot be all, nor the principal thing which is required. For by this the generality of mankind are but little, if at all, distinguished one from another.

The belief of God’s governing providence over all his works is undoubtedly included; and the oral profession of this belief is not excluded. For it would be irrational to suppose that the Almighty Creator of the universe has no governing influence over the work of his own hands.

We do not deny that Omnipotence, directed by infinite wisdom, is equal to the task of making a most huge and complicated machine, which should need no direction, or support, after the original impulse, in order to answer innumerable wise ends in its creation. But that he has done this in the structure of the material universe, it is impossible to prove. Much has been discovered by philosophers, concerning the laws of matter and motion. But the most sagacious theorist could never assign any physical cause of gravitation, which probably pervades all matter, and directs its motions: But have confessed that this universal property, or affection, may be no other than a constant energy of the Supreme Being. If this is the case, or allowed to be so, the reality of a divine providence is not to be denied, or doubted. He that stands at the helm, we may say, directs the ship, and governs its motions.

In language of inspiration, God is said to uphold all things by the word of his power; and without him, it is asserted, that not even a sparrow dies. How much more then must the noblest of his visible creatures, and their affairs, be under his direction? Those creatures of God which are fitted to act morally, from motive and choice, are evidently under his governing influence. This appears from his imposing systems of laws to regulate their conduct; from his promises and threatenings, of rewards to the obedient, and punishments to the rebellious; from the promised assistances of his Holy Spirit, and the ministration of the celestial angels to the heirs of salvation. By the divine agency, either directly or through his instruments, the meek are guided in judgment; and even the hearts of kings, however stubborn, are turned by the Monarch of the universe, as the rivers of water.

And if individual persons are under the divine guidance, the same is surly the case of states and communities, which are composed of individuals. These are equally fit subjects of the divine government, and would be equally unhappy in the want of it. Accordingly we are assured in holy writ, that the kingdom is the Lord’s, and that he is the Governor among the nations. With good reason then do his servants believe in his governing providence, as exercised in this inferior world.

Prayer is also a fit acknowledgment of the Deity. Men should so depend upon the divine influence, and be so affected with a persuasion of it, as to apply to him for guidance, in all their important affairs and transactions. In all thy ways acknowledge him. This will be followed the divine direction in other parts of the sacred volume; and the laudable examples of the devoted servants of God, both in ancient and modern times.

And this seeking to God for direction is not only the duty and privilege of the common people, but more especially of those who are called to guide the state, and administer the great affairs of the public. For these men act not only for themselves, but for the whole community. So that errors in their conduct may be most extensively hurtful and pernicious. And questions come before them in the course of their business, not only of great weight and importance, but often very complicated and perplexed. And as the conscience of a good ruler will now allow him to act and determine by guess, or at random; how great need has he, not only of exerting his own best abilities, but of supplicating the friendly aid of one, in whom are boundless treasures of wisdom and knowledge, and who cannot err in judgment? Every pious ruler is convinced of his need of assistance from on high; and will gladly make use of his privilege to repair to the throne of grace for this favor, in the arduous affairs of government. Moses affords such an example to human governors. He was wont to apply to God for direction, in guiding his refractory people. And Solomon, when a choice of divine favors was offered him, supplicated for wisdom and understanding, to enable him to manage the affairs of his government.

I trust I am not speaking to those who will say in their hearts, What profit shall we have, if we pray unto him? The duty of prayer is not only enjoined repeatedly in the oracles of God; but clearly dictated by the light of nature, as appears from the conduct of the heathen mariners with Jonah. There cannot be a more reasonable service. But for our assurance of gracious answers to our prayers, we are mostly, if not wholly, beholden to divine revelation. By this we learn that God is nigh unto all that call upon him, or invoke him with sincerity; and that, if we implore his aid in cases of difficulty, he will direct our paths.

Though the intention and use of prayer cannot be to inform the omniscient Being of our wants, nor to alter the purposes of our unchangeable benefactor, there is still a connection between asking and receiving his favors. And this devout exercise will happily serve to keep up in our minds a sense of his agency, and of our wants and dependence; and prepare us for the right reception and improvement of what he bestows.

There are many ways in which he can give us assistance and direction, besides doing it by the immediate agency of his Spirit. And his power of doing the latter none will dare to dispute. The almighty agent, who created the human soul, has a more near and immediate access to it than any creature can have; so that he can excite in men such ideas, and lead them into such trains of thought, as shall influence their actions in perfect consistency with their moral agency, an accountableness for their conduct.

But a practical acknowledgment of the Deity includes, also, a profound submission to his authority over us, and a voluntary obedience to his commandments. What will it avail for men to profess that he has in his hands, by right, and in fact, the government of the world, if they oppose their wills and actions to his infinite authority? Or, of what account will be their belief of his existence, so long as they allow themselves to live in practical atheism? It is a very bad character, given of some who profess to know God, that in their works they deny him, being abominable and disobedient, and to every good work reprobate.

This practical acknowledgment of God is the highest interest, and the unquestionable duty of all men. And all the wise and good rejoice in the divine commandments; accounting the service of God as better than freedom; and take delight in conforming themselves to their knowledge of his will, as it is conducive to his honor, and to the restoration and felicity of their lapsed nature. But the impenitent and disobedient disrelish the divine government, placing the most of their happiness in secular and licentious, immoral, and ungodly conduct: And, regardless of the divine forewarnings and threatenings, rush headlong in the way to perdition.

From the doctrines contained in the subject, civil rulers may be led to observe something of the nature of their duty towards God. As men, they are on the same footing as others; equally bound to the acknowledgment of the Deity, in all the ways that are dictated by reason and revelation. They should also remember that, as they are ministers of God, and his representatives, it is of high importance that they be followers of him in all his moral perfections and actions, as far as their ability extends; especially in their conduct towards men. Otherwise they will be unfit to be considered as earthly Gods. They are set in conspicuous places; and have it in their power to be extensively beneficial to mankind, by their pious and virtuous examples. They should not only submit themselves, in all their conduct, to the divine commandments, but exhibit in their lives bright patterns of submission to the good laws of men. If private Christians are sacredly bound to show forth the virtues of him who has called them, and to shine as lights in the world; much more is it requisite in men who are vested with civil authority. For their good examples will be far more influential on mankind, than the examples of those in the lower walks of life. Mankind are ambitious of imitating the conduct of their superiors. And as the talent is given to magistrates, in this way to be public benefactors, they should consider that they must be answerable to the supreme governor, if they are found guilty of the non-improvement of it. For they must be viewed as disregarding the divine authority, unless they comply with this duty; and may justly expect the fate of the unprofitable servant.

They must enact no laws but such as have the public welfare for their object: For God invests them with no authority, but to do good.

But if, instead of practically acknowledging the divine authority over them, they take advantage from their promotion to affront and provoke him, by oppressing the people, or neglecting to serve them; and by wicked examples encourage immorality and ungodliness; what account will they be able to give of themselves to their master in heaven?

Possession of the public power is attended with some peculiar temptations. It enables men, in some cases, to commit wickedness with impunity. Those who hold the reins of government can defraud the innocent of their just dues, and establish iniquity by laws. They can secure to themselves the emoluments of their office, without performing its duties according to the intention, and just expectation of their electors. They have opportunity to influence in the appointment of unfit persons to serve in the judicial and executive departments of government; and to keep out those of better characters, for the sake of bribes, the prospect of advantages to themselves or families, or through prejudice and party spirit. That those who are drawn aside from the path of duty by such sinister motives are unfit for the high employment of legislation, and guiding the affairs of a State, cannot be disputed. Instead of approving themselves as the ministers of God for the good of the people, they may be considered as emissaries of Satan, and scourges of the public. Such men do not acknowledge the divine Being. They are de4stitute of religious reverence towards him; and the language of their conduct is, that they will not have him to reign over them.

Also, the duty of rulers to mankind, and in particular to those who vest them with authority, is deducible from the subject. If they have a due regard to the Deity, they will make use of their power and authority as he requires, no otherwise than to promote the happiness of society. The latter cannot but flow from the former; and where the latter is not, a religious regard to the Deity has no place. For an Apostle of Christ has well said, If a man love not his brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath not seen?

Philanthropy is a Christian virtue of essential importance; and in men of public character it is indispensably requisite to their answering the designs of their appointment. Patriotism is the branch of it which should be a striking trait in their character. The worthy magistrate will therefore bear it in mind that he is put into office to promote the welfare of the community, and of that particular part of which he is strictly a member. This is not only the great design of God, but of man, in his appointment. No free people are supposed to elect a ruler for any different purpose. He will therefore endeavor, in all his official conduct, to promote the public welfare. As a legislator he will give his vote for the enacting of no laws, and the annexing of no sanctions, but such as he is convinced will be conducive to the good of the public, let who will be in favor of them. For though he ought to weigh with candor all that may be said against his opinion, after all he must act according to the dictates of his own reason and conscience. He is principally answerable to God, and to the vicegerent of God in his own bosom.

And as a friend to society, such a ruler will think it of importance to prevent, as far as may be, the intricacy and obscurity in the language of laws, which may render them perplexing and ensnaring to the common people.

In the repealing of laws, he must be actuated by the same conscientious and benevolent principles. And there may be as real occasions for unmaking old, as for making new laws and regulations. By means of changes in the circumstances of a community, those which were once good and necessary may become unfit and inexpedient. And if antiquated and useless laws, or even any which cannot be put into execution, are suffered to stand unrepealed, it may be questioned whether they do not operate to the weakening of the hands of government; or lead subjects to disobey the best laws with hopes of impunity.

The worthy magistrate will be so tender of the public welfare, that he will be careful to inform himself of the true characters of candidates for subordinate offices, knowing that vicious and ungodly men ought never, unless in cases of necessity, to be entrusted with power; lest they should so abuse it as to bring scandal upon government, and mischief upon the people. And being acquainted with their characters, he will not countenance their being put into places of honor or trust; nor will he connive at the continuance of such persons in office. The subordinate officers which Moses was advised to constitute, were not only to be able men, capable of performing the duties of their station, but such as feared God, and were men of truth, hating covetousness.

Good rulers will be actuated by such a care for the happiness of the community, that they will use their wisdom to explore ways and means to alleviate the public burdens, and the hardships which chance to fall upon individuals, or on particular orders of men; impose no burdens without real necessity, for the support of government, for the defense of the State, or the increase of public happiness on the whole. And they will study to call for such contributions only, as can be made in the most easy, peaceable and imperceptible manner.

It may be expected of them that they be encouragers and supporters of the means of education, by good laws, and by such establishments and endowments as appear fit and needful. Especially this will be done by intelligent republican rulers; as on it depend the peace, prosperity, and perpetuity of the State. How easily might an ignorant people be excited by an eloquent demagogue to rebel against such a government, and introduce anarchy, confusion and ruin? How unqualified are such a people to elect able rulers, and such as are fit to be entrusted with authority? They will set up men who are like themselves, through partiality, or ignorance, or from the necessity of the case. And when the blind have blind leaders, all will be confounded together.

