The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Election – 1794, Connecticut


Jonathan Edwards (1745-1801) was a son of the First Great Awakening preacher, the senior Jonathan Edwards. When the Revolutionary War began and after the death of his father, Edwards and his family relocated to Princeton, NJ. He graduated from the College of New Jersey (1765), and was a tutor at Princeton (1767-1769). Edwards was pastor of the society at White Haven, CT (1769-1795), and a Church at Colebrook, CT (1796-1799). This sermon was preached by Edwards in Connecticut on May 8, 1794.


sermon-election-1794-connecticut

The Necessity of the Belief of Christianity by the Citizens of the State, or order to our political Prosperity;

ILLUSTRATED IN A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. L.L.D.

GOVERNOR,

AND THE HONORABLE THE

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

OF THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

Convened at Hartford on the Day of the

Anniversary Election.

May 8th, 1794.

By JONATHAN EDWARDS, D. D.
Pastor of a Church in New-Haven.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1794.

ORDERED, that the Hon. Jonathan Ingersol, and David Daggett, Esqrs. Return the Thanks of this Assembly, to the Rev. Doct. Edwards, for his Sermon delivered on the Anniversary Election, and desire a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examin’d,

By GEORGE WYLLS, Sec’ry.

 

ELECTION SERMON.
 

Psalm CXLIV. 15

Yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

 

IN this passage of sacred scripture, that people is pronounced happy, whose God is the Lord. But what is the meaning of the expression, “whose God is the Lord?” or when may it be truly said, that the God of any people is the Lord? The answer is, when they believe, worship and obey the Lord or Jehovah, as the only true God, and that according to his revealed will. The Lord was the God of the Israelites, when they complied with the dispensation, under which they lived; and he is our God, when we cordially believe and comply with the gospel. If we do so, the text pronounces us happy; and it plainly implies, that we cannot be happy on any condition short of this.

Therefore the subject, which I beg leave to propose from our text for present consideration, is this, The necessity of a belief of Christianity by the citizens of this state, in order to our public and political prosperity. This proposition is plainly implied in the text. For if that people only be happy or prosperous, whose God is the Lord; and if to believe and comply with Christianity be implied in having the Lord for our God; it follows, that the belief of Christianity by the citizens of this state, is necessary to our political prosperity.

Political prosperity requires the general practice of a strict morality. But this cannot be so well secured by any other means, as by a belief of Christianity. Motives of a religious kind appear to be necessary to restrain men from vice and immorality. Civil pains and penalties alone are by no means sufficient to this end; nor are civil honours and rewards sufficient encouragements to the practice of virtue in general. The civil magistrate does not pretend to reward virtue in general according to its moral excellency. He does indeed reward some particular acts of virtue, which are highly beneficial to the public. But the many virtues of private life pass without any other reward from him, than the bare protection, which is afforded in common to the persons who practice those virtues, and to all who are free from gross crimes.

Nor does the magistrate pretend to punish vice in general. He does undertake to punish those gross vices, which consist in the violations of the perfect rights of men, and in those cases only, in which the violations are both manifest and are manifestly proved before a proper tribunal. But all violations of even these rights which are perpetrated in private, or which, though perpetrated publicly, are not legally proved, pass entirely free from civil pains and penalties. The same is true of all violations of the imperfect rights, as they are called, which are violated by ingratitude, selfishness, neglect of kind offices, &c. Yet these vices are in their consequences, often as hurtful to the public good, as injustice, fraud or robbery; and indeed the former are the source of the latter. Now to restrain from vices of this latter description, from all vices practiced in private, and from vice in general, nothing is so useful as a full belief of a final judgment, and of a subsequent state of rewards and punishments, in which all sin not renounced by sincere repentance, shall be punished, and every man shall receive according to that which he does in the body, whether it be good or evil.

Let us suppose a citizen restrained from vice by the fear of civil penalties only. Such a person will feel himself under no obligation to pay either public or private debts, unless he expects legal judgment and execution; and under no obligation to speak the truth, unless he fears a prosecution for fraud or defamation. He will feel himself at liberty to live in idleness, profusion, intemperance and lust, and to take every advantage consistent with law, to defraud and oppress his fellow citizens. He will requite no kind offices, as he has no motive to gratitude. He will have no motive to the greater part of this duty to his own children, and in a thousand instances may neglect them, when he is bound by the strictest moral obligation, to assist and do them good. He may indulge himself in passion and ill nature, in contention and violence, so far as not to expose himself to the law; and of course will take no pains to preserve peace among his neighbours; but will rather, as his humour happens to be, foment by words and actions, animosities, law-suits and contentions in every form. Ever complaining under the mildest and justest government, he will in numberless ways oppose measures, and especially expenses, subservient and necessary to the public good; and will excite and spread discontent among others. Now is this a good citizen? What if the whole state consisted of such citizens? Could it enjoy political prosperity?

The best and perhaps the only remedy for such diseases, is a full belief of the divine universal providence, of the accountableness of all men of God for all their conduct, and of a future equal retribution.

Some religion then, and some belief of a future state is necessary to our political prosperity. But what religion shall we adopt? And what system concerning a future state is most useful to the state? It is not possible to introduce and give a general spread through the state, to Mahometanism or Paganism; and it would be a work of time and of great difficulty, to lead the citizens in general into the belief of Deism or what is called the philosophical religion. Therefore we seem necessitated to have recourse to Christianity: and this is most excellently adapted to the ends of restraining men from vice and promoting that general practice of strict morality, which is so essential to the political prosperity of any people. It is adapted to these ends by its precepts; by the moral character of the author of those precepts; by his absolute supremacy and sovereignty; by the motives of reward and punishment with which those precepts are enforced; by the facts which it relates, and by the examples which it exhibits. It is enforced not by the bare authority of our feeble reason, but by the authority of our Creator, our Judge, and our all perfect God. It depends not on the obscure investigations, subtle refinements and uncertain conclusions of human intellect; but on the omniscience, the veracity, the justice, the goodness and the will of God: And thus it is excellently adapted to the principles and feelings which are common to human nature, and which exist in the weakest and most ignorant, as well as the most intelligent and learned. A man who cannot follow the shortest and most easy chain of reasoning on the nature of things and the tendency of human actions, and who will not from such reasoning feel his obligation to virtue in general or to particular virtues, will at once feel the force of the positive and authoritative declarations and requisitions of the Almighty: and where is the man, learned or unlearned, of weak or strong powers, who does not see and feel the difference between the advice and directions of some learned and acute philosopher, and thus saith the Lord? Above all, the motives arising from the doctrines of the final judgment and a future state, lay an inconceivably greater restraint on the depravity of human nature, than anything that is or can be suggested by the philosophical religion.

Let us compare this religion with Christianity in a few particulars, which immediately relate to our present subject.

It is a maxim of infidelity to follow nature. Now to follow her, is to follow all the appetites and passions of which we are naturally the subjects; and this will lead to all kinds of vice. But it is a maxim of Christianity, to follow the divine law, the precepts of the gospel and the example of Christ: and whether these lead to vice or virtue, I need not inform you.

Another maxim of infidelity is, that man was made for his own happiness; that is, that every man was made for his own individual happiness. This then is to be the supreme object of every man; and this object is to be pursued, as infidels themselves teach, by gratifying his natural appetites and passions, which brings us just where we were before, to all vice and wickedness: And if an infidel deny his appetites and passions, he must be governed by other motives than any which his system of morality suggests. But Christianity teaches, that we were created for an end, which so far as we pursue, we cannot fail of sincere piety and strict morality.

Infidels are divided into two classes, those who deny a future state of existence, and those who allow such a state. The former deny all moral government of God, and that we are at all accountable to him; and some of the most noted among them deny any evidence of his moral perfections. Now it is manifest, that according to this system mankind can be under no restraint from vice, by the consideration of a future state of rewards and punishments, or by the consideration of their accountableness to God, or of his commands or prohibitions. Nor does this system admit of any motives derived from these sources, to the practice of virtue. Yet these motives, with respect to mankind in the gross, are the most powerful. The authors and abettors of this system seem to rely on a sense of honour, as the great motive to virtue and restraint from vice. And what is this sense of honour? If it be a sense of shame in doing wrong, and a sense of the honourableness of doing right, it is a mere sense or knowledge of right and wrong; and this so far as it is founded on truth, is undoubtedly a proper rule of conduct, and a man who is disposed to virtue, will practice according to this rule. But how are men in general, without the aid of revelation, to attain, in all cases, to the knowledge of right and wrong, of virtue and vice? It is manifest by abundant experience both antient and modern, that mere human reason is insufficient for this.

If by this sense of honour be meant, as I imagine is generally meant, a sense of our own supposed personal dignity, a pride naturally arising from this sense, and a disposition to resent and revenge everything which is grating to our pride; this in many cases is so far from a motive to virtue and restraint from vice, that it is itself a vice. Let this sense of honour be ever so well limited and explained, it cannot be a motive to virtue and a restraint from vice to all men; because it does not reach and cannot influence all men. How many are there in every nation and country, who have very little sense of their own dignity, and very little elevation of soul in a consciousness of it? How many are there, who in a prospect of gain, would not scruple to betray their friends, to steal their neighbours property or to betray their country?

It is manifest therefore, that this philosophical religion, could it be generally introduced and established among us, would be a very great political evil, as it would weaken and even annihilate those motives to virtue and restraints from vice, which are most powerful on the minds of men in general.

Besides: this system so far as it denies the evidence of the moral perfections of God, not only cuts off the motives to virtue, drawn from a future state and from those divine perfections; but even suggests motives to vice. If it be a matter of uncertainty, whether God be a friend to virtue or a friend to vice, it may be, that we shall please him most by an unrestrained indulgence of vice, and by the practice of virtue shall provoke his malice and vengeance. Nay, if it be a matter of uncertainty, whether the Deity be a benevolent or malicious being, we can have no certainty, but that he will give us an existence in a future state, on purpose to gratify his malevolence in our everlasting torment. And to be consistent, the advocates for the system now under consideration should not say a word against the Christian doctrine of endless punishment, on the ground of its supposed injustice or opposition to grace and mercy; because they acknowledge, that they know not, that God is just, gracious or merciful. Thus this scheme, which was invented to avoid the fears of future punishment, defeats itself; and while it attempts to deliver us from a just punishment, leaves us exposed to any punishment ever so unjust, cruel and malicious.

As to that kind of infidelity, which allows the divine moral perfections and a future state of rewards and punishments; though this is more plausible than the former; yet the motives to virtue and restraints from vice, which it affords, are not to be compared with those of the gospel. Agreeably to the gospel all men are to be rewarded according to their works done in the body, whether they be good or evil. Some are to be beaten with few stripes, some with many stripes, according to their several aggravations of guilt. But in the future punishment which infidels admit, there is nothing vindictive, nothing therefore which is intended to support law and government. The only punishment which they admit, is that which is designed for the good of the person punished; 1 and therefore as soon as the person punished repents, he is released. Now it is manifest on the slightest reflection, that the motive to avoid sin and vice on this plan, is exceedingly diminished from what it is on the plan of the Gospel. On the plan of the gospel the motive is endless misery, proportioned in degree to the demerit of the person punished. On the infidel plan it is a merciful chastisement, which is to continue no longer than till the subject shall repent. And as every sinner will naturally flatter himself, that he shall repent as soon as he shall find his punishment to be intolerable; so all the punishment, which on this plan he will expect, is one that shall continue but for a moment, after it shall have become extreme or intolerable. And whether this momentary extreme punishment be an equal restraint on vice, as the endless misery threatened in the gospel, let every man judge. It is plain, that in a comparative view it is as nothing. Therefore as even this, the most plausible scheme of infidelity, cuts the sinews of morality and opens the flood-gates of vice; the prevalence of it in our state would be a very great political evil.

If we take the pains to compare Christianity with ancient paganism, we shall find, that the former has, even in a political view, the like advantage over the latter, which it has over infidelity.—If in the account, which I shall now give of the pagan religion, some things shall be mentioned, which will be grating to those of the most delicate feelings; I think I shall be entitled to the pardon of my hearers, as otherwise it will be impossible for me to do justice to this important subject.

Paganism, though it taught a future punishment of wicked men of certain descriptions; yet indulged and even encouraged vice in a variety of ways. It taught that there were many gods, some male and some female; some comparatively good, others exceedingly evil; but all and even the chief god, on many occasions acted a most wicked part and indulging the vilest lusts. Some of their female deities were deceased women of most abandoned characters. Jupiter, whom they called the father of gods and men, was himself the son of Saturn who according to some, was king of Crete; according to others, was Ham the son of Noah; according to others, was Adam; but on every hypothesis was a mere man. This man, the ancient heathens believed, had a number of children, and was wont to devour them as soon as they were born: but Jupiter was saved by an artifice of his mother. He, grown to maturity, rebelled against his father, who till then was supposed to be the supreme God, drove him from his throne, and seized his authority and dominions. When Jupiter had by these means raised himself to the place of supreme deity, he was wont to transform himself into various visible shapes, to facilitate his designs of criminal intercourse with women here on earth. Now how destructive of the interests of virtue and morality must necessarily have been these ideas of the gods; and especially these ideas of the character and conduct of the supreme god, Jupiter the greatest and the best!

In like manner destructive to morality must have been almost all their other ideas of their gods; as of their animosities and contentions among themselves; of their intrigues and lusts; and the vicious and most abominable practices by which, in many instances, they were worshipped. The goddess Venue was openly worshipped by whoredom; 2 and the feasts called Saturnalia and Bacchinalia were celebrated by the practice of every lewdness and debauchery. The vices of drunkenness and whoredom in these cases were accounted, instead of moral evils, the highest acts of virtue and piety.

Now as all these ideas and practices tended to a general depravity of morals; so their effects abundantly appeared in the vicious lives of the heathen world.

I am well aware, that it has been said, that Christianity has depraved the morals of mankind; that vice is far more predominant among Christians, than ever it was among the ancient heathens; and that therefore we may justly conclude, that Christianity is less subservient to virtue and a moral life, than paganism. This has been urged as an argument against the divine original and the truth of Christianity; and may be urged as an argument against the divine original and the truth of Christianity; and may be urged as an argument against the good policy of encouraging and supporting it in any state. The consideration of this objection then is pertinent and necessary to the discussion of the subject now before us.

In answer to this objection I beg leave to observe in the first place, that if vice were more predominant in Christian nations, than it was among the heathens, it would not certainly follow, that this increase of vice is the effect of Christianity. Christianity prevails in civilized nations only; and in such nations there is much more opportunity for many vices and much more temptation to them, than among those who are not civilized. Nay, in civilized nations only, is there a possibility of the prevalence of many vices. In proportion as civilization is promoted, the wants of men are increased. Their food, their drink, their apparel and the education of their children, must be more expensive, and more expense is in every respect required to their living in fashion among their neighbours. And in proportion to the increase of their wants, the temptation to covetousness, extortion, oppression, deceit and fraud, is increased. Again, in proportion as civilization is promoted, the means of luxury of every kind are increased, and with the means, the temptations to luxury and luxury itself are increased. No wonder a savage, who wishes for nothing more than what he may take in hunting and fishing, and who has furnished himself with this, does not steal, rob or extort his neighbour’s property; no wonder he attempts not to obtain it by falsehood or fraud. Nor is it any wonder, that living on such a low and scanty diet as he generally does, he is very rarely guilty of a rape, of adultery or other lewdness. Nor ought it to be matter of wonder, that all these vices are far more prevalent in civilized nations, than among barbarians. But the prevalence of these vices in such nations, is not owing to Christianity, but to civilization and its usual attendants. They were at least as prevalent among the ancient Greeks and Romans, as they are among us. Persecution does not usually obtain among heathen, because either they have no religion themselves to instigate them to persecution; or there is no religion different from their own, to be the object of their persecution; or if there be a different religion, it makes no opposition to that which they have chosen, and therefore their religious zeal is not excited against it.

This affords an answer to an objection to Christianity much insisted on by some, that the heathens do not persecute; but that Christians do most virulently persecute even one another; and therefore that Christianity makes men worse instead of better. The answer to this objection is, that the different religious sentiments and forms of worship among the ancient heathens did not in general oppose each other. They rather justified each other, as the heathens maintained an intercommunity of gods and religions. Though every nation had its own gods and religion; yet whenever the individuals went into another nation, they joined in the worship of the gods and in the observance of the rites of the nation in which they then were. Therefore there was no opportunity for persecution. But the nature of Christianity is very different. It condemns and opposes all other religions as false and ruinous. Therefore as it touches the pride of those whom it condemns, it provokes opposition and the persecution of itself, merely because it tells the truth. And the professors of Christianity too, by a misguided zeal, have been often led into the spirit and practice of persecution.

Now this persecution of Christianity by those of other religions, is not the effect of Christianity, but of opposition to it; and the persecuting spirit which has appeared in some Christians, is not the effect of Christianity, but of the abuse and perversion of it; and for neither of these is Christianity itself answerable. The best institution in the world may be opposed and persecuted; and the best institution in the world may be abused and perverted. But Christianity never gave any just occasion for either the persecution or perversion of itself.

Besides, the charge of persecution may justly be retorted. For no sooner did Christianity make its appearance in the world, than it was violently opposed and virulently persecuted, by those very heathens, who in the objection now before us are said not to have been guilty of persecution. And as long as they had the power in their hands, this opposition was continued or repeated, under various Roman Emperors, for ten successive and bloody persecutions, in which thousands and hundreds of thousands were martyred in various ways, the most malicious and cruel.

Nay, the heathens showed a disposition to persecute not only Christians, but one another, whenever there was opportunity. No sooner did Socrates oppose the religion and polytheism of his countrymen, than they began a persecution of him, which ended in his death. And Cambyses, the Persian monarch, in contempt of the Egyptian god Apis, not only stabbed him with his dagger, but ordered the priests of Apis to be severely whipped, and all the inhabitants of Memphis to be slain, who should be found rejoicing on the occasion of the appearance of that god. 3 These things demonstrate, that the ancient heathens did possess an high degree of the spirit of persecution, and not only toward the Christians, but toward one another. The like spirit hath been manifested by heathens of modern times. Passing other instances, I shall mention one which took place in our own country. By the exertions of our ancestors, the first European settlers of this country, a considerable number of the aborigines were converted to the Christian faith. The pagan Indians were displeased with this, banished from their society all the converts, and when they could do it with safety, put them to death, and would have massacred them all, had they not been restrained by the fear of our ancestors. 4

The facts concerning Socrates and Cambyses, furnish an answer to that part of the objection under consideration, which urges that Christians persecute not only heathens, but one another; whereas heathens did not persecute one another. It appears by the facts just mentioned, that heathens have persecuted one another. Besides, the same reason is to be assigned for Christians persecuting one another, as for the heathens persecuting Christians. The Protestants say, that the religion of the papists is fundamentally wrong; on the other hand, the papists assert the same concerning the protestants. Thus by a mutual renunciation, condemnation and excommunication of each other, the false zeal of these and other different sects among Christians is kindled into persecution, on the same grounds on which persecution is begun and carried on, between Christians and heathens. But by reason of the forementioned intercommunity of gods and religions among the ancient heathens, these grounds of persecution did not exist among them in general, though in some cases they did both exist and produce their usual fruits.

Let us now more directly attend to the charge brought against Christianity, that vice is more prevalent among Christians, than it was among the ancient heathens.

Christians indeed have no virtue to be the ground of boasting; on the other hand they have great reason to be ashamed and humbled on account of their vices and their depravity of manners. Still I maintain, that open vice is not so prevalent in Christian nations, as it was among the ancient heathens. Let us compare those ancient heathens, of whom we know the most and who were the most improved and polite, with the Christians of whom we know the most; the ancient Greeks and Romans with the citizens of the United States.

Here it is to be observed, that we labour under great disadvantage. We know our own country and its predominant vices, both public and private. In order to this we need but open our eyes and look around us. We have not the same advantage to know the ancients. We are entirely dependent on history for information concerning them and their vices; and this generally relates the public transactions of nations only, as their wars and treaties, their laws and public judgments; but is mostly silent concerning the morals and private lives of individuals or of the people considered collectively; and so far as we are ignorant of the ancients we have no right to charge them with vice. However, with all this disadvantage, I fear not to proceed to the comparison.

Let us then institute the comparison with respect to the principal moral virtues, as temperance, chastity, truth, justice and humanity.

1. As to temperance; though this was reckoned among the virtues by the pagan moral writers, yet it is plain from their writers in general, that drunkenness was exceedingly common among them, and among all ranks, among magistrates, philosophers and priests, as well as others. Their priests in some of their religious feasts were always intoxicated. Even Cato, though a Stoic philosopher, one of their strictest moralists and a principal magistrate, was remarkably addicted to this vice. So was Zeno, the founder of the sect of the Stoics; and Chrysippus, another Stoic philosopher died in consequence of excessive drinking at a sacrifice. 5 The character of their principal magistrates, priests and philosophers, does not appear to have suffered much, if at all, by this vice. It must therefore have been considered by the people, as a very venial fault, if any at all. Indeed this is evident by all their writers. But how it is esteemed among us, and what would be the effect of it on the reputation of our principal magistrates and divines, I need not inform you.

2. As to chastity, it is manifest from the whole current of pagan writers, that they considered fornication as no crime, and therefore ran into it without reserve. Not only is this observable of Homer’s heroes, but even the modest Virgil’s pious Eneas, who was meant to be a perfect character, had an amour with Dido, without the least shame or sense of indecency. Simple fornication was not only commonly practiced without restraint; but was allowed by all their philosophers, and was positively encouraged by some of them. 6 Many of the customs of the Greeks and Romans promoted lewdness. The manner of the appearance of women in some of their public exercises, was such as directly tended to that vice; and the ideas of the lawfulness and expediency of a community of wives so far prevailed and had such an influence on practice, as not only implied the violation of chastity, but had a most baleful general tendency with respect to that virtue. 7 Though it is hardly credible, yet unnatural vices had too much the sanction of some legislators and philosophers, and were countenanced by many of them. Xenophon informs us, that the sin of Sodom was encouraged by the public laws of several of the states of Greece. It was more especially so among the Cretans, in order to prevent too great an increase of the people. Solon, one of the seven wise men of Greece, and the celebrated law-giver of Athens, forbad this practice to slaves, which necessarily conveys the idea of his thinking it fit for free men only. According to Cicero, the Greek philosophers not only generally practiced, but even gloried in this vice: And Plutarch informs us, that many parents would not suffer their children to keep the company of those philosophers, who pretended to be fond of them. Diogenes was remarkable for indulging himself in the most abominable practices only, and without a sense of shame; affecting, according to the maxim of the Cynics, to live according to nature.8 These unnatural vices were increased in a most astonishing manner, about the time of the promulgation of Christianity. Seneca says, that in his time they were practiced openly and without shame at Rome.” 9These accounts given by heathen writers, fully justify the charges thrown out on this head against the heathens, by the writers of the New Testament, especially by the apostle Paul, in his first chapter to the Romans: Though to Christians the inspired writers need no authority, but do of themselves sufficiently prove the amazing depravity of the heathen world in this respect.

3. Truth is a moral virtue, the obligation and necessity of which are perhaps as evident as those of any virtue whatever. Yet the Stoic philosophers taught that lying was lawful, whenever it was profitable; and Plato allowed, that a man may lie, who knows how to do it at a proper time.

4. Let us inquire how far justice was maintained and practiced among the ancients. I now mean justice in matters of property. For that kind of justice which is opposed to oppression and cruelty, will come into view, when we shall consider the humanity of the ancients. It is well known to have been a maxim at Sparta, that probity and everything else was to be sacrificed to the good of the state. The Spartans encouraged their children to steal, but punished those who were taken in the fact, as not being dexterous in the business. “We may judge of the state of Greece, with respect to the kind of justice of which we are now speaking, from that passage in a dialogue of Xenophon—in which he humourously shows the advantages of poverty and the inconveniencies of riches; and by what Tacitus says, that the temples were full of debtors and criminals, as churches and monasteries used formerly to be in Popish countries. Rome and the neighbourhood of it, in the most interesting period of its history, viz. in the time of Cicero, abounded with robbers. Sallust says, that Cataline’s army was much augmented by the accession of highwaymen about Rome. Cicero observed, that had Milo killed Clodius by night, it might have been imagined, that he had been killed by highwaymen, and that the frequency of such accidents would have favoured the supposition, though he had with him thirty slaves completely armed and accustomed to blood and danger. By the law of the twelve tables, possession for two years formed a prescription for land, and of one year for moveables; an evident mark of frequent violences, when such a law was necessary to secure a title to property.” 10 How different our situation is from this, and how much more secure our persons and property are, I need not mention in this auditory.

5. We proceed now to inquire how far the ancient heathens practiced the duties of humanity, and how far they violated those duties by outrage, oppression and cruelty. The Stoics condemned all compassion. No wonder then that they imbibed and practiced inhumanity. Some philosophers, particularly Democritus, recommended revenge; and Plato owns that forgiveness of injuries was contrary to the general doctrine of the philosophers. These ides seem perfectly to coincide with those among the moderns, who are the great advocates for a sense of honour. And how far these ideas are consistent with scripture, with reason or with humanity, I leave you to judge.

It was common with the Romans to make war on other nations for the end of enlarging their own dominions, and aggrandizing their empire. Generally they had no better motive to their wars than this. But what is such a war, but a complication of downright robbery, cruelty and murder? They practiced equal injustice in the manner in which they carried on their wars. They enslaved their captives or put them to death in cold blood, as they pleased. Their triumphs were most oppressive and cruel. The conquered kings and generals, loaded with chains, were driven into the city, and to the capitol before their conquerors, and were followed by mimics and buffoons, who insulted over their misfortunes. When they arrived at the forum, they were led back to prison and there strangled; and this under the pretence of taking full revenge of their enemies. What better is this, than the treatment which our savage Indians give their captives?

The treatment which they gave those captives whose lives they spared, was correspondent to this cruelty toward those whom they put to death. As has been observed, they absolutely enslaved them; and by law, slaves were confided not as men, but as mere things, the mere property of their masters, and were treated, punished, and put to death at any time and in any manner, as their masters pleased, whether by beating, starving, torture, or otherwise. “The Spartans having conquered a neighbouring nation, the Helots, enslaved them, frequently butchered them in cold blood, and applauded their youths, when they killed them by surprise.” “The Romans were not ashamed to suffer their old and useless slaves, when worn out in their service, to starve on an island in the Tyber, as was their common practice. Vidius Pollio used to throw his slaves, who had disobliged him, into his fish ponds, to be preyed upon by his mullets.” 11

Though to our shame, to the shame of humanity and the sandal of Christianity, a slavery and a treatment of slaves similar to what existed among the Romans, exist and are tolerated in some parts of America; yet this scandal cannot be thrown on Christendom in general. Such a slavery did indeed once generally obtain in Europe; but the benevolent and humane spirit of the gospel and the principles of justice taught there, have long since generally abolished it from that quarter of the world.

The proscriptions and assassinations, which were so common among the ancients, are a further proof of their injustice, violence and inhumanity. It is well known that during the contests of Marius and Sylla, and during the triumvirate of Octavianus, Anthony and Lepidus, nothing was more common than to advertise a certain price for any man’s or any number of men’s heads; which was no other than hiring any cut-throat, and even a man’s own domestics, to murder him and bring in his head. In this way the best men of Rome were murdered, and among the rest Cicero the great orator, philosopher and ornament of Rome. Amidst all the vices justly imputable to Christians, they are not guilty of such barbarity and outrage as this. Such is the salutary influence of Christianity, that even kings, who among the ancients no sooner fell into the hands of their rivals or opposers, than they were assassinated, are now not put to death without a formal trial; which is a clear demonstration among many others, of our improvement in civilization and humanity, beyond anything which existed among the most enlightened heathens.

Another instance of the barbarity and inhumanity of the ancients, is their treatment of their children. “The ancient Roman laws gave the father a power of life and death over his children, upon this principle, that he who gave, had also the power to take away. And a son could not acquire any property of his own during the life of his father; but all his acquisitions belonged to his father, or at least the profits, for life.” 12 Thus children, during the life of their fathers, were perfect slaves, and in a worse condition than the slaves in this state; for the master in this state has not the power of life and death over his slaves. Nor were these mere speculations of the Romans; but their practice was correspondent. Hence the custom of exposing children; that is, of laying them, as soon as born, in the streets, on the banks of rivers, or in other frequented places, and unless some compassionate person should take them up and provide for them, leaving them there to perish and to be devoured by dogs. The motive to this horrid practice was, that the parents might be free from the trouble and expense of their education. Both Plato and Aristotle say, that there should be laws to prevent the education of weak children. Accordingly among the other Greeks, beside the Thebans, when a child was born, it was laid on the ground, and if the father designed to educate it, he immediately took it up. But if he forbore to do this, the child was carried away and exposed. The Lacedemonians indeed had a different custom; for with them all new born children were brought before certain triers, who were some of the gravest men in their own tribes, by whom the infants were carefully viewed; and if they were found lusty and well favoured, they gave orders for their education; but if weakly and deformed, they ordered them to be cast into a deep cavern in the earth, near the mountain Taygetus, as thinking it neither for the good of the children nor for the public interest, that defective children should be brought up. It was the unhappy fate of daughters especially to be thus treated, as requiring more charges to educate and settle them in the world than sons.” 13

In several nations, not only infants, but also the aged and the infirm, were exposed and left to perish.

Another horrid inhumanity, prevalent among the ancient heathens, was the practice of sacrificing captives and slaves at the funerals of the dead. Thus Achilles sacrificed twelve young Trojans to the manes of Patroclus; and Eneas sent captives to Evander, to be sacrificed at the funeral of Pallas. This was first practiced with respect to persons of great eminence only, but at length it was done at the funerals of all persons of property, and became a necessary part of the ceremony.

Another practice as horrid as any I have mentioned, was that of exhibiting gladiators, trained to fencing and the use of the sword, spear, &c. on purpose that they might fight and kill one another on the stage, for the mere entertainment of the spectators, as some people now bait bulls and set dogs to fighting. “These poor wretches were made to swear that they would fight unto death; and if they failed of this, they were put to death by fire or sword, clubs, whips, or the like.” 14 “Those who have not attended to history, are apt to imagine, that the exhibition of gladiators was a rare thing, and that when it happened, a few pairs only were engaged. But it was far otherwise. Under the Roman emperors this inhuman entertainment cost innumerable lives. Cesar when Edile, gave three hundred and twenty gladiators. Gordian in the time of his Edileship, exhibited twelve entertainments, that is, one in each month. In some of these were five hundred champions, and in none of them less than one hundred and fifty. Taking it at a medium, he must have exhibited at the very least, three thousand. Titus exhibited these cruel shows for an hundred days together. The good and moderate Trajan continued these spectacles for an hundred and twenty three days; and in that time gave ten thousand. When we consider how many different ranks of people gave these entertainments, Ediles, Pretors, Questors, Consuls, Emperors and Priests, besides private persons at funerals (which become so common a practice, that it was an article in a last will) we must be convinced, that the numbers were vast. What adds to the inhumanity of this custom, is, that it was designed for a gay entertainment and was attended as such. This horrible custom grew to such an extravagance, that it was found necessary to moderate it by law, in the time of the heathen Emperors. Constantine first prohibited it altogether. But so violent was the taste for it, that it crept in again. The Emperor Honorius entirely suppressed it.” 15

I shall take notice of only one more vice of the ancient heathens, that is suicide. This was recommended by many philosophers, as an heroic act of virtue, and was practiced by some of the highest fame, as by Zeno the founder of the sect of the Stoics, by Cato of Utica, and by Brutus. No wonder if under such instructors and such examples, suicide was very common among the ancients. Beside the wickedness of this in the sight of God, the ruinous tendency of it in a political view is manifest on the slightest reflection. By this one vice not only any man may deprive the state of his aid and throw his family and dependents on the public; but the most important citizens, by throwing away their own lives in the most important and critical moment, may greatly endanger and entirely overthrow the commonwealth. What if our Washington, or the most wise and influential members of our Congress, had destroyed themselves in the most critical periods of the late war?

From this brief survey of the vices of the ancient heathens, I leave my hearers to judge how well founded the objection against Christianity is, that it has depraved the morals of mankind.

I have now finished the observations which I intended, on the subject proposed, which was, The necessity of a belief of Christianity by the citizens of this state, in order to our public and political prosperity. In subserviency to this general design I have endeavoured to show, that some religion is necessary to our political prosperity; that no other religion than the Christian, can be generally received and established in this country; and that if some other religion could be established among us, it would by no means be so useful in a political view, as the Christian. I have endeavoured to illustrate the last observation by a comparison of Christianity with the philosophical religion of infidelity and with ancient paganism. I now beg leave to make two or three inferences from what has been said.

1. If Christianity be more useful than any other religion, even for political purposes, we may presume that it is still more useful for the other purposes, which are indeed its immediate objects, piety and true virtue, and peace and comfort in them. The great foundations of religion and virtue are, the moral perfections of God, his moral government, the rule of our duty, a future state of retribution, the possibility of pardon and the end of our creation. Let us in these several particulars compare Christianity with the philosophical religion, which is the only rival of Christianity with any among us.

I. As to the moral perfections of God, Christianity certainly teaches them more clearly than they can be learnt from any light afforded by the philosophical religion. The scriptures assure us, that holy, holy, holy is the Lord of hosts; that he is a God of truth and without iniquity, just and right is he; that he is the Lord, the Lord God merciful and gracious, long suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth, keeping mercy for thousand, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin, and that will by no means clear the guilty. Yea, they assure us, that God is love. They clear up the difficulty arising from the evil in the world, by informing us of the end of all things, and that all things shall finally be overruled for good. But the philosophical religion gives no clear evidence at all of the moral perfections of God. This is acknowledged by some of the principal writers on that system. Hume, the most acute of all infidels, says we ought to infer from the works of God, intermixed as they are with good and evil, that God is of a mixed character, partly good and partly evil. Also Lord Bolingbroke, another principal deistical writer, holds, that there is no evidence of the moral perfections of God.

2. The like advantage have we by the scriptures as to the evidence of the reality and nature of the moral government of God. On the pretence that we are under the influence of a necessity of coactions, it is denied by some infidels that we are moral agents, and that we are capable of either virtue or vice. Now not only is this matter cleared up by revelation, but it is to be observed, that to be consistent, such infidels ought also to deny, that we are capable of any crime in civil society.

If we be not moral agents, we are no more capable of murder, than a stock or a stone; and a man who from malice prepense [premeditated] kills another, no more deserves punishment, than the stone or the tree, which falls on a man and crushes him to death; and the man who from a wish to introduce and establish arbitrary government in his country, now a free and happy republic, betrays its ships and fortresses, no more deserves punishment, than the stone or the tree, which falls on a man and crushes him to death; and the man who from a wish to introduce and establish arbitrary government in his country, now a free and happy republic, betrays its ships and fortresses, no more deserves punishment, than the tempests which sink the former, or the fire which consumes the latter.

Some deny, that God at all concerns himself with human affairs or actions. But this is not only not reconcilable with the scriptures, but not with the moral perfections of God. If we be capable of virtue, and yet he neglect us, so as not to set before us proper motives to it, and not to show by proper rewards and punishments his approbation of the virtuous, and disapprobation of the vicious; this cannot be reconciled with his moral perfection.

It is further urged, that we are not in any case punishable, as all things are right, or as the poet expresses it, whatever is, is right. If by this observation be meant, that things are by the all-wise and all-governing providence of God, overruled to answer a good purpose, though in many instances directly contrary to their natural tendency; this is granted. But if it be meant, that all things in their own nature tend to good, this is not true. Malice has no natural tendency to good but a natural tendency to evil. On the other hand, benevolence has a natural tendency to good. Nor will it be pretended, that if malice reigned through the universe, the universe would be as happy, as if benevolence universally reigned. It is the natural tendency of a rational action, which determines its moral quality, and not the consequence produced by Almighty God, contrary to its natural tendency.

If all human actions were in a moral view indifferent, we should no more deserve punishment for murder, than we should for saving our country from ruin.

This scheme shuts all moral good out of the universe, as well as all moral evil. For if all the tempers and actions of men, are as to morality alike, it must be because there is no morality in any of them. If there be moral good in any of those tempers or actions, there must be moral evil in the directly opposite; and if there be no moral evil in the latter, there is no moral good in the former: as if there were natural evil in pain there would be no natural good in pleasure.

But while infidels confound themselves and the principles of reason, in their discourses concerning the moral government of God; the scriptures assure us of the reality of that government, and of our accountableness to God.

3. The scriptures give us a plain and excellent rule of duty, pointing out our duty not only in general, but in all the most important particulars. How extremely deficient in this instance also, is the philosophical religion? It is indeed said, that the rule of our duty is right reason and the law of nature, and that virtue is a conformity to them. But this is saying no more than that virtue is virtue, and that the rule of our duty is the rule of our duty. For right reason in this case means what is reasonable and right in a moral sense; and duty and what is right in a moral sense are the same thing: and it is just as difficult to find out the law of reason and of nature, as to find out our duty.

4. The scriptures give us the most positive assurance of a future state. But the philosophical religion can never assure us of this, because it cannot assure us of the moral perfections of God, by which alone he is disposed to reward the righteous and punish the wicked. Therefore infidels are greatly divided among themselves on this subject. Some as was before observed believe a future state, some disbelieve it. Those who believe such a state, believe that God made all men for their own personal happiness, and that therefore he will make them all happy in the future world. But all this depends on the moral perfections of God, of which they, as their principal writers confess, have no evidence. And if there be no evidence, that he designs the happiness of his creatures either here or hereafter: nor is there any evidence but that he designs the final misery of all his creatures.—Or if infidels had evidence of the moral perfections of God, they would not have evidence, that God made every man for the end of his personal happiness. The perfect goodness of God doubtless implies, that he made all things with a design to promote good on the whole or on the large scale. So that taking the system of intelligent creatures together, there shall be the greatest possible happiness in it. But this does not imply, that every individual creature shall be completely happy. There is no accounting for the calamities and sufferings of this life on any other supposition, than that they will all finally issue in the greatest happiness of the system: and to suppose that they conduce to the good of the system, by making the persons themselves who suffer them here, more happy hereafter, is a mere conjecture unsupported by any argument. Therefore to indulge it and to build upon it, is altogether unreasonable and unphilosophical.

On the whole, there is no evidence but that the good of the general system may be promoted by the exemplary punishment of the wicked in the future world. And if it would be promoted by such a punishment, infinite goodness not only admits of it, but requires and demands it.

5. The scriptures assure us of a way of pardon and acceptance with God; but the philosophical religion gives no such assurance. Infidels do indeed expect to be pardoned on their bare repentance. But the expectation of pardon on repentance, implies an acknowledgment, that they deserve punishment even though they repent, and that such punishment would be just: otherwise there could be no pardon in the case. To pardon is to exempt from punishment not an innocent man, but a guilty one: and to pardon a penitent implies that he deserves punishment, and that his punishment would be just. But if the punishment of the penitent would be just, the interest of the kingdom of God, the great community against which he has sinned, requires his punishment. The very idea of a just punishment is of one which, (there being no atonement or substitution,) is due to the community or to the public good of the community, against which the crime punished was committed. But if the public good of God’s kingdom, which is the universe, require the punishment of a sinner, it is not consistent with divine goodness to pardon him. What ground then has the infidel to expect pardon, when both justice and goodness require his punishment?

6. Christianity informs us of the end of our creation. It is generally holden by infidels, as was before observed, that we were made for our own personal happiness. But if this were true, it would prove, that God does concern himself with human actions, and that he aims to prevent those which tend to our destruction. It would also prove, that those rational actions which tend to destroy our happiness, are morally evil, and that all actions are not in the same sense right. The evidence that God created us for our own happiness, must depend on the evidence of God’s moral perfections. But as has been observed, the infidel has no evidence of these. Besides, if God really created us all for the end of our own personal happiness, it seems that he has in this world obtained his end, in a very imperfect degree only; and on the plan of infidelity there is no evidence of a future state. Therefore on that plan there is no evidence, that God will ever obtain his end in our creation.

Or if infidels should grant, that we were made for the general good of the system of intelligences, this would be to give up the chief object of infidelity; because the general good may admit of our misery in the future world, as it does of our misery in this.

But Christianity clearly informs us, that God made all things for his glory, implying the greatest happiness and perfection of the creation as a system; or for the glorious exercise and display of his power, wisdom and goodness in raising his kingdom, which is the creation, as a system, to the highest degree of perfection and happiness.

Thus we see in what darkness, as to the most essential principles of religion, we should have been involved, had we not been favoured with the light of divine revelation, and in what darkness they are involved, who embrace the philosophical religion of infidelity. And thus we have further proof how happy that people is, whose God is the Lord, not only as this circumstance lays a foundation for their political good, but especially as it lays a foundation for true virtue and piety, for peace and comfort here and eternal happiness in the favour of God hereafter.

2. A second inference from this subject is, that since Christianity appears to be necessary to the public good of the state, it ought to be encouraged by magistrates and rulers of every description. They are appointed to be the guardians of the public good; of course it is their duty to protect and promote everything tending to it, and especially everything necessary to it. Therefore as Christianity is necessary to the public good, they are bound to encourage, promote and inculcate that, by their example and profession, by speaking and acting in favour of it both in public and private, by supporting Christian ordinances and worship, and by promoting to places of trust and profit those who profess it and live agreeably, and who are otherwise properly qualified. Magistrates are called to do all this on the ground of the soundest policy.

3. For the same reasons the citizens in general are obligated to encourage and promote Christianity, by being themselves Christians and that not only in profession, but in heart and life, and by giving their suffrages for those who are of the same character. It is indeed to be confessed, that not all professed Christians are good men or real Christians; yet among professed Christians are many men, who possess good abilities and a proper share of information, who are strictly moral and upright, and who expect to give an account of their conduct to God. Such are the men to be promoted in the state; and the citizens by promoting such men, will encourage and promote Christianity, and at the same time promote the good of the state.

I beg the further patience of the auditory, while I close the discourse, with the addresses usual on this occasion.

In the first place I beg leave to address myself to His Excellency the Governor.