It may be said, to the honor of our constitution of government, that civil rulers are happily restrained by it from the abuse of power; and in particular, from interfering with the rights of conscience; prevent their being interrupted in the exercise of their religion; and enable Christian societies to raise contributions among themselves, to serve religious purposes. And if, with political views, they may enforce the support of schools for the instruction of youth, why not that of meetings for the instruction of grown up children in religion and morality, so far as they shall judge it needful to promote the welfare of society? Why not oblige a dishonest person to attend these meetings, of the denomination he prefers, if it were only to prevent his invading the property of his Christian neighbors, while they are at the place of public worship? And why not constrain the profane person to do the same, in hope that he may learn to be afraid of perjury, the practice of which vice would be pernicious to a community, as it would render good government impracticable. All that is indisputably beneficial to society, and consistent with the rights of individuals, is within their line. And good instructions in piety and morality are so evidently of this fort, that they have been adopted by the most applauded of ancient governments.

We rejoice with our honored rulers this day, in the peace, independence, and prosperity of our State and Nation. And we look back with pleasure, and devout gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of events, on the snares which we have escaped. The Lord was on our side, when men rose up against us. As by Moses he delivered his chosen people from Egyptian bondage; so he raised up a leader to our forces, of like wisdom and patriotic zeal, whose name will be equally known to future generations.

Ought we not to be the more sensibly affected with our deliverance, and the obtainment and security of our rights, when we consider with what amazing difficulties a great and powerful nation, in alliance with us, have been struggling, to obtain and secure the same rights, and a free government, of which we are in the peaceable possession? May all their wise designs, and laudable endeavors, be crowned with happy success; and those individuals among them, and nations around them, who have unrighteously opposed their design of reforming their national government, be convinced of the evil of their conduct. Are the governors of that afflicted nation charged with cruelty, on account of the multitude of capital punishments? The blame of this should partly fall on their wicked invaders, whose bloody onsets and insidious intrigues, have encouraged many to engage in insurrections, treasons and rebellions, by which they forfeit their lives. What degrees of lenity might have been exercised towards offenders, consistently with the safety of the State, perhaps it is very difficult for us at this distance to determine. Whilst, as true republicans we cannot but approve their glorious design, we may say they have probably fallen into great errors, in their zealous pursuit of it. Nor is it to be expected that their powers will be in the best manner directed, till they more devoutly acknowledge the government of him who is over all. It was right to reject an absurd species of Christianity; and it is hoped that a better one will be soon adopted.

The union of our States seems to be settled on an immoveable basis; and our rapid increase promises to give us national consequence and respectability. We foresee nothing to prevent it, under the wise conduct of a supreme executive in whom all hearts are united; nor so long as the spirit of mutual condescension is cultivated among the States. The national constitution, so generally approved, may be viewed as a band of that lasting union, which cannot be too zealously cultivated. That saying should not be forgotten, By uniting we stand, by dividing we fall.

This respectable State, in particular, has reason to rejoice in the enjoyment of its rights, and of a happy republican government. Our constitution does honor to its framers; approaches so near to perfection; and has hitherto so well answered the wise purposes of its formation, that it can hardly be thought advisable to put ourselves to the expense and trouble of a revisal. It would be very uncertain whether any real amendment would, on the whole, be obtained.

With pleasure we behold a respectable delegation from the various parts of this extensive Commonwealth, for the purpose of transacting the important public business of the present year. May these chosen patriots be actuated by a noble zeal to promote the public welfare, and may heaven vouchsafe to direct all their steps. May they act in the fear of God, as they are accountable to him for their conduct. For though, on account of their station, they are considered as children of the most high, they shall die like other men; and after death is the judgment.

And here we cannot refrain from condolence with our political fathers on a melancholy event, which has taken place since our last anniversary election; the removal of that distinguished person, and illustrious republican, who has so long sat, and with so much dignity, in the chief seat of government. May his uniform and inextinguishable love of his country, and attachment to the rights of mankind; and not less his regard for the institutions of religion, and friendship to the teachers of it, be remembered, and emulated by those who shall hereafter be called to fill his important station. Long will his philanthropy, generosity and munificence, be had in remembrance. Especially will the numerous partakers of his bounty rise up and call his memory blessed.

We rejoice to see his venerable compatriot now in the place of first magistrate; a gentleman of well known, and long approved ability and virtue; who early took an active part towards the accomplishment of our happy revolution. May the supreme Governor take him into his holy keeping: And, as he will not fail to acknowledge God, so may he be favored with all needful divine direction, in the duties of his arduous office. Having always deserved well of the public, he will experience the most agreeable reward, by having his power of doing good increased. May his life and usefulness be protracted, that he may long rejoice in the gladness of our nation. And in the closing scene may his peaceful conscience anticipate that joyful plaudit, which all the faithful shall receive from the great Judge of the world.

The respected, and much honored gentlemen, who are elected to form the two branches of the legislature, have received a recent testimony of the confidence of the people in their integrity and abilities, which we trust will not be abused nor disappointed. As you are vested with the power of the state, and constituted guardians of its precious rights, your God, your consciences, and your sacred oaths, oblige you to use your best endeavors to promote the political good of this people. Your betrustment is great, and part of your work may be very difficult, at this eventful era, when our affairs are so much embarrassed by means of the war that rages in Europe, and the depredations in the West Indies, by which we greatly suffer. If you find that you need wisdom, you are to ask it of him who is the fountain of it, and answers the prayers of all who acknowledge him aright. In the elections of this day may you be under a divine guidance, and in all the business of your sessions through the year.

Persuaded of the purity of your intentions, the preacher will not presume to be your dictator, in a line that is our of his profession: But would humbly recommend to your paternal attention a few things, which to him appear to be of some political importance.

If practicable, it seems desirable that something may be done towards putting into full execution the law respecting schools; that the rising generation may become possessed of those advantages, which were anxiously desired by the framers of it, and which cannot but be thought important by an enlightened republic. And whether some harmless alteration might not render the law more easy to be enforced, is submitted to your wise consideration.

Our civil fathers will also consider whether the means of defense ought not to be more attended to, than they have hitherto been; as we know not what alarms may come, nor what enemy may next be disposed to invade us – whether military skill should not be more assiduously cultivated – and the militia kept on the most respectable footing, that we may not be wholly unready to repeal an invasion. And whether, in our present aspect of affairs, encouragement should not be afforded to the general government, not only for protecting our navigation and commerce from piratical depredations; but for the speedy erection of forts and batteries on our exposed maritime borders. A little delay, with respect to the last of these objects, may lead to tragical and distressing scenes. What other nation is contented with so defenseless a coast?

Frugality, industry and economy are to be considered as excellent virtues in the inhabitants of any State. For without these no country arrives at opulence; nor without their continuance, will depopulation and wretchedness be prevented, much more are they needful in a young country, with low finances, and which has yet done so little towards providing for the public safety and defense, these virtues are evangelical, as well as political, and essential parts of that righteousness which exalts a nation. The want of them would effectually prevent our growing into that respectability, which we have been fondly anticipating in expectation. But why, in the name of reason, will we keep ourselves low, by eagerly importing and purchasing the trifling manufactures of distant nations? Possibly our political guardians, without the enaction of sumptuary laws, may devise some means to check the rage for foreign superfluities, which is complained of by many as too prevalent, and of a pernicious tendency.

In subserviency to such a design, might not several new manufactories be erected, and fostered by the hand of government, to supply the people, not only with necessary things, but with some that are elegant and ornamental? The natural consequence would be, preventing much of our wealth from taking wing, and flying to the transatlantic regions.

The government in time past has done honor to itself, by their kindness and assistance to the university in this vicinity. You will consider what further help it may need, to continue and increase its importance, and usefulness to the public. ¹ And not content, that the central part only of this extensive government should be so well furnished with the means of a liberal education; you cannot be so partial, but that you will be disposed to establish and endow similar seats of learning in the remote parts; that so the inhabitants may not be in danger of losing their republican virtues through lack of knowledge. If the western has been thus favored, why should not the oriental be attended to? Though, while the settlers are mostly emigrants from the older parts of the Commonwealth, a few men of erudition may happen to be found among them; what prospects can we have concerning the next and future generations? The need of erudition seems greater in a region bordering on provinces of Britain, where principles of kingly government prevail; that the corruption and defection of the people may be effectually, and forever prevented.

It is presumed that you need not be reminded to consult the honor and credit of government, by a punctual fulfillment of all the obligations the State is under; and render to all what they have a just right to expect. The speaker dares not affront you so much as to suggest a suspicion that you will take advantage of your high authority to practice iniquity. Christian rulers are not disposed to injure the enemies of the State; how much les its friends and supporters, its servants and defenders? For they will consider that contracts are as much binding in the sight of God, upon States and corporate bodies, as upon individuals; and that no fraudulent Machiavellian policy may be expected to prosper.

The address now turns to my fellow citizens of every rank, who are here assembled. As we wish and pray for the continuance and increase of public prosperity, it is incumbent on us that, regarding the divine authority, we do all in our power to strengthen the hands of the government we are providentially under. It is not enough that we elect wise and faithful men, to conduct the affairs of the public. It becomes us to pay a sacred regard to the laws; so as neither to violate them ourselves, nor encourage others in doing it. Those who offend against the public authority should be rebuked and punished, that others may not dare to follow their example. And no improper fear of being persecuted as informers should deter any from causing offenders against our good government to be detected. If no zeal nor courage were wanting, in giving assistance to the civil power, government would discover its full energy, and happy effects; and comparatively few would be molested in the enjoyment of their rights. It is not the want of good laws, so much as the want of virtue in the subjects to give them force, that occasions our hearing of so many grievances, contentions, and injuries.

That the good laws of the land may be duly regarded, magistrates should be revered and honored. As they are vested with the power, they should be considered as possessors of the dignity and majesty of the State. But, by refusing them due honor, the people dishonor themselves, and contribute to bring the community into contempt.

Complainers and fault-finders, who vent their gall against public characters and measures, should always be discountenanced by every friend to the Republic. For persons should not be hasty in concluding that their rulers have erred in any instance. They should rather consider that the collected wisdom of the State or Nation, and the superior advantages for information, possessed by political assemblies, render it probable that their decisions are more wise and fit than the opinions even of an enlightened individual. But, as all men are liable to err, if our rulers are found to do so, none but peaceable and respectful methods should be used to convince them. As an ecclesiastical elder should be entreated as a parent; so should our political fathers.

Disaffection to government often arises from a sordidly avaricious temper; which makes men backward to pay tribute, according to their ability and the exigencies of the State. How unreasonable and shameful are such a temper and conduct! Is it fit that we should expect to receive for nothing the unspeakable benefits of good government, the security of our liberties, persons and fortunes? Can we wish our rulers to spend their time and attention in the public service, without an adequate reward? Or can we be ready to indulge suspicions that they are too forward to lay burdens upon us, when we know that they themselves bear their proportion of them, according to their several abilities? For so happy is our situation since the revolution, that our rulers, in most cases, cannot oppress us without hurting themselves.

Let us see that we always make the wisest possible use of the power of appointing our own rulers, which the good providence of God has given us; imploring his direction in these matters; and endeavor in all possible ways to advance the public welfare. For by so doing we should remember that we promote our own happiness. All the members partake of the health of the body, political, as well as natural. And that we may not fail of being good subjects, it should be considered that we ought to obey our rulers from a principle of duty to our Almighty Sovereign. For good rulers are ordained by him; and by resisting them we shall oppose the ordinance of God, and expose ourselves to his wrath. It is therefore our duty, our interest, and wisdom, to resolve that we will submit to their laws, that so we may lead quiet and peaceable lives, while we persevere in all godliness and honesty: For this is good, and acceptable in the sight of God our Savior.

Nothing indeed can do more towards the support of government, than the practice of religion and virtue. Were mankind perfect in these things, human government and laws would be rendered useless. So that the more they are practiced, the more easily government will be administered; and the more happy will be the condition of society. Let us then resolve, that, by the help of God, we will thus become benefactors to the public. If this were done by the generality, a blessed reformation would be effected. The blessing of heaven would be upon us, and better times would be experienced than have ever yet been known. Expensive vices would give place to fruitful industry. Rulers and ruled, teachers and private Christians, and all corporations instituted to serve the community, would exert themselves to increase the public happiness. The arts and sciences would flourish, as genius and learning would be encouraged. Agriculture and commerce would be more productive of support and wealth. Manufactures would increase, and arrive to the greatest perfection. The fame of our increasing wealth and happiness would draw multitudes of emigrants from other quarters of the globe, to assist in our improvements, and to participate in our prosperity. Our peace and happiness would exhibit no faint picture of the predicted millennial state, or be the dawn and introduction of it.

Finally. May persons of all denominations be induced, from evangelical motives, to the religious acknowledgment of the Deity, and the practice of universal holiness. Thus, being guided by divine counsel, shall we secure to ourselves his approbation and acceptance, through the Redeemer; which are of infinitely greater consequence to us, than all our terrestrial enjoyments. The fashion of this world is swiftly passing away. All human governments will soon be terminated, and gone forever. The rapid wheels of time are driving us on to our most important state of existence; in which all the godly and virtuous shall live in greater felicity than it is possible at present for us to conceive; a happiness answerable to the desires and capacities of our souls, without alloy, and without end.

Endnotes

¹. By means of the taking down of one of the buildings, that seat of learning has not been sufficient, for several years past, to lodge all the students. Expense in education is thus increased; and a number of them at present are put to many inconveniences of a remote lodging; where they lose the benefit of the immediate inspection of the governors.

This sermon was preached by Isaac Lewis in Hartford, Connecticut on May 11, 1797.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY THE

GOVERNOR,

AND THE HONORABLE

LEGISLATURE

OF THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

CONVENED AT HARTFORD

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION.

May 11, 1797.

By Isaac Lewis, D. D.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN GREENWICH.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford on the second Thursday of May, Anno Domini 1797.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Joseph P. Cook and Col. Ebenezer Mead present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Isaac Lewis, D. D. for his Sermon, delivered at the anniversary Election, on the 11th of May, instant, before the General Assembly, and request a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined,
By Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

I TIMOTHY iv. 8.

Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

In all situations and conditions of life, true religion is of the first importance. It is the solace of those, who are placed in the vale of poverty and affliction; the sweetener of all the unambitious enjoyments, of the middle walks of private life; and the highest ornament to the persons, and characters of the rich, the honorable, and the great. Without it, no man can be either truly, or lastingly happy. Were this divine guest to be banished from the society of men, this world would become but the abode of folly and wretchedness; and man, with all his boasted reason and superiority, inferior, in point of real enjoyment, to the herds who graze the fields.

The sentiments of St. Paul on this subject, are clearly expressed in our text and context. After cautioning Timothy to avoid perplexing himself and others, with the fabulous traditions of the Jews, and their endless genealogies, and exhorting him, like the athletics in the Grecian games, to exert his uttermost labor and diligence, in pursuing and promoting the doctrines and duties of true piety, as an argument to enforce the whole, he introduces the words of our text. Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

These motives to godliness, though first addressed to Timothy, apply with equal force and propriety to all men, of every age and condition. The import of the text is briefly this, “Godliness is every way advantageous. Whoever shall experience the power of it, will thence derive a rich harvest of gain. Beside the crown of immortal glory, which it infallibly secures to its possessor, it will produce the highest satisfaction, of which the human mind is capable, in the present state of existence. Its advantages are eminent in all stations, and situations, and in the prosecution of every business, proper to engage the attention of mankind.”

If then godliness have promises of good to be enjoyed in this life, as well as in that which is to come, if it be profitable unto all things, we may doubtless with safety conclude, that effectual aid may be derived from it, in the administration of civil government; and that, if generally and faithfully practiced, it would most essentially contribute toward obtaining for, and securing to a community, all the important ends of its institution.

To illustrate this observation, is the proposed object of the present discourse. Preparatory to which a concise view of the nature of godliness, and of the ends of civil government will first be taken.

Godliness is a term used in two senses; the one limited, and the other more general. In its limited sense, it includes only the duties of piety toward God. In its general sense, it comprises all the duties prescribed by the Christian religion; those which we owe to our fellow-men, and to ourselves, as well as those which we owe to God. The apostle, in our text, uses the term in its most general sense, as appears from the extensive benefits, which, he assures us, will flow from a faithful practice of its various duties. These duties cannot now be minutely detailed. It may however be proper to observe in general, that they may be divided into four classes, the duties we owe to God, to Christ, to our fellow-men, and to ourselves.

In the first of these, are comprised supreme love to God, a fixed dependence on, and a humble trust in him, a cordial submission to his providential dispensations, together with conformity to his revealed will.

In the second, are included faith in the mediator, accompanied with a daily and sincere attention to him, considered as our teacher, our example and lawgiver, our advocate and intercessor with the father.

In the third, are contained universal love to mankind, mercy, justice, beneficence, truth and the forgiveness of injuries.

The fourth, comprehends the graces of humility, meekness, prudence, fortitude and self-government.

All the before mentioned virtues are briefly comprehended, by our divine master, in the following expressive words. “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God, with all thy heart, and thy neighbour as thyself.” These unitedly constitute that godliness, which is urged on us in our text, as being every way conducive to the advancement, of all the important interests of mankind.

But in order to determine, how far godliness contributes to the obtainment of the great ends of civil institutions, it will be necessary to enquire what those ends are? Or what are the great objects, all governments ought to pursue, and which all good governments actually do pursue, though with different degrees of success? These, it is supposed, may be all comprehended in the following particulars.

1. The primary objet of civil institutions is to prevent those evils, which, considering the depravity of mankind, would certainly result from a state of nature.

Selfishness is the predominant principle of fallen man. This, by being supreme, necessarily excludes the fear of God, and benevolence to our fellow-men. And among a number of individuals, un-united by any social compact, would produce a state of constant mutual hostility. In such a situation, jarring interests would at once enkindle the fire, and constantly fan the flame of discord; and of course banish peace and security. No protection, except what may be derived from personal prowess, can be obtained by individuals, in a state of nature. Life and property are equally insecure. Indeed without some kind of civil association, the last must be extremely limited. The power of an individual, unassisted by those arts, which flourish only under the protection of civil government, is wholly incompetent to the acquisition of more property, than a bare sufficiency for a scanty subsistence. But admitting the possibility of acquiring considerable property in a state of nature, still it would only serve to invite plunder, and lawless invasion. The more one possessed, the greater would be his danger. And if his strength should prove sufficient, to resist a single invader, it must unavoidably yield to the superior force of a combination of those, who would choose to live by rapine, rather than submit to the toils of daily labor.

The evils to which men would unavoidably be exposed, in a state of nature, we may learn from those, which have ever been attendant on revolutions. During such changes there is ever a period, in which laws lose their influence, and licentiousness prevails. This reign of anarchy is at its most alarming crisis, in that stage of a revolution which intervenes, between the destruction of the old, and the establishment of new principles and maxims of government. It is probable that no revolution was ever effected in any country, with less of these evils, than the recent one here in America. In our own State, very few disorders appeared; owing perhaps principally to the inconsiderable alterations, which the revolution produced. But in some parts of the union, the most fatal evils were experienced. Law was no longer a restraint, right no longer regarded, property was invaded, virtue insulted, chastity polluted, and life sacrificed, by abandoned ruffians, who, having broken over every restraint, rioted on the spoils of their innocent neighbours. Under an inexpressibly more dreadful experience of these, and many other similar evils, it is well known, one of the principal kingdoms of Europe, has for several years been groaning.

These things have been mentioned, solely with a view of exhibiting a specimen of what may be expected from a state of nature. To prevent their existence, as far as possible, to secure to individuals the peaceable possession of life, liberty and property, is a primary object of civil government. And its tendency to accomplish this purpose, undoubtedly wrought a conviction of its absolute necessity, in the minds of men, in the early ages of the world.

2. Another object worthy of the pursuit of government, is the promotion of the greatest good of the whole community, so far as that may be effected, without injury done to others.

Private interest, or the good of an individual, farther than it may be considered as involved in the good of the whole, ought not to be, and cannot consistently be the object of the social compact. As the whole is greater than its parts, so the good of a community is greater than the private interest of any individual. And to cause a greater interest to suffer, for the purpose of advancing a less, is a violation of the order of nature, and of the laws of equity and reason. A community is but one great family; in which, every member ought to consider his own interest, as involved in that of the whole; and this whole ought to swallow up every private or detached interest. As no private family can be happy, where each member is actuated solely by a principle of self-gratification; as such a line of conduct will produce a constant clashing of interests, which will unavoidably issue in contention and animosity; so no state can enjoy political happiness, where the public good is neglected, and an attachment to private, becomes the ruling passion. Hence cabals are always injurious, and ought to be opposed and even despised, as destructive of the great ends of civil society. They invariably have for their object, some party design. And the setting up of such an interest s the principal object of pursuit, is in the nature of it, hostile to public good. Private emolument cannot be set in competition with public, without endangering the latter. And to endanger the public good, for any private advantage, is always to sacrifice the greater interest to the less.

From these observations it appears, that the good which ought to be the object of government is the public good; and that in competition with it, no private or party interest ought ever to be placed.