May it please your Excellency,

In obedience to your command I appear in the desk this day; and I could think of no subject more important and at the same time more suitable to the present occasion, than the happiness of that people whose God is the Lord. I have therefore endeavoured to illustrate the necessity of the Christian faith and practice, to the prosperity of the state. I may appeal to your Excellency how far this faith and practice have hitherto contributed to our political prosperity. Had not our ancestors been firm and exemplary in this faith and practice; had they not taken pains to hand them down to us; had they not in all their towns and settlements instituted schools, in which the principles of Christianity, as well as other things were taught; had they not provided for the support of public worship, for the due observance of the Lord’s day and for the public teaching of Christianity on that day; had they not provided for the support of public worship, for the due observance of the Lord’s day and for the public teaching of Christianity on that day; had they not provided for the support of a studious and learned ministry, who being themselves men of knowledge, should be able to instruct others; I appeal to your Excellency, whether our political affairs would not at present have worn a very different aspect. And if our supreme magistrates had not been, both by profession and apparent practice, Christians, it would doubtless have had a very baleful influence on the Christian and moral character of the people at large, and consequently on our political prosperity. But we are happy in that we have had from the beginning, even to the present day, a series of Governors, who have been not only an honour to the state, but ornaments to our churches. May such a series be still kept up without interruption. This, as it will be a proof of our Christian character, will also be a proof of our public prosperity in every successive period, and a pledge of our subsequent prosperity. May God grant, that your Excellency shall effectually contribute to this prosperity in every way, in which your eminent situation affords opportunity. And when earthly states and empires shall be no more, may your Excellency, in that series of excellent men and excellent Governors, and among all real Christians, “shine forth as the sun in the kingdom of your Father.”

2. The discourse address itself to his Honour the Lieutenant Governour, to the Legislative Council of the state, and to the Representatives of the towns in General Assembly.

Honourable Legislators,

Since the belief and practice of Christianity are so necessary to the political good of our state, and since you are appointed to be the guardians of our political good, I thought it not impertinent to suggest to you some important means, by which you may obtain the end for which you are appointed. Opposition to Christianity both in faith and practice was never, at least in our country, so great and so increasing, as at the present day. It lies with you, gentlemen, by a steady belief, profession and practice of Christianity; by your conversation and weight; by the appointments which you shall make to the various offices, civil and military, and by all your public proceedings, to withstand this opposition, and to guard against the danger to the public good, arising from the depravity of manners which opposition to Christianity naturally induces. It is your province, in conjunction with his Excellency the Governour, to appoint all our executive civil authority and to confer the higher military honours. When men of licentious principles and practice are promoted either in the civil or military line, it gives a dignity and an influence to vice and irreligion. And “one sinner destroys much good,” especially when exalted to a high station of honour and authority. Now, if you give this advantage to vice, you will thereby injure the state; but more immediately you will injure religion and the kingdom of Christ. And let me beseech you to remember, that you also have a master in heaven, to whom you, as well as the rest of men, must give an account. The only way to gain his approbation is, to keep a conscience void of offence, and in your political transactions not to act from party attachments and private connections, not to practice intrigue to serve your own interests or those of your friends; but to endeavour to serve the public in the best manner according to your capacity and opportunity. In so doing you will appoint to the several executive offices, men of knowledge and discretion; men that fear God and hate covetousness; men who will be just and rule in the fear of God. By the promotion of such men, virtue will be encouraged and vice will be restrained; by their official proceedings, law and justice will be executed, and “judgment will run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream,” even that righteousness which exalteth a nation.” Then shall our political interests be in a prosperous state; then shall we be that happy people whose God is the Lord.

3. The Reverend Pastors of the churches, who are present, will suffer the word of exhortation.

My Fathers and Brethren,

We who are employed in the work of the ministry, are deeply interested in this subject. We are interested in the prosperity of the state, and are peculiarly interested in this mean of prosperity on which I have been insisting. It is our business to study and teach Christianity, and thus to promote the political good of the state, as well as the spiritual good of the souls of our hearers. This is a noble employment, to fidelity and zeal in which, not only the motives of religion call us, but even those of patriotism. Therefore if we have any love to religion and the souls of men; nay if we have any public spirit and love to our country, let us diligently study the evidences, the nature, the doctrines and duties of Christianity, and inculcate them with all plainness, assiduity and perseverance, giving line upon line and precept upon precept. This is to be done,

1. By instruction. Without communicating instruction and information concerning the truth, we can expect to do nothing in our work to any good purpose. Knowledge and not ignorance is the mother of real devotion. The rational mind is to be led by the exhibition of the truth only.

2. By every motive to persuade, drawn from reason and revelation, from time and eternity; and among others this motive of the public good of the state and our general happiness, liberty and prosperity as a people, is not to be omitted.

3. By a Christian life and conversation. If we do these things; if we thus instruct, persuade and live, we shall at last stand in our lot, and shall be owned as his, when Christ our Lord and judge “shall make up his jewels.”

4. I shall, in the last place, address myself in a very few words to this numerous auditory collectively. Men and brethren, this subject nearly concerns you all. How happy would you be, if the Lord were indeed your God? Nor can you be truly happy on any other condition. However prosperous you may be in your private concerns, in your property, your business and your reputation; yet unless you are the objects of the favour of God and the heirs of eternal life, you are truly in a miserable situation. You have not only the motive of eternal happiness to choose the Lord for your God; but the motives of the peace, good order, and happiness of the people as a body politic, and the general prosperity of the state. You all feel a firm attachment to your liberties and to the privileges of a republican government. Of all forms of government a republic most essentially requires virtue and good morals in the great body of the people, in order to its prosperity and even its existence. But the way to virtue and good morals is to choose the Lord for your God. Nor is this all; you not only have to choose and serve the Lord yourselves, but by the same reasons by which you are obligated to choose the Lord for your God, you are obligated to seek out and by your suffrages to promote to legislative authority, such as are of the same character. In a republic all authority is derived from the people: and such as they generally are, we may expect their representatives, legislators and all their civil authority will be. If you have the Lord for your God, you will elect those of the same character with yourselves, to be your legislators; you will encourage and support them and other faithful rulers in the thorough discharge of their duties of civil government, and you will withhold your suffrages from those who acknowledge not the Lord as their God and regard not his law. Nor can you consistently and innocently give your suffrages to men of this last description: for thus you would give a sanction and influence to sin and vice, would be partakers of their wickedness and would do an injury to the state.

But if you and the good people of the state in general shall unite to practice virtue and Christianity, and to promote the wisest and best men among us, we shall doubtless be that happy people described in the text, and as so many instances of our happiness “judgment shall dwell in the wilderness and righteousness remain in the fruitful field. And the work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness quietness and assurance forever.”

 


Endnotes

11. See Blount and Tyndal.

2. Every woman among some nations was obliged, at least once in her life, to prostitute herself to any person, even the greatest stranger, who would accept her favour. This done in honour to Venus.

3. Prideaux’s connection.

4. Neal’s Hist. New-England.

5. Priestley’s Institutes.

6. “None of the philosophers ever represented simple fornication, especially on the part of the man, as any vice at all. Cato commended a young man for frequenting the public stews; and Cicero expressly speaks of it, as a thing that was never found fault with.” Priestley’s Institutes. All that was enjoined by Epictetus, who of all the philosophers, is perhaps the most celebrated for his strict maxims of morality, was, “that people should abstain from fornication before marriage as far as they could; and that if they did not abstain, they should use it lawfully, and not be severe in reprehending those who did not abstain.” Enchiridion, Chap. 47.

7. “At Sparta, young women appeared naked in the public exercises; and when married women had no children, their husbands were encouraged to consent to a free intercourse between them and other men; a custom which Plutarch vindicates. This was also agreeable to the doctrine of the Stoics; and it is well known, that that rigid Stoic, Cato of Utica, consented to such an intercourse between his own wife and his friend Hortensius. Plato in his book of laws, recommends a community of women; and he advises, that soldiers be not restrained with respect to any kind of sinful indulgence, even the most unnatural species of it, when they are on an expedition. Priestly.

8. Does not the forementioned deistic maxim of following nature, directly lead to the same abominable practices?

9. Priestly.

10. Priestley’s letters on general policy.

11. Priestly.

12. Blackstone.

13. Encyclopedia.

14. Chambers Dictionary.

15. Doct. Leachman’s Sermon I. Cor. i. 21.

Sermon – Election – 1793, Massachusetts


Samuel Parker (1744-1804) graduated from Harvard in 1764. He was assistant rector (1774-1779) and later rector of Trinity Church in Boston (1779-1804). During the Revolutionary War, Parker sided with the Americans over the British. The following election sermon was preached in Massachusetts on May 29, 1793.


sermon-election-1793-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor,

THE

Honorable the SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH

OF

MASSACHUSETTS,

May 29, 1793;

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By Samuel Parker, D. D.
RECTOR OF TRINITY CHURCH, BOSTON.

 

Commonwealth of MASSACHUSETTS.

In SENATE, May 29, 1793.

ORDERED, That Thomas Dawes, and Benjamin Austin, jun. Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Doctor Samuel Parker, and thank him in the name of the SENATE, for the SERMON delivered by him this day, before his Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, the Honorable Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature; and to request of him a Copy thereof for the Press.

Attest.
SAMUEL COOPER, Clerk.

 

AN
ELECTION SERMON.

PROVERBS xiv. 34.

RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION: BUT SIN IS A REPROACH TO ANY PEOPLE.

The great source of all human knowledge is experience; and that experience which teaches us practical wisdom, and informs us of the many evils that constantly wait on life, is acquired chiefly by observation and reflection. Time, indeed, is continually forcing the instructions of this sage monitor on our notice, and when “length of days” has not made us sufficiently acquainted with her, we fly to the aged that we may learn her counsels; or read them with sufficient certainty, in the misconduct, disappointment, and miseries of others.

The Historian makes it his particular glory, that by faithfully recording the fates of kingdoms, by delineating the virtues which raised some to magnificence, and the vices which brought others gradually to destruction, he anticipates the future by a true representation of the past, and teaches men wisdom by the example of others. But though, from the short period of human life, the narrowness of our views, and the necessary calls of duty, we are obliged to recur to the experience of those who have gone before us, for almost all our knowledge; yet the few events that happen to ourselves, or that fall within the circle of our own observation, make a far more lasting impression on us, and have a much greater influence over the heart.

The strange vicissitudes of fortune, that happen either to nations or individuals, we hear with faint emotion, and often regard them only as they serve to gratify curiosity, and increase our store of knowledge. The Historian’s eloquence, and the Poet’s fancy can scarcely raise the tear of sympathy, while they relate, with all the decoration of language, the miseries of life; and those sorrows which only the best and softest bosoms feel occasionally for the calamities of others, are but of short duration. They vanish quick as the morning dews dissolve before the rising sun, and oft, like them, “leave not a trace behind.” But such calamities and disappointments as befall ourselves, are considered as dear bought experience, and treasured up in the heart. These are the counselors that will make us wise and good; unless in despite of reason and of nature, we suffer life to glide away unnoticed, without improvement in knowledge or in virtue.

Serious reflection on what has passed, with a constant habit of comparing it to the future, seems, indeed, to be a rule of moral discipline, natural to the mind of man, and is one of the greatest safeguards of virtue, as well as the best means of acquiring useful knowledge. The fluctuating state of our minds makes it necessary to take these retrospective views of life, that we may increase in prudence, and establish ourselves in virtue.

Under the full persuasion of the efficacy of this principle, as well as the influence of the Divine Spirit, the Proverbs of Solomon, which have always been esteemed a most valuable part of the holy Scriptures, were written. He says himself, that they were the fruits of his most profound meditations, and of his most excellent wisdom. Because the Preacher was wise, he still taught the people knowledge; yea he gave good heed, and fought out, and set in order many Proverbs. 1 To give the more weight and dignity to his precepts, he delivers them not as his own, but as those of Wisdom herself; and in the poetic and dramatic way, introduces her as a divine person, the favourite offspring and first born of God, who dwelt with him before the foundations of the earth were laid, before time and the world was, and who is sent forth from him to guide, and instruct the children of men.

Among these Proverbs or wise sayings, we find many excellent rules for the conduct of human life, and for leading men to happiness. But perhaps there is not anything in the whole book, of greater importance to us, as members of civil society, than the aphorism contained in our text. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people.

It is well known, that the word righteousness is used, in the sacred writings, with different degrees of latitude. Sometimes, it is applied in a confined sense, as signifying that uprightness, equity and justice, which we should maintain in our treatment of our fellow creatures, by rendering to all their proper dues; and is synonymous with justice. But the word is usually taken in a more extensive signification, as descriptive of goodness in general. IN this sense the righteous man is one, who acts well in all the relations and characters in which he is placed; who lives in the practice of piety, benevolence, self government and universal goodness. In this larger meaning, the term is most commonly used throughout the Psalms, the Proverbs and the New Testament. Thus, To him that soweth righteousness shall be a sure reward. As righteousness tendeth to life, so he that pursueth evil, pursueth it to his own death. It is in this extensive sense, that the word is undoubtedly used in our text. A righteous person is one who maintains an upright, holy and virtuous part through the whole course and tenor of his life. He is one, who seriously considers, and steadily discharges the general obligations of piety and goodness. This, no doubt, will necessarily include in it, his being righteous in the strict and limited signification of the term. He makes a point of preserving an exact fidelity and equity in his intercourse with mankind. According to the best of his abilities he renders to his fellow creatures their dues, and treats them in a manner agreeable to the various claims, of one kind and another, which they have upon him. He is true to his engagements, and faithful to his promises.

Besides this, he performs the other offices and duties of the virtuous character. He is not only honest and equitable, but kind and benevolent. He endeavours to promote the welfare of those around him, and to behave, in every respect, as one who is animated with the principles of affection to his brethren of the human nature. He makes it his labour, his delight, to render them happy, so far as the capacity of doing it, which Providence hath put in his power, extends.

Nor, while he is just and generous towards men, is he unjust to, or forgetful of, the ever blessed God. He seriously considers his obligations to the greatest and best of beings, and is solicitous to testify his sense of them, by all the returns which he is capable of making. Hence he cultivates the deepest reverence for the sacred name of his Marker, and the warmest sentiments of devotion towards him. Hence he loves his high Creator and Benefactor, above every object beside, is truly thankful for the mercies he receives from him, trusts in his protection and support, submits to his will, and is obedient to his commands.

Equally intent is the righteous man upon maintaining and cherishing the personal virtues. He keeps himself in the exercise of self government, temperance, moderation, meekness, humility and contentment. In short, he endeavours to be found in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless, and to preserve all the graces of the spiritual life.

Such is the righteousness the wise man speaks of as exhibited in practice; and a righteous nation consists of a number of individuals whose character and conduct are such as we have now briefly delineated.

The sin mentioned in our text, as the reproach of a people, must be considered as the opposite to this great and good character. When the people composing a nation shew no regard to the eternal rules of equity and justice; when true religion decays, and they lose their reverence for the Divine Being; when they despise his institutions, and profane his Sabbaths, when they ridicule his word, and indulge themselves in the breach of his commands; when infidelity and vice prevail; when impiety and irreligion mark the character of a people—then iniquity abounds, and they are under the influence of that sin, which is their greatest reproach.

Taking then the word righteousness in the sense we have explained it, to signify religion and virtue in general, our text naturally presents us with a subject, which, I flatter myself, will not be considered as altogether foreign from the design of our present assembling, viz. THE HARMONY OF RELIGION AND CIVIL POLITY; or, that religion and virtue are the surest means of promoting national happiness and prosperity.

When Solomon asserts that religion or righteousness exalteth a nation, we are not to understand the proposition in so strict and absolute a sense, as that true religion is so necessary, in all its doctrines, and in all the extent of its precepts, that there have been no instances of the prosperity of societies, which have not been wholly regulated by it. Some States, it must be acknowledged, which have been only partially governed by its maxims, have enjoyed long and glorious advantages upon the theatre of the world; either because their false religions contained some principles of rectitude, in common with the true religion; or, because God, in order to animate and encourage such people to the practice of some virtues, necessary to the very being of society, annexed success to the exercise of them; or, because rectitude was never so fully established upon earth, as to preclude injustice from enjoying the advantages of virtue, or virtue from suffering the penalties of vice. However this may be, we affirm, that the most sure method that a nation can take to support and exalt itself, is to follow the laws of righteousness, and the spirit of religion.

Nor is it asserted in our text, that, in every particular case, religion is more successful in procuring some temporary advantage than the violation of it; so that to consider society only in this point of light, and to confine it to this particular case, independently of all other circumstances, religion yields the honour of temporary prosperity to injustice. Some State crimes may have been successful, and have been the steps by which certain nations have acquired worldly glory. And should we acknowledge that virtue has sometimes been an obstacle to grandeur, still the truth of the proposition in our text stands unimpeached—that if we consider a nation in every point of light, and in all circumstances, it will be found that the more a society practices virtue, the more prosperity it will enjoy; the more it abandons itself to vice, the more misery it will sooner or later suffer; so that the very vice which contributed to its exaltation, will produce its destruction, and the virtue which seemed at first to abase it, will in the end exalt its glory.

We observe further here, that by a nation’s being exalted, the inspired author of our text does not intend such an elevation as worldly heroes, or rather tyrants, aim at. If, by exalting a nation, is understood an elevation extending itself beyond the limits of rectitude; an elevation not directed by justice and good faith, consisting in the acquisitions of wanton and arbitrary power, obliging other nations to submit to a yoke of slavery, and thus becoming an executioner of divine vengeance on all mankind—we allow, that in this sense, exaltation is not an effect of righteousness. But, by exalting a nation, the wise man intends, whatever promotes the greatest happiness and prosperity of its citizens; its being governed by wise and wholesome laws, enjoying liberty and equal government, negotiating itself with resolution enjoying every blessing conducive to the prosperity and happiness of a people; and at the same time blessed with the favourable notice and regard of the Divine Being. Such an exaltation is obtained only by righteousness.

In a word, it is not the lot of humanity, that the prosperity of any nation should be so perfect, as to exclude all untoward circumstances. The meaning of our text must be, that the highest glory, and the most perfect happiness, which can be enjoyed by a nation, in a world, where, after all, there must be a mixture of adversity with prosperity, are the fruits of righteousness. No nation was ever yet free from evils and inconveniences of many kinds; and even the most virtuous societies have been suffered to labour under many straits and difficulties; and it must be allowed, that this world will always be to public bodies what it is to individuals, a place of misery and unhappiness; and therefore we must understand our text as asserting only, that the most solid happiness, which can be enjoyed here below, has righteousness for its cause. It is the more necessary to restrain it within these limitations, not only because they explain the sense of the inspired author, but because they serve to preclude such objections, to unravel such sophisms, and to solve such difficulties, as infidels and libertines have urged against its truth.

To prove, then, that religion and virtue are the surest means of promoting national happiness and prosperity, let us consider the origin of civil government, and the motives which induced mankind to unite themselves in society. By doing this, we shall perceive that righteousness is the only thing that can render nations happy.

Every individual has a great variety of wants, and but few, and those very limited, faculties to supply them. Every individual of mankind has need of knowledge to inform him, of laws to direct him, of property to support him, of food to nourish him, of clothing and covering to defend him against the inclemencies of the seasons. This catalogue of our various and respective wants might easily be enlarged. Similar interests form a similar design. Divers men unite themselves together, in order that the industry of all may supply the wants of each. Hence the origin of societies and public bodies of men.

The author of our being has also given to man a nature fitted for, and disposed to, society. It was not good for man at first to be alone; his nature is social, having various affections, propensities and passions, which respect society, and cannot be indulged without a social intercourse. The natural principles of benevolence, compassion, justice, and indeed most of our natural affections, powerfully incite to, and plainly indicate that man was formed for, society.

The social affections of our nature, and the desire of the many conveniences, not to be obtained or enjoyed, without the concurrence of others, probably first induced men to associate together. But the depravity of our nature since the apostacy, and the great prevalency of lusts and corruptions, have obliged mankind to enter into closer connections and combinations, for mutual protection and assistance. Thus civil societies and governments were formed, and in this way government comes from God, and is his ordinance. The kingdom is the Lord’s, and he is the Governor among the nations. By him kings reign, and princes decree justice, even all the judges of the earth.

The end and design of civil society and government, from this view of its origin, must be to secure the rights and properties of its members, and to promote their welfare and happiness; or, in the words of inspiration, that men may live quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty.

It is easy to perceive then, that in order to enjoy the blessings proposed by this assemblage, some fixed maxims must be laid down, and inviolably obeyed. It is necessary that all the members of this body should consider themselves as naturally equal; that by this idea they may be inclined to afford each other mutual succor. It is requisite that they should be sincere to each other, lest deceit should serve for a veil to conceal the sinister designs of some from the eyes of the rest. The rigid rules of equity should be inviolably observed, that so they may fulfill the contracts, which they bound themselves to perform, when they were admitted into this society. Esteem and benevolence ought to give life and action to righteousness. It is of the utmost consequence, that the happiness of all should be preferred before the interest of an individual; and that in cases where public and private interests clash, the public good should always prevail. Every citizen ought to cultivate his own talents, that he may contribute to the happiness of that society, to which he ought to devote himself with the utmost sincerity and zeal. These duties are absolutely necessary for the welfare and prosperity of societies. And what can be more proper to make us observe these rules than religion,–than righteousness? Religion brings us to feel our natural equality; it teaches us that we originate in the same dust; have the same God for our Creator; are all descended from the same first Parent; all partake of the same miseries, and are all doomed to the same last end. Religion teaches us sincerity to each other; that the tongue should be a faithful interpreter of the mind; that we should speak every man truth with his neighbour; and, that being always in the sight of the God of truth, we should never deviate from the laws of truth. Religion teaches us that we should be just; that we should render to all their dues; tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honour to whom honour; that whatsoever we would men should do unto us, we should do even so unto them. Religion requires us to be animated with charity,–to consider each other as creatures of one God, subjects of the same heavenly King, members of one body, and heirs of the same glory. It requires us to give up our private interest to the public good, not to seek our own, but everyone another’s wealth; it even requires us to lay down our lives for the brethren. Thus if we consider nations in these primitive views, it is righteousness alone that exalts them.

Were we to defend from these general principles, and take into view the particular forms of government, which have been adopted by the various nations upon earth; or rather, which have grown out of particular occasions and emergencies; from the fluctuating policy of different ages; from the contentions, successes, interests and opportunities of different orders and parties of men among them (for such we shall find was the origin of most of the particular forms of government in the world,) we shall be convinced that each nation has been, more or less happy, in its own mode of governing, has more or less prevented the inconveniences, to which its form of government is subject, according as it has been more or less attached to religion or righteousness. The precepts and the maxims of religion, applied to these imperfections, would effectually restrain all those excesses, and preclude those evils, from which the most perfect forms of government are not entirely free. But the time will not permit us to enter into so particular an inquiry, or to multiply quotations to prove this point.

I proceed to observe, secondly, that the doctrine of Providence will furnish us with another argument, to prove the truth of our text.

The conduct of Providence, with regard to public bodies is very different from that, which prevails in the case of individuals. It is a rule in the divine government, to deal with nations according to their moral character. Perfect justice is the invariable rule of his dominion over public bodies. In regard to individuals, Providence is involved in darkness. Many times it seems to condemn virtue, and crown injustice; to leave innocence to groan in silence, and to empower guilt to riot, and triumph in public. The wicked rich man fared sumptuously every day, while Lazarus desired, in vain, to be fed with the crumbs that fell from his table. St. Paul was executed on a scaffold, while Nero reigned on Caesar’s throne.

But Providence is directed in a different method, in regard to public bodies. Prosperity in them is the effect of righteousness; public happiness is the reward of public virtue; the wisest nation is usually the most successful, and “virtue walks with glory by her side.” The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effects of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever. On the other hand, the judgments of Heaven are commonly showered down upon a wicked people; he turneth a fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein.

God sometimes, indeed, afflicts the most virtuous nations; but he does so with the design of purifying them, and of opening new occasions to bestow larger benefits upon them. He sometimes, indeed, prospers wicked nations; but their prosperity is an effort of his patience and long suffering; it is to give them time to prevent their destruction, and by his goodness, to lead them to repentance. But, as before observed, prosperity usually follows righteousness in public bodies; public happiness is the reward of public virtue; the wisest nation is the most successful, and glory is generally connected with virtue. And this conduct of Providence is grounded on this reason. A day will come when Lazarus will be indemnified, and the rich man punished; when St. Paul will be rewarded, and Nero will be confounded. Innocence will be avenged, justice satisfied, the majesty of the laws repaired, and the rights of God maintained.

But such a retribution is impracticable in regard to public bodies. A nation cannot then be punished as a nation, nor a kingdom as a kingdom. All the different forms of government will then be abolished. While some of the human race are put into possession of glory, others will be covered with shame and confusion of face. It seems then, that Providence owes to its own rectitude, those times of vengeance, in which it pours all its wrath on wicked nations; sends them wars, famines, plagues and other catastrophes, of which history gives us so many memorable examples. To place hopes altogether on worldly policy; to pretend to derive advantages from vice, and so to found the happiness of society, on the ruins of religion and virtue, is little short of insulting Providence. It is to arouse that power against us, which, sooner or later, overwhelms and confounds vicious societies.

But if the obscurity of the ways of Providence, which usually renders doubtful, our reasonings upon the divine conduct, weaken this argument, let us consider the declarations of God himself upon this point.

The whole 28th chapter of Deuteronomy, all the blessings and curses pronounced there, fully prove our doctrine. Read the tender complaint, which God formerly made concerning the irregularities of his people. O that they were wise, that they understood this, that they would consider their latter end! How should one chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight. Agreeably to this, are the affecting words uttered by the mouth of the Psalmist—O that my people had hearkened unto me, and Israel had walked in my ways. I should soon have subdued their enemies, and turned mine hand against their adversaries. Their time should have endured forever. I should have fed them also, with the finest of the wheat, and with honey out of the rock should I have satisfied them. What noble promises are made also by the ministry of Isaiah? Thus saith the Lord thy Redeemer, the Holy One of Israel, I am the Lord thy God which teacheth thee to profit; which leadeth thee by the way thou shouldst go. O that thou hadst hearkened to my commandments! Then had thy peace been as a river, and thy righteousness as the waves of the sea; thy seed also had been as the sand, and thy name should not have been cut off, nor destroyed before me. Observe also the terrible threatnings, denounced against backsliding Israel, by the prophet Jeremiah. Though Moses and Samuel stood before me, yet my mind could not be toward this people; cast them out of my sight, and let them go forth. And it shall come to pass, if they say unto thee, Whither shall we go forth? Then thou shalt tell them; Thus saith the Lord, Such as are for death to death, and such as are for the sword to the sword, and such as are for the famine to the famine, and such as re for captivity to captivity. Thou hast forsaken me, saith the Lord, thou art gone backward; therefore will I stretch out my hand against thee, and destroy thee: I am weary of repenting.

Not to multiply quotations; we find that through the whole history of the Old Testament, the interchangeable providences of God, towards the Jewish nation, were always suited to their manners. They were constantly prosperous or afflicted, according as religion and righteousness flourished, or declined among them.

Nor was this Providence exercised only towards his own people but he dealt thus with other nations as their history evinces; and thus the truth of our text is proved by experience. Were we to consult the ancient history of the Egyptians the Persians, or the Romans, who surpassed them all, we shall find they were by turns exalted as they respected righteousness or abased, as they neglected it.

By what mysterious art did ancient Egypt subsist, with so much glory, during the period of fifteen or sixteen ages.2 By a benevolence so extensive, that he, who refused to relieve the wretched, when he had it in his power to assist him, was himself punished with death: by a justice so impartial, that their kings obliged the judges to take an oath, that they would administer impartial justice to all, though they, the kings themselves, should command the contrary: by an aversion to bad princes so fixed, as to deny them the honours of a funeral: by entertaining such just ideas of the vanity of life, as to consider their houses as inns, in which they were to lodge, as it were, only for a night; and their sepulchers as habitations in which they were to abide for many ages; for which reason, they united, in their famous pyramids, all the solidity and pomp of architecture: by a life so laborious, that even their amusements were adapted to strengthen the body, and improve the mind: by such a remarkable readiness to discharge their debts, that they had a law, which prohibited the borrowing of money, except on condition of pledging the body of a parent for payment; a deposit so venerable, that a man who deferred the redemption of it, was looked upon with horror: in a word, by a wisdom so profound, that Moses himself is renowned in Scripture for being learned in it.

The Persians, also, obtained a distinguished place of honour, in ancient history, by considering falsehood in the most odious light, as a vice the meanest and most disgraceful; by a noble generosity, conferring favours on the nations they had conquered, and leaving them to enjoy all the ensigns of their former grandeur; by an universal equity, obliging themselves to publish the virtues of their greatest enemies; by educating their children so wisely, that they were taught virtue, as other nations were taught letters. The children of the royal family, and of the nobles, were, at an early period of life, put under the tuition of four of the wisest and most virtuous statesmen. The first taught them the worship of the gods; the second trained them up to speak truth, and practice equity; the third habituated them to subdue voluptuousness, and to enjoy real liberty; to be always masters of themselves and of their own passions; and the fourth inspired them with courage; and by teaching them how to command themselves, taught them how to rule over others.

3 The Romans founded their system of policy upon that best and wisest principle, the fear of the gods; a firm belief of a divine superintending Providence, and a future state of rewards and punishments. Their children were trained up in this belief from tender infancy, which took root and grew up with them, by the influence of an excellent education, where they had the benefit of example, as well as precept. Hence we read of no heathen nation in the world, where, both the public and private duties of religion, were so strictly adhered to, and so scrupulously observed, as among the Romans. They imputed their good or bad success to the observance of these duties, and they received public prosperity, or public calamities, as blessings conferred, or punishments inflicted, by their gods. Though the ceremonies of their religion justly appear to us, instances of the most absurd and most extravagant superstition, yet, as they were esteemed the most essential acts of religion, by the Romans, they must consequently carry all the force of a religious principle.4 Cicero, the great Roman orator and philosopher, speaking of his countrymen, says, We neither exceeded the Spaniards in number nor did we excel the Gauls in strength of body, nor the Carthagenians in craft, nor the Greeks in arts and sciences: But we have indisputably surpassed all the nations in the universe, in piety and attachment to religion, and in the only point that can be called true wisdom, a thorough conviction, that all things here below, are directed and governed by Divine Providence. To this principle alone, he wisely attributes the grandeur and good fortune of his country. From this principle proceeded that respect for, and submission to, their laws; and that temperance, moderation, and contempt for wealth, which are the best defense against the encroachments of injustice and oppression. Hence too arose that inextinguishable love for their country, which, next to the gods, they looked upon as the chief object of veneration. 5 This they carried to such an height of enthusiasm, as to make every tie of social love, natural affection, and self preservation, give way to this duty to their dearer country. Hence proceeded that obstinate and undaunted courage, that insuperable contempt of danger, and death itself, in defense of their country, which complete the idea of the Roman character, as it is drawn by the historians, in the virtuous ages of the republic. As long as the manners of the Romans were regulated by this first great principle of religion, they were free and invincible. But the atheistical doctrine of Epicurus, which insinuated itself at Rome, under the respectable name of Philosophy, undermined and destroyed this ruling principle. The luxuries of the East, after the conquest of Asia, corrupted the manners of the Romans, weakened this principle of religion, and prepared them for the reception of atheism, which is the never failing attendant on luxury. And thus, by their rapid and unexampled degeneracy, was brought on the total subversion of that mighty republic.

Were we to inquire into the reasons of their decline; were we to compare the Egyptians under their wise kings, with the Egyptians in a time of anarchy; the Persians victorious under Cyrus, with the Persians enervated by the luxuries of Asia; the Romans at liberty under their consuls, with the Romans enslaved by their emperors, we should find, that the decline of each was owing to sin, which is a reproach to a people; to the practice of vices, opposite to the virtues which had caused their elevation; we should be obliged to acknowledge, that a total disregard to religion and righteousness; luxury, voluptuousness, disunion, corruption, and boundless ambition, were the odious means of subverting states, which, in the heighth of their prosperity, expected to endure to the end of time.

Having thus established the truth contained in our text, let us employ a few moments in reflecting on what has been said.

In the first place. What gratitude is due from us to the King of kings, for affording us better means of knowing the righteousness, that exalts a people, and more motives to practice it, than all the nations of antiquity. They had only a superficial, debased, confused knowledge of the virtues, which constitute substantial grandeur; and as they held errors in religion, they must necessarily have erred in civil polity. Our heavenly Father, glory be to his name, has placed at the head of our councils, the most perfect Legislator, that ever held the reins of government in the world. This Legislator is Jesus Christ. His kingdom, indeed, is not of this world, but the rules, he has given us to arrive at his heavenly kingdom, are the most proper to render us happy in the present state. When he says, Seek ye first the kingdom of God, and his righteousness, and all other things shall be added to you; he gives the command, and makes the promise, to whole nations, as well as individuals.

Who ever carried, so far as this divine Legislator, ideas of the virtues we have mentioned, and by practicing which, nations are exalted? Whoever formed such just notions of that benevolence, that love of social good, that magnanimity, that generosity to enemies, that wisdom, justice, and equity, that frugality, and devotedness to the public good, and all the other virtues, which render antiquity venerable to us? Who ever gave such wise instructions to kings, and subjects; to magistrates and people; to citizens and soldiers; to the world and the church? We are better acquainted with these virtues, than most of the nations of the world. We are able to carry our glory, far beyond the nations of antiquity; if not that glory, which glares and dazzles, at least that which makes tranquil and happy, and procures a felicity far preferable to all the pageantry of heroism, and worldly splendor.

Let not these things, my friends, be matters of mere speculation to us. Let us endevour to reduce them to practice. Never let us suffer our political principles to clash, with the principles of our religion. Far, far be from us, and from our rulers, that deceit and hypocrisy, that falsehood and insincerity, that dissimulation and craftiness, those abominable maxims, which a depraved Florentine 6 recommended to statesmen. Let us obey the precepts of Jesus Christ, and practice that righteousness which exalteth a nation, and by so doing, we shall draw down blessings on our nation, more pure and perfect than those, we now enjoy. The blessings we now enjoy, are such as ought, on this auspicious anniversary, to inspire us with lasting gratitude to the great Arbiter of nations,–to him who setteth up one, and putteth down another.

It was a favourite method of instruction with the Jewish Legislators and Prophets, to recur to the history of their nation; to ancient events, and also to such as took place, in a period coeval with themselves, in order to excite a correspondent gratitude, and a spirit of religious obedience, in the breasts of the people. The time will not admit us to adopt the same plan, and enter into such an extensive discussion: A few, however, of the more general, and more conspicuous, you will permit me to glance at.

The first is the blessing of public peace. When we look back on the difficulties and dangers, in which the United States were involved, in the late contest with Great Britain; when we reflect on the perils and disasters we experienced, when surrounded with scenes of horror and devastation—with the depredations and shocking ravages of war—when our liberties, our country, and even life itself might be said to “hang in doubt,” and contrast it with the present peaceable state of our nation, we must acknowledge the gracious interference of almighty God, in our favour.

While wars and rumours of wars are now spreading, and prevailing through all Europe—while nation is rising against nation, and kingdom against kingdom—while the old world is generally convulsed, and tottering under those signs and symptoms, which denote approaching dissolution,–to us is given, and as yet continued, the blessing of peace.

How long we shall enjoy this greatest of the divine favours, the commotions, which have overspread the European nations, have rendered very uncertain. No one can doubt, that our interest, our safety, and our happiness, as a nation, forbid us to interfere in their quarrels. Whether the faith of treaties, or principles of gratitude, for services performed in our distress, call upon us to hazard our own peace and prosperity, it is neither prudent, nor proper to discuss, in this place. This is a subject that rests in the Supreme Executive of the United States; in the wisdom, firmness, and prudence of which, we are happy that we can place entire confidence.

The present appears to be as eventful an era, as any the annals of mankind can furnish. A combination of events seems to be manifestly tending to bring about some mighty revolution, among the nations of the earth. History has scarcely ever before furnished us, with an instance of a populous, and powerful nation, throwing off the yoke of despotism, and acquiring sentiments and habits, congenial to a great and free republic. We have seen the mists of ignorance and error fast rolling away, and the benign beams of liberty, freedom and science, spreading their lustre over the mighty kingdom of France. The flame caught from America, and the spirit of patriotism illumined that whole nation. What generous mind did not espouse its cause? What friend to liberty, and equal rights did not wish them success?

But alas! the fair countenance of freedom has been overspread with a dark veil; and the victims, which popular anarchy and ferocity have sacrificed, must be allowed to have sullied the glories of a revolution, which bid fair to astonish the world. It is forever to be regretted, that any dark shade of ferocious revenge should eclipse the glory of establishing liberty, and freedom, in that nation. But where do the records of history point out a revolution, unstained by some actions of barbarity? When do the passions of human nature rise to that pitch, which produces great events, without wandering into some irregularities? Perhaps, at so great a distance as we are placed, and with so small means of authentic information, we are not capable of forming a proper judgment of their conduct, and the reasons of all their actions; but must patiently wait for the pen of the impartial historian, to enable us to decide, how far to justify or condemn. Should an apology, for that mental intoxication that seems to have influenced them, be necessary, or proper to be here inserted, permit me to give it, in the words of a very sprightly female writer. 7 “Let us remember,” says she, “that the great cause of liberty remains uncontaminated, by the assassinations at Lisle. Though fanatical bigots, in the rage of superstitious cruelty, have dragged their victims to the stake, would it be rational to extend our abhorrence of such actions to Christianity itself?—to that benevolent religion, which inculcates universal charity, love and good will towards men; and choose the comfortless, the sullen indifference of atheism? And shall we, because the fanatics of liberty have committed some detestable crimes, conclude that liberty is an evil, and prefer the gloomy tranquility of despotism? If the blessings of freedom have sometimes been abused, it is because they are not well understood. Those occasional evils, which have happened in the infant state of liberty, are but the effects of despotism. Men have been long treated with inhumanity, therefore they are ferocious. They have often been betrayed, therefore they are suspicious. They have once been slaves, and therefore they are tyrants. They have been used to a state of warfare, and are not yet accustomed to universal benevolence. They have long been ignorant, and have not yet attained sufficient knowledge. They have been condemned to darkness, and their eyes are dazzled by light. The French have thrown aside the ritual of despotism, but they have not all had time to learn the liturgy of that new constitution, which is laid upon the altar of their country. But the genuine principles of enlightened freedom will soon be better comprehended, and may perhaps, at no distant period, be adopted by all the nations of Europe. Liberty may bring her sons from afar, and her daughters from the ends of the earth.

The oppressions which mankind have suffered in every age, and almost in every country, will lead them to form more perfect systems of legislation, than if they had suffered less; and they will only have to regret, that their happiness has been purchased, by the misery of past ages.

Then will the reign of humanity, of order, and of peace, begin; the gates of Janus will be forever closed; liberty will extend her benign influence over the nations, and ye shall know her by her fruits.”

But to return to ourselves.

Another blessing we enjoy, and which calls aloud for our gratitude, is the excellent constitution of our state government, and that of the federal system, which gives union, order, and happiness to America.

Few nations have ever enjoyed the opportunity, of taking up government upon its first principles, and of choosing that form, which is adapted to their situation, and most productive of their public interests and happiness. “The government of the United States,” says a political writer, 8 approaches nearest to the social compact, of any that history can furnish.” Upon an impartial examination of our constitution of government, we find it the best calculated for promoting the happiness, and preserving the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens, of any yet recorded in history. Liberty is here placed in the custody of the people. It wisely guards against anarchy, and confusion on the one hand, and tyranny, and oppression on the other. It is framed upon an extent, not only of civil, but of religious liberty, unexampled, perhaps, in any other country. The sacred rights of conscience are so secured, that “no citizen can be hurt, molested, or restrained in his person, liberty or estate, for worshipping God, in the manner and season, most agreeable to the dictates of his conscience, or for his religious profession or sentiments.” How should this consideration endear it to its citizens, and induce them to reverence it—not only calmly to submit to it, but to regard it with a veneration and affection rising even to enthusiasm, like that, which prevailed at Sparta, and at Rome.

Happy people, whose lot is fallen to them in pleasant places, and who have so goodly an heritage. Happy people! If we have wisdom and virtue, to improve aright the advantages we now enjoy. Blessed be God, who hath visited, and redeemed his people; who hath called them to liberty, and granted them the blessing of peace, and of a free government.

One other favour, you will permit me to mention, is our national prosperity. One blessing generally introduces another, and this is the consequence of peace, and a free government. Our swords are now turned into ploughshares, and our spears into pruning hooks. Our ships, instead of carrying the engines of destruction, are now fraught with the stores of the merchant, and convey to us, from all quarters of the world, the peculiar treasures of kings, and the provinces. The riches of the earth, and the abundance of the seas, are profusely poured into our laps.

But we are not, by an abuse of these blessings, in danger of being deprived of them? If, having eaten and become full; having built goodly houses, and dwelt therein; and having our silver and our gold, and all that we have, greatly multiplied and increased; instead of being thankful for these blessings, and temperate in the use of them, we become presumptuously lifted up, and forget the Lord our God; if, while we enjoy the highest degree of political liberty and prosperity, we are not a virtuous and religious people, shall we not provoke the Most High to withdraw these favours from us, and “to empty us from vessel to vessel?” If, instead of practicing that righteousness, which exalteth a nation, we indulge a spirit of self exaltation; what an army of evils will prevail with it? Luxury and excess supersede the enjoyment of the things themselves. Ostentation, in a great measure, supplants the true delights of society, and an emulous superiority in pride, and distinction, contributes materially to the utter annihilation of simple principles, and almost, cuts asunder the cords of genuine, sentimental friendship. The fate of nations confirms a very ancient doctrine of revelation, that whenever public prosperity causes a forgetfulness of God, a contempt of religion, and increasing profligacy, in the manners of a people, that very prosperity shall destroy them.

With this declaration, and with the many examples of its truth, recorded in the page of history, let us exert ourselves to perpetuate the great blessings, and privileges we enjoy, by a contrary demeanor, and a more Christian deportment than we have hitherto exercised: for the prolongation of our national charter is entirely dependent thereon; and the continuance of national prosperity is solely held, by this conditional tenure, the Lord is with us, while we are with him; if we seek him, he will be found of us, but if we forsake him, he will forsake us.

Nor are we in less danger, from the abuse of our civil liberty, than from that of our prosperity.