But it is further to be observed, that although the greatest good of a community, ought to be the leading object of its government, yet even this is not to be pursued, by such measures as are injurious to other communities. Although the interest of an individual may be sacrificed, where it is absolutely necessary to promote the greatest good of the public, of which he is a member; yet it y no means follows, that a state or kingdom, in order to promote its own advantage, possesses a right to adopt such measures, as are injurious to a sister state. It is as inconsistent with every rule of moral obligation, for one state to commit injustice against another, as it is for an individual to rob or plunder this neighbour. All mankind are brethren, the children of the same common parent. Different states are correlatives of each other. The great Christian law which prescribes our duty toward our neighbours, considered in our individual capacity, will, if observed, regulate the conduct of states toward each other.

Although politicians have burdened the science of government, with many intricacies, which may, not improperly, be called the chicanery of courts; yet, if inexperience may be permitted to risk an opinion, we should say that it is reducible to a few plain principles. To love our neighbour as ourselves—To do to others as we would that they should do to us, are rules of moral conduct as applicable to communities, as to individuals. Nor can any reason be assigned in justification of fraud, in justice, oppression, or cruelty in a body of men more than in a single person. On the contrary, where a body of man practice injustice, the crime is far greater, than a similar act of injustice performed by an individual: because in the one case, the guilt is confined to a single subject, and in the other, it extends to a whole community; and because the evil consequences of public injustice, and the injuries done by it, are far more extensive, than those of private. When one nation is guilty of injustice towards another, thousands and millions may feel the injury. It is not in human power to calculate the evils, which will follow one deliberate act of such injustice. It will be readily granted, that the evils of private injustice are many. Among these may be enumerated expensive laws-suits, the disaffection of families to each other, and all the usual consequences of private hatred. Yet admitting the worst that can follow, the civil law is a barrier, which will always check and restrain these evils, and confine them within certain limits. But when one nation practices gross injustice against another, there is no common arbiter, either to decide the contention, or to control its destructive effects. War commonly bursts forth like a sweeping deluge, overwhelming and confounding the innocent with the guilty; and inflicting on whole countries greater, and more durable calamities, than any of the usual scourges, by which heaven corrects the madness of mankind.

The foregoing observations sufficiently prove, that national injustice is far more criminal in itself, and far more fatal in its consequences, than private. And of consequence, that the same moral rule of righteousness, which the scriptures have prescribed to individuals, and by which they are bound to regulate their conduct, ought to be adopted by nations, and faithfully adhered to, in all their treatment of each other. Hence will appear the justice of the remark before made, that although the greatest public good of a community, ought to be the end of its government, yet even that object, great and important as it is, ought never to be pursued, by means, which involve in them, a violation of the rights of other nations.

But notwithstanding the evident truth of this remark, it is to be lamented, that a policy directly repugnant to the rules of moral justice, has been too prevalent among all nations. The Roman love of their country, so much the boast of her citizens and so highly celebrated by her best writers, even in the purest days of that republic, was but a selfish contracted principle. Its objet was the aggrandizement of their commonwealth, not only without any regard to the happiness of other nations, but at the expense of their liberties, privileges and independence. Their love of their country, led them to destroy, or at least to subjugate every neighbouring state, which stood in the way of the enlargement of their empire, or whose interest was inconsistent with their own ambitious views. Justly were they characterized by the spirit of prophesy as a beast dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly; as devouring and breaking in pieces, and stamping the residue with their feet.

It is with the deepest regret, that truth obliges us to confess, that too similar to this detestable example, has been the policy of modern, as well as ancient nations. While the rulers of kingdoms have been careful to inculcate mutual justice among their subjects, by wise and salutary laws, they appear to have forgotten that national justice is a virtue; or not to be sensible, that there is anything criminal in injuring a neighbouring state, where the power of doing it is possessed, and an opportunity offered. While the private robber, who forces from an individual a small sum, must expiate his crime on a gibbet, it has been but too common for one nation to rob another of whole provinces, not only without censure, but with a tribute of praise for their martial achievements. To this fatal source, the injustice of nations toward each other, is to be attributed the awful scourge of war, with all its dreadful calamities. If the cause could once be suppressed, the effect would cease; and the prophecy of universal peace, so frequently repeated in the sacred writings, meet with an immediate accomplishment. The instruments of war would then be converted into implements of husbandry; nation would not lift up sword against nation, nor would they learn war anymore.

These few remarks on national injustice have been made, to call to the minds of this audience, the evils which must necessarily result from the prevalency of that unjust policy, which leads a nation to advance her own interest, by acts of injustice done to others. And likewise for the purpose of explaining in what sense, the public good ought to be the object of political institutions. To avoid the evils of a state of nature, and to promote the greatest national happiness, have been mentioned as the proper ends of government. These, are considered as including not only the particular objects, which have been brought up to view in what has been said, but whatever tends to the prosperity of a nation.

We will now proceed to enquire, what advantages, in the pursuit of these ends, may be derived from the practice of godliness.

1. Godliness will be productive of national felicity, by securing the fidelity of rulers.

That national happiness and misery, are closely connected with the character and conduct of those who hold the reins of government, approaches nigh to a self-evident proposition. At least it is a truth which a very little argumentation will support, and which has been fully confirmed by all history, both sacred and profane. The government of an Ahab, and a Manasseh, of a Nero and a Caligula, afford unequivocal proofs of misery of a people, destined to endure the scourge of wicked and tyrannical rulers. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice, but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.” An unprincipled magistrate is regardless of the public good, and wholly under the influence of selfish and mercenary views. In such hands neither the property, the liberty nor the life of the people are secure. These may, and most probably often will be sacrificed to the lust, the ambition, the avarice, and even the caprice of the tyrant. The public good is unspeakably too precious a deposit, to be betrusted to such men. He who disregards the obligations he is under to his God, cannot be supposed suitably to feel those which he is under to his fellow men. He will rather be led to consider his exaltation to office, as raising him above the restraints, laid upon his unofficed brethren, and as affording him an opportunity for indulging with impunity, the selfishness and wickedness of his heart. A ruler destitute of virtue, will without doubt in a greater or less degree be guilty of malpractice. And a government badly administered, will produce evils introductory, both to public and private infelicity. There is an inseparable connection between the moral character of rulers, and their administrations. If the former be vicious, corruption will appear in the latter, and a corrupted administration militates against the very ends of the social compact. And of course is inconsistent with the happiness of a community.—The liberties of a nation are always extremely unsafe, in the hands of vicious rulers; and the miseries which nations have suffered under the government of such characters, are to be ranked with the heaviest of divine judgments.

If then vice in authority be destructive of public felicity, it is but rational to conclude that virtue exalted to power, must be productive of directly contrary effects; and that a pious magistracy must afford the most encouraging prospect, of national happiness. The magistrate, who to the natural and acquired abilities necessary to prepare him for office, adds the fear of God, a reverence for the dictates of his own conscience, and that love to his fellow-men, implied in true godliness, will not fail to make the good of his constituents, the ultimate objet of his political pursuits. His example will uniformly be in favor of virtue, and his abilities steadily exerted to support and maintain that “righteousness which exalteth a nation, and to discountenance and suppress that vice which is a reproach to any people.” As a legislator, he will disregard local prejudices and party views, and ever give his voice in favor of such laws, as he believes to be founded in justice and public utility; and oppose with firmness, and uncorruptible integrity those of an opposite tendency. As a judge, his decisions will be guided by law and equity, without partiality for, or prejudice against any man. In whatever station he is called to serve his country, he will remember that he is accountable for his conduct not only to his fellow citizens, but to the supreme ruler of the universe; that he has a most important trust committed to him; that he is a minister of God, for good to his people; that the primary design to his honorary appointment, was to capacitate him to employ all his talents, in promoting and diffusing happiness through the community; and that he answers the great end of his being called into office, only so far as he steadfastly pursues this grand object. And that a greater proportion of happiness will be enjoyed by a people, where their rulers are actuated by such disinterested motives, than where they are influenced by selfishness, is too evident to need proof. It is as unnecessary to prove, that men of piety are not only the most likely to pursue the public good, but the only characters, from whom we have reason steadily to expect, such disinterested conduct. Nothing can afford so great a security for the fidelity of rulers, as godliness. Other motives may for a time produce unexceptionable conduct. But the influence of these other motives will be ever uncertain, and at best subservient to selfish views. The public good will always be abandoned by such a mind, whenever it is considered as directly opposed to private interest.

No men, in any situation or employment, are so sensible of the obligations they are under to fidelity as the truly religious. No others so fully perceive its importance, or are so deeply impressed with a conviction of its necessity. Religion is a crown of glory to all who possess it. It does not of itself prepare men for office, either in church or state. But where they are other ways prepared, the addition of true religion, above everything, contributes to their fidelity and usefulness. This observation applies with as much propriety, and force to the civil magistracy, as to any official characters. Fidelity in that office, is essential to national prosperity. So that godliness, when it lives and reigns in the hearts and lives of the magistrates of a country, contributes directly, and most essentially to the public happiness.

2. Godliness is no less salutary to a community, by the influence, which it has on the great body of the people.

As it secures the fidelity of rulers, so it makes good citizens. If its practice could once become universal in a nation, it would produce such a conduct in all ranks, as would issue in general prosperity. So far as national happiness depends, on the promotion of the social virtues—on the cultivation of benevolence, kindness, justice and charity—on the prevalence of harmony and tranquility, the practice of godliness has a direct tendency to its advancement. Godliness teaches us to do justly, to love mercy and to walk humbly with God. To owe no man anything, but to love one another. To render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor is due. And, to comprehend the whole in few words, to love our neighbour as ourselves. So far as these virtues promote public happiness, or are any way conducive to the prosperity of a nation; so far the salutary influence of godliness is indisputable. As it respects the duties of the second table of law, it consists in the exercise of these very virtues. And how far the practice of them actually does contribute to national prosperity, we may learn from the evils which their opposite vices never fail to produce. Fraud, injustice, anger, wrath and hatred are most evidently the bane of social happiness; and in proportion to their prevalency, are invariably productive of misery. The practice of these virtues then, and consequently of true godliness, has a direct tendency to promote the public good.

Again, so far as national happiness depends on a suitable conduct in the members of a community, toward each other, it is directly promoted by godliness. The circumstance last mentioned, it is well known, has great influence on domestic happiness. It is essential to the prosperity of a private family, that the conduct of each member be regulated by the strictest rules of propriety—that the heads conduct with a dignity becoming their station; equally remote from unreasonable austerity on the one hand, and trifling familiarity on the other—that children and servants, constantly exhibit reverence and respect, by an unreserved and cheerful obedience. Imprudence and folly in the governors of a family, and obstinacy and disobedience in the inferior members, are utterly destructive of domestic felicity. And why should not the case be the same with larger communities? The happiness of a nation is composed of similar ingredients with that, of a private family. And as the conduct of the several members of the latter, toward each other, has so evident an influence on their happiness, why must not the prosperity of a nation be greatly affected, by the mutual conduct of its rulers and ruled? If so, godliness must certainly promote national felicity. For it influences rulers to rule in the fear of God, and unofficered citizens to reverence and respect the magistrates of their country, as ministers of the Most High, appointed for the good of his people. So far as it extends, it leads every man to conduct agreeable to his station; to abide in, and faithfully to discharge the duties of his particular calling, and thus to contribute to the advancement of the general felicity.

But I take the liberty of farther observing, that godliness promotes national prosperity, as it contributes to an increase of wealth. If any should call in question the truth of this observation, let me desire him to remember, that there are few vices but what are luxurious; that they are expensive, and even prodigal both of time and money; and that those which are most corrupting, which spread their contagion the most rapidly, which ever have and ever will prevail where godliness is neglected, are not only such as devour property, but such as introduce disease, debility, idleness, and even an aversion to every species of labor, and thus dry up the very sources of national wealth.

On the other hand, godliness leads to temperance, health, industry and frugality. It not only retrenches the expenses of extravagance, but it adds to the stock already possessed, the daily gains of diligence. From the command and example of her divine teacher, she gathers up the fragments, and suffers nothing to be lost.

If, after considering these particulars, any should still be disposed to doubt, whether a general diffusion of godliness through a nation, would contribute more to the increase of its wealth, than the unrestrained reign of vice, let him compare the expenses of the several virtues included in true godliness, with those of their opposite vices. Let him for instance compare the expenses of humility, temperance and frugality, with what would be necessary to support pride, luxury, intemperance and prodigality, and the comparison will convince him, that it is vice which drains a nation of her wealth. We venture further to offer it as a decided opinion, that if such a person should judge with impartiality, he would meet a conviction, that the fashionable vices of the present day, are far more expensive than the support of government, together with all the public and private means of literary, moral and religious instruction. The universal spread of godliness among us, would save this enormous expense, and thus increase the pecuniary advantages of our nation. So true is it that godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

But permit me to add, that godliness, above every other principle that can be named, gives efficacy to the laws of a nation. Among many other ingredients, necessary to the happiness of a people, a good code of laws will doubtless be included. But simply the existence of such a system of laws, will be but of little advantage, unless they are sacredly regarded—unless they possess a commanding influence on all ranks of citizens. Laws, that have lost their influence, neither afford protection to the virtuous, nor lay restraint on the excesses of the vicious. And laws disregarded and trampled on with impunity will ever lose their influence. Of consequence, the support of law, by giving it as extensive an obedience as possible, and by putting its penalty in execution on delinquents, must be of high importance to national prosperity. And yet no part of civil government is attended with more, or greater difficulties. Men of true piety will see, and feel the importance of giving efficacy to laws, and from the purest motives, throw their whole weight into that scale.—They will obey the ordinances of man for the Lord’s sake. But the vicious part of every community are always impatient under the restraints of law; and ready to violate it, whenever they can flatter themselves of doing it with impunity. Hence the well known fact, that laws are trampled upon, in proportion to the increase of vice. The more gross wickedness prevails, the more are all laws divine and human disregarded. The inheritance from this fact is plain, that no principle can give such an efficacious influence to the laws of a nation, as true godliness. There is a close connection between fidelity to God, and fidelity to man; he who possesses the former will not neglect the latter. Consequently the diffusion of true religion through a nation, would in this respect, be attended with a most happy influence.

But it is worthy of further remark, that godliness not only contributes to the maintenance and support of law, by its influence on the hearts and lives of its true friends; but the doctrine of revealed religion, have a happy political effect on all who believe them, even with a speculative faith. The corruptions of mankind, it is believed, are far more restrained, from an apprehension and dread of future punishment, than from all the penalties, which sanction the several codes of human laws. Revealed religion denounces future wrath, not only against persons guilty of impiety toward God; but against murderers, thieves, adulterers, perjured persons, and all who commit crimes against society. So far as divine revelation is believed—so far as it gains even an historical assent from mankind, the idea of this future punishment, must operate as a forcible check to human corruptions. These penalties, admitting the authenticity of the scriptures, are known by the impenitent to be unavoidable, and therefore affect the mind as realities. No concealment, no fraud, no flight, can protect the offender from the vengeance of the judge. If the sinner dies in impenitency, he must unavoidably suffer the dreadful consequences. But men can easily escape the penalties of human laws. Under the best executed government, the probability is that they are actually avoided in more instances, than suffered by transgressors. The means of escaping civil punishments are very numerous, and perfectly known to the most vicious part of every nation. So that human laws are always transgressed with a hope of impunity. If then all dread of future punishment were totally annihilated, the strongest support of civil law, would be removed, and very little be left to restrain the corruptions of the vicious. And the consequence might be an absolute impossibility of supporting civil government.

From the foregoing observations we may at least conclude, that godliness is not only highly advantageous, but that, a belief of its doctrines, and especially those which respect the divine character and future rewards and punishments, are essential to the well being, if not to the existence of civil society. And it is a well known fact that all antiquity were in favor of a similar sentiment. Not a single legislator has ever attempted to enforce obedience to his laws, solely on the foundation of civil sanctions. They universally perceived the insufficiency of these motives, unassisted by those derived from religion. And as they were strangers to divine revelation, they formed a substitute, and adapted it, as well as they could, to the circumstances, the genius, and the prejudices of their people. Lycurgus, Solon, Numa Pompilius, Capac, and every legislator, at all famed for the wisdom of his institutions, found it necessary to have recourse to religion; and, in fact, derived from that source, the principle motives to enforce obedience. This shows, that in the judgment of these eminent men, the belief of a supreme Being, and the practice of some religion, are of great importance to the support of civil government; and that it is in vain to expect that a system of laws can be maintained for any considerable period, independent of all assistance of this kind. An opinion, as is confidently supposed, founded in a very accurate, and extensive knowledge of human nature, and which, we cannot but presume, will be ever found true, as long as sinful passions and affections possess such an influence on mankind.

If then some religion has ever been found necessary to the existence of civil government; if where the true religion has been unknown, the ablest legislators have thought it necessary to invent a substitute; if even an historical belief of the doctrines of revealed religion, have so direct a tendency to support civil institutions; certainly the reality itself, the general spread of true piety among all ranks in a commonwealth, must be attended with the most salutary effects. Its influence on the order, the regularity, the peace, and the harmony of a community, cannot fail of augmenting its felicity.

We see then, that beside the spiritual and eternal advantages of true godliness, which the design of this discourse will not admit of our considering, there are important benefits to be derived from it in the administration of civil government; and if generally and faithfully practiced, it would most essentially contribute toward obtaining for, and securing to a community all the valuable ends of such an institution.

In the preceding observations be just, then to maintain, that godliness is of no importance in a civil point of view—that gentlemen may be every way as well qualified, to act in any official character, in the government of a nation without, as with religion—that it is a matter of no consequence to the political happiness of a people, what religious system, or whether any at all prevails among them,–to support these, and similar sentiments, not only tends to the encouragement of immorality, but to the propagation of political heresy. And in proportion to their prevalence, must be productive of the most dangerous consequences. Without religion, a sense of moral obligation can never be preserved. And once destroy a sense of moral obligation, and you strike a deadly blow at the root of all mutual confidence between the different members of the community, and invite the spread of those vices, which are most hostile to the political as well as eternal interest of mankind.

I feel a peculiar happiness on this occasion, in being able to confirm these sentiments, by the authority of that most excellent man, that best of patriots, whose distinguished talents and eminent abilities, faithfully consecrated to his country’s service, have not only in an unexampled manner endeared him to his fellow-citizens, but rendered him the object of the veneration of the world. From that valuable legacy of political experience and sentiment, which he bequeathed to his country, in his address accompanying his resignation, I gladly introduce the following passages.

“Of all the dispositions and habits, says he, which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of a peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

”It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifferency on attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?”

I cannot conclude this extract, without observing that the sentiments it contains, in the view of every wise and good man, must add a luster to a character, already enrolled on the records of deathless fame, and the subject of a more universal admiration, and more extensive esteem, that any which the world hath hitherto produced. May America preserve in everlasting remembrance his political counsels—may they continue, through all succeeding generations, the fundamental maxims of their government—may his successors be all animated by the same spirit of wisdom, patriotism, firmness, and uncorruptible integrity—may he in the shades of retirement be constantly blessed with the special tokens of the divine favor—may self-approving reflections on the part he has acted, and the spiritual joys of communion with God and Christ repay the ceaseless toils and anxieties of his public life—and when heaven shall call him from his earthly abode, may he be admitted to a distinguished seat in the paradise above.

Permit me to add, that if anything can console us under the painful idea that Washington, no longer directs the helm of our government, it is the pleasing reflection that we have for his successor, a gentleman, not only of the first character for literary and political merit, wisdom, firmness and independency of sentiment, but one, who in the very moment of his inauguration, and in the presence of both houses of our national legislature, and a most crowded assembly of all ranks of spectators, ¹ had the fortitude to avow his attachment to the Christian religion, and his fixed determination to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service.

But we suspend these pleasing reflections, and proceed to remark, that if the observations which have been made be just, the importance of supporting Christianity is undeniable. All the political benefits, which can be rationally expected from any religion ever taught in this world, may certainly be expected from the Christian, and in a much higher degree than from any other, in proportion to the superior excellency of its moral precepts. The candid enemies of our faith confess, that the morality taught in the gospel is the most pure, and the best adapted to the purposes of social happiness, of any moral system ever published to men. If then some religion be necessary to answer the purposes of civil government, Christianity even on political views ought to be preferred to all others, as it possesses far the greatest tendency to promote the important designs already mentioned. If its morals are the purest, its tendency to promote social happiness is the greatest, and therefore good policy requires its support.

It is not however our wish that anything similar to the religious establishments of Europe, should be introduced into our country. We hope never to see our magistrates employed, in prescribing articles of faith; nor in the exercise of the least coercive power to compel men to adopt this, or that creed, or submit to any one mode of worship in preference to another. May liberty of conscience, in this land, be never violated. But if there be important political advantages to be derived from Christianity, which cannot be so effectually secured by any other means, as appears evident from the preceding observations, then is it as much the duty of government to endeavour its preservation, as in any other way to seek the public good. If every individual be left to choose for himself both with respect to doctrines, and modes of worship, laws made for the support of public instruction, and the religious observation of the Sabbath, cannot in any proper sense infringe on liberty of conscience.