Civil government is, doubtless, one of the greatest external blessings, of which we are possessed. It is our protection from fraud and injustice—from rapine and violence. It is the security of our lives—of our property—of everything that is dear to us. The abuse of liberty is the greatest of evils, and draws after it, a train of the most baneful consequences. When a people misimprove their privileges, and become disorderly, ungovernable, and factious, they introduce a state of anarchy, which is worse than absolute despotism.

No one, of the least reflection, can be insensible, what great advantages that nation enjoys, which is not only in a state of perfect peace with its neighbours, but possesses uninterrupted quiet and tranquility at home; which is neither threatened with foreign insult, nor molested by inbred commotions, generally speaking far more dangerous than the former; at least, when they rise to any considerable heighth. It has, indeed, been said, that “small disturbances in the state, do the same service that the winds do in the air, by motion to keep it from stagnation and putrefaction:” But when once the winds are raised, no one can tell when they will be laid, or how strong they will grow; and that which was wantonly, or from selfish views, raised, to serve a present turn, may, in time, come to overturn a constitution.

We are not indeed to suppose, that every small inquietude, every little party or faction, that happens to take place, will be able to accomplish such extraordinary, such pernicious events; yet, it will not be disputed, but that they are liable to produce many fatal, and destructive consequences; which, though not always immediately apparent, will yet, in time, become sufficiently manifest, by a general corruption of manners, and by breaking loose from all proper restraint.

An ingenious writer 9 justly observes, “That a dangerous ambition oftener lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people, than under the forbidden appearance of enthusiasm, for the firmness, and efficiency of government. History will teach us, that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism, than the latter; and that of those men who have overturned the liberty of republics, the greatest number have begun their career, by paying an obsequious court to the people, commencing demagogues, and ending tyrants.”

How cautious, then, should we be, while we are zealous for liberty, that we do not despise government, and weaken the springs of it, by running into licentiousness. A spirit of faction, of murmuring and discontent, may excite internal discord, which may accomplish that, which external violence was not able to effect, I mean our independence, liberty, and safety.

We have no reason to doubt of the virtues, and abilities of those, whom our own free choice has made the guardians of our rights, both in the federal and state governments; we are persuaded, that their upright and faithful endeavours will be exerted to secure, and perpetuate the blessings of peace, and liberty, and to promote the true interest of this people. While the measures of righteousness are religiously observed in their administrations, we are sure, they will be crowned with success. For it is by righteousness, the throne of government is established, and the nation is exalted.

We have the happiness of seeing once more, at the head of this Commonwealth, a Gentleman, 10 of whose abilities in the arduous and important science of government—of whose patriotism and love of liberty—of whose integrity and upright intentions we have had long experience. That display of wisdom, fortitude, and magnanimity, joined with the most unremitting attention, and perseverance, manifested in the virtuous struggle, to obtain and secure our independence, must place his Excellency in the rank of those great and worthy patriots, who have distinguished themselves as the defenders of the rights of mankind: And the many and eminent services he has rendered to this Commonwealth, over which he has so often, and so long presided; as well as his many public and private virtues, add a lustre to his character. We sincerely lament, that the discharge of the duties of his high, and important station, is rendered so difficult and irksome, by his Excellency’s ill state of health, and the many bodily infirmities with which he has been long afflicted. May the benevolent Parent of the universe, who is the health of our countenance, and our God, remove the pains and disorders, under which his Excellency labours, restore and confirm his health, make the remainder of his days happy to himself, and useful to the Commonwealth, and finally reward all his services with eternal happiness in his kingdom above.

The patriotism, firmness, and inflexible attachment to the interests of his country, manifested by his Honor, the Lieutenant-Governor, 11 through a long series of years, justly entitle him to the second rank in government: And the great unanimity, with which his Excellency and Honor have, so repeatedly, been elected to their respective honourable stations, by the unbiased suffrages of their fellow-citizens, is the highest attestation of their merit. To the gracious protection of almighty God we commend them both; beseeching him to grant them wisdom from above; and grace to improve their distinguished talents, in promoting the true interest of this Commonwealth, and the United States.

The Gentlemen, who compose the two branches of the General Court, have, many of them, the satisfaction of reflecting, that their former services have proved acceptable to the multitude of their brethren, by their being re-elected into the important department of legislation. In filling up the few vacant seats in the Senate, and in choosing an executive Council, for the ensuing year, which is the first object of their concern, they will not be influenced by personal or interested views; but will elect such out of those, who are the subjects of their choice, as are able men; such as fear God; men of truth, hating covetousness.

It has indeed been doubted by some, whether this rule should, in all cases, be strictly adhered to; whether a man who is not of this description, who is not a man of rigid probity; who does not appear to have the fear of God before his eyes, and to be governed by a sacred regard to his laws, may not still, in a political capacity, be entitled to great merit, and be a proper person to be concerned in guiding the helm of state. Long experience in civil affairs, it is said—a superior knowledge of the laws—a facility of speaking and of dispatching business—the discovery of arts useful to government, are qualifications necessary to promote the good of the state, which is the main end of all government.

Perhaps we may allow of the exception, provided there is nothing in the personal character of such, from which the state may apprehend greater danger, or inconvenience, than it can expect good, from their capacity to serve it.

Still it holds good, that men of probity,–or virtue,–of religion ought, in all well regulated states, to be the objects of the people’s choice, both from the natural tendency of virtue to promote the happiness of a nation, and from the influence of a good example; which has, in persons distinguished by the confidence of their brethren, a sensible and powerful influence towards rendering religion and virtue more generally esteemed, and practiced. This consideration will have the greater weight, if we reflect, that (as we have shewn) most of the flourishing states in the world, have owed their origin and increase to virtue and righteousness; so, as the manners of the people grew more dissolute and corrupt, they gradually declined in power, in wealth, in credit.

It would be going out of my proper sphere, and perhaps invading the province of the Chief Magistrate, to enter into a detail of those objects, which claim the attention of the General Court, in their present or suture sessions, in the course of this year. Their own good sense, their political knowledge, and their perfect acquaintance with the internal state of the Commonwealth, will point out, and lead them to adopt such measures, as present exigencies require.

Our civil fathers, however, will permit me to remind them, that it is righteousness only which exalteth a nation; that it can never be good policy to transgress the sacred rules of justice and fidelity; and, that the grand secret of political wisdom is to maintain a steady and untainted integrity. They will, therefore, for the support of public faith and honour, as well as domestic tranquility, pay the strictest attention to commutative justice and equity, by a faithful observance and fulfillment of all public engagements; remembering that public contracts are as binding, as private ones can be supposed to be; and ought to be discharged with the same good faith and punctuality; and that no nation can make the least pretension to the character of a righteous one, that does not pay a sacred regard to its promises and contracts.

They will maintain inviolate, by a strict adherence to its original principles, our happy constitution of government; and, for the purposes of national happiness and glory, they will support and strengthen the federal government of the United States, by every constitutional means in their power; fully persuaded that the continuance of our national government is essential to our independence, our safety, our very existence as an empire.

Our civil rulers, will think themselves obliged, both in their public and private stations, to propagate a spirit of industry, frugality, and sobriety, among all ranks of people; to encourage agriculture, commerce and arts; and to promote the interests of literature and science; from the strongest conviction, that ignorance and liberty are incompatible; that the former is the parent of despotism, and the nurse of superstition. In fine, they will do all in their power, that wisdom and knowledge may be the stability of our times—that all vice and impiety be suppressed, and that the people may be allured to the practice of that righteousness, which exalteth a nation. In order to this, they will shew, in their own persons, that they are not ashamed of the gospel of Christ, by paying all due regard to his sacred institutions, and obedience to his laws.

Sensible of the difficulties of their task, and of their need of divine aid and support, we commend them to him, who giveth wisdom to the wise, and understanding to the prudent; beseeching him to direct and prosper all their consultations, to the advancement of his glory, the good of his church, the safety, honour and welfare of the people of this Commonwealth, and of United America.

Permit me to conclude, by reminding this whole assembly, that it concerns everyone to live in the practice of religion and virtue; not only as the public prosperity is deeply concerned in it, but as their own personal happiness, both here and hereafter, absolutely depends upon it. Godliness is profitable for all things, having the promise of this life, and of that which is to come. As therefore we wish the prosperity of our country; as we wish to enjoy the comforts of the present world; as we are anxious to meet the approbation of God, and to enjoy his favour in heaven; let us become the sincere disciples of Jesus Christ; let us follow peace with all men, and holiness, without which no man shall see the Lord. Let the recollection, that the eyes of God are against those who do evil, and of that indignation, which he will finally pour upon the ungodly, deter us from all iniquity, and lead us to aspire after their genuine piety, which will most assuredly, through the infinite merits and mediation of Jesus Christ, introduce us to the future vision and fruition of God, where we shall see him as he is, and know even as we are known.

 


Endnotes

1. Eccles. xii. 9.

2. Diodor. Siculus. Herodotus lib. 2.

3. Montague’s Letters.

4. Cicero de Harus. Refp. P. 183.

5. Cicero de officiis.

6. Machiavel.

7. Helen Maria Williams.

8. Paley.

9. Federalist.

10. His Excellency John Hancock, Esq.

11. His Honor Samuel Adams, Esq.

Sermon – Election – 1793, Connecticut


Charles Backus (1749-1803) graduated from Yale in 1769. He was the pastor of the Congregational church in Somers, Connecticut (1774-1803). Backus preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 9, 1793.


sermon-election-1793-connecticut

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. L.L.D.

GOVERNOR,

AND THE HONORABLE THE

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

OF THE

STATE of CONNECTICUT,

Convened at Hartford, on the Day of the

Anniversary Election.

May 9th, 1793.

By CHARLES BACKUS, A. M.
Pastor of a Church in Somers.

STATE OF CONNECTICUT.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut in America, holden at Hartford on the Second Thursday of May 1793.

ORDERED, that the Hon. Thomas Seymour, and Reuben Sikes, Esqrs. Return the Thanks of this Assembly, to the Rev. Charles Backus, for his Sermon delivered on the late Anniversary Election in this State, and to desire a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examin’d, by

George Wyllys, Sec’y.

 

ELECTION SERMON.
 

GALATIANS VI. 10.

As we have, therefore, opportunity, let us do good unto all men, especially unto them who are of the household of faith.

 

The Gospel of Jesus Christ, proclaims “Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men.” Governed by the virtue of the gospel, we shall not confine our good will to the small circle near us, but shall extend it to all mankind: Nor shall we rest satisfied with the transient glare of a few splendid actions, but shall go into a practice, which embraces the whole extent of duty incumbent on man. The exhortation in the text, is a conclusion drawn from the promises of everlasting life, made to the faithful in the preceding verses. The exhortation addressed to the church at Galatia, contains a command which is binding on all men. It requires the performance of those duties which fall under the denomination of acts of beneficence; and to do good in every other respect, as opportunities occur, to the whole family of Adam. No one can comply with this command, without considering man as possessed not only of certain appetites and desires, in common with the animal creation, but also of an intelligent and moral nature. If this last be left out of the account, man cannot be considered as an object of the benevolence which is required in the divine law.

The Apostle places great stress on doing good to them who are of the household of faith. The reason is obvious: True Christians resemble in some degree, the merciful Redeemer of sinners, who went about doing good—like him, they make those benevolent exertions which express good will to the whole human race. It is impossible to possess the affection, which embraces the greatest portion of intelligent happiness, without feeling at the same time a peculiar attachment to those, whose actions declare that the law of universal love is written in their hearts. These, as the ornaments of our race, and the lights of the world, claim our special love and attention. The accurate and impartial observer of mankind, will find much more to praise in the good man, who passes all his days in the vale of obscurity, than in some who are recorded as the boast of their nation or age. Since principle and conduct form the true distinction of rank, we shall deviate from rectitude, and set a pernicious example, if we estimate worth by station; or suffer ourselves to be governed by the censure, or applause, of the proud and the vain. On the subject of real worth, we may, however, safely venture an appeal to the moral sense, or conscience, implanted by the Creator in the human breast. When this is enlightened and solemnized, all men think alike, uniformly speak in commendation of virtue, and acknowledge it to be necessary for their guide and support. Were not this the case, there could be no propriety in holding up divine revelation before all; nor could the Christian minister be justified, in making the gospel the theme of his discourse on every occasion.

The passage of scripture chosen for the guide of our meditations, may, with propriety, on the present occasion, lead us to discourse on the importance of Christian virtue to the civil ruler. The obligations to promote the common cause of virtue, must fall with the greatest weight on those, to whom most talents are committed by the great Lord of all. The superior obligations under which the civil ruler is placed to diffuse happiness, must be in proportion as his station rises above the ordinary walks of life. Nor can any stand in greater need of the guidance of divine wisdom, and the supports of divine grace, than he who is called to the laborious and difficult task of ruling over men.

To shew the importance of Christian virtue to the civil ruler, it is necessary, in the first place, to attend to its nature. This will appear from a brief survey of some of the leading features of the Christian religion, and the effects which it tends to produce on the principles and manners of society.

Christianity, must recommend itself to all, who will give it a fair and candid examination. In the sacred pages, the attributes of the most high are unfolded, in a manner which is suited to inspire the reverence, command the love, and encourage the hopes of man. All our relations to him, with their connected duties, are clearly brought into view; whether he is considered as our Creator, Ruler, Lawgiver, Redeemer, or Judge. We are taught that “in God we live, and move, and have our being,” and are constantly reminded of our obligations, to act up to the dignity of a creature placed at the head of this lower world. We are warned against forgetting that we received all our capacity, for service, or happiness, from the Former of our bodies, and the Father of our spirits. All creatures and events in the universe are under his direction and control; and will be made subservient to the designs of infinite wisdom and goodness. The first and great commandment in the divine law, requires us “to love God with all our hearts.” No other affection of mind can conduct us to happiness; because no other can bring us into a moral union with the Author of our being. The depravity of the human race, has been deplored by the discerning philantrophy of all ages. This corruption is developed, and its operations are traced with such skill and impartiality, as to extort a confession from all, not sunk in brutish stupidity, that the Author of the Scriptures is divine. The scheme of mercy opened in the gospel, comes in as a necessary relief to a guilty race; and furnishes a powerful spring to holiness of heart and life. Taught that the holiness of Christians is the workmanship of God, pride is hidden from man, and the Lord alone is exalted, in the application, as well as purchase of gospel grace. All those divine influences which are necessary for the guide, and support of good men, in every station of life, as well as to fit them for complete blessedness in the world to come, are contained in the promises of the gospel. These are addressed to the humble, the penitent, and the pure in heart. Sobriety, contentment, submission, patience, and all other graces and virtues, are required by the Christian law; and enter into the character of those who inherit the kingdom of heaven. The doctrine of future rewards and punishments, is rescued from the errors of pagan philosophy, and placed in such a light, in the volume of inspiration, as to strike terror on the wicked, and minister consolation to the righteous, amidst the sharpest conflicts with the evils of time.

The Christian religion not only leads us to the knowledge of God, and points out the way to secure his favour, for time and eternity, but it acquaints us with the uniting bond of society. This is contained in the command, “Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.” Had the love of our country been made the highest objet of virtue, our religion, like all others, would have comprised principles which are hostile to the general welfare of mankind. What was the boasted virtue of ancient Rome, when rising to the zenith of her greatness, but affected justice and clemency, attempting to conceal the ambition of giving law to all nations, and subjecting them to pay servile homage to the Roman name? In mercy to the world, that empire has long since crumbled in pieces, and such political arrangements have taken place, among the states and kingdoms formed out of her ruins, as forbid the success of any future madman who might aspire after universal conquest; and encourage the hope that the former horrors of war will never return. But whatever alterations may have been effected by the policy of courts, the human heart still retains its pride and malevolence. Of these there can be no effectual cure, but from imbibing the meek and benevolent spirit of the gospel, which breathes universal good will. Christianity includes, and particularly enjoins, justice, truth, compassion, the forgiveness of enemies, and the whole train of virtues, which give harmony and strength to the social bond. Were this divine religion universal, the world would be transformed into a region of peace and happiness. Hence, the Prophet Isaiah writes, when describing the effects of its prevalence among the nations, “They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war anymore.”

When we look for a character perfectly formed on the principles of benevolence, our attention is fixed upon the life and death of the Son of God. From the beginning to the end of his days on earth, he obeyed every precept of the divine law, without a single deviation. He discovered an unshaken firmness in his attachment to truth, and human felicity, by lifting up his voice against the corruptions of the day, and every species of iniquity practiced by the children of disobedience. By his preaching, and example, he enforced the observance of the duties of social life. Instead of terrible displays of his miraculous power, he restored hearing to the deaf, sight to the blind, and life to the dead. Neither poverty, contempt, or the tongue of slander, could abate the ardor of his love, or the labour of his life, in promoting the present and future happiness of a rebellious race. The scene of his labours and sufferings, was closed by a most painful and ignominous death. He died as he had lived—on the cross, he pardoned a thief who was expiring by his side; and with his dying breath, fervently commended his murderers to the mercy of God.

Benevolence not only shines in the general nature, laws and promises of Christianity, and in the life and death of its Founder, but will be gloriously displayed in the day of judgment. In that awful day, the Lord Jesus, the judge of the living and the dead, will in presence of the assembled universe, distinguish the righteous from the wicked, by the beneficence of their conduct; as manifested in ministering to the necessities, and alleviating the sorrows, of the excellent of the earth. Christ will consider what had been done, from real love to those friends of truth and of mankind, as done to himself. He is represented in the 25th of Matthew, as addressing the righteous, from the throne of his glory, in the following words—“I was hungry, and ye gave me meat: I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink: I was a stranger, and ye took me in: Naked, and ye cloathed me: I was sick, and ye visited me: I was in prison, and ye came unto me.”

A religion, which is full of love, kindness, and compassion, must, when carried into general practice, produce the happiest effects on the principles and manners of society. All communities, whether smaller, or larger, will, in proportion as they resemble the great pattern of benevolence, improve the numerous opportunities which occur, in the various relations of life, to prevent, or diminish the misery, and advance the happiness, of their respective members.

The diversity of gifts, with which the Creator hath endowed intelligent creatures, and the different circumstances allotted them in providence, give no countenance to the usurpations and cruelties of unfeeling despots. A virtuous temper, would prompt the most favoured, to offer thanks to the author of all good, for their distinguishing blessings; and to a behavior which breathes compassion, towards those who are groping in darkness, or are smarting by the rod of oppression.

The scripture account of the propagation of the human kind, is,–“That God hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth.” An universal practice, perfectly corresponding with the obligations thence derived, would present all the posterity of our common progenitor, when meeting, from the North, the South, the East, or the West, as embracing each other with the endearments of friendship.

To admit that children of the same family, have a natural right to enslave, or destroy one another, would be adopting the first born of absurdities. Nothing can be urged in support of it either from natural or revealed religion. Hence, God would not suffer the Israelites to enslave, or destroy the Amorites, until their iniquity was full. In that case, it must be admitted, that the righteous and sovereign Lord of the world, had the same right to destroy the ancient inhabitants of Canaan by the hands of men, as he had to waste them by pestilence or famine, or to consume them by fire from heaven. The Israelites were not permitted to become the executioners of the divine wrath, until they had received a special commission from Jehovah, attested by miracles. If any would now claim a right to cut off, or enslave nations, from the example just named, let them prove their commission, by walking through the sea on dry ground;–by drawing water from a rock;–by feeding on bread rained down from heaven for their sustenance;–by arresting the sun and moon in their course;–or by miraculous interpositions which equally display the finger of God.

From the brief survey which we have taken, of the nature and fruits of Christian virtue, it appears, that it gives no countenance to superstition, or any species of tyranny. It is built on the immutable principles of moral rectitude. To these civil institutions must be conformed, to support rational liberty, or promote general happiness.

Our religion teaches us to reverence civil government as an ordinance of God. It goes into a detail of the duties of rulers and subjects. It denounces heavy woes against rulers who decree unrighteous decrees, and against a spirit of turbulence and faction in subjects. The sacred writings are full of promises to the upright and faithful on the seat of judgment, and to the just and the good of every rank in life. The Supreme Ruler hath left it to the wisdom of man, to accommodate the law of rectitude to the local, and other circumstances of a particular people; but he hath declared his detestation of every kind of government, which does not, in its first principle, recur to those which give character to his own government over the intelligent creation.

2. The importance of Christian virtue to the civil ruler will appear from the temper and views, with which a good ruler enters into office.

The virtuous man, from a conviction of duty, and with a humble dissidence of his own abilities, engages in public life, at the call of his country, with a sincere aim to promote its welfare. A moderate acquaintance with the world, may convince every person, that the post of honour is not the place for ease, or worthy a comparison in this respect, with the tranquility to be found in the humbler stations of life. Ancient and modern examples bear witness, that men who are best fitted to promote the true interest of society in high stations, will not be the most eager to rise in the commonwealth. Such characters, when put into office, like Moses when called to be a leader of the Hebrew nation, will call up the difficulties to be encountered, from what they discover in themselves, and in those over whom dominion is to be exercised, and will be kept from doating on enjoyments, which exist nowhere but in the deceitful prospects of ambition. Piety in the heart of a ruler, will lead him to look to God for wisdom and strength. Solomon, when he ascended the throne of Israel, addressed himself to the divine Majesty, in the language of a man who felt his own inability to govern, and his absolute need of direction and support from on high: “Give thy servant an understanding heart to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad; for who is able to judge this thy so great a people?”

A ruler of this description, will not stoop to low and sordid arts to bring himself into notice; nor deviate from rectitude, through fear of being ejected. A small share of modesty and prudence, might guard against blackening faithful characters in public life, or addressing the prejudices of faction, to secure a post of honour. But such is the human heart in its present depraved state, and so many are the temptations to inglorious deeds, that virtue alone can prove a sure defence: “He who walketh uprightly, walketh surely.”

3. When we consider the civil ruler as governing the commonwealth, his need of the influence of Christian virtue will eminently appear.

The decision of all controversies by laws, which are the voice of the collected wisdom of the community, gives a people the fairest opportunity of experiencing the blessings of equal justice, within the reach of human art. Nothing, in the ordinary state of things, can darken their prospects of enjoying all the happiness which government can promise, so long as they retain sufficient knowledge and virtue, not to despise their privileges; and treat with contempt the clamours and intrigues of disaffected, or aspiring men.

No rank, obtained by birth, or royal favour, deserves to vie with the honour of a trust, given as an expression of the confidence of a free and enlightened people. An elevation to office among them, affords good evidence of personal merit in the ruler, and places him under the highest obligations to fidelity.

We can place no confidence in a legislator, who does not extend his views beyond a small district of the commonwealth, or confines his regard to one class of citizens. A just man, when called to guide the affairs of the state, will not consent to sacrifice one part of it to another. The wisest of our race may, indeed, err, and it will be found impossible to do equal justice in all cases, but the general good must be consulted: and an honest heart, accompanied with sound judgment, and good information, will rarely commit any material error. “The heart of the wise teacheth his mouth and addeth learning to his lips.”

The virtuous legislator acts on principles, which he is willing to submit to free and candid enquiry. Knowing that the torrent which is noisy, is not remarkable for depth, and that the torrent which swells today, will have spent itself by tomorrow, he looks beyond the éclat, or censure of the moment, and keeps a watchful eye, against handing down to posterity, an example which will not bear examination: For he knows that discerning characters, will hereafter, sit in judgment upon him, who will stand remote enough from the subject, to pass impartial sentence. He has too much wisdom to forget, that tho’ the acclamations of a promiscuous multitude, have been given to some, who have covered the worst designs under the garb of patriotism, their glory has been but for a moment; while the honest man has, sooner or later, received the just tribute of praise.

Upright rulers, will provide for the impartial administration of justice. The able and faithful minister of justice, appears in a venerable light; as a terror to evil-doers, and the friend and protector of the innocent. Innocence arraigned before him, is inspired with confidence; while guilt approaches with trembling.

To ascertain the merit of any system of civil polity, we must have recourse, not only to its moral complexion in general; but must in particular examine the attention which it pays to the existing habits of the people immediately concerned, together with its ability to avail itself of the various springs of human action.

Nothing can justify losing sight of real life, in framing constitutions or laws. The peasant feels, and the philosopher acknowledges, the force of long habits. Tho’ weakened for a time, they will, in most instances, regain their former influence. Hence it appears, that nothing can effectually prevent a government, which promises to reform, from going back to its former depression, but the mental enlargement of its subjects. If politicians, or legislators, lose sight of the state of the people, their labours will resemble inscriptions on the sand, which are blotted out by the return of the tide. Highly favoured is that commonwealth, which falls into the hands of sages, who know what deference to pay to habits of long duration, how to counteract, and wear out, those which are hurtful; and have skill to place public affairs in a train which opens a door for future improvements.

Since habits have such force, it must be accounted a matter of the first importance, that good ones be formed; and that proper means be applied for this purpose. We can name no subject, in which the wise and the good, have been more unanimous, than the education of youth. This must find the patronage of every government, which is not built on the ruins of liberty and justice. They who have tasted the sweets of good government, must be worse than inhuman, not to feel an ardent desire to live in their successors, and to transmit to future generations, down to the end of time, the blessings which involve the welfare of mankind. Education, taken in its full extent, comprises the only means within the reach of human abilities of forming the minds of the young, to act their parts with propriety and dignity when they shall succeed the present actors. To give education its greatest force, it is necessary to begin with inculcating knowledge and virtue, when impressions are made on the mind with the greatest ease. The morning of life, is the period in which a foundation must be laid for future improvements, and usefulness: In this forming age the mind receives a turn which is seldom lost. When the learning of a state is confined to a few families, distinctions, or cabals, will soon arise, which tend to destroy the principles of free governments. It must therefore be an important branch of political wisdom, to cause a general diffusion of knowledge among the people. To promote this design, and to qualify persons for extensive usefulness, not only the common schools of learning, but the higher literary establishments, have been found of great utility.

Literature prepares the mind for free and candid discussion. It is of great use in discovering the boundaries of human knowledge, the line which divides the provinces of reason and faith, and the harmony which prevails among the various works of God. Whatever directly tends to promote these purposes, is suited to convince, that a revelation from Heaven is of absolute importance to erring mortals; and that their reason will find its best employment, in learning the lessons inculcated by infinite wisdom, and in giving these all the scope, indicated by our social nature, and required by the divine law.

A ritual which agrees with the spirit of Christianity, will exhibit the social virtues in an amiable light. These can have no scope in the life of a solitary individual, and very little among the tribes of men, which are few in number, and whose habits admit of no fixed place of residence. Hence it appears, that those arts which extend, refine, and sweeten the social intercourse, and the religion of the gospel, may be mutual helps.

But human science, carried to its highest pitch, cannot supply the place of piety and virtue. The religion of Jesus Christ can have no substitute. Admitting this to point out the way to present and future happiness, no man of virtue would consent to accept the most honorable post in life, were he thereby obliged to treat with indifference the household of faith, or forbidden to employ the weight of his influence in its favor.

Were not man designed for moral government, and the retributions of eternity, we might justly be confounded, at finding his benevolent Creator suffering him to possess his present feelings, on a review of his conduct, and his present anxiety about a future state. The impressions of a right and a wrong, a moral Governor, and retribution, on the minds of men of all nations and ages, cannot be obliterated. They may not be found in an equal degree, they may be obscured by fable, their influence may be weakened, or suspended for a time; but cannot be destroyed. In seasons of extreme peril, many of the doubting speculations which entice, in the closet, will vanish; and the few first principles which lie open to the understandings of all, will force themselves into action. Involuntary homage will frequently be paid to moral and religious truths, so long as the earth, the atmosphere, and the ocean, are composed of their present materials, and so long as pain and death are the portion of man. The divine goodness is conspicuous in rendering providence a constant monitor to man, to keep alive in his mind the laws both of natural and revealed religion.

The ruler who sets out to govern mankind, without paying any regard to indelible moral impressions, steps upon new ground; and to maintain consistency, must suppose, either that a new creation is brought into existence, or that it is in his power to throw into oblivion the former creed. Let us for a moment, admit that he succeeds, in banishing every moral and religious principle from the minds of his subjects; and that all the members of that remarkable commonwealth, do not hesitate to pronounce piety and virtue, the priesthood and the temple, the idle dreams of enthusiasm. We should be justly chargeable with taking too bold a flight, even for the regions of imagination, should we represent all the members of that utopian society, as thinking on a scale large enough to connect private with public wrongs. Passing the licentiousness of the contemplative few, how would the great body of that people be kept in any tolerable order, without the severities of despotic government, or without calling in the aid of something not less shocking to humanity, than a court of inquisition? Of the truth of this observation we can have no doubt, when we call up the numerous temptations to fly in the face of justice, which grow out of the independence of some, and the necessities of others, in all large communities. Nothing can be found to supply the place of moral and religious principles; which lay restraints where human laws cannot reach, and where none but Omniscience can behold; and alone can influence, under many circumstances, to pay that sacred regard to truth, which involves the punishment of the guilty, or the protection of the innocent.

Resuming the idea that some kind of religion will exist, and taking it for granted, that the peaceable enjoyment of it, is one of the unalienable rights of man, it will follow, that the protection of it must be one design of the social compact; and that the ruler ought to be a nursing father to a religion, which is calculated to root out iniquity, and make men good citizens. Such is the religion of the gospel, as delivered in the holy scriptures.

Propriety and justice forbid confounding the ecclesiastical with the civil department, or impairing the rights of an individual on account of his faith. A review of the evils which have sprung from an intolerant spirit, strikes a benevolent mind with horror.

Society must be sunk very low, or raised to a high pitch of real refinement, to be fitted for a general agreement in the doctrines modes and forms of religion. The fullest specimen of uniformity, which has been seen in the Christian church, since it became very extensive, was in the dark ages. We must wait for general union on better grounds, until the high prospect of futurity shall be unfolded. In passing through the middle state, shakings must be felt. These are necessary to root up every plant which our heavenly Father hath not planted; and serve, at the same time, as a test, by which the friends and the enemies of religious order may be discriminated.

The heavenly nature and original of the Christian religion, the manner in which it was first propagated, and the Almighty power pledged for its defense, warn us against building our faith on the wisdom of men, and proclaim, that the Ark of God doth not rest on an arm of flesh. But should any take occasion from thence, to deny that Christianity tends to support the social virtues, or plead that civil society ought not to countenance it, they will as far as their influence extends, clothe it with the austerities of the monastic life, and greatly promote the cause of those who place it in the catalogue of legendary tales. A similar abuse is chargeable on those, who urge the promises of infinite truth and power, to support the kingdom of peace, somewhere on the earth, to the close of time, in excuse for the neglect of proper means, to secure its blessings to themselves and posterity.

The deep wound which every kind of tyranny has received, and the conquests of reason and virtue, afford matter of universal joy; and open a wide field of labour. We shall incur the aggravated guilt of despising the goodness of God, if we refuse to co-operate with the apparent designs of his gracious providence. In particular, we are called to maintain the strictest vigilance against all the missteps, which have led others into bondage, or have endangered their freedom. To advance in this good work, it is necessary to draw into the channel of our exertions, the peculiar advantages, to be derived from the course of thinking, and enterprise, which mark the character of the present enlightened age.

Experience has abundantly shewn, that the human mind, in an uncultivated state, is extremely impressible, and liable to be driven into dangerous extravagancies, when its hopes and fears are artfully addressed by the warmth of party zeal. Living in an advanced period of the world, we have examples without number before us, to confirm us in the belief, that neglecting the moral culture of the mind in particular, will be followed with bad effects to society. Confining ourselves within a narrow range, let us come down to our young country, thinly inhabited in proportion to its extent, when compared with the European states and kingdoms. Besides the habits which the first settlers brought from the other side of the Atlantic, the smallness of their number, their poverty, hardships, and common danger, must have operated for a considerable length of time, as so many forcible bonds of union. Frequent emigrations from our older settlements, have also tended, in several respects, to prevent the rise of faction, and check the virulence of party rage. These evils, have, however, appeared among us, in some degree. In what places have they risen to the greatest height? An answer to this question, supported by its true reasons, would turn out decidedly in favour of the present argument.

The enlightened and the candid of every profession, clearly discern the close connection between rational liberty, the spirit of laws and moral and religious truths. They must reprobate the idea of attempting to disunite and set at variance, the things which have been united by the creator and moral governor of the world; and whose joint influence will be found necessary for the strength and happiness of society, so long as it shall be found on the earth. A rebellion against the harmony established by infinite wisdom, cannot meet with general approbation, at a time when civil government is deeply studied as a science; and new facts are constantly demonstrating that its perfection consists, in treating man according to his capacities, springs of action and relations.

The generous philanthropy, which beholds with abhorrence the multitude of sanguinary laws, to be found among most nations, will derive its firmest support from a religion which inculcates, in the strongest manner purity of heart and morals. If aids from this source be denied, crimes will multiply; and small encouragement can be taken from substituting those corrective punishments, which are designed to leave no indelible marks of infamy on reformed offenders.

It can admit of no question, whether it be right or safe, to trust to the mere voice of natural conscience, with casual instructions, for the assistance which the Christian religion affords, for maintaining the order and happiness of society. It will be readily granted, that a good acquaintance with moral and religious truths cannot be generally diffused, without an attendance, at stated seasons, on the public forms of religion. These will borrow their complexion and influence, in no small degree, from those who guide them. Hence appears the importance of stated teachers, placed under circumstances, steadily to attend on the business of their profession. The welfare of man, as to both worlds, requires, that the public forms of religion be kept up, in a manner which has the most direct tendency to give weight and energy to moral and religious truths.

4. The importance of Christian virtue to the civil ruler, will appear from considering the commanding influence of his example.

Great is the force of example; especially in those who fill the higher stations in life. To them all the lower ranks look up; and by them a general cast will be given to the morals of community. If influential characters are licentious in their opinions, or dissipated in their manners, they will spread the contagion far and wide; because they fall in with the current of degenerate human nature. Hence, when a wicked prince sat on the throne of Israel, the idolatry and vices of the court, soon became the idolatry and vices of the nation. Corrupt as mankind are, examples on the side of virtue, in rulers, contribute much to prevent the prevalence of wickedness, and embolden good men to attempt the work of general reformation. This was verified in the case of the ancient Jewish nation when their judges, or kings, obeyed the laws of Jehovah; and will be found true among all other nations. If rulers are in the transgression, the laws will be trampled under foot, or become an engine of tyranny. The ruler who fears not God, and regards not man, will not perish alone; but if he is permitted long to be in authority, will drag multitudes along with him into the gulf of ruin. The happy influence of the exemplary ruler will be extensively felt especially under a long administration. Justice borrows lustre from the venerable lips which pronounce it; and the laws are sanctioned in the public opinion, when those who frame, and those who execute them, are in high repute for wisdom and integrity. The pious example of the great, will excite reverence for religious institutions, and encourage an attendance on the public worship of God.

In improving this discourse, we may remark, how different is the general state of human society, from that which would result from the universal dominion of Christian love. Love to God, and love to man, rising to perfection in every heart, would diffuse happiness through the family of the great Creator, and banish misery from the universe. But the encroachments of the strong upon the weak, and the conflicts of rivals, have filled the earth with oppression and violence, and watered it with blood. On the side of oppressors, there has been power; while on the side of the oppressed, entreaties and tears have been poured out in vain—they have had no comforter. The pride of genius, and of science, commanding eloquence, and conciliating manners, have often lent their aid, to give success to the enterprises of lawless ambition; and to conceal the crimes of public robbers, and murderers, under the honorable names of valour and patriotism. The virtuous few, have wept in secret places, in beholding the light given from on high, to guide erring mortals in the way of peace and happiness, treated with scorn, or perverted to support the tyranny and cruelties of the wicked.

Our subject also leads us to infer the great obligations of a people who enjoy the blessings of good government. They are called to offer thanks to God, that they are not doomed to pass their lives under a domination, which tramples upon their rights, and riots in their spoils. The protection of the cause of righteousness, the support of liberty, and the enjoyment of peace, anywhere on the earth, are to be attributed to the power and grace of God. He hath the hearts of all men in his hand, and is able to improve even their passions, to accomplish the designs of his wisdom and mercy. Amidst all the convulsions which shake the world; whether the rod of tyrants, the scourge of war, the pride of ambition, or the thirst for gold, he who sitteth King forever, is advancing the glory of his kingdom, and unfolding the purposes of infinite love. The God of truth hath raised up chosen instruments, in different ages, to scatter light in midst of surrounding darkness; or hath girded them with might, to withstand and conquer legions, who were armed against the liberties of mankind. Let all states and nations who have been delivered from oppression, join with the faithful of old, “when the Lord turned again the captivity of Zion,” in giving him the glory: “The Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.” The holy joy which fills the thankful heart, will influence to a life of virtue. To such a life the external motives are increased, when man is restored to the privileges which belong to his nature. Where only merit can expect honorable distinction, earth, as far as possible, unites with Heaven, in encouraging to excel, in whatsoever things are honest, just, pure, lovely, and of good report. What language can paint the infamy of a people, raised to the summit of earthly blessings, if they fit themselves for despotic rule, by their follies and vices; or tarnish their glory by ingratitude towards their divine benefactor?

The United States of America, will be most inexcusable, if they do not “remember the years of the right hand of the Most High.” He hath redeemed us from our enemies, given us a name among the nations, and a government established on the broad basis of liberty. To us is granted the rare privilege of living under a government which originates from the people; and can admit of corrections and improvements, without being inevitably exposed to the dreadful convulsions felt by nations long enslaved, when they are roused from their torpor, attempt to throw off the yoke of bondage, and to accomplish the work of an age in a day.

In laying the foundations of free states, a vast field opens for the display of great talents. Those who are at the head of public affairs in such periods, have a station of the first eminence assigned them: and if they faithfully perform its duties, they will render their memories precious. With what veneration do we look back on the illustrious sages of former times, who were raised up to establish the freedom, and perpetuate the prosperity of nations? Among these we may justly rank the Fathers of New-England; to whose wisdom, generous services, and persevering fortitude, we are so much indebted for the privileges we enjoy. Those worthies, indeed, went into justifiable severities, in their treatment of those who differed from them in religious opinions: but we shall not judge them deserving of heavy censure; when we consider the complexion of the age in which they lived, and that no set of men have ever risen wholly above the prejudices of their own time. Salutary effects, derived from the combined influence of the civil, literary, and religious institutions of our ancestors, are felt down to the present day. May we prove ourselves worthy of so honorable a descent, and may future generations rise up and call us blessed.

The form of government under which we have lived in this state, from its infancy, is accommodated only to the genius of a free people, well educated, trained up in similar habits, and not sunk in luxury and dissipation. The charge of an improper partiality for the state which gave us birth, cannot lie against us, when we attribute our uncommon prosperity, under providence, to the knowledge and manners of the inhabitants.

This joyful Anniversary, reminds us of our obligations to praise the God of our fathers, who hath continued to us our inestimable privileges. We have always had the satisfaction to see our nobles from ourselves, and our governors proceeding from the midst of us. Elective governments have derived great lustre from the elections of this state. Rulers brought into office by the unsolicited suffrages of enlightened freemen, have the fairest opportunity which the world affords, of living in the hearts of the people. They enjoy a pleasure in the plain and respectful addresses of those who are in lower stations, which is unknown to the despot, who looks down on his subjects as born for slavery.

The solemnities of this day, must remind our honorable Rulers,. Now assembled in the house of the Lord, of their obligations to be “ministers of God for good,” and to seek his blessing.

May it please your Excellency,

The magistrate who possesses the virtues which adorn the man, can have no desire to be addressed in the style of adulation. Nor will an apology be necessary to a ruler of this description, for omitting in a devotional performance, a detail of the extensive and eminent services, which immortalize the patriot and the politician in the page of history.—As a servant of God, it must be your first concern to secure his favour. A just estimate of the dignity of an exalted station, and the expectations of the public, furnish high inducements to fidelity. But strong as these motives are, they are not sufficient to secure against the treachery of the heart under pressing temptations. Nothing but a humble dependence on divine aid, can effectually shield against the frowns or insidious arts of the wicked. The greatest natural and acquired abilities, are not alone sufficient to sustain the weight of public cares, hold an even balance between clashing interests, and endure with fortitude the storms to which the ruler is exposed. Who can stand in greater need of the grace contained in the Christian covenant, than he on whom the eyes of the commonwealth are placed, as the defender of her rights, and the supporter of her laws? As a friend of men, you will employ your authority and example for the suppression of vice, and the encouragement of virtue and religion. In the hair of state, a signal opportunity is afforded to enforce the belief—That the spirit of the laws established by infinite wisdom is essential to the well being of society. A practical conformity to the standard of truth and happiness, exhibits a character which doth not depend on the breath of popular applause, and will be found unto praise, and honour, and glory, when earthly greatness shall be no more. Our prayer is, that your commanding influence may long incite to that course of life, which forms the character of the good man, and is the brightest ornament of our nature.

The splendor of office which dazzles the unthinking, has few allurements to a mind matured by study and experience. A serious and devout temper will lead the honorable of the earth, often to abstract themselves from everything foreign to the heart, and to look forward to the retributions of eternity. In retirements devoted to such purposes, your Excellency is sure to find those supports which a grateful people cannot bestow. May you through life enjoy the divine blessing, and when removed from this world, be admitted to reign with the Redeemer in the world of everlasting joy.

The trust committed to his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, the Honorable Council, and House of Representatives, requires unremitted exertions for the welfare of this Republic. To them belongs the tribute of respect due to the rulers of a free and enlightened people.

Honorable Gentlemen,

We look up to you to guard the state by salutary laws, secure the impartial administration of justice, and watch over the morals of the people. We are sure that you will not discountenance those sober, republican manners, which, under God, have been our defense and glory. You must feel the importance of encouraging literature, countenancing the public worship of God, and correcting the irreligion and immoralities of the day. You have honoured yourselves as the patrons of science, by your late liberal donation to our University. The Gentlemen of the civil and sacred orders, united in its government, and the republic of letters at large, look forward with great satisfaction to the period, as near at hand, when that respectable feat of learning will be furnished with the necessary buildings, and will contain all the professorships to be desired in an University. While you are holding out encouragements to cultivate every art and science, which can advance the interest and dignity of a free people, you will not fail to support those religious institutions, which are the great means of promoting piety and virtue. There is something so noble, so godlike, in employing great powers to diminish human misery, and increase human happiness, as must command respect and veneration. Ye guardians of our rights, be decided, be firm, in resisting the torrent of wickedness, and supporting the cause of virtue; and you are sure of the aid, and the prayers of all good men, and the protection of Heaven.