If religion then has a just claim to the protection of government, it must be peculiarly important to official characters. The more exalted gentlemen are in office, the more public and extensive their sphere of action, the more necessary is it, that their whole conduct should exhibit undeniable evidence of their attachment to religion. The great body of the people look up to them, not only for examples in every virtue, but for that legislative encouragement to the cause of religion, on which its general prosperity under God must in a great measure depend. If godliness be profitable unto all things, if its political advantages be as great as has been represented, good policy will certainly lead to a preservation of the laws for the support of morality, to a maintenance and if need be, to an enlargement of the statutes for the suppression of vice, and to the appointment of such men to fill the several offices under our government, as are known to be at least men of unblemished morals. A steady adherence to this rule would disappoint the hopes of the wicked, and proportionally encourage those of the virtuous. It would make our legislature a terror indeed to evil doers, and a praise to them who do well. Much depends on the conduct of rulers. To support religion, law and liberty, is theirs. We live in a day when each of these have many foes. When the advocates of infidelity are loudly boasting of the increase of their numbers—When licentiousness is alarmingly prevalent, and when the federal constitution, the great palladium of our liberties, has been violently attacked. That amidst all these internal evils, and the dangers which arise from foreign insults and depredations, our rulers may be directed by unerring wisdom—that they may ever possess that firmness and fidelity, which the arduous duties of their station, and the peculiar difficulties of the day require, is the ardent prayer of all their pious constituents. And supported by so important an encouragement, it is hoped, and expected that they will disregard the unfounded clamours, of the enemies of religion and our country.

But besides the support which Christianity has a right to expect from government, it is of the highest importance, that it receive all encouragement from every class of citizens. In this business all should be united, and extend as far, and as generally as possible the practice of true piety. If there were no futurity, if the race of men had been made only for this world, still the universal practice of godliness would be a most desirable object, and as such must meet the sincere approbation of every friend to his country. And if so, how inconceivably important indeed is it, when we are assured by a well authenticated revelation from heaven, that we are all acting not for time only, or principally, but for the rewards, or the punishments of an eternity. The motives to the choice and practice of godliness are immensely great. Both temporal and eternal benefit, the promise of this life and of that which is to come, are all presented to our view, and placed in a very conspicuous light before our eyes, and nothing but the grossest stupidity can prevent our feeling the force of them.

This subject leads me further to remark, that although the laws of our land have excused clergymen from the burdens of civil functions, and left them at liberty to devote their whole time to the business of their peculiar profession, yet no body of men are more deeply interested in the prosperity of their country, or under greater obligations to constant exertions for that purpose. And happily their duty as Christian ministers, and as members of civil society perfectly coincide. In the former, which is the principal capacity in which they are called to act, they are pointedly commanded by their divine Master, to become ensamples to the whole flock over which the Holy Ghost has made them overseers, and to teach, rebuke and exhort with all long suffering and doctrine. The first object of their labors is to prepare men for the kingdom of heaven. This they are to attempt by explaining to them the nature, and enforcing on them the importance of true godliness, and by persuading them, if possible, to a faithful practice of it in all its branches. If they can effect this great purpose, they will not only benefit the souls of men, and advance the kingdom of the Redeemer in the world, but do a most important service to civil society. If they can become the happy instruments of leading those among whom they labor, to forsake sin, to embrace the gospel, to love God and practice every branch of true piety; they will no doubt obey magistrates, and submit themselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake. The more we promote the interest of religion, the more shall we advance that of civil society. The more spiritual good we do the souls of men, the more effectual aid shall we afford to the rulers of our land. Ministers have every argument set before them, to excite them to diligence and fidelity, drawn from the temporal, and the eternal interest of men. And in addition to all this, they are further animated, by a consideration of that future account which they must give of themselves, before an assembled universe. Though the stupidity of this infidel age, may often excite in them the complaint of the evangelical prophet “that they labor in vain and spend their strength for nought,” yet let them not be weary in well doing, but persevere with redoubled diligence, supported by the glorious hope that their labor will not be in vain in the Lord.

Lastly, the foregoing observations point out to us all, the sure means of promoting national happiness. Public virtue, and political prosperity are intimately connected. Righteousness will exalt, and vice bring ruin on a people. If then we are true patriots, if it is our glory really to be, as well as to be esteemed the friends of our country, we shall devote ourselves to the sincere practice of true godliness; and in our several stations faithfully endeavour its universal promotion. Enmity to religion is inconsistent with true patriotism. They who are either publicly or privately undermining the foundation of piety toward God, are weakening the force of moral obligation, and aiming a fatal blow against the dearest privileges resulting from the social compact. If we would wish to be a happy people, to enjoy in peace and tranquility the blessings of a most excellent constitution, and to transmit those fruits of such vast expense of blood and treasure unimpaired to posterity, it is of the highest importance, that we practice true godliness; as every other expedient, while that is neglected, will be found utterly insufficient.

In one word, the choice and practice of religion is urged on us, by every consideration which ought to affect a rational mind. Our duty to God, our country, and ourselves require it—our interest and happiness for time and eternity demand it of us. May God, of his infinite mercy grant us all, to experience it, in all its power, and in all its comforts and consolations, for the sake of the dear Redeemer. Amen.

Endnotes

¹. See President Adams’s speech at his inauguration.

William Frederick Rowland (d. 1843) graduated from Dartmouth in 1784. He was the pastor of the First Church in Exeter, NH beginning in 1790. This sermon was preached by Rowland in New Hampshire on June 2, 1796.

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED IN PRESENCE OF

HIS EXCELLENCY

JOHN TAYLOR GILMAN, Esquire

GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,

CONVENED AT EXETER ON THE DAY OF THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

JUNE 2, 1796.

BY WILLIAM F. ROWLAND, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN EXETER.

In the House of Representatives,
June 3d, 1796.

VOTED, That Mr. Moody, Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Upham, be a committee, on the part of the House, to join such of the Hon. Senate as they may appoint, to wait on the Reverend Mr. Rowland, and return him the thanks of the Legislature for his ingenious Discourse, delivered yesterday before the General Court, and desire of him a Copy for the Press.

Sent up for concurrence;
RUSSELL FREEMAN, Speaker.
In SENATE, June 3d, 1796, Read and concurred. Mr. Flanders appointed.
Nath’l Parker, dep. Sec’ry.
True Copy, Attest, Nath’l Parker, D’y. S’y.

2 SAMUEL, xxiii. 3.

HE THAT RULETH OVER MEN MUST BE JUST, RULING IN THE FEAR OF GOD.

A CHARACTER formed upon the principles of religion is the most honorable and useful. It comprises all the virtues that recommend man to the peculiar notice of his Maker, render him an ornament to society, make him happy in a state of social connection in the present world, and glorious in immortality.

Such a character was David, The anointed of the God of Jacob: and he insists upon the indispensable necessity of it in those who rule over men. Nor does he offer merely his own private opinion respecting this important subject, for the Spirit of the Lord was with him—The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

The royal Prophet here points out, in a very brief and comprehensive manner, the duty, and the necessary qualifications of a civil ruler. These words ought to be engraven in the heart of every ruler, and in the heart of every person in the choice of rulers; for while they direct the latter to whom they ought to give their suffrages, they point out to the former the character which they should possess.

It is both pertinent and laudable, and must be considered so, by all good men, to enter on the public business of legislation, by the presentment of the rulers and officers of Government before the Lord in his sacred courts, to hear the words of his law, and to supplicate his presence and aid. We are happy that our civil Fathers have consecrated the present time to these solemn duties of religion. The occasion on which we are assembled, and the theme which I have chosen, will naturally lead me to make some remarks on government; delineate the character of a good ruler; exhibit the necessity of religion in civil administrations, and its happy effects in society.

Mutual advantage, at first induced men to form into social compact, and produced towns, states and empires. To exist in this social capacity, and secure life, property and happiness, it was found necessary that they should have some form of civil government. It is the will of God, that government should exist among men. What particular form is nowhere designated, but every nation has a right to choose for itself, and adapt it to the views, feelings and circumstances of the people. One form may be best for one nation, and a different, for another. That form is best, which most effectually secures their rights and rational liberties.

To the due administration of justice it is necessary that some should be clothed with authority; without this, they will not be able to regulate the affairs of state, and secure the good and peaceable, from the wanton abuse of the wicked and licentious. Their power, it is true, they derive from the people, but when they have invested them with authority they should pay due submission to, and place confidence in them.

A race of rational beings, not connected by the parental or filial tie, not depraved, but perfectly innocent, it is probable would fall into some kind of polity or civil connection. By forming into society the collected gifts and graces of all would become the property and emolument of all; but without social connection, they would be the property and profit only of the person possessing them, and could not benefit the whole. Society cannot be formed, or subsist, without certain regulations, or constitutional establishments. Such a race of beings, as we before mentioned, could find no difficulty in forming into union, and constituting the social tie. If their powers and capacities were different, reason would plainly lead the superior to the head, and the inferior to their respective places of subordination in the body. Or, if in regard to powers and capacities, all were on a par, then all would equally govern, and be equally subject. The good Angels are represented as having a kind of connection and order among them. The sacred books speak of Principalities and Powers, Thrones and Dominions; and the superiority signified by this necessarily supposes connection and subordination. But be it as it may among good and holy beings, yet obviously among beings so deeply depraved and selfish as man, government is indispensably necessary. Without government, it would be impossible to live in such a world as ours. A state of anarchy, without law and government, would be a state of complete wretchedness.—Such are the fierce and savage lusts of men, that property and life would constantly hang on uncertainty. The Israelitish nation found themselves in a most calamitous state, when there was no Government authoritatively established among them, and everyone did without control what was right in his own eyes. The God of nature has pointed out the propriety of civil government, in the constitution of families, and given a specimen of it in parental authority and filial subjection; this only excepted, that all men are born free and stand on a par; so that all rightful governing must derive from the governed and have its foundation in common consent and agreement. Necessity early led men to form themselves into social bodies, and confirm the social tie by certain laws and regulations mutually agreed on and committed to some one or more of the body.

In order to government, rulers are necessary; and to a happy administration it is requisite that they answer the character in the text: Some delineation of which was the next thing we proposed.

He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. He must be just in all his dealings, in the exercise of the powers with which he is invested, administering justice without partiality. The word of God teaches the necessary qualifications of a good ruler. To this he will look for instruction in his duty. Here he will find a model, on which his character should be formed; and rules relating to his whole conduct. It teaches him to reverence God as the Supreme Ruler of nations, his dependence on Him for light and direction, and his accountableness to Him for all his actions: and this will have a happy influence on his conduct and excite him to fidelity. It unfolds a glorious immortality, through Jesus Christ, to those who are faithful to God in the trust committed to them, and improve their talents aright: by which glorious hope the pious ruler is animated in his laborious undertaking.

It humbles the pride of the human heart, teaches that salvation is only through the grace that is in Jesus, and lays prostrate the hope of man from any distinguished merit in himself; which must tend to inspire the Christian ruler with an amiable humility, while raised to a seat of honor; prevent his exalting himself above his Brethren, and lording it over God’s heritage. It teaches the motives, by which they are to be influenced in all their deliberations and decrees. Influenced by such a religion, the Ruler will consult the good of the community, and will always live in the affections of a grateful people. He will have a humble dependence on God for wisdom to conduct him. He will see his need of divine assistance, and be modest and unassuming. He will not crowd himself into public notice by artifice, but wait until he is called by the voluntary suffrages of the people. Those, who are best qualified to rule, will be least solicitous to obtain an office. A sense of the importance of a public trust, and of having the weight of public affairs devolve on them, forbids their aspiring to rule. Persuaded that the most refined enjoyments are to be found in the walks of domestic retirement, they will quit them for an elevated station, only when called by the united voice of their brethren, and constrained by a sense of duty. There is no greater evidence of a person’s unfitness for public trust than his seeking it by promoting faction. True merit does not seek public notice, and it reluctantly enters the field of action. The good ruler will therefore engage in public life, not to gratify his own ambition, consult his own ease, or obtain the applause of men; but from a sense of duty.

When clothed with authority, he will be concerned that his administrations be consistent with the will of God, and promotive of the public good. He governs for the whole, and consults the advantage of society. No personal or partial considerations will influence him to turn aside from duty. Awed by the fear of God, and a sense of his accountableness, he pursues a steady course, nor is influenced by the adulations of friends or the clamours of pretended patriots. He will always make it his endeavour to enact wise and salutary laws, which are essential to preserve the peace and order of society. Much wisdom and integrity re necessary to direct the ruler in framing such laws, and to preserve him from the baleful influence of selfish and party motives. While the unjust aims to establish such laws as will best promote his own selfish ends, the just will consult the good of his constituents. The ruler of this character will look, not merely to the emolument of individuals, but he will seek the best good of the whole circle: like the parent of a numerous offspring, he has a tender regard for very member, feels interested in their united prosperity, and will not sacrifice the peace of the family, to gratify the capricious humours of a few.

A ruler of this description will not only enact laws which are founded on the principles of justice; but will take care that they be faithfully executed. The wisest and best code of laws will be of advantage to a community, only so far as they are accompanied with a faithful execution. He will not only obey the laws himself, and recommend such obedience to others, by his own example; but will use the power, with which he is vested, to enforce obedience from the unruly. He will be a terror to those who do evil, and while he punishes the guilty, he will praise and encourage those who do well. Firm in the cause of truth and righteousness, not over-awed by popular clamour, he will steadily pursue the dictates of conscience, knowing he has a Master in Heaven, to whom he must give an account. He will not sacrifice truth and justice, though it issue in popular odium, and dismission from public service. He will not pusillanimously shrink from duty, because it is attended with difficulty and opposition; but courageously stem the torrent, until, over-borne by its impetuosity, he is compelled to recede from danger. Influenced in all his proceedings, by the fear of God, he will be more powerfully prompted to a course of rectitude, than by all the adulations or censures of men.

How contemptible must be that ruler, who has no opinion of his own, but is blown about by every gale of temptation, and complies with the caprices of evil and designing men! Firmness and stability are very essential qualities in a good ruler. But, let his talents and abilities be ever so great, and his political acquirements ever so conspicuous, he will be but poorly qualified for a station of eminence, who has no reverence for God, and regard for his religion. His honesty and integrity must be doubted. It is to be feared he would neglect the interest of those, whose prosperity he should seek, and sport with the liberties of the people.

Men devoid of every principle of religion, unawed by the fear of God, and unrestrained by his commands, cannot reasonably expect to be entrusted with the lives and liberties of the people; nor that they will countenance their vices. They cannot put confidence in them; for there is, there indeed can be no reason to think, that they will regard men, who have no fear of God before their eyes. It is therefore necessary that the fear of God be fixed in the heart of him, who rules over men, and that he be influenced by it in all his conduct.

Rulers should not only be concerned that their administrations be good, but must themselves obey those laws, which they enjoin on others. If the makers of the law be the first to break them, they have every reason to expect that many will follow their example.

Rulers are set for an example to the people.—They are to reprove those who violate the laws, and encourage those who keep them, by exhibition a pattern for their imitation, not only in civil, but divine precepts; and, in this way, be nursing Fathers to the Church. The example of those, who are elevated to office, will always, in a greater or less degree, influence society. The people look to them, and form their manners, their dress and behavior; also their sentiments and practice, in a political and a religious view. The body of the people, generally, receive their moral and political complexion from those, who are in eminent stations. The rulers of Israel formed the manners of the nation. When they were wicked and corrupt, general wickedness and idolatry prevailed. Thus, in the time of our Saviour, when the prejudices of the people run high, they enquired, whether, Any of the Rulers of the people believed on him; intimating, that the conduct of their rulers, would influence their minds to receive, or reject the Messiah.

So it has been, in some sense, with other nations, and so it is with our own. It is natural to look to those of superior wisdom and eminence, for example. And though some, from perverseness of nature, being lost to all sense of honor and shame, may totally disregard their good example, and others, awed by the fear of God, may altogether avoid their corruptions; yet the general body of the people are more or less influenced by them to good or evil.

It is of high importance, therefore, that rulers be men of virtue; and that they reverence religion and its institutions. It is in their power to do much good, or evil: the present prosperity, and the everlasting welfare of multitudes may much depend on their conduct.

I proceed to the last thing proposed; which was to exhibit the necessity of religion in civil administrations, and its happy effects in society.

Religion is necessary to the happiness of society; and without it, civil government cannot subsist.—Man is endowed by his great author with social faculties; but so great is his depravity, that selfishness predominates in his heart, and he has lusts and passions, which, if under no control, would fill the world with vice, and its attendant misery. The faculties, by which he is raised in the scale of being, make him more subtle in planning, and assist him in effecting his wicked and destructive purposes. If the mind be impressed with no idea of a God, every object of pursuit may be contemplated with a supreme regard; and the selfish would gain a complete ascendency over the benevolent affections.

The aids of religious principles, in union with the powers and faculties natural to man, are insufficient to restrain his irregular and mischievous passions; and the latter without the former must be much more so.

The light of nature indeed teaches the existence of a God, and an all-wise and glorious providence, when her dictates are suitably attended to; and when they are not, and men boast themselves as men of reason, and through sophistry and ridicule attempt to subvert religion in the hearts of men, the “Age of reason” becomes an age of more than Egyptian darkness.

To guard men against the lusts and furious passions of each other, civil establishments, always known to be insufficient, have been connected with, or have had recourse to the aids of religion.

What could be the origin of society without this connecting bond? And in societies formed, nothing can so powerfully induce the ruler to a wise administration of government, and a faithful discharge of all the duties of his office, or so ensure the obedience of subjects.

A ruler cannot be supposed to lose the feelings of the man by an elevation to office; he has the same passions to govern, and lusts to conquer; and the government and victory of these, is rendered more difficult, by the temptations which are increased, and the opportunities for gratifying them, which are multiplied, by the situation in which he is placed. There are many, perhaps, whose conduct is inoffensive in the stations of private life, who, if they swayed a scepter, would become Neroes. But, how much soever warmed with true patriotism the hearts of civil rulers may be, they cannot calculate upon the interest of their subjects, in the righteous administration of their legal power. With respect to secret crimes, and crimes where numbers and power are enlisted on the side of the transgressors, coercion will be weak, and government of no avail. Set aside the influence of religious principle, and the members of the community could have no ground for rational trust and confidence in each other. No oath could be administered in such a society; they would live each moment in a state of alarm; government would lost all its energy; society would be full of disorder, confusion and every evil work; the voice of joy would not be heard; the name of happiness would not be known; and being itself would be a curse.

If the being and attributes of the Most High, an all-wise, powerful and holy providence, and the retributions of eternity are acknowledged, the state of things is surprisingly altered for the better. Rulers may exercise the powers with which they are invested, and the people, whom they govern, will obey their laws, and feel that their guardian care is a source of mutual happiness to the society of which they are members.

Those who are cordially disposed to lead quiet and holy lives, cannot fail to realize, that they, their interest and happiness, are rendered as safe, as this state, and the existing circumstances with which they are surrounded, can possibly make them. And, on the other hand, men of bad hearts and evil dispositions will not be able to run into those excesses, to which their unbridled lusts would lead them, without counteracting the dictates of conscience; bursting asunder the strongest bands of society, and hazarding, or giving up life, property, and all that is worth living for.

The sacred books teach us the being and attributes of God. They exhibit his Majesty, his Holiness, his Justice, his Goodness, his Mercy, and his Truth: His Omnipresence, his Spirituality, his Omniscience, his Supreme and unlimited Dominion; his readiness to pardon, and his determination to reward the righteous, and punish the wicked and impenitent.

They also bring us acquainted with our nature, state and circumstances; with our misery and the mode of our cure; they point out our duty in every situation, in every relation, and in all the circumstances of human life; they encourage our rational hopes, and animate us by the most sublime motives.

All other things, which are deemed necessary to our peace, in the connected and social state, will not avail without this. No natural principles, nor the best forms of government, will be sufficient without the conducting guidance, and powerful energy of religion. This clearly shews, that the civil ruler is to be considered as God’s minister, and, that the subject ought to yield obedience to good and salutary laws, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.

The beauty of the Christian system is exhibited, and its advantages to connected minds, in many and various respects. It purifies the heart and amends the life. It refines, ennobles and exalts the affections. When the civil order is broken in upon by the licentious and disorderly part of society, when men of weak heads and dishonest hearts officiously attempt to guide the affairs of State, and to arraign, at their bar, the well tried and chosen patriots of the commonwealth, our religion commands them to study the things which make for peace, to submit to good government as the ordinance of God, and to obey magistrates as his ministers to them for good. It enjoins patriotism as a common duty; and whatsoever we would that others should do unto us that we do the same to them—and extend a generous benevolence to the whole race of man.

The malevolent passions and corrupt feelings of depraved nature, if unrestrained, would predominate over the better principles, the social and humane dispositions of man; and involve society, in calamities, too many to enumerate, and too horrible to think upon.

The religion of Jesus rectifies the foil of the heart; eradicates those evil dispositions which have been cultured there; plucks up every plant which his good hand hath not planted; restrains the passions, by bringing them under its happy dominion; and fills society with tranquility and order.

It cultivates in the minds of men, the purest and the sublimest principles of virtue. It reclaims them from all those paths of iniquity, in which, through the solicitations of the wicked, and the allurements of false honor and worldly pleasure, they may have wandered; and makes them good men, and useful members of the community. It secures and promotes the interests of government and the prosperity of its subjects. It directs rulers and people to the duties, which are peculiar to their respective places; and by setting before them the most glorious motives, sweetly constrains and allures to the discharge of them. It promotes peace; it breathes benevolence; it cherishes the kind and social affections, and rectifies the morals of mankind. It prohibits everything that is injurious to our happiness, or the interests of those who are about us. When all the members of a community are under its influence, and conduct agreeably to its requirements, they form the most beautiful and happy society: the voice of profaneness, fraud and licentiousness will not be heard in the streets; iniquity will stop its mouth and virtue triumph. Society is happy in proportion as religion flourishes. But religion has something nobler in its view and tendency than the civil governments of the world; it looks forward into eternity; yet it is as friendly to the happiness of men, in the present state, as if it embraced no other object. It is a dishonorable idea of religion, and degrading to its author, that some entertain—an idea that religion is a substitute to civil government, and looks no farther than the present state.