The motives which arise from a thirst for human applause, are infinitely small, when compared with those which are drawn from the divine favour. The solemn hour is at hand, when the recollection of having done applauded actions can convey no joy to the heart, unless they can be traced to an unfeigned regard to the honour of God, and the real good of mankind. Hearkening to the voice of Him who is wonderful in counsel, may each of you be conducted safely through the labours of life, be comforted in death, and receive the crown of righteousness from the Lord, the righteous Judge, “Well done thou good and faithful servant: thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things: enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.”

The union and strength which the Christian religion gives to society, the lustre it throws on every accomplishment, the aids it furnishes to all ranks and stations, and above all, the prospects it opens beyond the grave, render it the support and joy of its disciples. Christian ministers, must, in a high degree, glory in that religion which they are called publicly to explain and enforce.

Reverend Fathers and Brethren,

While we unite with our honorable Rulers in paying homage to the supreme King, it must yield us no small satisfaction to reflect, that our holy religion refutes every charge which can be brought against it, as unfriendly to the peace and liberties of mankind. It appears in a still more amiable light in its influence on society, as the nature and design of civil government are better understood. In a land of freedom, we can, with peculiar pleasure, put our hearers in mind “to be subject to principalities and powers, and to obey magistrates.” The present united efforts of the curious and inquisitive, of every profession and opinion, to enlarge the boundaries of knowledge, must have great influence on the religious, as well as the political state of the world. It is peculiarly incumbent on us, to promote a spirit of free and candid enquiry, to exhibit the religion of Jesus Christ in its native charms, and lead pious and exemplary lives. Many are the inducements to faithfulness, arising from the salutary effects which the evangelical ministry tends to produce on the civil state. But how vast and solemn are the motives with which we must be impressed, when we consider that the religion we are called to preach, displays the perfections of the Divine Mind in their glory! And reveals the great Atoning Sacrifice, on which is founded man’s hope of a blessed immortality! The mysteries of Redemption are the study of angels, and furnish a theme for the admiration and praise of those spotless intelligences, who stand round the throne of God. They come down to earth, and are as a flaming fire, in ministering to the advancement and glory of the kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. The existence of the states and kingdoms of the world, and all their changes and revolutions, are only parts of the grand scheme of providence, for promoting the designs, and displaying the glory of that kingdom. We must be roused to diligence and zeal in the connection of time with eternity, the worth of immortal souls, and the account we must soon give of our stewardship to the great Lord of all. When we have finished our course, may we depart in peace, and receive from the Chief Shepherd a crown of glory that fadeth not away.

Fellow-Citizens of this Assembly,

It becomes us to live under the government of that divine religion, which leads the heart to God, and fills it with benevolence towards men. Conformed to the law of love, we shall be solicitous to distinguish and honor real worth, and obey those who are in authority over us. While we consider them as responsible to the public, for the use of the powers with which they are entrusted, let us pay the just tribute of respect to the faithful guardians of all that is dear to us in life. Our rulers cannot render us prosperous, nor secure us against that state of servile dependence, which has ever been, in a remarkable degree, the dread of this republic, if we do not unite our endeavours with theirs to promote the common welfare.

Parents, may do much to strengthen the hands of the civil, as well as the religious minister; by inculcating on the minds of their children reverence to the Creator, training them up in good principles, and forming their morals. To shine in the gay circle will be small praise, if the heart remain a stranger to the charms of virtue. Youth appears amiable and promising when it venerates the patriot, honours the upright ruler, and esteems the good of every grade in life; and when neither the brilliancy or obscurity of parents, diverts or deters from laudable enterprise.

Raised to great eminence in the enjoyment of privileges, we may justly tremble in fear of the wretchedness into which we shall be thrown, if we refuse to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with God. Let us repent of our sins, repair to the grace of the gospel for pardon, and obey its laws: “Then shall our peace be as a river, and our righteousness as the waves of the sea.” Let our high prosperity engage us to praise Him, who prevents us from being involved in the troubles, which distress so many nations on the Eastern Continent, at the present time. But the generous soul, not confined by local attachments, or absorbed in its private ease, travels round the globe, everywhere recognizes the brother in the man, takes part in his joys and sorrows, and fervently prays for the speedy commencement of the glorious era, when liberty and the religion of peace will fill the earth.

Let us not forget, that through whatever changes, the church on earth, and the kingdoms of the world may pass, we shall soon cease to be active in them, and must be gathered to the innumerable multitude gone to the land of silence. Death will not blot us out of the creation, but will introduce to everlasting happiness or misery, according to the deeds done in the body. It is of infinite moment, whatever be our employment or station in life, that we “seek first the kingdom of God, and its righteousness” and that our path be that of the just, which as the shining light, shineth more and more unto the perfect day. May we all meet in the general assembly and church of the firstborn, and unite in the praises of those who are redeemed to God, by the blood of the Lamb, out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation.—Amen.

Sermon – Election – 1792, New Hampshire

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED AT DOVER,

STATE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE

BEFORE THE HONORABLE

GENERAL COURT,

AT THE

ANNUAL ELECTION,

JUNE 7TH, 1792.

BY WILLIAM MORISON,

MINISTER OF A PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, LONDONDERRY.

STATE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE
In the House of Representatives, June 7th,
1792.

Voted – That Mr. J. Macgregore, Mr. Gains, and Mr. P. White, be a Committee on the part of this house to join such of the Honorable Senate as they may appoint, to present the thanks of the Legislature to the Rev’d Mr. Morrison, for his ingenious and elegant Discourse, delivered before them this day, and desire him to favor them with a copy for the press.

Sent up for Concurrence.
John S. Sherburne, Speaker
In Senate, June 7th, 1972.
Read and concurred – Mr. Sheafe, and Gen. Peabody joined.

A true Copy:
J. Pearson, Secretary

ELECTION SERMON.
Rom. XIII. 3.
For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil.
Fathers and Fellow Citizens,

That the religion of Jesus is the greatest ornament of our nature and a source of sublime pleasures to men, will not be denied, by any, who know its author, understand its nature, or have felts its happy effects. The influence of Christianity has the directest tendency to correct the errors of the heart, and to make the life better. Its doctrines and precepts are calculated to make us what we should be, to God ourselves, and our fellow-men, in every relation of human life.

It is, notwithstanding, very apparent, that through the malignity of its opposers, Christianity has been loaded with reproaches and calumnies; and especially with the odium of being unfriendly to peace and good government, and the enemy to Caesar. Hence, the public instructors of this religion were stigmatized with every opprobrious character; as turbulent fellows, sowers of sedition and strife, and treated by some, as common enemies to mankind.

These calumnies were greatly occasioned by the rigorous attachment of the Jews to a system of ceremonial observances; in opposition to which, and agreeably to the purity and plainness of the gospel worship the apostles taught a glorious liberty in Christ, and charged Christian professors not to be entangled again with that yoke of bondage.

To wipe away the odium of these groundless assertions from the best of causes, and to prevent a misconstruction of that liberty into licentiousness, which the apostles had preached among the people; the author of this epistle takes occasion, in the chapter where our text is recorded, to enjoin subjection to civil government on all classes of men, and he enforces this duty, from the important consideration of its being an ordinance of God. Hence, “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of God, the powers that be are ordained of God.”

Thus, though civil government be a natural ordinance, it is also of divine appointment, therefore subjection to it, is enjoined, not only “for wrath” or fear of punishment; but from Christian motives, and “for conscience sake.”

I presume that the apostle does not here treat of the form of government, nor of the manner in which persons ought to be invested with power; but of the origin and rise of government itself; which he says is of God, and ordained by him. Sometimes the way, in which persons arrive at power, is by usurpation and oppression; and such generally govern in a tyrannical and oppressive manner. This was the case at the time to which our text and context refer. This is no other wise of God than as he permits it, for the punishment of national offences against himself. Ant though it must be acknowledged, that people have a perfect right to reform such a government at pleasure; yet when the means of reformation and such as would justify resistance are not at all in their power, it is then their duty to submit so far, as may not offend conscience; because government in some shape or other, is absolutely necessary to the existence of society.

To this purpose we may suppose, the apostle spoke, when he said, “The powers that be, are ordained of God, and whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of god, and shall receive to themselves damnation.”

The scriptures do not seem to direct men, to any one particular mode or form of government, the exclusion of others. We are left to make choice of that mode of government, that may be most agreeable to our own minds; whether Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Democracy. The dictates of reason and common sense teach us, that all men are originally equal and free; that by the voice of the people, which we are to revere as the voice of God; some men ought to be raised from the common level and invested with power, to act in the capacity of Rulers.

The sacred page is very explicit in affording us information concerning the source of civil authority, which is of God, and concerning its end among men, which is their good; hence Rulers are called god’s ministers, and his ministers for good, and lastly concerning our duty to government; which is subjection to it, and honor to its administrators. Agreeably to this view, the apostle farther enforces our duty to government by the words of our text; which informs us, what rulers are in the end and ought to be in the exercise of their office. FOR RULERS ARE NOT A TERROR TO GOOD WORKS, BUT TO THE EVIL. – They are a terror, but not to good men. Whatever terror may appear about civil government, there is nothing in its genuine nature and design, of which a virtuous and well doing citizen need be afraid. Rulers are a terror to bad members of society only. The necessity of civil Government arises from the wickedness of men. Disorderly persons are enemies to society; their conduct tends to injure mankind, and to dissolve the social union; therefore they are a terror to disorderly persons only.

CIVIL Fathers of the State, I am well convinced I have not been invited to this desk to explain State policy, or to investigate the government of nations. At any attempt of this kind would be arrogance in me, and a reflection upon the professional knowledge of the leaders of New Hampshire. I hope therefore, I shall not be understood in that unfavorable light, while I beg leave to submit to your candid attention, a few observations, in which I shall endeavor to show, how, or by what means, Rulers are a terror to bad members of society, and to them only. After which, I shall conclude, with some suitable improvement. I proceed then to observe:

1st. That a good plan of government greatly tends to make rulers a terror to bad members of society and to them only.

When a constitution is founded on the true principles of moral government, the existence of a God, and the propriety of religious worship and formed according to the principles of equal liberty; virtuous rulers act with freedom and spirit against vice; virtuous citizens are encouraged; and the vicious part of society alone, are dismayed, and fear the consequences of such a fair foundation, for the administration of justice, in the suppression of immorality and vice.

When there are any remarkable defects in a form of government, bad men have their eyes fixed on those, as open, though back doors, at which they escape with impunity, in the practice of vice. Every good man can boldly plead the benefits, and advantages of a good constitution; and the ruler can with grace and propriety, protect him in the enjoyment of them. On the other hand, bad men are ever ready to plead the defects and greatest imperfections of a bad constitution, in favor of their licentious conduct; and in such cases it is not always possible; nor easy at any time for the most virtuous rulers on earth to prevent bad consequences.

The baneful influence of a bad plan of government seldom opens the door, for one species of oppression and injustice alone. Persecution for conscience sake, oppression in civil liberty, with acts of common injustice, and private injury, generally go together. They flow from the same source; are carried on by the same means; and are equally subservient in their turn, to the same wicked purposes of designing men.

A GOOD constitution is formed for the preservation of men in their natural rights, and is calculated to secure them against the most distant fears of an invasion, upon what is valuable to men; whether as members of civil, or religious society, and is the best and most necessary foundation for the formation of good laws. Which in the

2nd Place, are equally necessary to enable rulers to be a terror to disorderly members of society. A code of laws, in unison with a good constitution, formed upon the voice of the people, is similar to a fortress upon a rock. It raises rulers above enemies to order and good government; and gives them every advantage, to display dignity and terror; or clemency and favor, as the happiness of society, or justice and reason may require.

The protection of life, liberty, and property is the principal object of law and government. Could these be preserved without government, there would be no need of laws. These blessings are so inseparably connected, that one cannot be fully enjoyed without the rest. When liberty is lost, life grows insipid, and is not worth the wearing; for, in that case, we have nothing we can call our own. A lust after power and property is natural to men in general, and a prevailing passion with bad men. It is therefore evident, that these important blessings are exposed to constant invasion by such characters; and laws are absolutely necessary for their preservation. The more just and reasonable laws are; the more secure, may we suppose, the innocent and industrious citizen is in the quiet and peaceable possession of all his rights, and enjoyments. In this view, laws are no terror to a good man; they are his safety, designed for his happiness as a man, and his prosperity as a member of society.

The vicious and disorderly only are afraid of good laws. For as the instruments of death, in the day of battle, are kept constantly pointed against the enemy, so are good laws directed against evil doers, as enemies to the common good. They are made to lay such characters under proper restraints, or to punish them, when the power o restraint fails to prevent their criminality. In this respect, the law is not made for the righteous; but for the lawless and disobedient.

Good laws have, therefore, penalties annexed, suited to the nature and aggravation of crimes. The ablest Legislators in apportioning punishments in law to offences must be guided by reason, and the degree of injury which they carry in their nature and consequences to society. To punish with less severity than the nature of the offence requires may be construed as an encouragement to offenders. To let the punishment exceed the nature of the crime is to establish iniquity by law, besides to extend capital punishments beyond due bounds frustrates their design by destroying their terror in making them too familiar to our minds. All extremes should be avoided.

Yet no system of laws can be so perfect as to leave no room for after amendments. Time and experience in the application of certain laws in society, best discover their imperfection or their worth. In some instances, acts formed by very wise legislatures have been found to have very different effects from what were originally intended in their formation. Among such must be numbered all laws of human authority, establishing a preference of religious tenets and denominations. This conduct, according to the history of past ages, has ever been found so far from answering the promotion of real religion and benevolence, that it has been a fertile source of ecclesiastic oppression and bloodshed. Such laws have a tendency to contract, and distort the mind, to destroy benevolence in the heart, and preclude freedom of inquiry from the human understanding. God alone is lord over the conscience, and good laws never, never assume the reins of government over it.

But ideas of religious liberty should never be carried to far, as to drop religion altogether from government. To do this is to drop the idea of the existence of God. For the immutable and eternal principles of reason concur with revelation, in declaring, that God is an object of religious worship. We cannot realize his existence without admitting his existence as an object of worship. To deny either, is to deny both, and at once destroys the foundation of conscience, and all moral obligation with it. No oath could be administered in a society of this complexion. A government of this character is a government for absolute atheists only. No man can plead liberty of conscience, thus far, without pleading against the very existence of conscience at the same time; and surely it must be erroneous to argue for such conscience, as does not consist with the existence of a moral world. But not to digress.

When experience, which has discovered the errors of some laws has clearly evinced unnecessary nature of others; it may be proper to expunge such, from the records of legislation. To continue laws of less importance, than can be carried into execution by the ruler with dignity and reason is tempting subject to treat law with contempt and speak evil of dignities. If they are continued, and not carried into execution; they may sink into oblivion, in the minds of good men, and may sometimes be improved, by vicious and designing men, to injure the best of citizens. From these and the like observations, it appears very obvious, that the promotion of knowledge and literature is a proper object of law and government. It has the greatest influence, to cultivate morality and virtue. Where the improvement of the human mind is overlooked by those who ought to promote it; the people sink into ignorance and vice and ripen fast for barbarity and bondage.

Accordingly, in those states where the means of knowledge are supported by good laws, the people are enlightened. They know the excellency of virtue, and the odiousness of vice. They love and practice the former. They hate and despise the latter as highly injurious to society, good laws are therefore essentially necessary. They are a defense to society, are calculated to promote the happiness of mankind, wear the stamp of reason, are agreeable to the spirit of the constitution, are founded upon the voice of the people. They encourage knowledge, virtue, industry, and economy. They discourage ignorance, vice and indolence; and when properly administered, are a terror to bad men. This naturally suggests in the

3rd Place, that rulers are a terror to disorderly persons, by the justice and fidelity of their administrations. When these are wanting in rulers, the best laws on earth may be wrested to injure and condemn the innocent, and to exculpate and even reward the guilty. In some instances, bad men fear not so much as the righteousness of the law, as they do the honesty of the judge. Hence, the proverb, “A man guilty of a crime fears a judge conscious of uprightness.”

The loss arising from remissness in men of power and from unfaithfulness in public officers cannot be restored by the goodness of the laws, nor by the excellency of a constitution; but the deficiencies of laws, and imperfections in a form of government, may be greatly made up, by the faithfulness and justice of rulers, in administration. To promote the interest of piety is still more in their power, when the constitution and laws harmonize in their favor.

Energy accompanied with justice in government, is always pleasing to good meant and the contrary affords satisfaction to the basest part of society. To whom under God, the supreme governor, shall the virtuous part of the community look for the exercise of both; but to their rulers? Want of energy in government, is anarchy, and want of justice, oppression; but integrity preserves from both evils. Should the days come when the eyes of the judge can be blinded by a gift; or men in place be swayed by prejudice and party spirit; then may we see sickness in the place of judgment; and in the place of righteousness, that iniquity is there. “When laws are well made, they should be inflexibly executed.”

A good degree of disinterested and public spirit is an important idea to continue a faithful and honest ruler. Man is not made for himself. The apostle forbids looking to our own things on a narrow scale and enjoins that we extend our views to the things of others. Of all men on earth, a ruler in a democratic government is the least for himself; and with a luster peculiar to his office, he shines under the influence of a disinterested concern for the public good.

BUT I proceed to remark

4thly. That penetration and abilities in judgment are no less necessary to make rulers a terror to evil-doers; than a faithful and honest heart. The world of God pronounces misery upon the nation whose rulers are weak-minded. “Woe, unto thee, O land, when thy king is a child.” i.e. When he is weak, and devoid of the abilities necessary for the effectual discharge of his office. Enemies to peace and order are not always confined to the class of inferior parts. Weakness does not always accompany wickedness; though we may really wish it forever might. The latter is no infallible evidence of the former. We can easily conceive of a very vicious mind, endowed with great sagacity, and force of understanding. Besides, the advantages of a good education are not bestowed on friends to morality and virtue, to the exclusion of others; these favors are frequently flung away on men of dishonest hearts, and make them able in eloquence, and conspicuously great in argument. Rulers have often to combat powerful opponents. Men of inferior abilities, however honest in heart, are not equal to confront with dignity, and to confound with clearness, the sophistical arguments which may be advanced in favor of wickedness. Want of abilities I rulers has an evident tendency to bring government into contempt, and a contemptible government is hardly ever successful in doing good.

Even an offender is not struck with much terror when he knows that a well formed harangue shall prevail over the credulous and weak through upright mind of his judge. Moreover, matters of a public nature are sometime so complicated, that men of the best abilities in connection with undissembled [unfeigned] faithfulness find it difficult enough to concert measures answerable to the best ends of good government.

It was thought a sever judgment upon the Jews when they made public officers of the meanest of the people, and there is no reason to consider it as anything less upon any nation.

When God is about to do anything great and good for a people he raises up good and great men to govern in their public counsels; but when he is a bout to punish a people for their crimes, or do disgrace them for their transgressions, he has nothing more to do than to permit the government to fall into the hands of the weak or the wicked, and in their case, the ruin of the nation is inevitable. We may further observe,

5thly. That rulers are a terror to disorder and vice, when their characters are adorned with a virtuous life and conversation. The badges of state in a ruler never appear to such advantage as when united to the beauty of his virtues.

We may fear his power in the former, but can never revere and respect his person without the latter. Vice is the great disturber of public happiness, the devouring lion that goes about seeking our destruction, and those rulers alone support the dignity of the character and diffuse happiness among mankind who oppose vice and encourage virtue, who honor God by keeping his commandments, and subject their power to the sovereign laws or morality and reason.

The conduct of rulers has a great influence on those they govern. We naturally incline to imitate men in higher spheres of human live. When we have chosen men to govern us, it presupposes our high esteem of and expectations from them. We have conferred upon them the highest honors we had to bestow. It is not more natural for children to look up with respect and honor to their parents than it is for a virtuous people under an energetic government to honor and respect virtuous rulers.

But, should vice actuate the ruler in his private life, or ambition and avarice prevail in his public councils; he sullies his honor – his reputation is lost – his usefulness destroyed; and the people left to bewail their disappointment, and to detest the object of their own election as a terror to good works; but none to the evil. When a selfish and vicious spirit stamps the character of a ruler the selfish and vicious approach him with a familiarity peculiar to a similarity of disposition, and they mutually strengthen each other in their wicked conduct. “The wicked walk on every side when vile men are exalted.” To these observations permit me to add in the

6th Place, that a just sense of religion, and the fear of God in a ruler contribute much to the terror of bad men. This is the fountain in the heart from whence all genuine virtue in life flows. How amiable is the ruler whose goodness as a man we admire and love more than we dread his power as a magistrate? How pleasing is that obedience which flows from a united regard to the excellency of the citizen, and the dignity of his office? Under such impressions with what solemn, melting, death inspiring eloquence does king David pray for piety to his son and successor in the kingdom of Israel? “Give unto Solomon my son a perfect heart to keep thy commandments, thy testimonies, and thy statutes.” Nor is he less particular in his charge to Solomon himself. Thus we hear the venerable monarch with all the pathos of parental affection soothing his dying pillow in his last address to one of the wisest of princes. “And thou, Solomon, my son, know thou the God of thy fathers, and serve him with a perfect heart, and willing mind, for the Lord searcheth all hearts and understandeth all the imaginations of the thoughts. If thou see him, he will be found of the; but if thou forsake him he will cast thee off forever.” What heart that is not hard as adamant can read the following description of a pious ruler, and not feel the sensations of delight and joy? “The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me ; the that ruleth among men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God, and he shall be as light of the morning, when the sun ariseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.” Civil rulers of this character are justly represented extensive blessings as the sun and rain to society. The influence of their examples, flowing from a just sense of religion and the fear of God will resemble the cherishing beams of the sun and satisfying showers of rain descending from the eminence of their station to nourish and fructify mankind. Good people will esteem them ministers of heaven and ordained of God for good. They are nursing fathers to the church of God. Setting high value upon their own rights, as Christian members of society they are ever ready to defend the sacred rights of others. Realizing the worth of religion to the community they do nothing to hinder but everything in their power and consistent with their office to promote its general spread and preservation. Conscious that the nation cannot be long happy or free without its benign aid they are willing and even zealous to encourage instructors of morality and religion. Being highly favored with the advantages of Christianity themselves they dread as an unpardonable crime the neglect of transmitting its blessed precepts to succeeding generations. Being preserved from ignorance and infidelity they fear the dismal consequences of suffering the youth in a community to grow up under the disadvantages peculiar to nations not favored with public instruction. You will pardon my zeal, ye civil Fathers of the State, if I say that the fear of God is a protecting and nursing parent for order and good government. It unites the several parts of society by the strongest ties of benevolence and love it disposes all orders of men, to be faithful to their engagements abroad, honest and industrious at home, is sweetens the power of the ruler, and effectually secures a conscientious obedience from the ruled. From this mutual harmony arise the strength, beauty, honor, and safety of a nation and public happiness is a promised blessing. “For righteousness exalteth a nation.”

On the other hand, what is it that ripens a nation for ruing? The sacred oracles concur with the experience of all ages in informing us that “sin is a reproach to any people.” The voice of the most high is “if ye be willing and obedient ye shall eat the good of the land; but if ye refuse and rebel ye shall be destroyed.”

The conduct of providence to public communities in this world is frequently very different from that which he dispenses to individuals. A veil of darkness covers the face of providence in dispensing prosperity and adversity to particular persons in this life. Sometimes a man of distinguished goodness is oppressed with afflictions and poverty while another is triumphant in wickedness and possesses more than his heart can enjoy. There is, however, another life in which all this apparent difference may be adjusted. But, in a general way national sins are punished with national calamities, and when vice becomes predominant among rulers the infection goes by an easy descent to the lower ranks of the people, and tends to their destruction. A disorder in the vitals of the community is soon discovered in its remotest members and indicates the political system to be in a mournful decay. Once more, in the

7th Place, the eminent nature of their office affords rulers every necessary advantage to discourage wicked and unreasonable men in the practice of immorality. They are God’s deputies on earth. They represent his moral government among men. “They are called gods.” And it is said that God stands in their assembly, as in the congregation of the mighty and judges among the gods. They are called gods, from the power with which they are clothed by the people from God to make laws. They are awful from their appointment by providence to fit in judgment and deliberately doom to death at the bar of justice. They are irresistible to carry into the fullest execution every degree of punishment by law where government is in force and energy. Thus, civil rulers, whether legislative, judicial, or executive, are representatives of the Supreme Ruler, Whom the prophet styles, our Judge, our Lawgiver, and our King. The more agreeable the administration of government is, to the moral perfections of God, the greater is its terror to wicked members of society. And as it is an unquestionable truth that God is terrible to immoral men both in time and eternity it is equally obvious that rulers inspired with the spirit of their office, are a terror to injurious men in every department of the community. Miserable and wicked men only wish there were no God, and they are of the same description who wish there were no government.

It remains that we finish this discourse by the proposed improvement. And

Let me remark, if I have said anything in the foregoing observations worthy the notice of rulers, upon proper reflection, we may find something suitable for the attention of the people. When a society is happy, each member of the community endeavors to know his duty, and to act his part, with fidelity and reason.

My friends and fellow citizens since the establishment of a free government does honor, let us never do dishonor to ourselves by disobeying its legal and constitutional commands. Let us never discover an impatient disposition under the necessary restraints of good government. These restraints are our safety. Resistance to a government like ours tends to ruin. Neither let us be meanly jealous of men whose political existence is but temporary, and derived from the people. Let us guard our elections well, and stigmatize with contempt every mark of bribery and corruption. But when we have chosen men to rule by a clear majority let even the minority trust then with a manly charity, and treat them with respect and honor. His is their due. It is much to the dishonor of a free community, to resemble an ill bred family, by quarreling among themselves or speaking evil of dignities. We may rest assured our rulers have many motives to excite their faithfulness, but few, very few who lead to the contrary. Every principle of duty and interest conspire to make them what they should be. It cannot be expected, but, that the characters of candidates for places of power and trust should undergo an inspection by the public eye. If they are found fair they ought to be neglected, if not despised. Ina republic, the majesty of the people is great, and their bar tremendous. If we know and exercise the power that belongs to us under God as the foundation of government, rulers can never be lost to us, unless they are lost to themselves. This leads

2dly. To observe that as the promotion of knowledge and literature is an object of law with good rulers so it also ought to be an object of universal attention among the people. Ignorance is the greatest enemy to the happiness of a nation. It puts an end to purity of manners, real religion, and good government. Wicked and designing men go abroad without fear as beasts of prey in the night to destroy under the clouds of ignorance. Knowledge is necessary to give us a proper view of our rights as men and of our duty as members of society.

An ignorant people, even in the full possession of their rights, are apt to carry liberty to extremes and soon degenerate into anarchy and confusion. Impatient of delegated power to rule them they assume the reins of government themselves and as a celebrated statesman observes, make laws of the representatives, debate for the senate, and pass sentence for the judge. 1 When this is the case the virtue and comfort of a republic are departed, the principles of Democracy being very pure, are easily corrupted, and need to be carefully preserved on every hand. Licentiousness is as great an enemy to its true genius on the one hand, as despotism is on the other. He is as real a political robber, who would fire a nation against a free government by the former, as the tyrant that would assume government without their consent on the latter. A lust of boundless power and liberty is the source of both their wickedness. The libertine would fain do what he pleases against good government by corrupting the people; and the despot would fain do what he pleases against good people by corrupting the government. Invest a libertine with power and he is a tyrant; divest a tyrant of his power and he is a libertine. The true spirit of Democracy is equally distant from these extremes, and knowledge is the best preservative from them. Where the cultivation of the human mind is neglected it is distressing indeed! Zeal degenerates into fury, religion into superstition or atheism, reason into sophistry, courage into cruelty, industry into sloth and avarice, and government into absolute sway. Every enemy to public instruction, is an enemy to the political happiness of his nation, and every oppose of Christianity is unfriendly to the “best foundation for order and good government in the hearts of men.” 2 Again, let not be the thought inconsistent with the spirit of my present duty, or offensive to your delicacy to hint, that it affords satisfaction to every good mind that the necessary expenses of good government be discharged with cheerfulness. “Render to all their due, tribute to whom tribute is due.” He that repines at the performance of this part of his duty to government has not justly eliminated its value, and betrays his ignorance of its real worth. The support of government should be without regret in the subject, and bear some degree of useful proportion to the dignity of the office and nature of the employment in the ruler, but let us never encourage the luxury, pomp, or ostentation of monarchial governments. These are the ensigns of pride, wickedness, and vanity.

Let us my dear countrymen, rejoice this day in the possession of a free government; where our eyes behold our rulers, not as a terror to good men, but to the evil. While clouds of hereditary rights shadows of aristocracy and the darkness of monarchial governments involve other nations in slavery, we are free. Let us rejoice that rays of our rising light and national liberty are darting to other nations and promising a benign influence over the world. O, blessed land of light and liberty, where every genius has a spring and acts itself. Our heart should heave with gratitude to God the giver of every good, and Governor of nations!

But, let all orders of men guard against the abuse of privileges, when the Jews kept the covenant of their God they triumphed over their enemies. But when they forsook him, he forsook them, and they were carried captives to distant nations. Public vice and irreligion may soon ruin us. The declivity of public vice is like a declivity of ice, and hurls headlong to destruction. It is much easier to shun than to get safe off the slippery precipice. Let not the tables of intemperance, luxury, or gambling, which end in hurts, hospitals, and gaols [jails], enslave our souls from our God, or steal our time and talents from our duty. And may we ever stamp that iniquitous spirit of avarice and speculation wherever it appears with every sign of contempt that has lately done dishonor to a principal city 3 in our continent ruined some private citizens and even threatened to injure our character as a nation. Public virtue and religion are ornaments to the human mind, and cannot fail to show their effects on society the boasted glory of ancient Rome is ascribed to her public virtue and her fall to her vices. Her rulers are said to have paid the greatest attention to the public good. They renounced private ease for the welfare of the commonwealth. It was high treason to employ public revenues for any other purpose than the interest of the republic – she rose – empires depended upon the voice of the senate, and all nations revered her resolves.

On the other hand, her fall in which she left her offspring in the slaves of a race of tyrants is ascribed unto the following vices. A selfish mind takes place of a public spirit. Ambition advances by intrigue into public trust without any regard to merit. Intemperance weakens her bodily strength and debases her once renowned courage, cruel avarice plundered her provinces to support the pride of individuals. All orders of men become venal. The seeds of disorder are universally sown in Rome – her senators betray her, her generals deny their aid and turn the edge of their swords against her that bear them, she is deluged in the blood of her own children. The mistress of the word meanly bows “sues for chains and owns a conqueror.” The experience of all nations may teach the necessity of public virtue and religion to give permanency t our government, and to prolong our happiness as a nation.

Finally, my fathers in government, if I have not already quite exhausted your patience, suffer me to observe that as the great concerns of the community are committed to your care, no one class of men has the increase of our happiness or misery so much in their power. You are a source of universal joy or grief in proportion as you are qualified for, and faithful in your duty or not. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice, but when the wicked bear rule the people mourn.” What political blessing can any people reasonably expect from their rulers that we, your constituents, may not expect from you considering your advantages for being a terror to evil-doers? What pains can we feel or fear of political evils? You are acting upon the firm basis of a constitution founded under God upon the voice of the people. You are in the possession of a code of excellent laws, with full power to amend whatever your experience and superior discernment may see amiss in them.

By the free suffrage of your fellow citizens you have the fullest evidence of the confidence of your country in your abilities and faithfulness for government. A powerful part of the community will consider it as ominous of continued prosperity to our state and nation that you enter on the important business of legislation in the fear of that God whose ministers you are, and whose moral government you represent.

Animated by such noble motives you will realize the superintending presence of the Supreme Ruler to whom you are accountable in all your deliberation. In this way you will answer the benevolent design of your honorable office in being a terror to every species of political wickedness and other vices among men, and a praise to virtue.

Acting on the political stage of your country under the influence of such sublime principles you will shine as lights while you are on it, and obtain the highest applause of your constituents when you leave it; and O! Fathers, when the moment arrives that you must forever renounce seats of honor on earth your memories will remain embalmed in society when the name of the wicked shall rot. And the testimony of a good conscience will enlighten your chambers in death – scatter the gloom of the grave – direct and sweeten your passage to seats of honor and glory immortal.

AMEN
 


Endnotes

1. Montesquieu, Spirit of Laws.

2. Constitution of New Hampshire.

3. New York

Sermon – Election – 1792, Massachusetts


David Tappan (1752-1803) graduated from Harvard in 1772. He was a pastor of a church in Newbury (1774-1792) and later a professor of divinity at Harvard (1792-1803). The following election sermon was preached by Tappan in Massachusetts on May 30, 1792.


sermon-election-1792-massachusetts

A

SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency JOHN HANCOCK, Esq.

GOVERNOUR;

His Honor SAMUEL ADAMS, Esq.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOUR;

The Honourable the

COUNCIL, SENATE, AND HOUSE OF

REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH

OF

MASSACHUSETTS,

MAY 30, 1792.

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By David Tappan, A. M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN NEWBURY.

 

Commonwealth of MASSACHUSETTS.

In the House of Representatives, May 30, 1792.

ORDERED, That Mr. Emery, Mr. Thorndike, and Mr. Howe, be a Committee, to wait on the Reverend David Tappan, and thank him in the name of the HOUSE, for the SERMON delivered by him this day, before His Excellency the Governor the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and also to request of him, a copy thereof for the Press.

Attest.
HENRY WARREN, Clerk.

 

AN
Election SERMON.

PSALM 77, VERSE 20,

THOU LEDDEST THY PEOPLE LIKE A FLOCK, BY THE HANDS OF MOSES AND AARON.

How various and transcendent are the excellencies of the sacred writings! They combine all the different species of literary composition in their highest perfection, and consecrate them to the moral improvement, the present and future happiness of man. They furnish the best summary precepts, models, and incentives, for producing the good citizen and statesman, for effecting an orderly and prosperous state of things in the civil and temporary combinations of this world: Whilst their primary object is, to prepare men for the nobler, the everlasting community of the blessed.

These observations are eminently illustrated by that part of the inspired volume, which relates to God’s ancient people. The words just recited, look back to the infancy of that favoured nation. They introduce the God of Israel under the beautiful signature of a Shepherd leading his flock; which expresses in a very lively and endearing manner, the singular tenderness and care, with which Heaven had conducted that people from the bondage of Egypt, to the promised Canaan. The latter part of the verse, presents the subordinate and united agency of Moses and Aaron, in accomplishing that memorable series of events. These two celebrated characters had been early and closely linked together, by the ties of nature, of religion, and of common sufferings. They were afterwards united by the more awful bond of a divine commission, which constituted them Plenipotentiaries from Jehovah, the King of Israel, to the Egyptian Court, which employed them as instrumental saviours of their oppressed countrymen, as their guides and protectors through the dangers of the wilderness, and the prime Ministers of their civil and ecclesiastical polity. Whilst the one was Chief Magistrate in the Commonwealth, the other was High Priest, or first officer in the Church. And the institution and combined influence of these two orders in that community, were a most wise and salutary provision both for its public and individual happiness.

The divine appointment, then, and concurrent agency of the civil and ecclesiastical ruler, in leading the ancient people of God, naturally invite our attention to the importance and utility of political and religious guides in a Christian state, and to that union of affection and of exertion for the common good, which ought to characterize and cement them. To explain and enforce this union, without confounding the Church and the Commonwealth, or blending the different provinces of their respective Ministers, is a truly delicate task. The Speaker hopes, however, that his well-meant endeavours to explore such a field, before an audience so respectable, will not be deemed either vain, or impertinent to the occasion. He flatters himself that the seasonable and momentous complexion of the subject, which cannot fail to strike every intelligent eye, will procure to the discussion and application of it a candid reception.

This joyful anniversary collects our civil and sacred leaders from various parts of the State, to one consecrated spot. It unites them, methinks, into one happy brotherhood. It brings them together to the altar of God, their common Founder, Master, and Judge. It makes them joint partakers in a kind of yearly festival, sacred to liberty and to religion—a festival, which seems to renew and to seal mutual friendship, and their harmonious ardent affection to the general interest. Is it not congenial then with the spirit of the day, as well as decent and useful on other accounts, that these two orders should sometimes be the united object of its public addresses from the word of God; that their reciprocal influence, and their conjunct operation to the common good, should be clearly defined, and forcibly urged?

Under the solemn impression of these ideas, we will endeavour to mark out the two different provinces of Moses and Aaron, or of the Ruler and the Priest; the beneficent influence of each upon the public welfare; and the several ways, in which they may and ought to befriend and assist each other in leading the people of God.

The discriminating genius of the two departments may be thus defined. The one has for its immediate object, the temporal interest of mankind; the other, their spiritual and everlasting. The one aims to regulate their outward behavior, so far as to restrain them from injuring one another or the public, and engage their contributions to the common welfare: The other contemplates the due regulation of the heart, as well as the overt-acts which issue from that source. The one enforces its addresses by sanctions merely civil and worldly; the other by motives which chiefly respect the soul and the life to come.

Let us now turn our attention to the important and happy influence of each department upon the public interest.

The importance of such an officer in society as the civil Magistrate, is immediately seen and felt by all. It grows out of the present weakness and corruption of mankind. It is suggested by the social feelings belonging to our frame, joined with a sense of mutual dependence and common danger. Accordingly, when such officer possesses the spirit of his station, and with intelligence and fidelity pursues its leading design, the effects on the community will be equally benign and diffusive. A ruler of this character, like the central orb of the planetary world, enlightens and animates, cements and beautifies the whole political system. With a skillful, steady, yet gentle hand, he moulds a confused mass of discordant materials into one regular and harmonious compound, and holds it together with a silken, yet invincible chain. By a strictly righteous, equal, and paternal administration, he spreads the blessings of justice, freedom, tranquility, public and private prosperity, through all classes of the people. The advantages of such a magistracy transcend description. To use the delicate and splendid figures of inspiration. It resembles “the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; like the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.”

But it is needless to expatiate on this branch of our subject. The beneficent influence of good civil rule stands confessed to the eye of reason. It is inscribed, as with a sun-beam on the face of our happy country. It has been delineated with superior ability and address, on these anniversary solemnities.

Let us then direct our attention to the other object before us, namely, the importance and benefit to society, of the CHRISTIAN PRIESTHOOD, or of public religious instructors. To set this point in a just and easy light, let us consider at large, the necessity of religion to the well-being of a community, and then inquire, what are the best means of diffusing and maintaining it.

The necessity of religion to public order and happiness, has been generally acknowledged by discerning minds in all countries and ages, yea, by enlightened infidels and atheists. But a set of philosophers and free-thinkers, who boast of their superior reason and liberality, have appeared on the stage, in these days of modern refinement, who have employed all the powers of metaphysical sophistry and licentious ridicule to shake the foundations of religion: And some of them have even denied its political importance and utility, and have proposed in its stead a kind of philosophical or civil morality, as fully competent to the purposes of general order and security. A system of ideas, or at least of practical feelings, very similar to this, seems growing into fashion in various parts of the American Union; a system, which considers all religious principles, observances and instructors, as the remains of old monkish ignorance, superstition and bigotry, or the antiquated offspring of worldly policy, begotten in the early and ruder stages of society; but which are wholly unsuitable and useless, if not a heavy tax upon the public, in this more enlightened and mature period of human affairs! But let us meet these refined politicians upon their own ground; and ask them, what they have to substitute in the room of religion, as an adequate prop to their own favourite scheme of morality.

Will they say, that civil laws and institutions, planned with wisdom, and executed with vigour, will completely answer the purpose? But these human provisions can embrace only the visible actions of the subject. They can prevent or punish those offences only, which may be known and legally proved. They consequently, leave out of their jurisdiction all secret crimes; as well as those numberless immoralities, which human laws can never distinctly define, but which operate as the poison both of private and social felicity. Civil regulations proclaim their own incompetency, even in the judicial procedures submitted to their authority: For no general rule can accommodate itself to an infinite diversity of circumstances: And therefore the aid of religious principle seems absolutely necessary to supply the defect. This will teach the Legislator to construct, and the Judge to interpret and apply the laws, upon so just and liberal a plan, as will present the best advantages in every case, for discovering the truth, and so for protecting the innocent, as well as chastising the willful offender. This will induce a conscientious, a filial and generous obedience, on the part of the subject, to the reasonable authority of the Magistrate and the laws. At the same time it will prevent a cowardly, degrading submission to the claims and measures of imperious despots, or a fawning, idolatrous, prostration at the feet of a dignified fellow-worm. In short, whilst human laws punish criminal actions, it is the glory of religion to prevent them, to tear up the roots from which they grow. Whilst law is deaf and unrelenting to the cries of penitent guilt, religion pardons and comforts the suppliant, returning offender, and hereby encourages and fortifies his purposes and efforts of future obedience. Whilst the one enforces strict justice only, the other inculcates the whole train of gentle and beneficent virtues: It inspires an intercourse of humane, generous kindness, and grateful attachment and fidelity, between the higher and lower classes in society; an intercourse, which like the vital fluid diffuses cheerful health through the whole political body. Thus civil institutions and measures, even in their best state, require the succours of religion, to supply their deficiencies, to soften their rigour, to enforce and to sweeten their observance.

“But a sense of honour, the desire of esteem and praise, and fear of their opposites, joined to the efficacy of salutary laws, will certainly form a sufficient security of the general order and welfare.” We answer, the good influence of this principle will not bear a comparison with that of religion. For the praise or censure of the world, exerts its principal force within a very small circle, upon more splendid or public characters; whilst the great majority of the people, concealed under humble roofs, feel little of its efficacy. But religion applies its stimulating or withholding influence to the ignorant, the obscure, and the weak; as well as to the wise, the noble and the mighty. The world does not bestow its palm till men have almost reached the goal; but religion applauds and cherishes the first virtuous desire, intention, or effort. The world often mistakes in its judgment of characters and actions; but religion places an unerring witness and judge in our very bosoms. In a word, even the esteem of men in the case before us, ultimately derives its force from religion. For if the social or moral virtues of mankind, were once stripped of the lustre, the stability, and the majesty, which religious principles communicate, the respect paid to them, would suffer an immediate shock: The idea of honour and disgrace, connected with their performance or omission, would be greatly enfeebled: And the opinion of the world, left without a steady guide, would grow too fluctuating and capricious, to restrain or to actuate human conduct.

“But the connection between the interest of the public and of individuals, lays a sufficient bond upon the latter to contribute to the order and welfare of the former.” We reply, this connection is not always so immediate and striking, as to influence the unthinking, the poor and the wretched, to pay homage to the order and beauty of the social system, whilst there is nothing for them individually, but apparent deformity and misery; whilst those very principles and rules, which secure harmony to the public, wealth, power and magnificence to some of their fortunate neighbours, seem to bind them down to perpetual poverty and toil; and when a violation of these laws promises instant relief or benefit to themselves, and at the same time, perhaps threatens no direct injury to the community at large. There are some cases too, in which the more opulent ranks, or the governing powers of the State, may with reason consider the public interest and their own, as separate objects: And if their minds are not enlightened and regulated by religion, they will often view these two interests as distinct, when they really unite. The will also be supremely inclined to pursue private advantage, at the expense of every rival claim. In such instances, what is there effectually to restrain such elevated characters from sacrificing the public, at the shrine of their adored, though paltry idol? There is nothing which promises a sure and perpetual guard against these evils, but religious principles, the sentiment of a Deity, and of a future state of recompense, early planted in the minds, and deeply rooted in the hearts both of the high and low.

“But some infidel and irreligious characters have conducted well in a social and political view.” We answer, religious ideas early taught and imbibed, will secretly influence the conscience and practice, long after the understanding has begun to question, and even to reject the arguments, on which they are founded. Besides, a habit of order and propriety in conduct, once formed, is not easily subdued by after speculations; especially when an adherence to it is connected with the marks of public esteem and favour, or enforced by the commanding motive of private interest. Not to add, that there are some, who affect a superiority to the common mass of mankind, by talking like infidels, who yet feel themselves constrained to think and act, in many instances, like vulgar believers.

“But if religion be the main prop of social order, why does not the latter always relax and decline with the former?” The answer is, religion still keeps her hold of men, through the medium of natural conscience, of early habit, and some awful controlling impression of a future retribution, even when their hearts do not feel her transforming power, nor their lives display her peculiar and most attractive charms. If then religious principles have such salutary effects on society, even when their influence is feeble, and when they manage the human mind by the inferior and precarious handle of fear; what would be their fruits, if they reigned in full glory, and commanded the free and steady services of love? If love to God and men, which is the life of religion, pervaded all classes in the community, what a copious and excellent harvest would it quickly produce! This would ensure the universal practice of all those virtues, which nourish and exalt a nation; whilst it directly promoted the interest and comfort of all ages, conditions and stations; it would, as the great law of moral attraction, draw the affections and efforts of all to one common center, the good of the whole. Must not such a spirit and conduct immediately advance the respectability, the vigour, the temporal and spiritual prosperity of a people? Must they not draw down the approving smiles, the guardian care, the rewarding munificence of the Supreme Ruler of nations? On the other side, must not irreligion, and its natural offspring, vice, equally tend, both by a direct and a judicial operation, to disjoint, to enfeeble, to destroy a community? Does ot the universal experience of public bodies from the beginning to this day, seal the truth of these observations? Is it not one mighty practical demonstration of the salutary fruit of piety and virtue, or the baneful influence of their opposites, upon the order, the liberty, the general welfare of nations?

The necessity of religion to public happiness being sufficiently proved, an interesting question arises; what are the best means of diffusing and maintaining in a community this precious and fundamental blessing? This inquiry brings up to view the importance of public religious instructors. The political necessity of such an order of men, directly results from that of religion itself, when compared with the ignorance, dullness, and depravity of the human mind, the spiritual and sublime nature of religious truths, the want of leisure as well as ability in the bulk of mankind, for studying and familiarizing them, and the influence of surrounding objects of worldly cares and amusements to intercept their view, to efface or weaken their impression. In this dark and impure region, how apt are even the most contemplative and virtuous characters to lose sight of moral and spiritual objects, and to get out of the sphere of their attractive and regulating influence! How greatly then do we all need the friendly voice of STATED MONITORS, to recall our forgetful, wandering feet; and to enlighten and warm our hearts afresh with the divine principles and motives of religion! Those in high station need to be frequently reminded, that there is a Being above them, to whom they are accountable, equally with the lowest of the people. Persons of great genius and learning, require to be often admonished that their obligations to serve God and the public, are proportioned to their superior talents. The worthy and good in society, need a frequent and lively inculcation of those truths, which tend to nourish and fortify their virtues, to enliven and extend their efforts of usefulness. How much ore needful, then is public religious instruction to the inferior members of the community, to the numerous class of laborious poor, to the grossly ignorant, the careless, and the vicious! Without this, how shall they obtain a competent knowledge, or an abiding practical impression of their various relations and duties to God, to man, to civil society?

In this view, the public worship of the Deity, and stated instructions in religion and morality, appear as necessary and beneficial to the State, as they are to the souls of individuals: And the institution of a WEEKLY SABBATH, devoted to those purposes, is the offspring of profound and generous policy, if viewed merely in its aspect upon our present social condition. For the decent and united observation of it, by the Members of each Corporation, is, an eminent mean of promoting useful knowledge, civilization and good neighbourhood; of strengthening the cords both of political and Christian union; of bringing seasonable rest and refreshment to the body and mind, after the fatigues of worldly care and toil; and of keeping alive in the minds of all ranks, an awful commanding sense of Deity, of moral and religious obligation: Agreeably, the public benefits of this institution are distinctly visible on the face of those communities, which carefully support and observe it; whilst the contrary features equally distinguish those, which despise or neglect it.

The preacher cannot do full justice to this part of his theme, or to his own profession as a Gospel Minister without adding, that the CHRISTIAN RELIGION, properly stated and enforced by its teachers, has a peculiarly favourable influence upon the present social state of mankind: For, it is the volume of revelation only, that fully illustrates and confirms, and with due authority presses, those great religious principles, which we have shown to be the basis of virtue and of order. At the same time it superadds a new scheme of truth, suited to the lapsed state of mankind, which at once encourages, directs, assists and constrains to universal goodness; it presents the Deity, in the full orbed lustre of his perfections; it displays the matchless philanthropy, the generous expiation and intercession of his Son; it offers and conveys the needed succours of his spirit; it ascertains and describes the future joys and sorrows of immortality. Must not these discoveries, suitably realized, powerfully tend to check transgression—to kill the seeds of vice, and to produce, to enoble, and improve every branch of a virtuous character? The moral system too, which Christianity builds upon these principles, is an eminent friend to our present felicity. For it inculcates the most extended, the most active, the most self-denying benevolence; it links us to the great brotherhood of man; yea, it unites us to the universe, to eternity, and to God, the head and sum of both. It levels all the haughty feelings of superior rank or abilities, and places true greatness in humble, condescending, elevated goodness. By this, as well as by constantly pointing us to those two great levelers, death and an endless retribution, it introduces a kind of generous republican equality among the different orders and conditions in society. It equally regards and secures the interest of all the members of the community, by that great rule of equity, “whatever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them.” By presenting the same motives and rewards of virtue to the weak and the strong, and by urging both to secret acts of goodness, from a regard to the approving eye, and final recompense of the Supreme Judge; it provides a steady support, a constant opportunity, a universal engagement to the practice of virtue. We may add, it regulates and refines those important social connections and duties, the conjugal, parental and filial, in a manner highly favourable to the order and happiness of human society. In a word, the spirit of our religion, is uniting and peaceable: It is loyal, patriotic, and free: It is the life and support of good government and of rational liberty. Even the positive, ceremonial rites of Christianity, properly administered, are important out-works, which guard the public welfare: For by striking upon the senses and imaginations of men, they bring affecting truths with peculiar force to their hearts, and hereby operate to produce a decent and regular outward deportment.

What an engine of public usefulness, then, does the Christian institution put into the hands of its Ministers! And how important is it to the common good, that such an order of men should be spread out over the whole community! What unspeakable aid may they afford to, as well as receive from, the civil Magistrate! Whilst the people at large reap a plentiful harvest from the united labours of both! Which brings us more distinctly to point out the several ways in which the Ruler and Priest may and ought to combine their influence, or to assist each other, in leading the people of God.

We mean not to advocate such a union or cooperation of the two order, as involves a heterogeneous mixture of civil and spiritual objects; as places the Magistrate upon Christ’s throne, in the Church, and invests the Christian Minister with the honors and the powers of the State: Such motley alliances are the offspring of political and priestly ambition, aided by equal cunning; are the main pillar both of civil and religious tyranny; and the source of infinite mischiefs to the intellectual and moral character as well as the temporal condition of mankind. They infect the best religion under Heaven, its Professors and Ministers, with the spirit of this world, with a proud, cruel, persecuting and immoral disposition. As a celebrated writer observes, “persecution is not an original feature in any religion; but is always the strongly marked feature of all law, religion, or religious established by law. Take away the law-establishment, and religion re-assumes it original benignity. In America a Catholic Priest is a good citizen, a good character, and a good neighbour; an Episcopalian Minister is of the same description; and this proceeds from there being no law-establishment in America.”

But whilst we execrate such treasonable conspiracies between Rulers and Priests, against the dearest rights and interests of man, we may consistently recommend to the two orders, a liberal and patriotic combination for the general good. There is indeed, in many respects, a natural alliance between intelligent, virtuous Magistrates and Ministers, in a free and Christian State.

And first, the Magistrate may and ought to cooperate with the Christian instructor, by throwing the weight of his personal example and private influence into the scale of Christian piety and virtue. The efficacy of example, when arrayed in all the splendor of high office, is not to be described. As religion adds grace and dignity to the most exalted station, so she derives a superior charm and majesty from it.

When the great political characters in a community, give their uniform sanction to religion, by exhibiting her fairest features in their daily deportment; when they openly revere the name, the Sabbaths, the temple, and all the sacred institutions of the Most High; when they liberally and zealously contribute to the settlement and support, the reputation and success of a learned and virtuous Priesthood, to the extensive propagation of Christian knowledge, and to the pious education of the rising age; when they are eminent patterns of virtue themselves, and are careful to cherish and honour it in others; how unspeakably do such examples confirm and extend the credit and influence of religion! What animation and confidence, what superior respectability and success, do they give to its teachers! What authority and energy must the inward consciousness, and open lustre of such virtue impart to Rulers themselves, in their official proceedings; especially those which have for their object, the suppression of wickedness, and the encouragement of the opposite interest! Which leads us to observe, that Rulers efficaciously concur with Christian Ministers, when they carry the spirit of religion into their public conduct: When all their political measures are regulated by the everlasting maxims of natural justice, of Christian equity and benevolence: When they accordingly distribute the burdens, apply the resources, fulfill the engagements and discharge the debt of the public, with the scrupulous fairness, the exact economy, the assiduous attention required by those rules, in the similar transactions of private citizens: When they detest and scorn the idea of sanctioning by their public authority, any measure, which they would blush to avow or to practice in their individual capacity: In short, when the whole system of their public conduct appears to be prompted and guided by a SUPREME regard to the example and laws, the approbation and honour of the infinite Ruler and the good of his moral family: What a glorious attestation is here of the reality, the commanding force of religious obligation! Such a train of political measures is pregnant with various and almost inconceivable good. It inculcates various sentiments upon the public mind, with all the authority and force of the highest, the most conspicuous, and unequivocal example. It also directly and efficiently contributes to the general prosperity: For it proceeds upon principles, which are as essentially necessary and conducive to social union and happiness, as the laws which govern the material world, are to the harmony and welfare of nature.

Further, the Magistrate may greatly strengthen the Christian Teacher, by directing his public attention to the advancement of religion and virtue as an immediate and primary object; by so arranging his measures for the increase of temporal good, as to render them in the best manner subservient to that which is spiritual and eternal; by enacting and executing laws for the prevention or punishment of profaneness and immorality; by promoting virtuous characters to offices of honor and usefulness; by neglecting and despising the vicious; by lessening and removing the temptation to iniquity; by augmenting and multiplying the encouragements to goodness; by giving birth and efficacy to public and private means of learning, so essential to rational piety; by effectually providing for the support and decent observance of public religious worship and instruction so necessary, as we have seen, to the virtue, the civilization, and happiness, of the community. Such a legal provision for the maintenance of religious institutions, obviously falls within the province of the Magistrate, on account of their transcendent importance to civil government and society: Nor does such provision adjusted upon an equal and liberal plan, make the least approach to a political establishment of any particular religious profession, nor consequently involve any invasion of the prerogative of Christ, or the sacred rights of conscience. On the other hand, Secondly. The Christian Minister may and ought to strengthen the hands of the civil Ruler. If he possesses those qualities of head and heart, which suit his benevolent and comprehensive office, he must have the most tender and ardent feelings for the interest of the State, as well as the Church. He must perceive an important connection between them, as well as the friendly aspect of the Christian doctrine upon both. He must consequently feel a double stimulus to a prudent and faithful discharge of his trust. He therefore endeavours, both in his public ministrations, and in his private conversation and example, so to represent and enforce the Christian system, as that it may, under the divine blessing, have its full effect upon the character and condition of mankind, in reference to this world and the next. He takes particular care not to make this beneficent and peaceable religion, an engine of civil or spiritual tyranny, confusion, malignant strife, or in any respect, an instrument of increasing, instead of lessening human depravity and wretchedness. He feels himself peculiarly united to the worthy Magistrate, by the ties of personal esteem and public affection. He studies that his whole deportment respecting the Rulers and the laws, may express and promote a spirit of decent subjection and obedience, and he enforces such submission by all the authority and sanction of religion. His social intercourse with his family and flock, his daily prayers in private and in public, tend to kindle and to nourish the sentiments of loyalty and patriotism. He loves to mention in the ears of the rising race, the names and services of patriot Rulers, of eminent public benefactors; and hereby to charm the tender mind to the love of virtue, of country, of mankind, as well as to a due veneration for, and grateful submission to such Ministers of divine benevolence. His public discourses too, all tend either directly or remotely, to form his hearers into good citizens and subjects, as well as holy Christians. That such a reciprocation of services between the two orders, falls within the line of propriety and important duty, is too obvious to the eye of discernment, to require a formal illustration.

It is with great satisfaction, that we appeal to the historic page of our own country, for a striking comment upon the preceding discourse. Our fathers were led out of the house of bondage in Britain, into the wilderness of America, and planted here, as in the land of promise, by the same divine Shepherd, who led ancient Israel from deep oppression and misery, to the joys of freedom and plenty. The same good spirit, which inspired Moses and Aaron, to undertake and conduct so arduous an enterprise, evidently guided and animated the leaders in that great attempt, which gave birth to New-England. The same union of friendship, of counsel and exertion in the public cause, which characterized the Hebrew Lawgiver and High-Priest, distinguished the political and religious Fathers of Massachusetts. The rulers of the State, were at the same time Members and pillars of the Church. The religion which they thus solemnly professed, was the rule of their public and private conduct, and the advancement of its interests, a main object of both. For this purpose, they readily co-operated with the schemes and endeavours of worthy clergymen, and contributed their best efforts for their comfort, reputation and success.

The advice and influence of the priesthood were likewise ever at hand, to aid and succeed the operations of the Magistrate, and to promote the civil, as well as religious interests of the people. It is granted, indeed, that our ancestors carried this union of Church and State, to an unwarrantable length. But this was not their peculiar fault: It was the complexion of the age. And shall we, their children, who owe so much to their generous services and sufferings, shall we, like undutiful and cursed Ham, take pleasure in exposing their nakedness? No, my fellow-citizens; whilst we spread a veil of filial piety over their imperfections, let us with the most grateful emotions, celebrate that united agency of Moses and Aaron, which, under God, laid such early and noble foundations of freedom and order, of science and religion; which in the feeble infancy, and great poverty of the settlement gave birth to a public seminary of learning; a seminary, which from its foundation, to this day, has borne on its front the united inscription of the Ruler and the Priest, in the names of its Founders, and Benefactors, of its Governors and Sons! But passing over the intermediate stages of our history; you will permit me modestly to ask, does not the inscription just mentioned, appear very conspicuous on the face of our late glorious revolution? Did not these two orders remarkably unite their efforts to keep the public mind in a posture of vigilance, of information, of patriotic ardour? In those times which tried men’s souls, did not the public prayers and discourses, the private influence and example of the great body of the clergy, firmly and successfully co-operate with the civil and military measures of the country? Did not the same zealous concurrence of the two departments, procure the adoption of the excellent constitution of Massachusetts, and of the present federal system, which gives union, order, and happiness to America? Did not the same virtuous and unshaken combination eminently mark that perilous and alarming crisis, which a few years since passed over this Commonwealth? Do not these striking facts evince, that the spirit of the clerical office at least, in this enlightened and free country, is an important friend to the liberty, government and happiness of society? On the other hand, it becomes us gratefully to acknowledge the support which religion and its Ministers have received from the civil government of this State, from the authority and example of some of the first political characters in it; the additional reputation and success which they have instrumentally derived from that source; and the consequent face of superior union and order, civilization and virtue, which adorns a great part of our community. These advantages would strike us with much greater force, were we allowed to contrast our situation in these respects, with that of some other parts of the Union: But decency forbids the invidious comparison.

When we look over this numerous and respectable assembly, a cloud of witnesses rushes upon our senses and hearts, in support of the ideas now advanced.

Our eye is first caught by the Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, who has had a large share in the great political drama, that has been acted on the stage of the new world, and covered it with glory. The presence of his Excellency restrains the lips of delicacy from paying him a formal tribute of praise. But while his distinguished political services are engraven on every American bosom, justice to a different part of his character, constrains us to observe, that he has ever treated religion, its institutions and Ministers, with a respect becoming the enlightened, consistent patriot, and Ruler, in a Christian State. The clergy within his jurisdiction, feel the animating influence of his attention and patronage, and wish him in return, a large experience of the comforts of our divine religion, amidst that trying scene of bodily infirmity, with which he has so long been afflicted. It is also our united prayer to God that his Excellency may ever form his whole private and public conduct upon the divine model proposed in the life and precepts of the Christian lawgiver. That so his personal example and official measures may unite their influence to spread piety and virtue as well as every temporal blessing, through the community. To this, he will feel himself urged by every motive, which can operate upon a heart of sensibility; in particular, by the interesting prospect of death and endless retribution, to which the highest earthly god is equally bound with the lowest of his subjects. May conscious fidelity cheer the solemn hour of dissolution, inspire boldness before the decisive tribunal, and be crowned with superior glory in the kingdom of Heaven.

His Honour, the Lieutenant-Governour, merits our tribute of respect, on account of that distinguished union of political wisdom, patriotic virtue, and Christian piety, which has long dignified his reputation among the civilians of the age, he has not been ashamed of the cross of Christ, but has long been enlisted under that despised, but heavenly banner. May he still continue an ornament and pillar, both of the Church and Commonwealth, till his hoary head shall come down to the grave in peace.

The Honourable Council claim our regards, on account of their important share in the executive department, and worthy personal qualities, which pointed them out to the suffrages of their enlightened fellow-citizens. Whilst their elevation to this office reflects on them a ray of glory, it obliges them to a correspondent dignity of sentiment and conduct: It invites them to a noble imitation of the governing wisdom, justice and mercy of HIM, who is wonderful Counselor, the King of righteousness and of peace. It particularly calls them to advise and consent to the appointment of such characters only, to interpret and execute the laws, as are exemplary themselves for the observance of human and divine injunctions, and endowed with talents and dispositions suited to the important trust. In this way they may unspeakably promote the civil and moral interests of all parts of the Commonwealth.

The Gentlemen who compose the two Branches of the Honourable Legislature, will permit our congratulations on the fresh mark of esteem and confidence, with which their constituents have honoured them. They will likewise remember that the trust, with which they are charged, is very solemn and momentous; that it is rendered still more awful, by the declarations and oaths, with which they have recently entered on its execution. As we cannot doubt their sincerity in those professions and appeals to Heaven, we entertain a cheerful hope that all their transactions on this day and through the year, will be regulated by the excellent principles of that religion, and of those civil constitutions which they have publicly taken for their guide. We reasonably expect that all their laws and proceedings will be so many branches growing out of the stock of equal justice and comprehensive benevolence; that they will be strongly marked with the same integrity, virtue and honor, which suit and adorn the rational and Christian character in a private capacity. They will ever remember that the same practical principles, must form the basis both of public and individual happiness and glory; and that the policy of those who would rear the fabric of national prosperity upon a different foundation is equally unphilosophical and iniquitous. As human art, in order to produce certain useful effects must conform to the principles of nature, or the established laws of its great Architect; so the politician must build the order and welfare of society upon those moral principles and connections, which the same Almighty Ruler, has instituted in the rational system. If he act an opposite part, he virtually, attempts a new creation: Yea, like the man of sin, he exalts himself above all that is called God; for it is the glory of the Deity himself, though he be an absolute Almighty Sovereign, that he cannot govern upon any other plan than that of inviolable truth, justice, and goodness; that he cannot lie to any of his subjects, or trifle with their reasonable petitions, expectations or claims. It will be the glory of our Rulers, to copy after this divine original. No idea therefore of omnipotence or uncontrolled Sovereignty, will be permitted to infect their deliberations and decisions; but their whole conduct, as it respects particular citizens, the Commonwealth in general, and the great American Republic, will, we trust, exhibit a fair picture of honest, enlarged and Federal policy.

Honored Fathers: As you do not remove out of the sphere of religious obligation, by entering the circle of politicks; as you, have all this day professed the Christian belief, and many of you are complete visible members of the Redeemer’s family; you will feel under the most sacred ties, to devote the superior powers and advantages of your present stations, to the Christian interest. Whilst therefore you tenderly guard the rights of conscience, and afford equal protection to all peaceable citizens, you will make and enforce every needful provision for the general diffusion of religious and moral sentiments, and for the maintenance and observation of those Christian and literary institutions, which are requisite to that end. Among such institutions, the neighbouring University has a distinguished claim to your liberal patronage. It has been one of the grand nurseries of civilization, liberty, good government and religion. Our very existence, as a respectable community, is, under God, greatly derived from that source. Filial gratitude then, as well as every sentiment of public virtue, press our Rulers to nurse and cherish this their ancient parent, with a tender and generous care.

In a word, let me respectfully call upon all our civil officers, in every department, to consecrate their authority, influence and example to the greatest good of the community. You, Gentlemen, collectively considered, are the moving and regulating principle of the whole political machine. If you jointly and strenuously pursue a virtuous train of conduct, it will operate like a powerful charm upon all parts of the system, and call up a new creation of beauty, virtue and happiness. Let it then be your first ambition and endeavour, to make mankind wiser, better and happier; to raise up the drooping head of virtue; to tread down irreligion and vice; to enlarge the empire of knowledge and righteousness; to augment as much as possible, the sum of created good, and of creating and redeeming glory.

And since the advancement of these great interests lies very much between you and the standing teachers of religion, let gentlemen in these different orders cultivate a friendly and patriotic alliance, by all the methods which prudence and generous virtue suggest.

Ye venerable leaders of our civil and ecclesiastical tribes; how many and how forcible are the ties which bind you together! IN this land of political and religious freedom, you both derive your election to office from one source; you are fellow-labourers in one great and benevolent cause; you are important members of one civil body, and by visible profession and sacred obligation, of one Christian family; in the due performance of your several offices, you display the same leading excellent talents and virtues, and mutually give and receive the most important support. Certainly then, there can be no strife, no jealous distance between you; for ye are brethren. We congratulate the people of Massachusetts, on the liberal and virtuous union, which at this moment subsists between you, and which is particularly exemplified in those numerous laudable incorporations, which embrace many of your first characters; and which have for their object, the interests of science, of arts, of education, of humanity, of Christian knowledge and piety. To perpetuate this union and render it still more operative to the general good, and not the low selfishness or vanity of exalting and strengthening his own profession, considered as a separate interest, has been the preachers governing motive in this discourse; and with a view to the same grand object, he modestly submits to the candour of both departments, a few monitory hints, suggested by the present aspect of society and of religion.

In the first place: Our leading characters in the civil and the literary line, will feel the peculiar importance, at this degenerated period of animating their clerical brethren, in every method dictated by wisdom and virtue; and particular, by encouraging them to calculate their public ministrations upon principles of the most extensive usefulness. They will consider, that many of us are connected with societies, which are chiefly composed of the laboring and more illiterate class; that these peculiarly need the privileges of a weekly Sabbath and public religious instruction; and that many of them require very plain, and very pungent applications, in order to enlighten their ignorance, to rouse their stupidity, or to check their vicious career. Our Christian patriots, therefore far from despising, will generously aid those teachers, who frequently endeavour, by all the methods of familiar, pathetic, or alarming address, to reach and refine these rougher parts of the community. The enlarged knowledge and experience of our learned civilians will also inspire sentiments of candour towards the priesthood, in regard to that variety of speculation, of gifts, and address, by which it is diversified; they will view this diversity as naturally resulting in great measure from the spirit of free inquiry and improvement, which characterizes the present day. They will consider too, that it furnishes public teachers suited to the various capacities, tastes and prejudices, and all the grades of character and condition, which at this period mark the face of society. They will further consider, that the operation of republican equality and religious freedom, will sometimes introduce a Christian instructor not perfectly agreeable to the relish or the speculations of a few superior members of a corporation, but perhaps very acceptable and beneficial to the general mass of the people. In such cases, does not a regard to social order, to equal rights, to the greatest moral and political good, require a generous and peaceable acquiescence?

On the other hand it becomes the clergy at this day studiously to hold up their office, and the religion which they teach, in the most respectable and pleasing light. A special attention to this object, is rendered important, by the present improved state of society; by the learning and politeness, which adorn many of our religious assemblies; by the rapid progress of loose sentiments and manners, and the consequent disrelish or contempt of Christian doctrines, institutions, and teachers. To check these spreading evils it becomes the sacred order to pay great attention both to the private and public duties of their function; it becomes them, in the performance of the latter, to display a force of reasoning, a propriety of thought, of method and expression, a decency of style and address, which may at once bear down the scoffs and the sophistry of libertism, justly please the taste of literary refinement, and at the same time exhibit the plain, the affectionate, the evangelical preacher. It becomes them both in their ministrations and personal example, to represent the Christian institution and ministry, as friendly to human happiness in both worlds; as breathing a social and courteous, a candid and forbearing, a loyal, uniting, and public spirit; a spirit, which whilst it supremely attaches us to the service and rewards of the life to come, cherishes a proper sensibility of our rights, duties, and enjoyments as inhabitants of the earth. It becomes them in every consistent method, to support the civil interests of the community, the respectability of its Rulers, and the efficacy of its Laws. And whilst law speaks to the public ear, in one uniform, inflexible tone, it is ours, my Reverend Fathers and Brethren, to bring home the address of religion to the bosoms of individuals; and by a pertinent and forcible application of her peculiar truths and sanctions, to seize their consciences, their imaginations, their hearts; to possess and command their inmost feelings. By this process, under the influence of the all creating spirit; we are first to mould them into good men, and then by an easy transition into good citizens, rulers and subjects. Above all, let us ever keep in our own realizing view, and endeavour to enforce upon our people, the primary, the infinitely weighty object of our religion and ministry, viz. the spiritual, everlasting salvation of immortal beings, and the glory of God and his Son, shining forth in the wondrous contrivance, and accomplishment of it. Whilst our Rulers are pushing forward our temporal prosperity and glory, let us labour to establish and to complete that glory, by a corresponding advancement of this most important object. Into this channel let us endeavour to draw all the civil and literary, as well as religious advantages, which come within our reach. Let the united efforts of the clergy and laity, be especially employed in diffusing Christian knowledge and virtue, through those vast territories of our country, whose poverty, and remote situation have precluded the stated enjoyment of religious institutions; and in promoting a more general and effectual attention to the private means of education, in various parts of the Commonwealth. By such a union of public exertion, our leading characters in Church and State, will resemble the two olive-trees, which the Prophet saw in vision, emptying their golden oil into the candlestick of Zion.

Fellow-Citizens of this great Assembly,

I felicitate you and our common country, on the natural, civil and religious advantages, by which we are so eminently exalted; and especially on the prosperous train of our national affairs, under the auspices of indulgent Heaven, and its favourite Minister, the President of the United States. When we mention this beloved citizen and benefactor of America, every bosom present, feels the endearing and forcible illustration, which his example gives to the leading sentiment of this discourse. For the charm of his piety, of his public and private virtue, as well as political wisdom, has been a principal cement of our national union, and so a prime source of all its attendant blessings. What then is wanting to complete the glory and happiness of our country? Nothing but the general prevalence of the same excellent spirit; a spirit of sublime virtue, corresponding to the natural grandeur and extent of America, and to its noble constitutions of government and religion. Virtue enlightened and invigorated by political and Christian knowledge, is eminently the soul of a republic. It is necessary to direct, to enliven, to guard the election of its Rulers, and to secure to them, the generous confidence, submission and cooperation of the people. It is peculiarly requisite in a community like ours, spread out over such an immense continent, divided by so many local governments, prejudices and interests: A people so circumstanced, can never be firmly and durably united, under one free and popular government, without the strong bands of religious and moral principle, of intelligent and enlarged patriotism. Liberty planted in such a soil, will be perpetually tending to unbridled licentiousness, distracting jealousies, and popular confusion. Let us then set up a vigilant guard against these encroaching evils. Let us not imagine that the exercise of civil liberty, consists in ignorant or envious abuse of public characters and measures; nor that religious freedom will justify careless neglect or wanton contempt of the truths, the ordinances, and ministers of that religion, which was sent down from Heaven to guide us, to present and future happiness. Though we are not accountable to the civil Magistrate for our religious sentiments and worship; yet we certainly are to the Deity; and he has given us no liberty in this enlightened country, either to think with Deists and Skeptics, or to live like Atheists; nor will the prostitution of his Sabbaths, to idleness or amusements in human and divine laws, pass in his account for a mark of superior politeness or liberality. In opposition to these wicked, but too modish abuses of liberty, let us remember that energetic government, is the guardian of freedom, and that religion, especially the Christian, is the pillar of both. Let us then properly respect, support, and concur both with our civil and religious Ministers. Let us exercise the most scrupulous care in the election of both, and be rationally satisfied, that their heads and hearts, their principles and morals, comport with the spirit of their several offices. But having chosen them, let us treat their persons and administrations with that confidence and honour, which become a wise and magnanimous people, and which may, by the blessing of God, give the greatest effect to their benevolent labours.

Finally: As the crown of all, let us become pious towards God, humble and obedient believers in his Son, conscientiously submissive to the government and laws of our country, sober, frugal, and diligent in our several employments, just and kind to one another, unitedly and zealously attached to the great interests of America, and of the whole human fraternity. Then we shall hold out an inviting example to all the world, of the propitious operation of a free government; we shall encourage and accelerate the progress of reason, and of liberty, through the globe. Already has the new world diffused the light and warmth of freedom across the Atlantic, into the old; which has given birth to a surprising and glorious revolution. Let us be nobly ambitious, by our future conduct, to feed and extend the generous flame; and thus to realize the wishes and hopes of all benevolent spirits in Heaven and earth. Let us especially labour and pray, that these political struggles and changes, may, under the divine agency, introduce new and brighter scenes of Christian knowledge and piety, till the whole world shall be covered with divine glory and human bliss. And may we in particular, after having filled our departments in society here, with usefulness and honor, be united to the more glorious community of the righteous; where the official distinctions of Moses and Aaron, are known no more; where all the followers of the Lamb, shall form one royal priesthood, one mighty combination of perfect and happy immortals; and God the original source of being and blessedness, shall be ALL in ALL.

AMEN.

Sermon – Election – 1792, Connecticut


Timothy Stone was born in 1742 and graduated from Yale College in 1763. He spent a year studying theology under the Rev. Brinsmade and began preaching in Connecticut in 1765. This is the text of his Election Day sermon from May 10, 1792.


sermon-election-1792-connecticut
A

Sermon,

Preached Before His Excellency

Samuel Huntington, Esq. L.L.D.

Governor,

And The Honorable The

General Assembly

Of The

State of Connecticut,

Convened At Hartford, on the Day of the

Anniversary Election.

May 10th,1792.

By Timothy Stone, A.M.

Pastor of a Church in Lebanon.

“At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, in said State, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1792.

Ordered, That the Hon. William Williams, and Mr. Elkanah Tisdale, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Timothy Stone, for his Sermon delivered before this Assembly at the General Election on the 10th of May instant, and desire a Copy of the same that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record.

Examined, by George Wyllys. Sec’y.”

 

Behold, I have taught you statutes and judgments even as
the Lord my God commanded me, that ye should do so
in the land whether ye go to possess it. Keep, therefore,
and do them; for this is your wisdom and your
understanding in the sight of the nations,
which shall hear all these statutes and say,
“Surely this great nation is a wise and understanding people.”

DEUTERONOMY IV.5, 6.

 

We are not left in doubt concerning the wisdom and salutary [useful] nature of that constitution under which the Hebrews were placed, as it proceeded immediately from God; and in reference to the particular circumstances of that people, was the result of unerring perfection. It was a free constitution in which all the valuable rights of the community were most happily secure. The public good was the great object in view, and the most effectual care was taken to preserve the rights of individuals. Proper rewards were promised to the obedient and righteous punishments allotted for the disobedient [Deuteronomy 28:l,15]. God designed for special reasons that [the] seed of Abraham should be distinguished in a peculiar manner from all other nations; He therefore undertook the government of them Himself in all matters respecting religion, civil policy, and that military establishment which he saw to be necessary for their happiness and defense. We find Moses — who received this constitution from God and delivered it to his people — frequently exhorting them to maintain a sacred regard for this Divine institution and to pay a conscientious obedience to all its laws, in doing of which they might secure to themselves national prosperity and enjoy the unfailing protection of Almighty God [Deuteronomy 28:1-14; Leviticus 26:3-12; Deuteronomy 4:5-8].

To deter them from disobedience, he called up their attention to that solemn scene which opened to their view when they stood before the Lord their God in Horeb — when there were thunders and lightnings and a thick cloud upon the mount and the voice of the trumpet exceeding loud so that all the people that was in the camp trembled [Exodus 19:16]. And the Lord commanded saying, “gather Me the people together and I will make them bear My words that they may learn to fear Me all the days that they shall live upon the earth, and that they may teach their children. For the Lord thy God is a consuming fire, even a jealous God” [Deuteronomy 4:10, 24].

The argument made use of in the text to excite in that people a spirit of obedience to their constitution and laws was this: that it would raise their character in the sight of the nations, who from thence would be led to entertain a veneration [respect and admiration] for them as a great nation, a wise and understanding people. This sacred passage, in connection with the important occasion which hath called us to the house of God this morning, may direct our attention to the following inquiry: in what doth the true wisdom of a people — a civil community — consist?

The general answer to this question may not be difficult; it will no doubt be readily admitted that the highest wisdom of a community of intelligent beings must consist in pursuing that line of conduct which shall have the most direct and sure tendency to promote the best good of the whole, both in time and eternity Whatever creatures may conceive to be a good, either through imperfection of understanding or degeneracy of heart, yet if that which they call good is inseparably connected with more pain than pleasure, taking in the whole of their existence, then it cannot with propriety be styled good — certainly not the best good; consequently wisdom will not choose it. The province of wisdom is to discover and elect the most valuable objects and to adopt the best means to obtain them. These observations apply with equal force to individuals and communities — to all classes of men, whether in the higher or lower walks of life. Communities, most certainly as well as individuals, under guidance of wisdom will pursue that conduct which shall have the desired tendency and will affect the highest good. This question as it respects mankind at large in their present state might admit a great variety of answers, some of which may demand particular notice on the present occasion. As,

1. Wisdom will direct a community to establish a good system of government. It may be a question whether the all-wise God ever designed that any of His intelligent creatures — even in a state of perfection — should exist without some kind of government and subordinating amongst themselves. All creatures have the same capacities; neither are they placed under equal advantages; and if those may be found whose capacities are equally extensive, still they are different and seem to be designed for different purposes and stations in the great system. We read of thrones, dominions, principalities, and powers amongst the angelic hosts [Colossians 1:16 & Ephesians 3:10], which titles denote various stations among those sinless beings, that they are differently employed in degrees of subordination to each other in the government of that holy family of which God is the father. But however this may be (as our acquaintance with that world of glory is very imperfect), yet it is beyond doubt that government was designed and is absolutely necessary for men on earth in their present state of degeneracy.

Creatures who have risen in rebellion against the holy and perfect government of Jehovah have partial connections [an attachment to their temporal life above their eternal life], selfish interests, passions, and lusts which often interfere with each other and which will not always be controlled by reason and the mild influence of moral motives however great: but these in their external expressions must be under the restraint of law or there can be no peace — no safety among men. Some kind of government is therefore indispensably necessary for the happiness of mankind that they may partake of the security and other important blessings resulting from society which cannot be enjoyed in a state of nature. Without any consideration of the various forms of government which have been adopted in different ages and countries, that may be the best for a particular people which in the view of all their circumstances affords the fairest prospect of promoting righteousness and of securing the most valuable privileges of the community in its administration.

Civil liberty is one of the most important blessings which men possess of a temporal nature — the most valuable inheritance on this side heaven. That constitution may therefore be esteemed on the best which doth most effectually secure this treasure to a community. That liberty consists in freedom from restraint, leaving each one to act as seemeth right to himself, is a most unwise mistaken apprehension [Proverbs 14:12 & 16:25]. Civil liberty consists in the being and administration of such a system of laws as doth bind all classes of men — rulers and subjects — to unite their exertions for the promotion of virtue and public happiness. That happy constitution enjoyed by the Hebrews of which the Supreme Lawgiver was the immediate [author], other than a system of good laws and righteous statutes which limited the powers and prerogatives of magistrates, designated the duties of subjects and obliged each to that obedience to law and exchange of services which tended to mutual benefit. (Deuteronomy 4:8): “And what nation is there so great that hath statutes and judgments so righteous as all this law which I set before you this day.” A state of society necessarily implies reciprocal dependence in all its members, and rational government is designed to realize and strengthen this dependence and to render it in such sense equal in all ranks — from the supreme magistrate to the meanest peasant — that each one may feel himself bound to seek the good of the whole. When individuals do this, whether rulers or subjects, they have a just right to expect the favor and protection of the whole body. The laws of a state should equally bind every member, whether his station be the most conspicuous or the most obscure. Rulers in a righteous government are as really under the control of law as the meanest [lowest] subject, and the one equally with the other should be subjected to punishment whenever he becomes criminal by a violation of the law. Rewards and punishments should be equally distributed to all, agreeably to real merit or demerit without respect of persons. A constitution founded upon the general and immutable laws of righteousness and benevolence, and corresponding to their particular circumstances, will therefore become a primary object with a wise and understanding people.

2. The wisdom of a people will appear in their united exertions to support such a system of government in its regular administration.

Enacting salutary laws discovers the wisdom and good design of legislators, but the liberty and happiness of the community essentially depend upon their regular execution. The best code of laws can answer no good purposes any further than it is executed. Every member in society is bound in duty to the community, himself, and posterity to use his endeavors that the laws of the state be carried into execution.

Laws point out the existing offices, relations, and dependencies of the community; they serve for the direction, support, and defense of all characters; but considered as restrainers, they more especially respect the unruly members. (I Timothy 1:9,10): “Knowing this, that the law is not made for a righteous man, but for the lawless and disobedient, for the ungodly and for sinners, for unholy and profane, for murderers of fathers and murderers of mothers, for manslayers, for whoremongers, for them that defile themselves with mankind, for liars, for perjured persons, and if there be any other thing that is contrary to sound doctrine.”

It is unreasonable to expect that the vices of man which are inimical [harmful] to society will be restrained by silent laws existing upon paper; they must be carried into execution and be known to have an active existence that such as contemn [disrespect and ignore] the law may not only read but feel the resentment of the community. It is not within the reach of human understanding to look with precision into futurity – to discover all the circumstances and contingencies which may take place among a people; neither is it certain that every person who may possess a fair character for ability and integrity, and who may be called into public life, will be governed in all his actions by public and disinterested motives. Through necessary imperfection or corrupt design, statutes may be enacted which may not prove salutary in their execution but greatly prejudicial to the common good; hence ariseth the necessity of alterations and amendments in all human systems.

Changes, however, should be few as possible, for the strength and reputation of government doth not a little depend upon the uniformity and stability observed in its administration. Laws, while they remain such, ought to be executed; when found to be useless or hurtful, they may be repealed. To have laws in force and not executed, or to obstruct the natural course of law in a free state, must be dangerous will have many hurtful tendencies, will greatly weaken government, and render all the interests of the community insecure. Liberty, property, and life are all precarious [insecure] in a state where laws cease in their execution. When known breachers of law pass with impunity [without penalty] and open transgressors go unpunished — when executive officers grow remiss in their duty, especially when they connive [wink] at disobedience — all distinctions betwixt virtue and vice will vanish, authority will sink into disrepute, and government will be trampled in the dust — for which reasons (with others that might be named), it must be the wisdom — the indispensable duty of all characters in society — to unite their exertions for the support of righteous laws in their regular administration.

As it would be exceedingly unreasonable to expect that any people can ever realize the benefits of good government under a weak or a wicked administration in which persons destitute of abilities or of stable principles of righteousness and goodness fill the various departments of the state, hence,

3. The wisdom of a people will appear in the election of good rulers.

The peace and happiness of communities have a necessary dependence, under God, upon the character and conduct of those who are called to the administration of government. A bad constitution, under the direction of wise and pious rulers who have capacity to discern [and the] disposition and resolution to pursue the public good, may become a blessing being made to subserve many valuable purposes. But the best constitution committed to rulers of a contrary description may be subverted or so abused as to become a curse and be rendered productive of the most mischievous consequences. The understanding or folly of a people in reference to their temporal interests is in nothing more conspicuous than in the choice of civil rulers. In free states the body of electors have it in their power to be governed well if faithful to themselves and the public in raising those to offices of trust and importance who are possessed of abilities and have merited their confidence by former good services.