We have no reason to think, from anything we can find in the sacred books, that our blessed Lord designed to intermeddle with, or, in any respects, change the civil establishments of mankind. His kingdom, he expressly tells us, is not of this world. He suffered Princes and Potentates to remain where they were; and left men to decide all matters of controversy with respect to them, by the principles of reason and their civil laws or forms of government. He inculcated lessons of obedience to them; and wrought a miracle to pay tribute, when he knew that he should have been excused.

The religion of Jesus is replete with the wisest maxims of civil polity, and inculcates them by the most inviting rewards, and the most dreadful punishments. To secure the favor of the Most High is to render to society the most essential advantage. They who rule for God, who protect his Church, who are animated by his religion, and exemplify in their public administrations, and in the private walks of domestic retirement, all the virtues of the Christian, and they only, can govern with safety to themselves, and advantage to their constituents. They will mutually share with the people the blessings which they diffuse. Under their wise councils and determinations religion will flourish. This will make them honorable and respectable to themselves: It will encircle them with a glory, which the breath of mortals will not be able to take away; and raise them to seats of immortal honor.

Civil rulers are the guardians of the people; they will not separate the public weal from their own private happiness, nor feel satisfied with their labors, unless they are directed to the advantage of the community. They will derive the highest pleasure in the administrations, which secure to those under their charge their rights and liberties, civil and sacred.

Rulers, who use their influence to set aside the maxims of gospel morality and piety, forego the important and numerous advantages, which might accrue to themselves from the happy disposition of subjects, governed by the purest motives, and trained to the most virtuous conduct. If society were formed upon the laws of religion, its members would faithfully render to all their dues; cheerfully obey their governors in the proper and rightful exercise of their authority; and in this way strenuously and constantly endeavour to promote the happiness of each other, and of the body politic. But if rulers are so impolitic and wicked, as, by their example or influence, to banish religion, they may reasonably expect that the people to whom they give laws will treat them with no more respect than they treat the Sovereign Ruler; and that they will endeavour, as far as they are able, to disregard their authority, and evade or violate their commands.

The social interest is a vain and wild fancy without religion. Let religion, and the virtues which it inculcates be banished, and the bases of public order and private tranquility are at once subverted; the human character loses its dignity; and has nothing to recommend it above the herd of the forest.

Nothing can lessen the beauty, obscure the brightness, or tarnish the glory of that morality, which the gospel inculcates. To conform to this, he who is called to the arduous duty of ruling OVER MEN MUST BE JUST, RULING IN THE FEAR OF GOD. Parents must be wisely tender and indulgent towards their children, and children must be obedient to their parents. Masters must be gentle, and servants diligent. Ministers must be watchful, and the people to whom they minister must take heed how they receive and hear, and hold fast and repent. It teaches all, in whatsoever state we are, to be content, to be grateful for every enjoyment, and submissive under all the sorrows of human life; to give our hearts to him who hath made, sustained, and redeemed us; and keep ourselves unspotted from the world.

If the laws of religion be viewed in their spirituality, extent, and tendency, reason and equity will be found their basis. And, if he, who is raised to the seat of power, pays no regard to this morality, he has acquired only a fancied elevation, a sorry pre-eminence above his brethren. But he, who is sincere and diligent in his endeavours faithfully to discharge the duties of his station, hath an honor, which enmity and malevolence, with all their poison, will not be able to blacken.

In the social and public, as well as in private life, there is an inseparable connection between holiness and happiness; between sin and misery. From the attributes of the Most High and merciful Ruler, the common dealings of his Providence, and the declarations of his holy word, we may conclude, that he will bless, defend and increase a virtuous nation, and will leave those, who are wicked to suffer the fatal consequences of their own wickedness. The history of the world is full of examples, that in proportion as public virtue, and an attention to the duties of religion have increased or diminished; so the wealth, credit and powers of all states and empires have flourished or decayed. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. Rulers, therefore, who are the ministers of God, are in duty bound to lend their aid to promote religion.

If such as we have described be the character of the good Ruler, and such the happy consequences of his administrations; it is highly important that none but men of this description be invested with authority.

The duty, the interest and happiness of a free people require, that they examine the characters of those, who are proposed as candidates for places of public trust. It is important that they revere the laws of religion; that its sublime principles influence their hearts, and its pure morals be exhibited in their lives. The wicked and profligate, who ridicule or disbelieve the religion of the Bible, who speak disrespectfully of its sacred truths, cannot safely be entrusted with the liberties of the people: they may greatly oppress them, wantonly sport with the lives of their subjects, unjustly wrest from them the property, which they have earned by their honest and industrious labors, and riot upon the spoils of their happiness.

Our subject teaches not only the importance of good rulers, but the duty and necessity of treating them with respect and submission. They steadily pursue the peace and prosperity of their country; encourage a regard for the precepts of religion, which have the best influence on its happiness, and enforce them by a corresponding example. Such rulers are entitled to respect from the people.

All unauthorized societies, formed to prevent the execution of the laws and subvert government, are not only injurious to the interests of the community, but contrary to the laws of religion.

There ever have been unprincipled men, who were impatient under the restraints of government, who have fought their own private emolument at the expence of the happiness of their country. When such men have the address to procure an election to office, they never fail to excite a factious and turbulent spirit. When the wicked bear rule the people mourn. The suspicions and jealousies of restless and uneasy spirits always endanger the peace and welfare of a people. Rulers should be allowed to exercise their own judgments, in the regulation of all affairs, which come under their cognizance. People are not to be unreasonable in their expectations from them. They cannot in all matters please all. They must consult the good of the whole, not their own private interests, or the interests of a few.

The happiness of a people, under whatever form of government, depends on a wise administration.—Under a government in many respects defective, if it be well administered, they may be happy. And the best and most perfect system, with weak or wicked rulers, cannot fail to make them miserable: but a good government and administration will ensure the most important and lasting benefits.

Those, who rule in the fear of God, will make it their study, to promote the happiness of the people, and approve themselves to God their Judge. They act under the notice of his all-seeing eye, remembering that to Him they must render a strict and impartial account of all their conduct. Happy is the people, who have such rulers, yea; Happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

I am happy in addressing those who, I trust, feel the importance of the observations which have been made. I feel a pleasing confidence while, I hope, I am representing those truths which are agreeable to this honorable body, and that they will strive to have them generally practiced.

Our civil Fathers, assembled this day before the Lord, have deserved much of their country, for their decided and firm conduct in the support of order.

His Excellency the Governor, the Honorable the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives have proved themselves lovers of their country, its peace and prosperity: and, we doubt not, will continue their laudable exertions, and, with unremitting diligence and fidelity, pursue the public good.

Religion and learning are necessary to promote and ensure our best interests. They will, therefore, we trust, do all they can to encourage religion, and be an example to the people, by attending on its institutions, and exhibiting its virtues.

Literature and religion ever go hand in hand, and are the best friends to order, liberty and republican government. The civil Fathers of this State will, therefore, consider it as their duty, to reach out the fostering hand, and be nursing fathers to our important and flourishing University, and to our Academies and Schools of learning; that the rising generation may be trained in the moral and divine precepts of our religion, to be pillars and blessings in the Church, and fill the various seats of government, when this honorable legislature shall sleep in the dust.

My Fathers and Brethren in the Ministry can do much to strengthen the hands of the civil rulers, by teaching and enforcing the holy religion of Jesus, which inculcates peace, order, and a due submission to the constituted authorities of government. Our profession excludes us from an active part in the civil and political concerns of state. Nor do we wish to intermeddle with them, any farther than the interests of religion require. But the religion we preach teaches men to Render to all their dues; tribute, to whom tribute; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; and honor, to whom honor.

We are united with the Rulers of this State in conducting this people, as Aaron was with Moses, the Jewish lawgiver, in leading the tribes of Israel as a flock. Called to the arduous and important duty of publishing and enforcing a religion of the sublimest morality, and most glorious tendency; a religion on which our personal, social, and political happiness so essentially depends; let us look to the seat of mercy, and, with fervent importunity, supplicate a double portion of God’s Holy Spirit to animate us to a suitable zeal for his divine honor; to enable us to follow the example of the chief Shepherd; to affect our hearts with the religion of which we are the messengers to others, that we may suitably announce the declarations of his sacred word; to bless our ministrations with a glorious success, that when we have preached to others we may not be cast away; but, having turned many to righteousness, shine as stars forever in the kingdom of our Redeemer.

We are happy, my fellow-citizens, that we have a constitution of our own choice, excellently calculated to secure to us our invaluable liberties. Under its operation we have enjoyed much civil happiness and prosperity. Our rulers are from ourselves, and accountable for all their public measures. Let the best men for capacity, approved virtue, and attachment to the liberties of their country be appointed to rule: Let us keep a reasonable eye on the public measures: But let a spirit of jealousy, discontent and murmuring against government be banished from among us, as unchristian and unmanly, dangerous to our peace, and provoking to Heaven.

While many of the European nations are involved in all the desolating calamities of war; their substance wasted, or wrested from them by the hand of violence; their houses plundered, and their fields drenched in human blood; the peaceful olive spreads its branches over our favored land, and we sit quietly under our own vines.

We have lately seen the clouds gathering over our heads, threatening to subvert our excellent constitution, and deluge our infant and highly favored Republic. And we dreaded the violence of the impending storm. But these clouds are dissipated; our atmosphere has, at length, almost regained its serenity; and we have reason to rejoice, that the abilities of those, who raised it, were not able to effect their designs.

What language is sufficient to express the regret, which the wise and good have felt at the virulent abuse, which has been poured forth from ambitious, but disappointed demagogues, against our beloved Washington, the Christian hero and statesman! A grateful people will remember his deeds of valour, his wise and prudent counsels; rehearse them to their children, who will early learn to lisp his praises; and impartial history will hand them down to posterity; while those, who have attempted to wound his reputation, will be remembered to their reproach, or buried in everlasting oblivion. Long will Washington live in our hearts. Long may he continue to bless his country; and may God think upon him for good, according to all that he hath done for this people.

Finally: Let us all remember that this transitory world is subject to constant vicissitude, and was never designed for our continuing abode. There is another and better country, where the blessed Jesus determines to bring his chosen and peculiar friends. There order and peace forever reign, in the city of our God.

Let us all aspire after this heavenly inheritance, by a conformity of temper and conduct to the great pattern of holiness. Magistrates, Judges, and people, fear the Lord, and serve him with fidelity, remembering that you will ere long meet with the assembled universe before the judgment seat of Christ, to give an account how you have ruled, and obeyed.

In that solemn day, may we all hear from the Supreme Ruler and Judge of the Universe, WELL DONE, GOOD AND FAITHFUL SERVANTS; ENTER INTO THE JOY OF YOUR LORD.

A M E N.