Knowledge and fidelity are qualifications indispensably necessary to form the character of good magistrates. No man ever possessed natural or acquired abilities too great for the discharge of the duties constantly incumbent upon those who act as the representatives of the Most High God in the government of their fellow creatures: multitudes, however well disposed, are totally incapable of such trust. The interests of society are always important; they are many times involved in extreme difficulty through the weakness of some and the wickedness of others; and there is need of the most extensive knowledge, wisdom, and prudence to direct the various opposing interests of individuals into one channel and guide them all to a single object: the public good. Woe to that people to whom God by His providence [Divine sustenance, oversight, and intervention]in judgment shall say, “I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall rule over them. And the people shall be oppressed every one by another and every one by his neighbor: the child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient and the base against the honorable. And judgment is turned away backward and justice standeth afar off, for truth is fallen in the street and equity cannot enter; and he that departeth from evil maketh himself a prey” (Isaiah 3:4,5 and 59:14,15).

But knowledge alone will qualify no person to fill a public station with honor to himself or advantage to others. The greatest abilities — the most extensive knowledge — are capable of abuse; and when misapplied to selfish ambitious purposes, may be improved to the destruction of everything valuable in society.

Fidelity [integrity], therefore, is another essential characteristic in a good ruler. This is a qualification so absolutely essential that when known to be wanting, no conceivable abilities can atone for its absence. Fidelity hath no sure unshaken foundation but in the love and fear of the one true God — that love which extends its benign [gentle] influence to all the creatures of God. This is a branch of that benevolent religion which the Son of God came down from Heaven to establish in the hearts of men on earth; this, when seated in the soul of man, becomes a stable principle of action and will have a habitual influence in all his conduct, whether in public or private life; this will enable rulers to maintain the dignity of their elevated stations amidst the strong temptations with which they may be assaulted, feeling their just accountableness to those of their fellow men who have placed such confidence in them as to entrust them with all their valuable temporal interests — and what is infinitely more, feeling their accountableness to God, they will labor to discharge the important duties of their office, remembering that the day is fast approaching when notwithstanding “they are gods, and children of the Most High, yet they shall die like men, and fall like one of the princes” [Psalm 82:6-7]. Able pious magistrates who wish to answer the end of their appointment will not wish to hide their real characters from the public eye; they will come to the light that their deeds may be manifest [John 3:21].

It is the interest and privilege of an enlightened free people to be acquainted with the characters of their most worthy citizens who are candidates for public offices in the community; and it is equally their interest and privilege to make choice of those only to be rulers who are known among their tribes for wisdom and piety. Following the salutary counsel of the prince of Midian, they will provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness [Exodus 18:21].

Free republicans, as observed above, have it in their power to be governed well, but they are in the utmost danger through a wanton abuse of this power. Actuated by noble public spirited motives and a primary regard to real merit in their elections, they will have the heads of their tribes as fathers to lead them in paths of safety and peace. Under the guidance of such rulers who consider their subjects as brethren and children, and all the interests of the community as their own, a people can hardly fail of all that happiness of which societies are capable in this degenerate state.

But when party spirit, local views, and interested motives direct their suffrages — when they lose sight of the great end of government the public good and give themselves up to the baneful influence of parasitical demagogues – they may well expect to reap the bitter fruits of their own folly in a partial unwavering administration. Through the neglect — or abuse — of their privileges, most states have lost their liberties and have fallen a prey to the avarice [greed] and ambition of designing and wicked men. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice: but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn” [Proverbs 29:2]. This joy — or mourning — among a people greatly depends on their own conduct in elections. Bribery here is the bane of society; the man who will give or receive a reward in this case must be extremely ignorant not to deserve the stigma of an enemy to the state; and should he have address to avoid discovery, he must be destitute of sensibility not to feel himself to be despicable. All private dishonorable methods to raise persons to office convey a strong suspicion to the discerning mind that merit is wanting; real merit may dwell in obscurity, but it needeth not; neither will it ever solicit the aids of corruption to bring itself into view. When streams are polluted in their fountain they will not fail to run impure; offices in government obtained by purchase, will always be improved to regain the purchase money with large increase, and a venal administration [one that may be bought or sold for money or influence] will possess neither disposition nor strength to correct the vices of others but will lose sight of the public happiness in the eager pursuit of personal emolument [gain].

4. Wisdom will lead a people to maintain a sacred regard to righteousness in reference to the public and individuals.

Moral righteousness is one of those strong bonds by which all public societies are supported. Heathen nations ignorant of divine revelation and the particular duties and obligations which are enlightened and enforced by the word and authority of God, have nevertheless been sensible of the great importance of moral righteousness. Greece and Rome in the beginning of their greatness, before they sunk into effeminacy and corruption, were careful to encourage and maintain public and private justice — they labored to diffuse principles of righteousness among all ranks of their citizens. Many of their writings on this subject deserve attentions so far as the observance of moral duties respect civil communities and the well-being of mankind in the present world. As all civil communities have their foundation in compacts by which individuals immerge out of a state of nature and become one great whole — cemented together by voluntary engagements, covenanting with each other to observe such regulations and perform such duties as may tend to mutual advantage — hence ariseth the necessity of righteousness, this being the basis on which all must depend. When this fails, compacts [agreements and contracts] will be disregarded, men will lose a sense of their obligations to each other, instead of confidence and harmony will be a spirit of distrust and fear, every man will be afraid of his neighbor, jealousies will subsist between rulers and subjects, the strength of the community will be lost in animosity and division all ability for united exertion will be destroyed; and the bonds of society being broken, it must be dissolved. It was long since observed by one of the greatest and wisest of kings and will forever remain true: “That righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin is a reproach to any people” [Proverbs 14:34]. The truth of this divine maxim doth not depend upon any arbitrary contribution or positive system of government but flows from the reason and nature of things.

There is in the constitution of heaven an established connection between the practice of righteousness and the happiness of moral beings united in society. Public faith and private justice lay a foundation for public spirit and vigorous exertion to rest upon; in such a state, every one will realize such punishment as his offence or neglect of duty may deserve. In a fixed regular course of communicative and distributive justice, all may know before hand what the reward of their conduct will be. What the apostle hath said concerning the natural body (and applied to the church of Christ) may with equal propriety and little variation be applied to political societies. These bodies are composed of various members; the members have various offices; but all of them are necessary for the well being of the whole; there is something due from the body to every member and from every member to the body; every part is to be regarded and righteousness maintained throughout the whole [1 Corinthians 12:12-26].

The members of a well-organized civil community, under an equal and just administration, have no more reason to complain of the station allotted to them in Providence [Divine sustenance, oversight, and intervention] than the members of the natural body have of the place by God assigned them in that. “The eye cannot say unto the head, I have no need of thee; nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you. But that the members should have the same care one for another. And whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honored, all the members rejoice with it” [1 Corinthians 12:21,25,26]. No member of the natural body of a civil community or of God’s moral kingdom can be required to do more than observe the proper duty of its own station; when this is performed, all is done which can reasonably be demanded; it hath done well and may expect the approbation [praise] and protection of the whole body.

Men may indeed complain because they are not angels, and do it with as much propriety as to feel discontented because they are not all placed at the head of civil communities. The all-wise God hath given us our capacities and fixed our stations, and when righteousness is observed by us and the community of which we are members, we shall then do and receive what belongs to us, and this is all we can reasonably desire.

5. The wisdom of a people essentially consists in paying an unfeigned [unhypocritical and sincere] obedience to the institutions of that religion which the Supreme Lawgiver hath established in His church on earth.

That religion which God hath enjoined [commanded] upon rational beings is not only necessary for His glory but essential to their happiness. To establish a character as being truly religious under the light of divine revelation, it is by no means sufficient that men should barely acknowledge the existence and general providence of one supreme Deity. From this heavenly light, we obtain decided evidence that the Almighty Father hath set His well beloved Son, the blessed Immanuel, as King upon His holy hill of Zion. This Divine person, in His mediatorial character, “is exalted far above all principality, and power, and might, and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world but also in that which is to come. And all things are put under His feet” [Ephesians 1:21-22]. “That at the name of Jesus, every knee should bow, of things in heaven, and things in earth, and things under the earth; and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father” [Philippians 2:10-11].

In vain do guilty mortals worship the great Jehovah and present their services before Him but [except] in the name and for the sake of this glorious Mediator. For it is His will “that all men should honor the Son, even as they honor the Father.” [John 5:23]

Communities have their existence in and from this glorious Personage. The kingdom is His, and He ruleth among the nations [Psalm 22:28]. Through His bounty and special providence [Divine sustenance, oversight, and intervention] it is that a people enjoy the inestimable liberties and numerous advantages of a well-regulated civil society – through His influence they are inspired with understanding to adopt with strength, and public spirit to maintain, a righteous constitution. He gives able impartial rulers to guide in paths of virtue and peace or sets up over them the basest of men. By His invisible hand, states are preserved from internal convulsions [disturbances] and shielded by His Almighty arm from external violence; or through His providential displeasure they are given as a prey to their own vices — or to the lusts and passions of other states — to be destroyed. Thus absolutely dependant are temporal communities and all human things upon Him who reigneth King in Zion [Daniel 4:17,25,32]. “Be wise now therefore, O ye kings; be instructed, ye judges of the earth. Kiss the Son lest He be angry, and ye perish from the way, when His wrath is kindled but a little: blessed are all they that put their trust in Him” [Psalm 2:10,12].

The holy religion of the Son of God hath a most powerful and benign influence upon moral beings in society. It not only restrains malicious revengeful passions and curbs unruly lusts, but will in event eradicate them all from the human breast. It implants all the divine graces and social virtues in the heart; it sweetens the dispositions of men and fits them for all the pleasing satisfactions of rational friendship; teaches them self denial; inspires them with a generous public spirit; fills them with love to others — to righteousness and mercy — and makes them careful to discharge the duties of their stations; diligent and contented in their callings. This, beyond any other consideration, will increase the real dignity of rulers, will give quiet and submission to subjects; this is the only true and genuine sprit of liberty which can give abiding union and energy to states and will enable them to bear prosperity without pride and support them in adversity without dejection; this will afford all classes of men consolation in death and render them happy in God — their full eternal portion — in the coming the world.

Religion, therefore, is the glory of all intelligent beings from the highest angel to the meanest [lowliest] of the human race and will forever happily its possessors, considered either individually or as connected in society, for this assimilates the hearts of creatures to the great fountain of being in the exercise of general and disinterested affection and is the consummation of wisdom.

If the preceding observations have their foundation in reason and the Word of God, we see the happy connection between religion and good government. The idea that there is, and ought to be, no connection between religion and civil policy appears to rest upon this absurd supposition: that men, by entering into society for mutual advantage, become quite a different class of beings from what they were before — that they cease to be moral beings and consequently lose their relation and obligations to God as His creatures and subjects and also their relations to each other as rational social creatures. If these are the real consequences of civil connections, they are unhappy indeed as they must exceedingly debase and degrade human nature; and it is readily acknowledged these things being true, that religion can have no further demands upon them. But if none of the relations or obligations of men to their Creator and each other are lost by entering into society — if they still remain moral accountable beings and if religion is the glory and perfection of moral beings — then the connection between religion and good government is evident and all attempts to separate them are unfriendly to society and inimical [harmful] to good government and must originate in ignorance or bad design. Religion essentially consists in friendly affection to God and His rational offspring [i.e., mankind], and such affection can never injure that government which hath public happiness for its object.

Attempts have been made to distinguish between moral and political wisdom – moral and political righteousness — as though there were two kinds of wisdom and righteousness, distinct in their nature and applicable only to different subjects: that which is moral belonging to the government of men as subjects of God’s dominion, and that which is political to men as subjects of civil rule. But if wisdom and righteousness are the same in the fountain as in the streams — in God as in His creatures, differing not in the nature and kind but only in degree — then all such distinctions are manifestly without foundation. We read, it is true, of a particular kind of wisdom, the fruit of which is “bitter envying and strife and every evil work: and that this wisdom is earthly, sensual, and devilish” [James 3:14,15]. But until it is made to appear that this is more friendly to civil government than the wisdom “from above, which is pure and peaceable, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisy” (James 3:17), the supposed distinction will not apply to human governments with advantage, nor destroy the connection between religion and good government.

Religion and civil government are not one and same thing; though both may — and are — designed to embrace some of the same objects, yet the former extends its obligations and designs immensely beyond what the latter can pretend to, and it hath rights and prerogatives [privileges] with which the latter may not intermeddle. Still, there are many ways in which civil government may give countenance [approval], encouragement, and even support to religion without invading the prerogatives of the Most High or touching the inferior, though sacred, rights of conscience and in doing of which it may not only shew its friendly regard to Christianity but derive important advantages to itself.

The friends of true happiness, whether ministers of state or ministers of religion, or in what ever character they may act, will therefore exert themselves to promote that cause which aims at no less an object than the glory of Jehovah and the highest felicity of his unlimited and eternal kingdom.

A civil community formed, organized, and administered agreeably to the principles which have been suggested will possess internal peace and energy; its strength and wealth may easily be collected for necessary defense; consequently will ever be prepared to repel foreign injuries: it will enjoy prosperity within itself and become respectable amongst the nations of the earth.

Could this — and the other states in the American Republic in their separate and united capacities — be established upon the principles of true wisdom — [upon] that righteousness and goodness which have their foundation in the nature of things and are essential parts of the Christian system — could we build upon this foundation, we might set forth a good example and become a blessing to mankind; in this way we might establish character as a wise and understanding people [and] become (Song of Solomon 6:4,10) “beautiful as Tirzah, comely as Jerusalem”; we should “look forth as the morning, fair as the moon, clear as the sun, and terrible as an army with banners.”

Those deserve well of their brethren who have devoted their time and superior abilities to the public in the establishment and administration of civil constitutions which are calculated to answer purposes importantly beneficial to mankind. These thoughts may call our grateful attention to the honorable and venerable characters collected this morning in the house of God. Some respectful, serious addresses to the different characters here present may conclude this discourse.

May it please YOUR EXCELLENCY (for more information see note #1), seats of dignity of free republics are truly honorable where merit and the voice of uncorrupted citizens are the only causes of elevation [placing in office]. The first Magistrate in such a state is more respectable than the most powerful monarch who obtains his throne either by arbitrary usurpation, the arts of venality [buying or selling office for money or influence], or even the fortunate circumstance of hereditary succession. In either of the instances supposed, the throne may be filled without personal worth, may be supported by the same means by which it was at first obtained, and may be improved for the purposes of idleness and dissipation — or what is worse, to consume the wealth, destroy the liberties, and even sport with the lives of subjects. By means of such abuse of power, a people will be rendered vastly more wretched than they would have been in a state of nature and yet find it extremely difficult to extricate themselves from these complicated evils. But such abuse of power cannot so easily take place or be continued in free republican governments where places of honor are inseparably connected with important duties — duties which must be performed, otherwise such places will not long be supported under the jealous inspection of a people possessed of the knowledge and love of liberty, together with the means of its preservation.

These considerations add to the merit and increase the luster of those worthy characters which have been repeatedly called by the united voice of their brethren to preside in this State. The understanding of this people and their knowledge of worth have been conspicuous in the attention generally paid to deserving personages in the election of their rulers — especially in the long succession of wise religious governors whose eminent talents and pious examples have been so extensively beneficial to this community. (For more information see note #2.)

May your Excellency’s name, in this honorable catalogue, remain a lasting memorial of the many services which you have rendered to this people as a public testimony of the respect of your enlightened fellow citizens, and may your unremitted exertions for their prosperity be continued and all your benevolent endeavors to promote their temporal and eternal interests meet the Divine blessing — may you never bear that sword in vain which the exalted Mediator, through the instrumentality of men, hath put into your hand [Romans 13:4]; let this be a shield to the innocent, the widow, and the orphan in their oppressions while it remains a terror to all such as do evil [Jeremiah 22:3 & Romans 13:3]. You will, if possible, scatter the wicked with your eyes [Proverbs 20:8]; but when coercion becomes necessary, you will bring the wheel over them [Proverbs 20:26].

Sensible of the weighty cares and strong temptations of your exalted station, may your dependence be increasingly fixed on that glorious and gracious Being Who hath called you to office, esteeming His approbation [approval and praise] infinitely superior to the applause of mortals. By the weight of your example and the influence of that authority with which you are clothed, may you, sir, do much for the honor of God the Redeemer — for the advancement of His holy religion among men — for the promotion of righteousness and peace in this and the United States of America — for the abolition of slavery and every species of oppression — for the increase of civil and religious liberty in the earth. And when by the Supreme Disposer of all events you may be called to relinquish the honors and cares of this mortal life, our prayer to Almighty God is that in that solemn hour you may enjoy the supports of conscious integrity, meet with the approbation of your Judge, and be graciously received to the society of the blessed.

The public address may now be respectfully presented to his Honor the LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR (for more information see note #3), the COUNCIL, and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

HONORED GENTLEMEN:

The trust which God and this respectable Csommonwealth have reposed in you is truly important. All the temporal interests of this people, in a sense, are put into your hands and committed to your management for the general good. Children place strong confidence in the wisdom and tender care of their natural parents; so do this people in you, gentlemen, as their civil fathers. This confidence is not only implied but expressed in the designation of your persons to those offices which you hold in the government of your fellow citizens. Civil liberty is an inheritance descending from the Father of Lights, a talent which individuals may not despise or misimprove [abuse] without guilt: how vastly important, then, must this — with its connected blessings in society — be to a large community? The extensive views and patriotic feelings of wise and virtuous magistrates cannot fail deeply to impress their minds with the weight and solemnity of the trust reposed in them. Great anxiety for preferment betrays a weak mind or a vicious heart. Those only deserve the honors of an elevated station who are willing to bear the burdens and perform the duties which belong to it, and to reap the rewards which righteousness and benevolence will bestow; and who, in the ways of well doing, can meet with calmness the temporary ingratitude of a misguided misjudging people. Not that the preacher would be understood to mean that great esteem with an ample pecuniary recompense are not due to those whose time and superior talents are employed in promoting the happiness of their fellow men.

You gentlemen are vested with an authority which men of wisdom and virtue will ever revere — which properly exercised, none can resist without resisting the ordinance of God [Romans 13:2], and persevering in their resistance “must receive to themselves damnation” [Romans 13:2]. May you ever exercise such authority in the meekness of wisdom for the best good of your brethren agreeably to those unchangeable laws of righteousness and goodness which the Supreme Lawgiver hath established in His moral kingdom. (Ecclesiastes 3:16, Psalms 101:6): “That no iniquity, be found in the place of righteousness, or wickedness in the place of judgment [Ecclesiastes 3:16]; Your eyes will be upon the faithful of the land that they may dwell with You — those who walk in the perfect way [Psalms 101:6],” will be designated by you for all important executive trusts.

Viewing yourselves in the light of truth as the ministers of God to this people for good [Romans 13:4], you will realize the important connection between the moral government of Jehovah and those inferior governments which He hath ordained to exist among men. In this light, you will esteem it your highest glory to manifest a personal, supreme regard to the benevolent institutions of the Son of God. By the weight of your example and the force of all that influence you possess, you will study to commend His holy religion to all men that you may be instrumental in promoting the temporal peace and eternal happiness of this people. Public sentiments have a vast influence upon the conduct of mankind; public sentiments receive their complexion from public men; the rulers of a people can do more than some may imagine, to promote real godliness. If this is recommended in their conversation and exemplified in their lives, it will attract the attention of multitudes; it may lead some to a happy imitation and will not fail to give strong support to all the friends of God. But men sufficiently disposed at all times to cast off the fear of God, need slender aid from public influential characters to become professed advocates, for infidelity and licentiousness. How exceedingly interesting, gentlemen, to yourselves and the community is the station assigned you in providence! May unerring wisdom guide all your steps and the God of Abraham be your shield and exceeding great reward [Genesis 15:1].

The MINISTERS OF GOD’S SANCTUARYS will accept some thoughts addressed to them, not indeed for their instruction but to “stir up their pure minds by way of remembrance” [2 Peter 3:1].

REVEREND FATHERS AND BRETHREN:

Our character as Christians obligeth us to be righteousness before God [Romans 6:13], walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless [Luke 1:6], not forgetting that of civil magistracy as one of the wise and gracious appointments of heaven which, rightly improved, will extend its happy influence beyond the present life. And our office as ministers calleth us to exhort all the disciples of Jesus that they “submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake: unto kings and governors as unto them that are sent by him for the punishment of evil doers and for the praise of them that do well. For so is the will of God, that with well doing ye may yet put to silence the ignorance of foolish men” [1 Peter 2:13-15]. The ignorance and folly of that principle that there is no connection between religion and civil policy is most happily refuted when the followers of Jesus act in character and demonstrate to the world that real Christians are the best members of society in every station. We are not then acting out of character when pointing out the advantages of a righteous government and the necessity of subjection to magistrates. This, however, is not the principal object of our ministry: our wisdom and understanding will eminently appear in converting sinners from the error of their ways — in winning souls to Christ. To effect which, our speech and our preaching must not be with enticing words of man’s wisdom but in demonstration of the spirit and of power [1 Corinthians 2:4].

Confiding in the unerring wisdom and boundless goodness of God, we need not be ashamed nor afraid to declare all His counsel [Romans 1:16 & Acts 20:27], being well assured that no doctrine or duty can be found in His revealed will but such as are profitable for men to believe and practice. The great comprehensive design of the Christian ministry is the glory of God in the salvation of sinners through Jesus Christ. In pursuing this noble all important design, we shall labor to exhibit the divine excellency of the Christian religion in the holiness of our lives and conversation as well as in the simplicity and uncorruptedness of our doctrines – that our example and our preaching may unite in their tendency to persuade sinners to become reconciled to God. “How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of him that bringeth good tidings: that publisheth peace, that saith unto Zion, thy God reigneth!” and how is this beauty increased when the spiritual watchmen upon the walls of Zion, “sing together with the voice, and see eye to eye.” (Isaiah 53:7, 8).

That this beauty may appear and shine in all the ministers and churches of Christ, let us become more fervent and united in supplications to our Father in Heaven that He may shed forth plentiful effusions [outpourings] of that spirit of love and of a sound mind [2 Timothy 1:7] which is the only abiding principle of union between moral beings. Under the influence of this Holy Spirit. Under the influence of this Holy Spirit, awakened to activity and renewed diligence by the repeated instances of mortality among the ministering servants of God in the past year, may we all pursue the sacred work assigned us with increasing joy and success until called from our labors to receive the free rewards of faithful servants in the kingdom of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.

A brief address to the numerous AUDIENCE present on this joyful anniversary will close this discourse.

BRETHREN & FELLOW CITIZENS:

Let us not vainly boast in our truly happy constitution nor in the number of wise and pious personages whom God hath called to preside in its administration. We have abundant occasion indeed to bless and praise the God of Heaven for all our distinguishing privileges, both civil and religious. Few of our lapsed race [ancestors] enjoy immunities [freedoms] equal to those which we possess, but we do well to remember that profaneness and irreligion, infidelity and ungodliness, when connected with such advantages will exceedingly enhance the guilt of men, and without repentance will awfully increase the pains of damnation. Would we become a wise understanding people, we must learn the statutes and judgments which the Lord our God hath commanded, and obey them – we must be a religious, holy people, “for without holiness, no man shall see the Lord” [Hebrews 12:14]. Let all be exhorted to become wise to salvation through faith, which is in Christ Jesus [2 Corinthians 3:15]. Amen!

 


Endnotes

1.Governor Samuel Huntington (1731-1796) was the son of a Puritan farmer, and early entered the study of law. After being admitted to the bar, Huntington married the daughter of a local minister, was elected to the State Assembly, and became a judge. He was sent by his State as a delegate to the Second Continental Congress where he signed the Declaration of Independence. He continued his service in the national Congress and in fact became the President of Congress. After the Revolution, Huntington served as a judge, Lt. Governor, and then ten terms as Governor.

2.Previous leaders of Connecticut who were “wise religious governors” of “eminent talents and pious examples” were numerous. For example, leaders of this description before Connecticut became an independent State included Puritan John Haynes, governor in 1639, followed by governors such as George Wyllys, William Leete, Robert Treat, Gurdon Staltonstall, and Roger Wolcott, all of whom were not only zealous in defending the liberties of the people but who also were often ministers of the Gospel or active in religious work. (Occasional governors during this period interspersed among this group were not religious and sometimes were even hostile to religion, but they were few compared to the rest.)

During the movement toward American independence, Connecticut’s governor was Jonathan Trumbull, Sr. (1710-1785). Trumbull was a minister of the Gospel, entered business, became an attorney, and was elected to the State assembly twenty-two times and became its Speaker. He later became a judge, and in 1765 resigned from office rather than take the British oath to uphold the odious Stamp In 1769, he was appointed by the Crown as Governor, but following the announcement of the separation of America from Great Britain, Trumbull threw all his influence to the patriot cause, becoming the only crown-appointed Governor to support American independence. Trumbull became the closest and perhaps most trusted confidant of General George Washington (who called him “Brother Jonathan”) and Trumbull did more to supply the Continental Army with food, supplies, munitions, and troops than any other Governor. In fact, as he initially rallied Connecticut citizens to defend their country, he addressed the assembled men, and implored them, “March on! This shall be your warrant: May the God of the armies of Israel be your leader!” Trumbull was reelected Governor fourteen times, presided over the State throughout the entirety of the Revolution, and at the close of the conflict, resigned the governorship to return to the study of theology.

Afterward the Revolution, Connecticut was again blessed with strong God-fearing governors, including Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., and the governor at the time of this sermon, Samuel Huntington.

3.The Lieutenant Governor at this time was Oliver Wolcott (1726-1797). Wolcott was commissioned as a British military officer in the 1740s to defend the frontier against attacks until a treaty was finally reached with the Indians. He then entered the study of medicine and was also elected county sheriff. In 1774, he became a part of the State governing council and served in this responsibility until after the American Revolution. In 1775, he renewed his military service of three decades earlier, only this time against Great Britain, and tore down a large statue of George III that had been erected in 1770, melting the material into bullets for the patriots. In 1776, he was elected to the Continental Congress where he signed the Declaration of Independence. He thereafter commanded several military regiments in the defense of New York and assisted in the first major American victory of the Revolution at Saratoga. Throughout the remainder of the Revolution he divided his time between Congress and military service, attaining the rank of Major General. Following the Revolution, in 1786 he was elected Lieutenant Governor of Connecticut and held that post until elected Governor in 1796. Interestingly, Oliver Wolcott’s father, Roger, had served as State governor, and then Oliver’s son later served as governor.

Sermon – Election – 1797, Connecticut


This sermon was preached by Isaac Lewis in Hartford, Connecticut on May 11, 1797.


sermon-election-1797-connecticut

THE POLITICAL ADVANTAGES OF GODLINESS.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY THE

GOVERNOR,

AND THE HONORABLE

LEGISLATURE

OF THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

CONVENED AT HARTFORD

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION.

May 11, 1797.

By Isaac Lewis, D. D.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN GREENWICH.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford on the second Thursday of May, Anno Domini 1797.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Joseph P. Cook and Col. Ebenezer Mead present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Isaac Lewis, D. D. for his Sermon, delivered at the anniversary Election, on the 11th of May, instant, before the General Assembly, and request a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined,

By Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

 

ELECTION SERMON. 

I TIMOTHY iv. 8.

Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

In all situations and conditions of life, true religion is of the first importance. It is the solace of those, who are placed in the vale of poverty and affliction; the sweetener of all the unambitious enjoyments, of the middle walks of private life; and the highest ornament to the persons, and characters of the rich, the honorable, and the great. Without it, no man can be either truly, or lastingly happy. Were this divine guest to be banished from the society of men, this world would become but the abode of folly and wretchedness; and man, with all his boasted reason and superiority, inferior, in point of real enjoyment, to the herds who graze the fields.

The sentiments of St. Paul on this subject, are clearly expressed in our text and context. After cautioning Timothy to avoid perplexing himself and others, with the fabulous traditions of the Jews, and their endless genealogies, and exhorting him, like the athletics in the Grecian games, to exert his uttermost labor and diligence, in pursuing and promoting the doctrines and duties of true piety, as an argument to enforce the whole, he introduces the words of our text. Godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

These motives to godliness, though first addressed to Timothy, apply with equal force and propriety to all men, of every age and condition. The import of the text is briefly this, “Godliness is every way advantageous. Whoever shall experience the power of it, will thence derive a rich harvest of gain. Beside the crown of immortal glory, which it infallibly secures to its possessor, it will produce the highest satisfaction, of which the human mind is capable, in the present state of existence. Its advantages are eminent in all stations, and situations, and in the prosecution of every business, proper to engage the attention of mankind.”

If then godliness have promises of good to be enjoyed in this life, as well as in that which is to come, if it be profitable unto all things, we may doubtless with safety conclude, that effectual aid may be derived from it, in the administration of civil government; and that, if generally and faithfully practiced, it would most essentially contribute toward obtaining for, and securing to a community, all the important ends of its institution.

To illustrate this observation, is the proposed object of the present discourse. Preparatory to which a concise view of the nature of godliness, and of the ends of civil government will first be taken.

Godliness is a term used in two senses; the one limited, and the other more general. In its limited sense, it includes only the duties of piety toward God. In its general sense, it comprises all the duties prescribed by the Christian religion; those which we owe to our fellow-men, and to ourselves, as well as those which we owe to God. The apostle, in our text, uses the term in its most general sense, as appears from the extensive benefits, which, he assures us, will flow from a faithful practice of its various duties. These duties cannot now be minutely detailed. It may however be proper to observe in general, that they may be divided into four classes, the duties we owe to God, to Christ, to our fellow-men, and to ourselves.

In the first of these, are comprised supreme love to God, a fixed dependence on, and a humble trust in him, a cordial submission to his providential dispensations, together with conformity to his revealed will.

In the second, are included faith in the mediator, accompanied with a daily and sincere attention to him, considered as our teacher, our example and lawgiver, our advocate and intercessor with the father.

In the third, are contained universal love to mankind, mercy, justice, beneficence, truth and the forgiveness of injuries.

The fourth, comprehends the graces of humility, meekness, prudence, fortitude and self-government.

All the before mentioned virtues are briefly comprehended, by our divine master, in the following expressive words. “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God, with all thy heart, and thy neighbour as thyself.” These unitedly constitute that godliness, which is urged on us in our text, as being every way conducive to the advancement, of all the important interests of mankind.

But in order to determine, how far godliness contributes to the obtainment of the great ends of civil institutions, it will be necessary to enquire what those ends are? Or what are the great objects, all governments ought to pursue, and which all good governments actually do pursue, though with different degrees of success? These, it is supposed, may be all comprehended in the following particulars.

1. The primary objet of civil institutions is to prevent those evils, which, considering the depravity of mankind, would certainly result from a state of nature.

Selfishness is the predominant principle of fallen man. This, by being supreme, necessarily excludes the fear of God, and benevolence to our fellow-men. And among a number of individuals, un-united by any social compact, would produce a state of constant mutual hostility. In such a situation, jarring interests would at once enkindle the fire, and constantly fan the flame of discord; and of course banish peace and security. No protection, except what may be derived from personal prowess, can be obtained by individuals, in a state of nature. Life and property are equally insecure. Indeed without some kind of civil association, the last must be extremely limited. The power of an individual, unassisted by those arts, which flourish only under the protection of civil government, is wholly incompetent to the acquisition of more property, than a bare sufficiency for a scanty subsistence. But admitting the possibility of acquiring considerable property in a state of nature, still it would only serve to invite plunder, and lawless invasion. The more one possessed, the greater would be his danger. And if his strength should prove sufficient, to resist a single invader, it must unavoidably yield to the superior force of a combination of those, who would choose to live by rapine, rather than submit to the toils of daily labor.

The evils to which men would unavoidably be exposed, in a state of nature, we may learn from those, which have ever been attendant on revolutions. During such changes there is ever a period, in which laws lose their influence, and licentiousness prevails. This reign of anarchy is at its most alarming crisis, in that stage of a revolution which intervenes, between the destruction of the old, and the establishment of new principles and maxims of government. It is probable that no revolution was ever effected in any country, with less of these evils, than the recent one here in America. In our own State, very few disorders appeared; owing perhaps principally to the inconsiderable alterations, which the revolution produced. But in some parts of the union, the most fatal evils were experienced. Law was no longer a restraint, right no longer regarded, property was invaded, virtue insulted, chastity polluted, and life sacrificed, by abandoned ruffians, who, having broken over every restraint, rioted on the spoils of their innocent neighbours. Under an inexpressibly more dreadful experience of these, and many other similar evils, it is well known, one of the principal kingdoms of Europe, has for several years been groaning.

These things have been mentioned, solely with a view of exhibiting a specimen of what may be expected from a state of nature. To prevent their existence, as far as possible, to secure to individuals the peaceable possession of life, liberty and property, is a primary object of civil government. And its tendency to accomplish this purpose, undoubtedly wrought a conviction of its absolute necessity, in the minds of men, in the early ages of the world.

2. Another object worthy of the pursuit of government, is the promotion of the greatest good of the whole community, so far as that may be effected, without injury done to others.

Private interest, or the good of an individual, farther than it may be considered as involved in the good of the whole, ought not to be, and cannot consistently be the object of the social compact. As the whole is greater than its parts, so the good of a community is greater than the private interest of any individual. And to cause a greater interest to suffer, for the purpose of advancing a less, is a violation of the order of nature, and of the laws of equity and reason. A community is but one great family; in which, every member ought to consider his own interest, as involved in that of the whole; and this whole ought to swallow up every private or detached interest. As no private family can be happy, where each member is actuated solely by a principle of self-gratification; as such a line of conduct will produce a constant clashing of interests, which will unavoidably issue in contention and animosity; so no state can enjoy political happiness, where the public good is neglected, and an attachment to private, becomes the ruling passion. Hence cabals are always injurious, and ought to be opposed and even despised, as destructive of the great ends of civil society. They invariably have for their object, some party design. And the setting up of such an interest s the principal object of pursuit, is in the nature of it, hostile to public good. Private emolument cannot be set in competition with public, without endangering the latter. And to endanger the public good, for any private advantage, is always to sacrifice the greater interest to the less.

From these observations it appears, that the good which ought to be the object of government is the public good; and that in competition with it, no private or party interest ought ever to be placed.

But it is further to be observed, that although the greatest good of a community, ought to be the leading object of its government, yet even this is not to be pursued, by such measures as are injurious to other communities. Although the interest of an individual may be sacrificed, where it is absolutely necessary to promote the greatest good of the public, of which he is a member; yet it y no means follows, that a state or kingdom, in order to promote its own advantage, possesses a right to adopt such measures, as are injurious to a sister state. It is as inconsistent with every rule of moral obligation, for one state to commit injustice against another, as it is for an individual to rob or plunder this neighbour. All mankind are brethren, the children of the same common parent. Different states are correlatives of each other. The great Christian law which prescribes our duty toward our neighbours, considered in our individual capacity, will, if observed, regulate the conduct of states toward each other.

Although politicians have burdened the science of government, with many intricacies, which may, not improperly, be called the chicanery of courts; yet, if inexperience may be permitted to risk an opinion, we should say that it is reducible to a few plain principles. To love our neighbour as ourselves—To do to others as we would that they should do to us, are rules of moral conduct as applicable to communities, as to individuals. Nor can any reason be assigned in justification of fraud, in justice, oppression, or cruelty in a body of men more than in a single person. On the contrary, where a body of man practice injustice, the crime is far greater, than a similar act of injustice performed by an individual: because in the one case, the guilt is confined to a single subject, and in the other, it extends to a whole community; and because the evil consequences of public injustice, and the injuries done by it, are far more extensive, than those of private. When one nation is guilty of injustice towards another, thousands and millions may feel the injury. It is not in human power to calculate the evils, which will follow one deliberate act of such injustice. It will be readily granted, that the evils of private injustice are many. Among these may be enumerated expensive laws-suits, the disaffection of families to each other, and all the usual consequences of private hatred. Yet admitting the worst that can follow, the civil law is a barrier, which will always check and restrain these evils, and confine them within certain limits. But when one nation practices gross injustice against another, there is no common arbiter, either to decide the contention, or to control its destructive effects. War commonly bursts forth like a sweeping deluge, overwhelming and confounding the innocent with the guilty; and inflicting on whole countries greater, and more durable calamities, than any of the usual scourges, by which heaven corrects the madness of mankind.

The foregoing observations sufficiently prove, that national injustice is far more criminal in itself, and far more fatal in its consequences, than private. And of consequence, that the same moral rule of righteousness, which the scriptures have prescribed to individuals, and by which they are bound to regulate their conduct, ought to be adopted by nations, and faithfully adhered to, in all their treatment of each other. Hence will appear the justice of the remark before made, that although the greatest public good of a community, ought to be the end of its government, yet even that object, great and important as it is, ought never to be pursued, by means, which involve in them, a violation of the rights of other nations.

But notwithstanding the evident truth of this remark, it is to be lamented, that a policy directly repugnant to the rules of moral justice, has been too prevalent among all nations. The Roman love of their country, so much the boast of her citizens and so highly celebrated by her best writers, even in the purest days of that republic, was but a selfish contracted principle. Its objet was the aggrandizement of their commonwealth, not only without any regard to the happiness of other nations, but at the expense of their liberties, privileges and independence. Their love of their country, led them to destroy, or at least to subjugate every neighbouring state, which stood in the way of the enlargement of their empire, or whose interest was inconsistent with their own ambitious views. Justly were they characterized by the spirit of prophesy as a beast dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly; as devouring and breaking in pieces, and stamping the residue with their feet.

It is with the deepest regret, that truth obliges us to confess, that too similar to this detestable example, has been the policy of modern, as well as ancient nations. While the rulers of kingdoms have been careful to inculcate mutual justice among their subjects, by wise and salutary laws, they appear to have forgotten that national justice is a virtue; or not to be sensible, that there is anything criminal in injuring a neighbouring state, where the power of doing it is possessed, and an opportunity offered. While the private robber, who forces from an individual a small sum, must expiate his crime on a gibbet, it has been but too common for one nation to rob another of whole provinces, not only without censure, but with a tribute of praise for their martial achievements. To this fatal source, the injustice of nations toward each other, is to be attributed the awful scourge of war, with all its dreadful calamities. If the cause could once be suppressed, the effect would cease; and the prophecy of universal peace, so frequently repeated in the sacred writings, meet with an immediate accomplishment. The instruments of war would then be converted into implements of husbandry; nation would not lift up sword against nation, nor would they learn war anymore.

These few remarks on national injustice have been made, to call to the minds of this audience, the evils which must necessarily result from the prevalency of that unjust policy, which leads a nation to advance her own interest, by acts of injustice done to others. And likewise for the purpose of explaining in what sense, the public good ought to be the object of political institutions. To avoid the evils of a state of nature, and to promote the greatest national happiness, have been mentioned as the proper ends of government. These, are considered as including not only the particular objects, which have been brought up to view in what has been said, but whatever tends to the prosperity of a nation.

We will now proceed to enquire, what advantages, in the pursuit of these ends, may be derived from the practice of godliness.

1. Godliness will be productive of national felicity, by securing the fidelity of rulers.

That national happiness and misery, are closely connected with the character and conduct of those who hold the reins of government, approaches nigh to a self-evident proposition. At least it is a truth which a very little argumentation will support, and which has been fully confirmed by all history, both sacred and profane. The government of an Ahab, and a Manasseh, of a Nero and a Caligula, afford unequivocal proofs of misery of a people, destined to endure the scourge of wicked and tyrannical rulers. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice, but when the wicked beareth rule, the people mourn.” An unprincipled magistrate is regardless of the public good, and wholly under the influence of selfish and mercenary views. In such hands neither the property, the liberty nor the life of the people are secure. These may, and most probably often will be sacrificed to the lust, the ambition, the avarice, and even the caprice of the tyrant. The public good is unspeakably too precious a deposit, to be betrusted to such men. He who disregards the obligations he is under to his God, cannot be supposed suitably to feel those which he is under to his fellow men. He will rather be led to consider his exaltation to office, as raising him above the restraints, laid upon his unofficed brethren, and as affording him an opportunity for indulging with impunity, the selfishness and wickedness of his heart. A ruler destitute of virtue, will without doubt in a greater or less degree be guilty of malpractice. And a government badly administered, will produce evils introductory, both to public and private infelicity. There is an inseparable connection between the moral character of rulers, and their administrations. If the former be vicious, corruption will appear in the latter, and a corrupted administration militates against the very ends of the social compact. And of course is inconsistent with the happiness of a community.—The liberties of a nation are always extremely unsafe, in the hands of vicious rulers; and the miseries which nations have suffered under the government of such characters, are to be ranked with the heaviest of divine judgments.

If then vice in authority be destructive of public felicity, it is but rational to conclude that virtue exalted to power, must be productive of directly contrary effects; and that a pious magistracy must afford the most encouraging prospect, of national happiness. The magistrate, who to the natural and acquired abilities necessary to prepare him for office, adds the fear of God, a reverence for the dictates of his own conscience, and that love to his fellow-men, implied in true godliness, will not fail to make the good of his constituents, the ultimate objet of his political pursuits. His example will uniformly be in favor of virtue, and his abilities steadily exerted to support and maintain that “righteousness which exalteth a nation, and to discountenance and suppress that vice which is a reproach to any people.” As a legislator, he will disregard local prejudices and party views, and ever give his voice in favor of such laws, as he believes to be founded in justice and public utility; and oppose with firmness, and uncorruptible integrity those of an opposite tendency. As a judge, his decisions will be guided by law and equity, without partiality for, or prejudice against any man. In whatever station he is called to serve his country, he will remember that he is accountable for his conduct not only to his fellow citizens, but to the supreme ruler of the universe; that he has a most important trust committed to him; that he is a minister of God, for good to his people; that the primary design to his honorary appointment, was to capacitate him to employ all his talents, in promoting and diffusing happiness through the community; and that he answers the great end of his being called into office, only so far as he steadfastly pursues this grand object. And that a greater proportion of happiness will be enjoyed by a people, where their rulers are actuated by such disinterested motives, than where they are influenced by selfishness, is too evident to need proof. It is as unnecessary to prove, that men of piety are not only the most likely to pursue the public good, but the only characters, from whom we have reason steadily to expect, such disinterested conduct. Nothing can afford so great a security for the fidelity of rulers, as godliness. Other motives may for a time produce unexceptionable conduct. But the influence of these other motives will be ever uncertain, and at best subservient to selfish views. The public good will always be abandoned by such a mind, whenever it is considered as directly opposed to private interest.

No men, in any situation or employment, are so sensible of the obligations they are under to fidelity as the truly religious. No others so fully perceive its importance, or are so deeply impressed with a conviction of its necessity. Religion is a crown of glory to all who possess it. It does not of itself prepare men for office, either in church or state. But where they are other ways prepared, the addition of true religion, above everything, contributes to their fidelity and usefulness. This observation applies with as much propriety, and force to the civil magistracy, as to any official characters. Fidelity in that office, is essential to national prosperity. So that godliness, when it lives and reigns in the hearts and lives of the magistrates of a country, contributes directly, and most essentially to the public happiness.

2. Godliness is no less salutary to a community, by the influence, which it has on the great body of the people.

As it secures the fidelity of rulers, so it makes good citizens. If its practice could once become universal in a nation, it would produce such a conduct in all ranks, as would issue in general prosperity. So far as national happiness depends, on the promotion of the social virtues—on the cultivation of benevolence, kindness, justice and charity—on the prevalence of harmony and tranquility, the practice of godliness has a direct tendency to its advancement. Godliness teaches us to do justly, to love mercy and to walk humbly with God. To owe no man anything, but to love one another. To render to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor is due. And, to comprehend the whole in few words, to love our neighbour as ourselves. So far as these virtues promote public happiness, or are any way conducive to the prosperity of a nation; so far the salutary influence of godliness is indisputable. As it respects the duties of the second table of law, it consists in the exercise of these very virtues. And how far the practice of them actually does contribute to national prosperity, we may learn from the evils which their opposite vices never fail to produce. Fraud, injustice, anger, wrath and hatred are most evidently the bane of social happiness; and in proportion to their prevalency, are invariably productive of misery. The practice of these virtues then, and consequently of true godliness, has a direct tendency to promote the public good.

Again, so far as national happiness depends on a suitable conduct in the members of a community, toward each other, it is directly promoted by godliness. The circumstance last mentioned, it is well known, has great influence on domestic happiness. It is essential to the prosperity of a private family, that the conduct of each member be regulated by the strictest rules of propriety—that the heads conduct with a dignity becoming their station; equally remote from unreasonable austerity on the one hand, and trifling familiarity on the other—that children and servants, constantly exhibit reverence and respect, by an unreserved and cheerful obedience. Imprudence and folly in the governors of a family, and obstinacy and disobedience in the inferior members, are utterly destructive of domestic felicity. And why should not the case be the same with larger communities? The happiness of a nation is composed of similar ingredients with that, of a private family. And as the conduct of the several members of the latter, toward each other, has so evident an influence on their happiness, why must not the prosperity of a nation be greatly affected, by the mutual conduct of its rulers and ruled? If so, godliness must certainly promote national felicity. For it influences rulers to rule in the fear of God, and unofficered citizens to reverence and respect the magistrates of their country, as ministers of the Most High, appointed for the good of his people. So far as it extends, it leads every man to conduct agreeable to his station; to abide in, and faithfully to discharge the duties of his particular calling, and thus to contribute to the advancement of the general felicity.

But I take the liberty of farther observing, that godliness promotes national prosperity, as it contributes to an increase of wealth. If any should call in question the truth of this observation, let me desire him to remember, that there are few vices but what are luxurious; that they are expensive, and even prodigal both of time and money; and that those which are most corrupting, which spread their contagion the most rapidly, which ever have and ever will prevail where godliness is neglected, are not only such as devour property, but such as introduce disease, debility, idleness, and even an aversion to every species of labor, and thus dry up the very sources of national wealth.

On the other hand, godliness leads to temperance, health, industry and frugality. It not only retrenches the expenses of extravagance, but it adds to the stock already possessed, the daily gains of diligence. From the command and example of her divine teacher, she gathers up the fragments, and suffers nothing to be lost.

If, after considering these particulars, any should still be disposed to doubt, whether a general diffusion of godliness through a nation, would contribute more to the increase of its wealth, than the unrestrained reign of vice, let him compare the expenses of the several virtues included in true godliness, with those of their opposite vices. Let him for instance compare the expenses of humility, temperance and frugality, with what would be necessary to support pride, luxury, intemperance and prodigality, and the comparison will convince him, that it is vice which drains a nation of her wealth. We venture further to offer it as a decided opinion, that if such a person should judge with impartiality, he would meet a conviction, that the fashionable vices of the present day, are far more expensive than the support of government, together with all the public and private means of literary, moral and religious instruction. The universal spread of godliness among us, would save this enormous expense, and thus increase the pecuniary advantages of our nation. So true is it that godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.

But permit me to add, that godliness, above every other principle that can be named, gives efficacy to the laws of a nation. Among many other ingredients, necessary to the happiness of a people, a good code of laws will doubtless be included. But simply the existence of such a system of laws, will be but of little advantage, unless they are sacredly regarded—unless they possess a commanding influence on all ranks of citizens. Laws, that have lost their influence, neither afford protection to the virtuous, nor lay restraint on the excesses of the vicious. And laws disregarded and trampled on with impunity will ever lose their influence. Of consequence, the support of law, by giving it as extensive an obedience as possible, and by putting its penalty in execution on delinquents, must be of high importance to national prosperity. And yet no part of civil government is attended with more, or greater difficulties. Men of true piety will see, and feel the importance of giving efficacy to laws, and from the purest motives, throw their whole weight into that scale.—They will obey the ordinances of man for the Lord’s sake. But the vicious part of every community are always impatient under the restraints of law; and ready to violate it, whenever they can flatter themselves of doing it with impunity. Hence the well known fact, that laws are trampled upon, in proportion to the increase of vice. The more gross wickedness prevails, the more are all laws divine and human disregarded. The inheritance from this fact is plain, that no principle can give such an efficacious influence to the laws of a nation, as true godliness. There is a close connection between fidelity to God, and fidelity to man; he who possesses the former will not neglect the latter. Consequently the diffusion of true religion through a nation, would in this respect, be attended with a most happy influence.

But it is worthy of further remark, that godliness not only contributes to the maintenance and support of law, by its influence on the hearts and lives of its true friends; but the doctrine of revealed religion, have a happy political effect on all who believe them, even with a speculative faith. The corruptions of mankind, it is believed, are far more restrained, from an apprehension and dread of future punishment, than from all the penalties, which sanction the several codes of human laws. Revealed religion denounces future wrath, not only against persons guilty of impiety toward God; but against murderers, thieves, adulterers, perjured persons, and all who commit crimes against society. So far as divine revelation is believed—so far as it gains even an historical assent from mankind, the idea of this future punishment, must operate as a forcible check to human corruptions. These penalties, admitting the authenticity of the scriptures, are known by the impenitent to be unavoidable, and therefore affect the mind as realities. No concealment, no fraud, no flight, can protect the offender from the vengeance of the judge. If the sinner dies in impenitency, he must unavoidably suffer the dreadful consequences. But men can easily escape the penalties of human laws. Under the best executed government, the probability is that they are actually avoided in more instances, than suffered by transgressors. The means of escaping civil punishments are very numerous, and perfectly known to the most vicious part of every nation. So that human laws are always transgressed with a hope of impunity. If then all dread of future punishment were totally annihilated, the strongest support of civil law, would be removed, and very little be left to restrain the corruptions of the vicious. And the consequence might be an absolute impossibility of supporting civil government.

From the foregoing observations we may at least conclude, that godliness is not only highly advantageous, but that, a belief of its doctrines, and especially those which respect the divine character and future rewards and punishments, are essential to the well being, if not to the existence of civil society. And it is a well known fact that all antiquity were in favor of a similar sentiment. Not a single legislator has ever attempted to enforce obedience to his laws, solely on the foundation of civil sanctions. They universally perceived the insufficiency of these motives, unassisted by those derived from religion. And as they were strangers to divine revelation, they formed a substitute, and adapted it, as well as they could, to the circumstances, the genius, and the prejudices of their people. Lycurgus, Solon, Numa Pompilius, Capac, and every legislator, at all famed for the wisdom of his institutions, found it necessary to have recourse to religion; and, in fact, derived from that source, the principle motives to enforce obedience. This shows, that in the judgment of these eminent men, the belief of a supreme Being, and the practice of some religion, are of great importance to the support of civil government; and that it is in vain to expect that a system of laws can be maintained for any considerable period, independent of all assistance of this kind. An opinion, as is confidently supposed, founded in a very accurate, and extensive knowledge of human nature, and which, we cannot but presume, will be ever found true, as long as sinful passions and affections possess such an influence on mankind.

If then some religion has ever been found necessary to the existence of civil government; if where the true religion has been unknown, the ablest legislators have thought it necessary to invent a substitute; if even an historical belief of the doctrines of revealed religion, have so direct a tendency to support civil institutions; certainly the reality itself, the general spread of true piety among all ranks in a commonwealth, must be attended with the most salutary effects. Its influence on the order, the regularity, the peace, and the harmony of a community, cannot fail of augmenting its felicity.

We see then, that beside the spiritual and eternal advantages of true godliness, which the design of this discourse will not admit of our considering, there are important benefits to be derived from it in the administration of civil government; and if generally and faithfully practiced, it would most essentially contribute toward obtaining for, and securing to a community all the valuable ends of such an institution.

In the preceding observations be just, then to maintain, that godliness is of no importance in a civil point of view—that gentlemen may be every way as well qualified, to act in any official character, in the government of a nation without, as with religion—that it is a matter of no consequence to the political happiness of a people, what religious system, or whether any at all prevails among them,–to support these, and similar sentiments, not only tends to the encouragement of immorality, but to the propagation of political heresy. And in proportion to their prevalence, must be productive of the most dangerous consequences. Without religion, a sense of moral obligation can never be preserved. And once destroy a sense of moral obligation, and you strike a deadly blow at the root of all mutual confidence between the different members of the community, and invite the spread of those vices, which are most hostile to the political as well as eternal interest of mankind.

I feel a peculiar happiness on this occasion, in being able to confirm these sentiments, by the authority of that most excellent man, that best of patriots, whose distinguished talents and eminent abilities, faithfully consecrated to his country’s service, have not only in an unexampled manner endeared him to his fellow-citizens, but rendered him the object of the veneration of the world. From that valuable legacy of political experience and sentiment, which he bequeathed to his country, in his address accompanying his resignation, I gladly introduce the following passages.

“Of all the dispositions and habits, says he, which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of a peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

”It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifferency on attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?”

I cannot conclude this extract, without observing that the sentiments it contains, in the view of every wise and good man, must add a luster to a character, already enrolled on the records of deathless fame, and the subject of a more universal admiration, and more extensive esteem, that any which the world hath hitherto produced. May America preserve in everlasting remembrance his political counsels—may they continue, through all succeeding generations, the fundamental maxims of their government—may his successors be all animated by the same spirit of wisdom, patriotism, firmness, and uncorruptible integrity—may he in the shades of retirement be constantly blessed with the special tokens of the divine favor—may self-approving reflections on the part he has acted, and the spiritual joys of communion with God and Christ repay the ceaseless toils and anxieties of his public life—and when heaven shall call him from his earthly abode, may he be admitted to a distinguished seat in the paradise above.

Permit me to add, that if anything can console us under the painful idea that Washington, no longer directs the helm of our government, it is the pleasing reflection that we have for his successor, a gentleman, not only of the first character for literary and political merit, wisdom, firmness and independency of sentiment, but one, who in the very moment of his inauguration, and in the presence of both houses of our national legislature, and a most crowded assembly of all ranks of spectators, 1 had the fortitude to avow his attachment to the Christian religion, and his fixed determination to consider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service.

But we suspend these pleasing reflections, and proceed to remark, that if the observations which have been made be just, the importance of supporting Christianity is undeniable. All the political benefits, which can be rationally expected from any religion ever taught in this world, may certainly be expected from the Christian, and in a much higher degree than from any other, in proportion to the superior excellency of its moral precepts. The candid enemies of our faith confess, that the morality taught in the gospel is the most pure, and the best adapted to the purposes of social happiness, of any moral system ever published to men. If then some religion be necessary to answer the purposes of civil government, Christianity even on political views ought to be preferred to all others, as it possesses far the greatest tendency to promote the important designs already mentioned. If its morals are the purest, its tendency to promote social happiness is the greatest, and therefore good policy requires its support.

It is not however our wish that anything similar to the religious establishments of Europe, should be introduced into our country. We hope never to see our magistrates employed, in prescribing articles of faith; nor in the exercise of the least coercive power to compel men to adopt this, or that creed, or submit to any one mode of worship in preference to another. May liberty of conscience, in this land, be never violated. But if there be important political advantages to be derived from Christianity, which cannot be so effectually secured by any other means, as appears evident from the preceding observations, then is it as much the duty of government to endeavour its preservation, as in any other way to seek the public good. If every individual be left to choose for himself both with respect to doctrines, and modes of worship, laws made for the support of public instruction, and the religious observation of the Sabbath, cannot in any proper sense infringe on liberty of conscience.

If religion then has a just claim to the protection of government, it must be peculiarly important to official characters. The more exalted gentlemen are in office, the more public and extensive their sphere of action, the more necessary is it, that their whole conduct should exhibit undeniable evidence of their attachment to religion. The great body of the people look up to them, not only for examples in every virtue, but for that legislative encouragement to the cause of religion, on which its general prosperity under God must in a great measure depend. If godliness be profitable unto all things, if its political advantages be as great as has been represented, good policy will certainly lead to a preservation of the laws for the support of morality, to a maintenance and if need be, to an enlargement of the statutes for the suppression of vice, and to the appointment of such men to fill the several offices under our government, as are known to be at least men of unblemished morals. A steady adherence to this rule would disappoint the hopes of the wicked, and proportionally encourage those of the virtuous. It would make our legislature a terror indeed to evil doers, and a praise to them who do well. Much depends on the conduct of rulers. To support religion, law and liberty, is theirs. We live in a day when each of these have many foes. When the advocates of infidelity are loudly boasting of the increase of their numbers—When licentiousness is alarmingly prevalent, and when the federal constitution, the great palladium of our liberties, has been violently attacked. That amidst all these internal evils, and the dangers which arise from foreign insults and depredations, our rulers may be directed by unerring wisdom—that they may ever possess that firmness and fidelity, which the arduous duties of their station, and the peculiar difficulties of the day require, is the ardent prayer of all their pious constituents. And supported by so important an encouragement, it is hoped, and expected that they will disregard the unfounded clamours, of the enemies of religion and our country.

But besides the support which Christianity has a right to expect from government, it is of the highest importance, that it receive all encouragement from every class of citizens. In this business all should be united, and extend as far, and as generally as possible the practice of true piety. If there were no futurity, if the race of men had been made only for this world, still the universal practice of godliness would be a most desirable object, and as such must meet the sincere approbation of every friend to his country. And if so, how inconceivably important indeed is it, when we are assured by a well authenticated revelation from heaven, that we are all acting not for time only, or principally, but for the rewards, or the punishments of an eternity. The motives to the choice and practice of godliness are immensely great. Both temporal and eternal benefit, the promise of this life and of that which is to come, are all presented to our view, and placed in a very conspicuous light before our eyes, and nothing but the grossest stupidity can prevent our feeling the force of them.

This subject leads me further to remark, that although the laws of our land have excused clergymen from the burdens of civil functions, and left them at liberty to devote their whole time to the business of their peculiar profession, yet no body of men are more deeply interested in the prosperity of their country, or under greater obligations to constant exertions for that purpose. And happily their duty as Christian ministers, and as members of civil society perfectly coincide. In the former, which is the principal capacity in which they are called to act, they are pointedly commanded by their divine Master, to become ensamples to the whole flock over which the Holy Ghost has made them overseers, and to teach, rebuke and exhort with all long suffering and doctrine. The first object of their labors is to prepare men for the kingdom of heaven. This they are to attempt by explaining to them the nature, and enforcing on them the importance of true godliness, and by persuading them, if possible, to a faithful practice of it in all its branches. If they can effect this great purpose, they will not only benefit the souls of men, and advance the kingdom of the Redeemer in the world, but do a most important service to civil society. If they can become the happy instruments of leading those among whom they labor, to forsake sin, to embrace the gospel, to love God and practice every branch of true piety; they will no doubt obey magistrates, and submit themselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake. The more we promote the interest of religion, the more shall we advance that of civil society. The more spiritual good we do the souls of men, the more effectual aid shall we afford to the rulers of our land. Ministers have every argument set before them, to excite them to diligence and fidelity, drawn from the temporal, and the eternal interest of men. And in addition to all this, they are further animated, by a consideration of that future account which they must give of themselves, before an assembled universe. Though the stupidity of this infidel age, may often excite in them the complaint of the evangelical prophet “that they labor in vain and spend their strength for nought,” yet let them not be weary in well doing, but persevere with redoubled diligence, supported by the glorious hope that their labor will not be in vain in the Lord.

Lastly, the foregoing observations point out to us all, the sure means of promoting national happiness. Public virtue, and political prosperity are intimately connected. Righteousness will exalt, and vice bring ruin on a people. If then we are true patriots, if it is our glory really to be, as well as to be esteemed the friends of our country, we shall devote ourselves to the sincere practice of true godliness; and in our several stations faithfully endeavour its universal promotion. Enmity to religion is inconsistent with true patriotism. They who are either publicly or privately undermining the foundation of piety toward God, are weakening the force of moral obligation, and aiming a fatal blow against the dearest privileges resulting from the social compact. If we would wish to be a happy people, to enjoy in peace and tranquility the blessings of a most excellent constitution, and to transmit those fruits of such vast expense of blood and treasure unimpaired to posterity, it is of the highest importance, that we practice true godliness; as every other expedient, while that is neglected, will be found utterly insufficient.

In one word, the choice and practice of religion is urged on us, by every consideration which ought to affect a rational mind. Our duty to God, our country, and ourselves require it—our interest and happiness for time and eternity demand it of us. May God, of his infinite mercy grant us all, to experience it, in all its power, and in all its comforts and consolations, for the sake of the dear Redeemer. Amen.

 


Endnotes

1. See President Adams’s speech at his inauguration.

Sermon – Election – 1796, New Hampshire


William Frederick Rowland (d. 1843) graduated from Dartmouth in 1784. He was the pastor of the First Church in Exeter, NH beginning in 1790. This sermon was preached by Rowland in New Hampshire on June 2, 1796.


sermon-election-1796-new-hampshire

A

S E R M O N,

DELIVERED IN PRESENCE OF

HIS EXCELLENCY

JOHN TAYLOR GILMAN, Esquire

GOVERNOR,

THE HONORABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE,

CONVENED AT EXETER ON THE DAY OF THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

JUNE 2, 1796.

BY WILLIAM F. ROWLAND, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN EXETER.

State of New-Hampshire.

In the House of Representatives,
June 3d, 1796.

VOTED, That Mr. Moody, Mr. Crawford, and Mr. Upham, be a committee, on the part of the House, to join such of the Hon. Senate as they may appoint, to wait on the Reverend Mr. Rowland, and return him the thanks of the Legislature for his ingenious Discourse, delivered yesterday before the General Court, and desire of him a Copy for the Press.

Sent up for concurrence;
RUSSELL FREEMAN, Speaker.
In SENATE, June 3d, 1796, Read and concurred. Mr. Flanders appointed.
Nath’l Parker, dep. Sec’ry.
True Copy, Attest, Nath’l Parker, D’y. S’y.

 

ELECTION SERMON.
 

2 SAMUEL, xxiii. 3.

HE THAT RULETH OVER MEN MUST BE JUST, RULING IN THE FEAR OF GOD.

A CHARACTER formed upon the principles of religion is the most honorable and useful. It comprises all the virtues that recommend man to the peculiar notice of his Maker, render him an ornament to society, make him happy in a state of social connection in the present world, and glorious in immortality.

Such a character was David, The anointed of the God of Jacob: and he insists upon the indispensable necessity of it in those who rule over men. Nor does he offer merely his own private opinion respecting this important subject, for the Spirit of the Lord was with him—The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

The royal Prophet here points out, in a very brief and comprehensive manner, the duty, and the necessary qualifications of a civil ruler. These words ought to be engraven in the heart of every ruler, and in the heart of every person in the choice of rulers; for while they direct the latter to whom they ought to give their suffrages, they point out to the former the character which they should possess.

It is both pertinent and laudable, and must be considered so, by all good men, to enter on the public business of legislation, by the presentment of the rulers and officers of Government before the Lord in his sacred courts, to hear the words of his law, and to supplicate his presence and aid. We are happy that our civil Fathers have consecrated the present time to these solemn duties of religion. The occasion on which we are assembled, and the theme which I have chosen, will naturally lead me to make some remarks on government; delineate the character of a good ruler; exhibit the necessity of religion in civil administrations, and its happy effects in society.

Mutual advantage, at first induced men to form into social compact, and produced towns, states and empires. To exist in this social capacity, and secure life, property and happiness, it was found necessary that they should have some form of civil government. It is the will of God, that government should exist among men. What particular form is nowhere designated, but every nation has a right to choose for itself, and adapt it to the views, feelings and circumstances of the people. One form may be best for one nation, and a different, for another. That form is best, which most effectually secures their rights and rational liberties.

To the due administration of justice it is necessary that some should be clothed with authority; without this, they will not be able to regulate the affairs of state, and secure the good and peaceable, from the wanton abuse of the wicked and licentious. Their power, it is true, they derive from the people, but when they have invested them with authority they should pay due submission to, and place confidence in them.

A race of rational beings, not connected by the parental or filial tie, not depraved, but perfectly innocent, it is probable would fall into some kind of polity or civil connection. By forming into society the collected gifts and graces of all would become the property and emolument of all; but without social connection, they would be the property and profit only of the person possessing them, and could not benefit the whole. Society cannot be formed, or subsist, without certain regulations, or constitutional establishments. Such a race of beings, as we before mentioned, could find no difficulty in forming into union, and constituting the social tie. If their powers and capacities were different, reason would plainly lead the superior to the head, and the inferior to their respective places of subordination in the body. Or, if in regard to powers and capacities, all were on a par, then all would equally govern, and be equally subject. The good Angels are represented as having a kind of connection and order among them. The sacred books speak of Principalities and Powers, Thrones and Dominions; and the superiority signified by this necessarily supposes connection and subordination. But be it as it may among good and holy beings, yet obviously among beings so deeply depraved and selfish as man, government is indispensably necessary. Without government, it would be impossible to live in such a world as ours. A state of anarchy, without law and government, would be a state of complete wretchedness.—Such are the fierce and savage lusts of men, that property and life would constantly hang on uncertainty. The Israelitish nation found themselves in a most calamitous state, when there was no Government authoritatively established among them, and everyone did without control what was right in his own eyes. The God of nature has pointed out the propriety of civil government, in the constitution of families, and given a specimen of it in parental authority and filial subjection; this only excepted, that all men are born free and stand on a par; so that all rightful governing must derive from the governed and have its foundation in common consent and agreement. Necessity early led men to form themselves into social bodies, and confirm the social tie by certain laws and regulations mutually agreed on and committed to some one or more of the body.

In order to government, rulers are necessary; and to a happy administration it is requisite that they answer the character in the text: Some delineation of which was the next thing we proposed.

He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. He must be just in all his dealings, in the exercise of the powers with which he is invested, administering justice without partiality. The word of God teaches the necessary qualifications of a good ruler. To this he will look for instruction in his duty. Here he will find a model, on which his character should be formed; and rules relating to his whole conduct. It teaches him to reverence God as the Supreme Ruler of nations, his dependence on Him for light and direction, and his accountableness to Him for all his actions: and this will have a happy influence on his conduct and excite him to fidelity. It unfolds a glorious immortality, through Jesus Christ, to those who are faithful to God in the trust committed to them, and improve their talents aright: by which glorious hope the pious ruler is animated in his laborious undertaking.

It humbles the pride of the human heart, teaches that salvation is only through the grace that is in Jesus, and lays prostrate the hope of man from any distinguished merit in himself; which must tend to inspire the Christian ruler with an amiable humility, while raised to a seat of honor; prevent his exalting himself above his Brethren, and lording it over God’s heritage. It teaches the motives, by which they are to be influenced in all their deliberations and decrees. Influenced by such a religion, the Ruler will consult the good of the community, and will always live in the affections of a grateful people. He will have a humble dependence on God for wisdom to conduct him. He will see his need of divine assistance, and be modest and unassuming. He will not crowd himself into public notice by artifice, but wait until he is called by the voluntary suffrages of the people. Those, who are best qualified to rule, will be least solicitous to obtain an office. A sense of the importance of a public trust, and of having the weight of public affairs devolve on them, forbids their aspiring to rule. Persuaded that the most refined enjoyments are to be found in the walks of domestic retirement, they will quit them for an elevated station, only when called by the united voice of their brethren, and constrained by a sense of duty. There is no greater evidence of a person’s unfitness for public trust than his seeking it by promoting faction. True merit does not seek public notice, and it reluctantly enters the field of action. The good ruler will therefore engage in public life, not to gratify his own ambition, consult his own ease, or obtain the applause of men; but from a sense of duty.

When clothed with authority, he will be concerned that his administrations be consistent with the will of God, and promotive of the public good. He governs for the whole, and consults the advantage of society. No personal or partial considerations will influence him to turn aside from duty. Awed by the fear of God, and a sense of his accountableness, he pursues a steady course, nor is influenced by the adulations of friends or the clamours of pretended patriots. He will always make it his endeavour to enact wise and salutary laws, which are essential to preserve the peace and order of society. Much wisdom and integrity re necessary to direct the ruler in framing such laws, and to preserve him from the baleful influence of selfish and party motives. While the unjust aims to establish such laws as will best promote his own selfish ends, the just will consult the good of his constituents. The ruler of this character will look, not merely to the emolument of individuals, but he will seek the best good of the whole circle: like the parent of a numerous offspring, he has a tender regard for very member, feels interested in their united prosperity, and will not sacrifice the peace of the family, to gratify the capricious humours of a few.

A ruler of this description will not only enact laws which are founded on the principles of justice; but will take care that they be faithfully executed. The wisest and best code of laws will be of advantage to a community, only so far as they are accompanied with a faithful execution. He will not only obey the laws himself, and recommend such obedience to others, by his own example; but will use the power, with which he is vested, to enforce obedience from the unruly. He will be a terror to those who do evil, and while he punishes the guilty, he will praise and encourage those who do well. Firm in the cause of truth and righteousness, not over-awed by popular clamour, he will steadily pursue the dictates of conscience, knowing he has a Master in Heaven, to whom he must give an account. He will not sacrifice truth and justice, though it issue in popular odium, and dismission from public service. He will not pusillanimously shrink from duty, because it is attended with difficulty and opposition; but courageously stem the torrent, until, over-borne by its impetuosity, he is compelled to recede from danger. Influenced in all his proceedings, by the fear of God, he will be more powerfully prompted to a course of rectitude, than by all the adulations or censures of men.

How contemptible must be that ruler, who has no opinion of his own, but is blown about by every gale of temptation, and complies with the caprices of evil and designing men! Firmness and stability are very essential qualities in a good ruler. But, let his talents and abilities be ever so great, and his political acquirements ever so conspicuous, he will be but poorly qualified for a station of eminence, who has no reverence for God, and regard for his religion. His honesty and integrity must be doubted. It is to be feared he would neglect the interest of those, whose prosperity he should seek, and sport with the liberties of the people.

Men devoid of every principle of religion, unawed by the fear of God, and unrestrained by his commands, cannot reasonably expect to be entrusted with the lives and liberties of the people; nor that they will countenance their vices. They cannot put confidence in them; for there is, there indeed can be no reason to think, that they will regard men, who have no fear of God before their eyes. It is therefore necessary that the fear of God be fixed in the heart of him, who rules over men, and that he be influenced by it in all his conduct.

Rulers should not only be concerned that their administrations be good, but must themselves obey those laws, which they enjoin on others. If the makers of the law be the first to break them, they have every reason to expect that many will follow their example.

Rulers are set for an example to the people.—They are to reprove those who violate the laws, and encourage those who keep them, by exhibition a pattern for their imitation, not only in civil, but divine precepts; and, in this way, be nursing Fathers to the Church. The example of those, who are elevated to office, will always, in a greater or less degree, influence society. The people look to them, and form their manners, their dress and behavior; also their sentiments and practice, in a political and a religious view. The body of the people, generally, receive their moral and political complexion from those, who are in eminent stations. The rulers of Israel formed the manners of the nation. When they were wicked and corrupt, general wickedness and idolatry prevailed. Thus, in the time of our Saviour, when the prejudices of the people run high, they enquired, whether, Any of the Rulers of the people believed on him; intimating, that the conduct of their rulers, would influence their minds to receive, or reject the Messiah.

So it has been, in some sense, with other nations, and so it is with our own. It is natural to look to those of superior wisdom and eminence, for example. And though some, from perverseness of nature, being lost to all sense of honor and shame, may totally disregard their good example, and others, awed by the fear of God, may altogether avoid their corruptions; yet the general body of the people are more or less influenced by them to good or evil.

It is of high importance, therefore, that rulers be men of virtue; and that they reverence religion and its institutions. It is in their power to do much good, or evil: the present prosperity, and the everlasting welfare of multitudes may much depend on their conduct.

I proceed to the last thing proposed; which was to exhibit the necessity of religion in civil administrations, and its happy effects in society.

Religion is necessary to the happiness of society; and without it, civil government cannot subsist.—Man is endowed by his great author with social faculties; but so great is his depravity, that selfishness predominates in his heart, and he has lusts and passions, which, if under no control, would fill the world with vice, and its attendant misery. The faculties, by which he is raised in the scale of being, make him more subtle in planning, and assist him in effecting his wicked and destructive purposes. If the mind be impressed with no idea of a God, every object of pursuit may be contemplated with a supreme regard; and the selfish would gain a complete ascendency over the benevolent affections.

The aids of religious principles, in union with the powers and faculties natural to man, are insufficient to restrain his irregular and mischievous passions; and the latter without the former must be much more so.

The light of nature indeed teaches the existence of a God, and an all-wise and glorious providence, when her dictates are suitably attended to; and when they are not, and men boast themselves as men of reason, and through sophistry and ridicule attempt to subvert religion in the hearts of men, the “Age of reason” becomes an age of more than Egyptian darkness.

To guard men against the lusts and furious passions of each other, civil establishments, always known to be insufficient, have been connected with, or have had recourse to the aids of religion.

What could be the origin of society without this connecting bond? And in societies formed, nothing can so powerfully induce the ruler to a wise administration of government, and a faithful discharge of all the duties of his office, or so ensure the obedience of subjects.

A ruler cannot be supposed to lose the feelings of the man by an elevation to office; he has the same passions to govern, and lusts to conquer; and the government and victory of these, is rendered more difficult, by the temptations which are increased, and the opportunities for gratifying them, which are multiplied, by the situation in which he is placed. There are many, perhaps, whose conduct is inoffensive in the stations of private life, who, if they swayed a scepter, would become Neroes. But, how much soever warmed with true patriotism the hearts of civil rulers may be, they cannot calculate upon the interest of their subjects, in the righteous administration of their legal power. With respect to secret crimes, and crimes where numbers and power are enlisted on the side of the transgressors, coercion will be weak, and government of no avail. Set aside the influence of religious principle, and the members of the community could have no ground for rational trust and confidence in each other. No oath could be administered in such a society; they would live each moment in a state of alarm; government would lost all its energy; society would be full of disorder, confusion and every evil work; the voice of joy would not be heard; the name of happiness would not be known; and being itself would be a curse.

If the being and attributes of the Most High, an all-wise, powerful and holy providence, and the retributions of eternity are acknowledged, the state of things is surprisingly altered for the better. Rulers may exercise the powers with which they are invested, and the people, whom they govern, will obey their laws, and feel that their guardian care is a source of mutual happiness to the society of which they are members.

Those who are cordially disposed to lead quiet and holy lives, cannot fail to realize, that they, their interest and happiness, are rendered as safe, as this state, and the existing circumstances with which they are surrounded, can possibly make them. And, on the other hand, men of bad hearts and evil dispositions will not be able to run into those excesses, to which their unbridled lusts would lead them, without counteracting the dictates of conscience; bursting asunder the strongest bands of society, and hazarding, or giving up life, property, and all that is worth living for.

The sacred books teach us the being and attributes of God. They exhibit his Majesty, his Holiness, his Justice, his Goodness, his Mercy, and his Truth: His Omnipresence, his Spirituality, his Omniscience, his Supreme and unlimited Dominion; his readiness to pardon, and his determination to reward the righteous, and punish the wicked and impenitent.

They also bring us acquainted with our nature, state and circumstances; with our misery and the mode of our cure; they point out our duty in every situation, in every relation, and in all the circumstances of human life; they encourage our rational hopes, and animate us by the most sublime motives.

All other things, which are deemed necessary to our peace, in the connected and social state, will not avail without this. No natural principles, nor the best forms of government, will be sufficient without the conducting guidance, and powerful energy of religion. This clearly shews, that the civil ruler is to be considered as God’s minister, and, that the subject ought to yield obedience to good and salutary laws, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.

The beauty of the Christian system is exhibited, and its advantages to connected minds, in many and various respects. It purifies the heart and amends the life. It refines, ennobles and exalts the affections. When the civil order is broken in upon by the licentious and disorderly part of society, when men of weak heads and dishonest hearts officiously attempt to guide the affairs of State, and to arraign, at their bar, the well tried and chosen patriots of the commonwealth, our religion commands them to study the things which make for peace, to submit to good government as the ordinance of God, and to obey magistrates as his ministers to them for good. It enjoins patriotism as a common duty; and whatsoever we would that others should do unto us that we do the same to them—and extend a generous benevolence to the whole race of man.

The malevolent passions and corrupt feelings of depraved nature, if unrestrained, would predominate over the better principles, the social and humane dispositions of man; and involve society, in calamities, too many to enumerate, and too horrible to think upon.

The religion of Jesus rectifies the foil of the heart; eradicates those evil dispositions which have been cultured there; plucks up every plant which his good hand hath not planted; restrains the passions, by bringing them under its happy dominion; and fills society with tranquility and order.

It cultivates in the minds of men, the purest and the sublimest principles of virtue. It reclaims them from all those paths of iniquity, in which, through the solicitations of the wicked, and the allurements of false honor and worldly pleasure, they may have wandered; and makes them good men, and useful members of the community. It secures and promotes the interests of government and the prosperity of its subjects. It directs rulers and people to the duties, which are peculiar to their respective places; and by setting before them the most glorious motives, sweetly constrains and allures to the discharge of them. It promotes peace; it breathes benevolence; it cherishes the kind and social affections, and rectifies the morals of mankind. It prohibits everything that is injurious to our happiness, or the interests of those who are about us. When all the members of a community are under its influence, and conduct agreeably to its requirements, they form the most beautiful and happy society: the voice of profaneness, fraud and licentiousness will not be heard in the streets; iniquity will stop its mouth and virtue triumph. Society is happy in proportion as religion flourishes. But religion has something nobler in its view and tendency than the civil governments of the world; it looks forward into eternity; yet it is as friendly to the happiness of men, in the present state, as if it embraced no other object. It is a dishonorable idea of religion, and degrading to its author, that some entertain—an idea that religion is a substitute to civil government, and looks no farther than the present state.

We have no reason to think, from anything we can find in the sacred books, that our blessed Lord designed to intermeddle with, or, in any respects, change the civil establishments of mankind. His kingdom, he expressly tells us, is not of this world. He suffered Princes and Potentates to remain where they were; and left men to decide all matters of controversy with respect to them, by the principles of reason and their civil laws or forms of government. He inculcated lessons of obedience to them; and wrought a miracle to pay tribute, when he knew that he should have been excused.

The religion of Jesus is replete with the wisest maxims of civil polity, and inculcates them by the most inviting rewards, and the most dreadful punishments. To secure the favor of the Most High is to render to society the most essential advantage. They who rule for God, who protect his Church, who are animated by his religion, and exemplify in their public administrations, and in the private walks of domestic retirement, all the virtues of the Christian, and they only, can govern with safety to themselves, and advantage to their constituents. They will mutually share with the people the blessings which they diffuse. Under their wise councils and determinations religion will flourish. This will make them honorable and respectable to themselves: It will encircle them with a glory, which the breath of mortals will not be able to take away; and raise them to seats of immortal honor.

Civil rulers are the guardians of the people; they will not separate the public weal from their own private happiness, nor feel satisfied with their labors, unless they are directed to the advantage of the community. They will derive the highest pleasure in the administrations, which secure to those under their charge their rights and liberties, civil and sacred.

Rulers, who use their influence to set aside the maxims of gospel morality and piety, forego the important and numerous advantages, which might accrue to themselves from the happy disposition of subjects, governed by the purest motives, and trained to the most virtuous conduct. If society were formed upon the laws of religion, its members would faithfully render to all their dues; cheerfully obey their governors in the proper and rightful exercise of their authority; and in this way strenuously and constantly endeavour to promote the happiness of each other, and of the body politic. But if rulers are so impolitic and wicked, as, by their example or influence, to banish religion, they may reasonably expect that the people to whom they give laws will treat them with no more respect than they treat the Sovereign Ruler; and that they will endeavour, as far as they are able, to disregard their authority, and evade or violate their commands.

The social interest is a vain and wild fancy without religion. Let religion, and the virtues which it inculcates be banished, and the bases of public order and private tranquility are at once subverted; the human character loses its dignity; and has nothing to recommend it above the herd of the forest.

Nothing can lessen the beauty, obscure the brightness, or tarnish the glory of that morality, which the gospel inculcates. To conform to this, he who is called to the arduous duty of ruling OVER MEN MUST BE JUST, RULING IN THE FEAR OF GOD. Parents must be wisely tender and indulgent towards their children, and children must be obedient to their parents. Masters must be gentle, and servants diligent. Ministers must be watchful, and the people to whom they minister must take heed how they receive and hear, and hold fast and repent. It teaches all, in whatsoever state we are, to be content, to be grateful for every enjoyment, and submissive under all the sorrows of human life; to give our hearts to him who hath made, sustained, and redeemed us; and keep ourselves unspotted from the world.

If the laws of religion be viewed in their spirituality, extent, and tendency, reason and equity will be found their basis. And, if he, who is raised to the seat of power, pays no regard to this morality, he has acquired only a fancied elevation, a sorry pre-eminence above his brethren. But he, who is sincere and diligent in his endeavours faithfully to discharge the duties of his station, hath an honor, which enmity and malevolence, with all their poison, will not be able to blacken.

In the social and public, as well as in private life, there is an inseparable connection between holiness and happiness; between sin and misery. From the attributes of the Most High and merciful Ruler, the common dealings of his Providence, and the declarations of his holy word, we may conclude, that he will bless, defend and increase a virtuous nation, and will leave those, who are wicked to suffer the fatal consequences of their own wickedness. The history of the world is full of examples, that in proportion as public virtue, and an attention to the duties of religion have increased or diminished; so the wealth, credit and powers of all states and empires have flourished or decayed. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. Rulers, therefore, who are the ministers of God, are in duty bound to lend their aid to promote religion.

If such as we have described be the character of the good Ruler, and such the happy consequences of his administrations; it is highly important that none but men of this description be invested with authority.

The duty, the interest and happiness of a free people require, that they examine the characters of those, who are proposed as candidates for places of public trust. It is important that they revere the laws of religion; that its sublime principles influence their hearts, and its pure morals be exhibited in their lives. The wicked and profligate, who ridicule or disbelieve the religion of the Bible, who speak disrespectfully of its sacred truths, cannot safely be entrusted with the liberties of the people: they may greatly oppress them, wantonly sport with the lives of their subjects, unjustly wrest from them the property, which they have earned by their honest and industrious labors, and riot upon the spoils of their happiness.

Our subject teaches not only the importance of good rulers, but the duty and necessity of treating them with respect and submission. They steadily pursue the peace and prosperity of their country; encourage a regard for the precepts of religion, which have the best influence on its happiness, and enforce them by a corresponding example. Such rulers are entitled to respect from the people.

All unauthorized societies, formed to prevent the execution of the laws and subvert government, are not only injurious to the interests of the community, but contrary to the laws of religion.

There ever have been unprincipled men, who were impatient under the restraints of government, who have fought their own private emolument at the expence of the happiness of their country. When such men have the address to procure an election to office, they never fail to excite a factious and turbulent spirit. When the wicked bear rule the people mourn. The suspicions and jealousies of restless and uneasy spirits always endanger the peace and welfare of a people. Rulers should be allowed to exercise their own judgments, in the regulation of all affairs, which come under their cognizance. People are not to be unreasonable in their expectations from them. They cannot in all matters please all. They must consult the good of the whole, not their own private interests, or the interests of a few.

The happiness of a people, under whatever form of government, depends on a wise administration.—Under a government in many respects defective, if it be well administered, they may be happy. And the best and most perfect system, with weak or wicked rulers, cannot fail to make them miserable: but a good government and administration will ensure the most important and lasting benefits.

Those, who rule in the fear of God, will make it their study, to promote the happiness of the people, and approve themselves to God their Judge. They act under the notice of his all-seeing eye, remembering that to Him they must render a strict and impartial account of all their conduct. Happy is the people, who have such rulers, yea; Happy is that people whose God is the Lord.

I am happy in addressing those who, I trust, feel the importance of the observations which have been made. I feel a pleasing confidence while, I hope, I am representing those truths which are agreeable to this honorable body, and that they will strive to have them generally practiced.

Our civil Fathers, assembled this day before the Lord, have deserved much of their country, for their decided and firm conduct in the support of order.

His Excellency the Governor, the Honorable the Council, Senate, and House of Representatives have proved themselves lovers of their country, its peace and prosperity: and, we doubt not, will continue their laudable exertions, and, with unremitting diligence and fidelity, pursue the public good.

Religion and learning are necessary to promote and ensure our best interests. They will, therefore, we trust, do all they can to encourage religion, and be an example to the people, by attending on its institutions, and exhibiting its virtues.

Literature and religion ever go hand in hand, and are the best friends to order, liberty and republican government. The civil Fathers of this State will, therefore, consider it as their duty, to reach out the fostering hand, and be nursing fathers to our important and flourishing University, and to our Academies and Schools of learning; that the rising generation may be trained in the moral and divine precepts of our religion, to be pillars and blessings in the Church, and fill the various seats of government, when this honorable legislature shall sleep in the dust.

My Fathers and Brethren in the Ministry can do much to strengthen the hands of the civil rulers, by teaching and enforcing the holy religion of Jesus, which inculcates peace, order, and a due submission to the constituted authorities of government. Our profession excludes us from an active part in the civil and political concerns of state. Nor do we wish to intermeddle with them, any farther than the interests of religion require. But the religion we preach teaches men to Render to all their dues; tribute, to whom tribute; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; and honor, to whom honor.

We are united with the Rulers of this State in conducting this people, as Aaron was with Moses, the Jewish lawgiver, in leading the tribes of Israel as a flock. Called to the arduous and important duty of publishing and enforcing a religion of the sublimest morality, and most glorious tendency; a religion on which our personal, social, and political happiness so essentially depends; let us look to the seat of mercy, and, with fervent importunity, supplicate a double portion of God’s Holy Spirit to animate us to a suitable zeal for his divine honor; to enable us to follow the example of the chief Shepherd; to affect our hearts with the religion of which we are the messengers to others, that we may suitably announce the declarations of his sacred word; to bless our ministrations with a glorious success, that when we have preached to others we may not be cast away; but, having turned many to righteousness, shine as stars forever in the kingdom of our Redeemer.

We are happy, my fellow-citizens, that we have a constitution of our own choice, excellently calculated to secure to us our invaluable liberties. Under its operation we have enjoyed much civil happiness and prosperity. Our rulers are from ourselves, and accountable for all their public measures. Let the best men for capacity, approved virtue, and attachment to the liberties of their country be appointed to rule: Let us keep a reasonable eye on the public measures: But let a spirit of jealousy, discontent and murmuring against government be banished from among us, as unchristian and unmanly, dangerous to our peace, and provoking to Heaven.

While many of the European nations are involved in all the desolating calamities of war; their substance wasted, or wrested from them by the hand of violence; their houses plundered, and their fields drenched in human blood; the peaceful olive spreads its branches over our favored land, and we sit quietly under our own vines.

We have lately seen the clouds gathering over our heads, threatening to subvert our excellent constitution, and deluge our infant and highly favored Republic. And we dreaded the violence of the impending storm. But these clouds are dissipated; our atmosphere has, at length, almost regained its serenity; and we have reason to rejoice, that the abilities of those, who raised it, were not able to effect their designs.

What language is sufficient to express the regret, which the wise and good have felt at the virulent abuse, which has been poured forth from ambitious, but disappointed demagogues, against our beloved Washington, the Christian hero and statesman! A grateful people will remember his deeds of valour, his wise and prudent counsels; rehearse them to their children, who will early learn to lisp his praises; and impartial history will hand them down to posterity; while those, who have attempted to wound his reputation, will be remembered to their reproach, or buried in everlasting oblivion. Long will Washington live in our hearts. Long may he continue to bless his country; and may God think upon him for good, according to all that he hath done for this people.

Finally: Let us all remember that this transitory world is subject to constant vicissitude, and was never designed for our continuing abode. There is another and better country, where the blessed Jesus determines to bring his chosen and peculiar friends. There order and peace forever reign, in the city of our God.

Let us all aspire after this heavenly inheritance, by a conformity of temper and conduct to the great pattern of holiness. Magistrates, Judges, and people, fear the Lord, and serve him with fidelity, remembering that you will ere long meet with the assembled universe before the judgment seat of Christ, to give an account how you have ruled, and obeyed.

In that solemn day, may we all hear from the Supreme Ruler and Judge of the Universe, WELL DONE, GOOD AND FAITHFUL SERVANTS; ENTER INTO THE JOY OF YOUR LORD.

A M E N.

Sermon – Election – 1796, Massachusetts


Jonathan French (1740-1809) preached this sermon in Massachusetts on May 25, 1796.


sermon-election-1796-massachusetts

A

S E R M O N

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency SAMUEL ADAMS, Esq.

GOVERNOUR;

His Honor MOSES GILL, Esq.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOUR;

THE HONOURABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE, AND HOUSE OF

REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

May 25, 1796.

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By Jonathan French, A. M.
Pastor of a CHURCH in ANDOVER.

COMMONWEALTH of MASSACHUSETTS.
In the HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES, May 25, 1796.
ORDERED, That Samuel Cooper, Joshua Holt, Thomas G. Thornton, Edmund Raymond, Esquires, and Col. Josiah Little, of Newbury, be a Committee to wait on the Reverend Mr. French, and in the Name of the HOUSE, to thank him for the Discourse, this Day delivered, before His Excellency the Governour, His Honor the Lieutenant Governour, the Honourable the Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature; and to request of him a Copy for the Press.

Extract from the Journal.
Attest.

HENRY WARREN, C. H. R.

 

AN
Election SERMON.
ROMANS, 13. VERSE 5.

WHEREFORE YE MUST NEEDS BE SUBJECT,
NOT ONLY FOR WRATH, BUT FOR CONSCIENCE SAKE

 

The Apostle Paul appears to have been an adept in philosophy, ethics and politics. In his acquaintance with human nature he was equaled by few. Knowing the will of his divine Teacher, and having imbibed his spirit, with irresistible arguments, enforced by a captivating address, and all the power of rhetoric, he inculcated the interesting doctrines and sacred maxims of Christianity. Well versed in the principles of civil government, and knowing the importance of the influence of Christianity upon the minds and conduct of men to the happiness of civil society, as well as to their preparation for another and more glorious state, with the authority of an Apostle inspired by the Holy Ghost; and commissioned from the King of Kings, he solemnly exhorts, “let every soul be subject to the higher powers that be, are ordained of God.” The meaning undoubtedly is, that civil government, through the instrumentality of men, was instituted by the providence of God, for the benefit of mankind, On this principle, civil magistrates are appointed, not for their own honor, emolument or aggrandizement, but to promote private and public peace and happiness, by discountenancing vice, and encouraging virtue and religion. To such a government, well administered, Christianity requires peaceable and quiet subjection; and enforces it with this solemn denunciation against those, who resist such a government; they resist the ordinance of God, and shall receive to themselves damnation.—Such subjection is required not from a principle of feat only, but for conscience sake. The Apostle means a conscience enlightened by the principles of Christianity, and sanctified by the spirit of grace. We must therefore be subject, not for wrath only, but from a still higher motive, a sense of obligation to Deity and the indissoluble bonds of conscience.

The words of the text may therefore properly stand as the head of the following discourse; in which a few thoughts may be suggested upon the necessity and importance of virtue and religion to the support and success of civil government.

The Apostle does not prescribe any particular form of government: This is left to the wisdom and discretion of men; with which Christianity never intermeddles. It is evident from the Apostle however; that government ought to be founded upon the just rights of mankind, and to be administered for the best interests of society. They greatly mistake the Apostle therefore, who suppose him to favor the horrid doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance. Such language is fit only for a despot to an untaught, barbarous people. If this were the Apostle’s meaning, no opposition ought to be made to the greatest tyranny on earth. No revolution might then take place; but men, like brutes, must submit to still more brutish men; patiently wear the galling yoke, and drag out the burden of life in miserable servitude without resistance.

The Apostle teaches no such doctrine. Christianity is by no means adapted to encourage oppression and tyranny. No form of government yet constructed, ever was so congenial to Christianity, as a well regulated Republic. No religion, ever yet known, is so conformable to the genius of a free government, as Christianity.

Whoever critically attends to human nature, the design of civil government, and the influence of religious principles on the minds and conduct of men, will easily perceive how essential morality and religion are to the peace and happiness of civil society. There are in mankind a variety of desires and passions, whence all their actions proceed. In the present state of human depravity, unhappily for us, these desires and passions are frequently at variance with each other.—This circumstance, in spite of philosophy and natural religion, will create a clashing of interest, that will produce those different opinions and opposing actions, whence distressing evils may ensue. To prevent such mischiefs, the invention of civil government undoubtedly took its rise. If the desires and passions of men were duly regulated, civil government and penal laws would be unnecessary. Men would then never err, except through misapprehension, which information and the benevolent affections would always rectify.—But human nature is possessed of the passions of selfishness and ambition, envy and jealousy, which unrestrained would produce discord, strife, and every evil work.

Civil government is a kind of machine, which the necessities of mankind have compelled them to erect for the restraint of such desires and passions as, if let alone, would be ruinous to the public peace and happiness of society. These machines ought to be so constructed and managed, as in their operations to effect that public peace and happiness, which may be sensibly felt, and realized by the people. But these machines require something more, than the power and influence of penal laws, to preserve them in order, and promote their great and important uses. The great art of managing government well consists in laying the desires, the passions and lusts of men under proper restraint.—But how can this be done? The experience of ages decides that penal laws alone are inadequate to the purpose. Though in many instances they may be efficacious, yet in general they do not reform the depraved minds of the lawless, nor correct the vicious habits of the licentious. Fear of punishment may prevent many crimes; but, as it does not destroy the desires and passions which originate them, whenever this fear, through the hope or prospect of impunity, subsides, the same passions will again urge on to licentiousness and criminality. Human reason and philosophy are not of themselves sufficient to secure the permanent peace and happiness of society from the depredations of licentious desires and passions. Further aid beyond anything civil government abstractedly considered embraces, is necessary to support it, and to secure the liberties and happiness of the people. Religion proffers this aid. The very design of Christianity is to reform mankind, to meliorate their tempers, to bring them to discharge their duty to God, and one another, and through the merits of the Redeemer to fit them for happiness in the world to come. The spirit of the religion of Jesus, thoroughly imbibed, would check all dangerous aspiring ambition, and those restless jealousies, which so often disturb the peace of mankind. Christianity embraces the true principles of free governments, as founded, not in usurpation, tyranny, or oppression, but in the true freedom and happiness of mankind. Divine revelation describes the character of good rulers, as men of wisdom and understanding; and requires that they be able men, such as fear God, and hate covetousness. Thus said David, the spirit of the Lord spake by me, the God of Israel said, He, that ruleth over men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God. Such rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. They are Ministers of God for the good of the people. The sacred Oracles teach us, that, though they live, as God upon the earth, they must die like men, and be accountable to him, by whom Kings reign and Princes decree justice; who taketh not bribes, and is no respecter of persons.

If a government usurp an authority, and claim the exercise of a power, with which they never were invested; or if one branch of government should leap its own prescribed limits, and invade the prerogative of another; or if the people should claim the exercise of that authority, which they have delegated to their rulers; in all such cases the order and harmony of government will be necessarily interrupted, the public felicity suffer, and the liberties of the people be endangered. Hence such contests may arise between peace and faction, government and anarchy, as will shake, if not destroy, the very foundation of public happiness. To prevent these fatal evils, Christianity requires that nothing be done through strife and vain glory. But that each in lowliness of mind esteem others better, than himself. That everyone study to be quiet, and to do his own business; not going beyond, nor defrauding others in any matter. Christianity teaches to render to all their dues; tribute, to whom tribute; custom to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; honor, to whom honor. We are not to speak evil of dignities; nor use our liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, but as the servants of God. We are to lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty; and in all things, whatsoever we would that men should do unto us, even so to do unto them. All this is to be done from love to God and our neighbor, and from a religious regard to duty.

No substitute was ever yet found equal to virtue and religion for the support of order and good government. They, who reject these, may boast of their constitutions, their laws and administration; but neither the wisest constitutions, most rigid laws, nor strong nerved officers, dreary prisons, nor severest punishments without aid of virtue and religion can secure the permanent felicity of civil society. The boasted powers of philosophy, of natural reason, and national honor are all too feeble or capricious to be depended on to effect that manly, that regular, and uniform mode of conduct, which is the natural offspring of virtue and religion. Natural religion is of high importance, and its inducements to righteousness and truth, peace and good order are numerous and weighty; but they fall far short of the motives of Christianity and give less security to the liberty and happiness of civil society. The influence of the former terminates with this life; but the latter embraces motives drawn from the consideration of a future state; that the actions of men as moral agents will be rewarded or punished in the world to come. These are motives the strongest and most influential, that can apply to the consciences of men. Without these the public, in many cases, can have no security. The conscientious man, in full belief of the existence of God, and the truth of Christianity, as an honest man and sincere Christian, acts as under the eye of the all seeing and heart searching Deity, who will bring every secret thing into judgment, punish the guilty, and beautify the meek with salvation.

But what has the infidel to do with conscience, whose mind is contaminated with unbelief? Whose principles are destructive both of religion and morality; and whose conscience is feared as with an hot iron by deeply rooted vicious habits? What dependence can society place on such characters? A foe to God is not a friend to man. Restraining laws, necessary as they are for the prevention of crimes can never reach the evil of abandoned principles and vicious habits, so as to effect a remedy. Such characters may sometimes act for the public good; but this is only, when such a line of conduct coincides with some favorite passion—They always change with the current of their passions and interests. Such men are unstable in all their ways.

In connection with the power of conscience, we may instance the importance of the influence of religion, in the use of lawful oaths. An oath is a solemn appeal to God, for the truth of what is affirmed or promised: It implies an imprecation of the just and righteous judgment of God, if what the person declares, be not true; or if, in what he promises, he should not be faithful. An oath is therefore a solemn religious act, implying the imprecation of the wrath of God upon a person, if he be guilty of perjury. Dreadful is the punishment threatened in such cases. A curse shall enter into the house of him that sweareth falsely by the name of the Lord!

The utility and necessity of oaths in cases of evidence and in laying a person under solemn obligation to fidelity, in the discharge of the duties of his office, have been known and acknowledged among most nations. An oath of confirmation, says the Apostle, is an end of strife. As a kind of sanction to the lawfulness and utility of oaths in important cases, the Deity himself, graciously an oath. Oaths of evidence and of office are of so much importance, that civil government would be unsafe without them. It would be difficult, if not impossible to invent a substitute, that would answer the purpose. “Because, as one observes, the obligation of an oath reacheth to the most secret and hidden practices of men, and takes hold of them in many cases, where the penalty of human laws can have no awe or force upon them.” But what is the oath of an infidel, or of a man void of religion? What security can the public have from the oath of a person, who does not believe there will e a future state of rewards and punishments? What obligations of conscience can such a person feel? His taking the form of an oath while he is regardless of that being, by whom he swears, is no better, than solemn mockery. The public, it may be repeated, have no security from such oaths. The utility and necessity of oaths therefore, to the public safety and happiness evince the necessity of religious principles and virtuous habits. IN the days of Polybius such, we are told, was the corruption of the principles and morals of the people of Athens, that, “no Greek could be trusted on the security of his oath.” But in the republic of Rome, antecedently to their abounding licentiousness, such was the impression of their religious principles and virtuous habits on young minds, “that no Roman was ever known to violate his oath.”

The passions of men, unawed by religion and conscience, are dangerous, and ruinous to the freedom and happiness of civil society.

When loose principles, ungovernable passions, and vicious habits take place of morality and religion; ambition and avarice, revenge and thirst for dominion in the disappointed, or envy against those, who rise above them in wealth and honor, united with dishonesty and intrigue, sow the seeds of discord among the people, excite jealousies, raise factions, and disturb the public tranquility; and, if unrestrained, would throw government, yea even the world itself into confusion.

The evil effects of irreligion and immorality may be exemplified from the universal history of mankind. A few instances may be sufficient to confirm the subject.

Whoever attends to the history of that ancient nation, the Jews, will find these observations verified. When Balaam found that every other expedient to bring destruction upon Israel failed, he laid a diabolical scheme to corrupt and debauch the morals of the people, and by this mean effected their ruin. To the same cause, the corruption of principles and morals, may be traced the final destruction of the Jewish policy, church, and state.

The ancient republic of Sparta through the extraordinary policy and rigid laws of Lycurgus, aided by principles and habits impressed upon the young mind by a singular mode of education, existed for almost seven hundred years. While it remained cemented by the force of principles and manners, it bore down all opposition, and bid defiance to the world. But it finally fell a sacrifice to dissolute manners and lawless faction.

To similar causes may be ascribed the ruin of the famous, though short lived republic of Athens. Solon lived to see the fabric of freedom, which he had erected, fall to destruction. He gave them laws, which he acknowledged were not the best that might have been given, but the best they could bear. On his departure from Athens political storms arose; aided by an unprincipled licentious populace, demagogues took the lead, deluded the people, seized the stronghold, and established a system of tyranny. The freedom of Athens was never recovered. That once famed republic, overrun with ignorance and barbarism, now groans under Turkish tyranny, and Mahometan imposture.

The feuds and factions, which eventually proved the overthrow of the freedom, and the republic of Rome, may be traced up to the same destructive fountain of bad principles and dissolute morals of the people. “They adopted the luxury, the immoralities, and irreligion of other nations.” These in coincidence with their own passions effected their complete ruin. Thus that renowned republic, which nothing else could conquer, was conquered by its own vices. “A corruption of manners and numerous crimes, says a distinguished writer, made greater havoc in the city, than the mightiest armies could have done; and in that manner avenged the conquered globe.”

As human nature in all ages of the world is the same, like causes, under similar circumstances, in whatever period or part of the globe, will produce like effects. Happy will it be for America, if we avoid the rocks, against which so many others have been dashed in pieces.

Many important inferences and reflections, apposite to the present occasion suggest themselves from the subject.

If the influence of virtue and religion are so essential in preserving the freedom and securing the permanent felicity of civil society; the cultivation of good principles and virtuous morals among the people may be considered, as an object highly meriting the regard of our Legislative, Judicial, and Executive branches of government. What encouragement then should be given by our civil Rulers, by all influential men, and every class of citizens, to morality, religion and piety; and to all Christian institutions, as calculated to promote such happy effects.

If civil government thus needs the aid of good principles and virtuous habits, to render its operations happy and permanent, it must be a hazardous experiment for any nation under Heaven to reject that aid, on supposition that constitutions and human laws are sufficient without it, to secure peace and good order, and the rights and privileges of the people. Men may form constitutions, enact laws, display their philosophy, and exert all their eloquence in conjunction with coercion, but all will be insufficient for the permanent security of freedom and good government, without the aid of religion.

Reasoning from human nature and past events, we might venture to predict, if any nation should have the temerity to cast off morality and religion, as unnecessary to the happiness of civil society, it would in the event pay dearly for the experiment; and find, perhaps too late, that their own folly was their ruin.

From the foregoing observations we may infer the high importance of a virtuous education.

In countries, where religion is only the tool of states and of tyrants, the more ignorant the people are, the more easily they may be imposed upon and enslaved. It is the interest of such governments therefore, to keep the great mass of the people in ignorance. But, as mankind were not made for slavery, an enlightened virtuous people will never suffer themselves to be long enslaved. If, through supiness and inattention, tyranny should slip on the galling yoke, and fasten upon them the chain of slavery, they would soon feel their misery, and with a manly, virtuous resentment raise the all conquering arm of liberty, and break the yoke, as a with of straw, and snap the chain, as a spiders web.

A virtuous education is essential to the permanent felicity of all free governments. “The infant mind, says a writer of note, left to its own untutored dictates, inevitably wanders into such follies and vices, as tend to the destruction of itself and others.” “The early and continued culture of the heart can alone produce such upright manners and principles, as are necessary to check and subdue the passions of the soul; and liberty can only arise from a general subordination of these to the public welfare.”

Education in general forms the characters of men. Principles instilled into the mind, and habits formed in early life, lay a foundation, for the happiness or misery of the world. They verify the sacred maxim, train up a child in the way, he should go; and, when he is old, he will not depart from it.

Impressed with these ideas, our pious ancestors made the earliest exertion for the diffusion of knowledge, and the promotion of morality and religion among the people. Their design has been happily aided by many Christian Patriots, whose numerous charitable donations for the promotion of knowledge and religion, while they have so greatly served to advance private and public happiness, have at the same time laid up for the pious and charitable donors a rich inheritance in heaven!

We are happy in living under a government, where the great object of promoting learning and religion has arrested the attention of our wise and patriotic Legislators, who from time to time have enacted such laws, as, if carried into execution, would prove the grand palladium of our republic. Our Legislators have declared that “a general dissemination of knowledge and virtue is necessary to the prosperity of every state, and to the very existence of a Commonwealth.”

To promote the great design of a virtuous education, a present existing law of this Commonwealth, makes it the “duty of the President, Professors, and Tutors of the University in Cambridge, Preceptors of Academies, and all other Instructors of youth, to take diligent care, and to exert their best endeavours, so impress on the minds of children and youth committed to their care and instruction, the principles of piety, justice, and a sacred regard to truth, love to their country, humanity and universal benevolence, sobriety, industry, and frugality, chastity, moderation, and temperance, and those other virtues, which are the ornament of human society, and the basis, upon which the republican constitution is structured; and it shall be the duty of such Instructors; to endeavor to lead those under their care (as their ages and capacities will admit) into a particular understanding of the tendency of the before mentioned virtues, to preserve, and perfect a republican constitution, and to secure the blessings of liberty as well, as to promote their future happiness; and the tendency of the opposite vices to slavery.”

May this monument of the wisdom and patriotism of the Legislature, who framed it, be as lasting, as the world.

This leads us to reflect upon the importance of entrusting the instruction of youth to those only, who are persons of religion and good morals; who will teach by example as well, as precept.

Happy will it be for these rising States, if our Legislative and Executive branches of government be impressed with the idea, that without close attention to the virtuous education of youth, republicanism, freedom, and public happiness can never be preserved.

From a regard to the happiness of the people, private and public, present and future, our civil fathers, we may hope, will give every encouragement to literary and religious institutions. Parsimony in the support of education and religion is a kind of sacrilege, in which we cheat ourselves and the rising generation, injure the public, and rob God of his due.

If morality and religion be thus essential to public happiness and the support of free governments, it must then be of high importance, that our rulers be virtuous and good men.

I believe it may be considered, as an unfailing maxim, that no man can in heart be a true republican, who is not a person of piety and good morals. An infidel, immoral true republican is a solecism in language. Consequently no man, who is unfriendly to religion in profession or practice, ought to be entrusted with any important concerns in government. If it be pleaded, that bad men in many instances have done great good to the public; it may be replied, this happens only, when the selfish principles and passions chance to coincide with the public good. Such cannot be confided in. Special caution ought to be used against all those, who treat Christianity with contempt. Whatever such men may pretend, I appeal to the serious part of the community, whether an enemy to the cross of Christ can be a friend to mankind? The liberties of the people can never be safe in the hands of unprincipled men. While the following maxim remains an eternal truth, “That can never be politically right, which is immorally wrong;” an unprincipled man can never be a good politician, and ought never to be confided in by the people.

The example of wise and religious rulers, if justly esteemed, will have great influence upon the people.—For, in a general way, we may say with the wise son of Sirach, “As is the judge of the people himself, so are his officers; and what manner of man the ruler of the city is, such are they, that dwell therein.” From the imitative nature of man, the power of example lays an indispensible obligation upon rulers, and upon all influential men, to exhibit an example of virtue and piety in all their words and actions.

Happy must it be for that people, whose rulers feel the weight of this obligation. Bad examples are always contagious. The higher men are called in life, the greater in general is the influence of their example. If legislators disregard the laws, they have framed, they practically declare such laws are of no consequence.—One of the most effectual methods, to induce men to obey the laws, is for those, who prescribe them, to set the example. Highly favored is that people, whose legislators may each, with an honest heart say, as a great and wise ruler in Israel said to the people, “look on me, as I do, so do ye.”

In every view it must be the highest wisdom in all elections to have an eye to the religious character of men as well, as to the other qualifications. What can have a greater influence upon the minds and consciences of Rulers, to excite them to fidelity in discharge of their duties of their office, than an habitual sense of the all seeing eye of Deity, joined to a firm persuasion, that the most exalted, who live, as Gods on earth, must die like men, and appear at the awful tribunal of God, who is no respecter of persons, and be adjuged and rewarded according to their works.

If the influence of religion be so essential to public happiness; then the encouraging of virtue and piety, and discountenancing of all profanity, intemperance, profanation of the Lord’s day; all public shows, and plays, and everything, which tends to dissipate the minds, and corrupt the morals of youth, or the people at large, claim the attention of our wise and virtuous Rulers, the guardians of our laws and liberties. On some of these vices, particularly on profanity, intemperance, and profanation of the holy Sabbath, with their baneful influence upon society, I might expatiate, were it not that I should intrude too much upon your patience. One vice however I cannot forbear to mention. I mean slander or detraction. This, whether it proceed from the tongue, the pen, or the press, is an evil of the meanest, blackest die, and of the most mischievous tendency. Its envenomed shafts often aim a deadly blow at the fairest and most important characters, to wound and destroy that good name, which is better, than great riches; yea, that is next to life itself. When long tried virtue, distinguished merit, and signal services are repaid with ingratitude and abuse, an it be expected, that men of integrity will be willing to continue in the service of their country? If men of this character be driven from office, and others succeed them, who prefer private emolument to the public welfare, we shall, when too late, rue the folly and wickedness of that conduct, which produced the change. Slander is an evil of such magnitude, that no bounds can be set to its mischievous consequence. Well might the wise preacher call the defamer a madman, who casteth fire-brands, arrows, and death. With infinite reason did the inspired Apostle represent the defaming tongue, as a fire, a world of iniquity, that setteth on fire the course of nature; and as set on fire of hell.

There is nothing however, to be feared from an open, manly, honest, and decent investigation of public men and measures. The right of free discussion and private judgment is the glory of every free American. But, when this degenerates into falsehood, sourility, and personal abuse; no indignation nor contempt can be too great to be expressed against it.—Happy, thrice happy will it be for America, when the principles of Christianity, and the energy of good morals shall influence every heart, dictate every tongue, and guide in every action. Then will harmony of opinion, peace, and truth pervade every part of the United States. Then will wrath and bitterness cease, faction hide its monstrous head, iniquity be done away, and, the kingdom of the Redeemer flourish.

We must pass over many other inferences and reflections, which naturally suggest themselves from this fruitful subject.

This day recalls to our grateful remembrance, what we have heard with our ears, and our Fathers have told us concerning the great things our all gracious God hath done for this land. Our pious ancestors, on account of the dissoluteness of manners and licentiousness of the youth, among whom they resided, “and fearing their posterity through these temptations and vicious examples would degenerate, and religion die among them; for the sake of purity of worship, and liberty of conscience, and from a hope of laying a foundation for the propagation of the kingdom of Christ,” left all that was dear in their native country, and planted themselves in this then barbarous land.—From small beginnings, by a series of almost miraculous events, the United States have arisen into an extensive, flourishing nation.

And now, with respect to our constitutions, laws, and administration, civil and religious privileges, and with respect to our commercial and agricultural interests, may it not be affirmed, without an hyperbole, that we are the happiest nation, that has existed, since the morning stars sang together, and the sons of God shouted for joy at the creation of the world.

What gratitude is due to Heaven on this occasion, for our State and Federal governments, and for the precious privileges and blessings, we enjoy under them? With what grateful sensations should we remember that wise and valiant band of statesmen, warriors, and other patriots, whose great exertions have been employed in pulling down the strong holds of tyranny and oppression, and in rearing up the pillars of liberty, peace, and public happiness? To do full justice to whose characters, would beggar the power of language. May their memories remain indelibly engraven on the heart of every American! But who, O who can render adequate thanks to God for WASHINGTON—whose wisdom and integrity, firmness and magnanimity, have excited the astonishment of the nations of the earth, and added a new wonder to the political world!

What is wanting, to render our national happiness as complete, as the present state of things will permit, but a just estimate of the numerous public blessings, whereby we are distinguished from other nations, due gratitude to Heaven, and an expression of this gratitude by a correspondent behavior. We ought however, to remember that a state of prosperity is a state of danger. It excites envy abroad, and lulls to security at home. It presents us a mark for the wiles of those, who are well versed in intrigue; while our youth and inexperience render us unsuspicious of their stratagems, and poorly qualify us to detect and defeat them. While we are just and faithful in the fulfillment of our engagements to all, as free and independent States, may we be proof against foreign arts, and foreign influence from every quarter.

On this auspicious anniversary, while many nations are sitting in darkness, others are involved in the horrors of war, struggling for the blessings we enjoy, and are groaning to be delivered from calamity, to behold our civil fathers, the heads of our tribes, here peaceably assembled to transact the great affairs of state, what heart does not swell with gratitude to Heaven? What tongue is not ready to break forth into a song of praise.

His Excellency the Governor, his Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the honorable the Council, and the honorable the Members of Legislature, will please to accept my warmest and most respectful congratulations on this important, joyful occasion. May Almighty God take your Excellency and Honors into his most holy protection! Influenced by the best of principles, the peaceable religion of the Prince of Peace, may wisdom and unanimity attend your counsels and decisions; that the people may rejoice and say, blessed be the Lord God of Israel, who hath set such wise and good men to rule over us. Wherefore let us be subject, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake.

May the various branches of the State and Federal governments, under the influence of the religion of Jesus, each in its proper sphere, like the various orbs above, keep their proper places and balances, the one never encroaching upon, or interfering with the other, move on in harmonious rounds till time shall be no more!

If such be the importance of morality and religion to the support of the freedom and happiness of society; my much respected fathers and brethren in the ministry will never be wanting in their exertions to promote religious principles, and the Christian virtues among the people. I am happy in believing the great body of the Clergy, with a very few exceptions, are firm friends to our State and Federal governments, to our constituted authorities, to virtue and religion, peace and good order among the people. And, if their united exertions and patient sufferings in effecting the American revolution are marks of patriotism, may they not justly lay claim to the title of Christian patriots? When the divine Saviour commands us to render to Cesar the things that are Cesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s—When the inspired Paul solemnly charges Titus to put his hearers in mind to obey magistrates, and to be ready to every good work—When the inspired Peter solemnly exhorts his hearers to submit themselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake—When we hear the inspired Jude denouncing his anathemas against those, who despise dominion, and speak evil of dignities; with such divine commands, and enforcing examples before us, on any great emergency, should the Clergy show indifference, and not exert their influence to save their country; might not our divine Lord and Master say, as in another case, I tell you, if these should hold their peace, the stones would immediately cry out.—In every serious danger, on every important crisis, for Zion’s sake they will not hold their peace, and for Jerusalem’s sake, they will not rest, until the righteousness thereof go forth, as brightness, and the salvation thereof, as a lamp that burneth. They will plead that God will spare his people, that none among the nations of the earth may say of America, where is now their God?

In a word, may the consideration of the great importance of virtue and religion to our public and private happiness, both present and future, engage every class of citizens to cultivate the Christian temper, and to promote sobriety, peace, and good order in every sphere of action; that our peace may be as a river, and our righteousness, as the waves of the sea! May the holy Spirit of the Lord be poured out upon all the nations of the earth; and that kingdom, which consisteth in righteousness, peace, and joy in the holy Ghost, universally prevail! That instead of wars and bloodshed, Kings may become nursing Fathers, and Queens nursing Mothers to the people of God. Then will that ancient prophecy be fulfilled, the kingdoms of this world are become the kingdoms of our Lord, and of his Christ, and he shall reign forever and ever.

FINIS.

Sermon – Election – 1796, Connecticut

 

sermon-election-1796-connecticut

 

A

Sermon

Preached
Before His Honor

Oliver Wolcott, Esq. L.L.D.

Lieutenant- Governor and Commander in Chief,

And  the Honorable the

General Assembly

of the

State of Connecticut,

Convened at Hartford, on the day of the

Anniversary Election,

May 12th, 1796.

 

By John Marsh, A.M.

Pastor of the First Church in Wethersfield.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A.D. 1796.

Ordered, That the Honorable Jeremiah Wadsworth and Ezekiel Porter Belden, Esquire, present the Thanks of the General Assembly to the Rev. Mr. Marsh, for his Sermon delivered on the day of the General Election, and request a copy thereof, that it may be printed. A true copy of Record, Test, Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

Nehemiah V. 19.

Think upon me, my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people.

This is the language of a ruler, who was an ardent lover of his nation. He had done much for the people over whom he was placed, and had the satisfaction arising from a consciousness, that he had served them from the best principles and the purest motives. He could appeal to God, to whom he had respect in the discharge of the duties of his office, and with comfort hope in him for that reward in his favor, which he hath graciously encouraged all, who do well, to expect. Happy are those rulers, who, like Nehemiah, have the interest of their people at heart, and under the habitual influence of the fear of God, and with a prevailing regard to his approbation, exert themselves for the promotion of their welfare! Happy is that people that is distinguished with such rulers!

In the following discourse, I propose, in conformity to the occasion of the present meeting, and the ideas suggested by the passage just read, to consider the design of civil government, and the importance of religion in those, to whom the administration of it is committed.

First. Let us consider briefly, the design of the institution of civil government.

This is intimated in the text to be the benefit of the people: According to all that I have done for this people.

Could men have been as secure in their lives and properties, and enjoyed equal happiness in a state of nature, as in a state of society, civil polity would never have been erected among them. It is unreasonable to suppose that any number of men, inhabiting any portion of the earth, would ever have come into an agreement to relinquish some of their natural rights as individuals, and to submit to certain laws deriving their authority from such agreement, without a view to their greater advantage- to the more effectual security of their most valuable rights, liberties and privileges.

Man is formed for society. Such are his faculties- his natural desires, inclinations and capacities, that he would be uneasy without an intercourse with his fellow-creatures. Such his weakness and his wants, that without their aid, he could not exist comfortably, if he could exist at all. And such are the lusts of men, from whence come wars and fightings, that the weaker would always be in danger from the stronger, without the protection of laws, which numbers agree to adopt and support, for their mutual safety and advantage.

This being the case, nothing is more natural and reasonable, than that numbers should associate for the defense, assistance and improvement of one another. And though, by such association, they put themselves out of a state of natural freedom, they are richly compensated therefore, by the numerous important benefits to be enjoyed only in a state of civil society.

The end of the appointment of civil rulers cannot be their own personal honor and emolument, but the benefit of those over whom they are placed. Rulers are made for the nation, and not the nation for rulers.

As members of society, they are to enjoy in common with others, the advantages resulting from the social compact. As rulers, they are entitled to an honorable support, and to all that respect and esteem, which the dignity of their stations and the importance of their services render fit and proper. They are not, however, to seek their own separate interest, but the interest and welfare of the community.

These dictates of nature and reason, the dictates of revelation strengthen and confirm. In the book of inspiration it is expressly said of the civil ruler, “He is the minister of God to thee for good. Rulers are not a terror to good works but to the evil. They are God’s ministers, attending continually upon this very thing.”

The benevolent author of our existence- of our capacities and all the means of improvement and happiness, in the directions he has given in his word, respecting the qualifications and duties of rulers, as well as correspondent conduct of the people, has an evident view to the good of society- that the members in general, “may lead a quiet and peaceful life in all godliness and honesty.”

Various are the forms and constitutions of government, which the different genius, prejudices, circumstances, situations and customs of men, have led them to frame and adopt. That is justly accounted the most eligible for a particular people, which is best adapted, under their circumstances, to promote and secure the great end for which magistracy is appointed. But no form of government can ensure happiness to a people, unless it be well administered.

A Constitution, in many respects defective, in the hands of an able and upright administration, may be rendered subservient to the signal prosperity of a people. Whereas, a far more perfect form of government, in the hands of rulers of an opposite character, will fail of affording the citizens that protection and security, that peace and quietness, without which they cannot but be miserable.

If these observations be just, what a post of importance is that of the civil magistrate! His elevated station, as it is a station of honor, is also one of labor and high responsibility; and it will be no further honorable to him, than as he fills it with dignity, and usefulness to the public.

The care of those things which respect the welfare of a great people requires the close and unintermitted attention of the civil ruler. To attend to their situation with regard to other powers- to provide for their defense against foreign invasion and internal sedition- to secure those advantages that may justly be derived from an intercourse with other nations- to attend to the internal state of the commonwealth- to its finances- to its agriculture- commerce- manufactures- morals- learning and religion; to make such alteration in the laws, or such new ones, as the varying circumstances of the country, state, towns and corporations, may render expedient, and take effectual care to have them executed, is a most laborious and difficult employment. Such a variety of great, interesting and complicated business cannot be properly performed but by men of superior ability, knowledge and wisdom, firmness and integrity.

They who are called to sustain the weight of government, and to manage the great affairs of the state and nation, need the united influence of every argument and motive, adapted to strengthen and invigorate the human mind, and to encourage and animate them in their arduous work.

Secondly, I proceed to consider the importance of religion in the civil ruler. Think upon me, my God, for good.

This request, in connection with what it is grounded upon in the latter part of the text, implies, that Nehemiah had acted under the influence of religion, in his public character- that the great things he had done for the people over whom he ruled, were the fruit of a pious regard to God, and a firm belief in his promises.

Religion is of high importance in a ruler, as an incentive to fidelity, in the discharge of the duties of his station- as it will lead him to seek the direction and assistance of Heaven- as it will afford him the best support under the burdens of his office, and cause him, by his precepts and example, to do much for the promotion of piety and virtue among the people.

Great abilities, through indolence and a love of ease, may lie useless in a ruler. The community will derive little or no benefit from them, unless he is possessed of a principle sufficiently active to bring them into operation, and sufficiently virtuous to direct their operation for the public good.

As superior talents in an exalted station render a man capable of doing signal service for the community, so they render him capable of doing as signal mischief. Nothing, like a principle of religion deeply imbibed in the heart, can secure him from the one, or prompt him to the other.

Other and lower principles, it must be confessed, have influenced, and may influence, men to do many beneficial deeds for their nation, and greatly promote their quietness and prosperity.

But these principles- such as honor, ambition, a natural benevolence of temper, or a desire of the continued enjoyment of the emolument of a public office, are too contracted to reach many cases, with which the happiness of society is intimately and essentially connected, and have not that force requisite to produce an even, steady and consistent course of action.

The ruler, who is not under the prevailing influence of the fear and love of God, and that love of mankind which is an inseparable concomitant of the love of God, is always in danger of betraying his trust, and involving the community in misery and ruin. Temptations to do wrong, when they make a vigorous assault upon him (and none are more exposed to temptations, than those, who are in elevated stations) will be likely to meet with a feeble, if any resistance. He will not be deterred from a measure however injurious it may be to individuals, or destructive in its tendency to the interest of his country, when, by going into it, he call gratify his avarice, or save himself from present infamy, and preserve the favor of a majority of his constituents.

Such may frequently be the situation of things, that the civil ruler cannot, in conformity to the dictates of an enlightened understanding, and a benevolent heart, pursue such conduct, as will greatly conduce to the advantage of the community, without exposing himself to certain reproach, and hazarding the loss of his official existence.

But he, and he only, who, regarding the praise of God more than the praise of men, is solicitously concerned to approve himself to that glorious being, who standeth in the congregation of the mighty and judgeth among the Gods, is to be depended on in all seasons. In seasons the most trying nothing can warp him from his duty. Having accepted an important trust, he is deeply concerned to discharge it with all fidelity. He feels himself accountable to God, whose eye is continually upon him. The fear of man, which bringeth a snare, is swallowed up by the greater fear of that great and terrible being, with whom are all the possible causes, of life and death- of happiness and misery.

Charmed with the character of the Deity who is of purer eyes than to behold iniquity, and cannot look on sin, whose goodness is his glory, be has an ardent desire to imitate it. In his official, as well as private capacity, he will feel an aversion to every thing immoral- every thing impure, unjust, oppressive and cruel- every thing that tends to the hurt of the public, or individuals. He will feel a disposition to promote, to his utmost, the comfort, the peace and happiness of all men, with whom he has to do.

The civil ruler, who is under the united influence of this disposition and the various powerful arguments and motives of religion, arguments and motives that respect both the present and the eternal world, will be a benefactor indeed to his nation. He will not fail to attend to the duties of his station. He will take due pains to inform himself what is right and fit to be done, in every case that comes under consideration. He will not be backward to decide upon it, according to the dictates of his conscience, however such decision may expose him to infamy and reproach. His fortitude and independence of spirit will be in some good proportion to the strength and vigor of his faith, in the great objects of religion. With him it is a very small thing that he should be judged of man’s judgment. He that judgeth him is the Lord.

In seasons of darkness and perplexity, when it is not easy to know what ought to be done, the ruler, who is a man of religion, will be under superior advantages for forming a right judgment. In a humble sense of his dependence on God who is the father of lights, he will repair to him for all needed illumination. Encouraged by that direction and declaration in his word, “If any of you lack wisdom, let him ask of God, who giveth to all men liberally, and upbraideth not; and it shall be given him,” he waits upon him in hope of a gracious answer.

The most able men know by experience, that the human mind is not possessed of a principle of inerrability, but that it is liable to mistake and err- that in things which relate to goverment, they frequently want wisdom. The ruler, who seeks it of God, surely, is more likely to determine wisely in difficult cases, than he, who refuses to apply to him for direction and assistance. It is easy for that being, who formed the mind of man with all its powers and faculties, and has the most intimate access to it, secretly and imperceptibly to influence its operations, direct and assist its enquiries, and lead it into such views, as will essentially affect its determinations, without the least infringement of its moral liberty. Those, therefore, who trust so far in their own wisdom, as to neglect all application to Him for counsel and direction, act very irrationally, and are in danger, through the just resentment of Heaven, of having their boasted wisdom turned into foolishness.

Religion, in civil rulers, is of high importance, in respect to the influence they have, in forming the religious and moral character of the people. The character of the rulers of Israel marked the state of religion in that nation. A similar influence may be looked for, from the disposition and conduct of the rulers of every other people. It is an observation of Solomon, who was distinguished above all others for his wisdom, If a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked.

Experience evinces, that there is a peculiar propensity in persons in the lower walks of life, to imitate those, who are in places of eminence and dignity. When this propensity, by means of the corrupt practices of great men, is led to co- operate with another, which is natural to all, I mean an inclination to do evil, what an inundation of wickedness is to be expected?

The ruler, who allow himself in prophaning the name of God- in treating the institutions of religion with neglect, irreverence and contempt- in violating the laws of righteousness, sobriety, chastity and temperance, though he should be active in framing and enacting laws, for encouraging piety and virtue, and for discountenancing and suppressing vice and irreligion, takes the most effectual method to defeat the good tendency of such laws, and spread corruption far and wide.

He only who enforceth his precepts by his example, whether he be the head of a private family, or the ruler of a larger society, can rationally expect that his precepts will be much regarded. Religion will be likely to flourish, or decline, among a people, according as it is treated by men in conspicuous places. Their elevated station gives a luster to their example, which will not fail to produce a great and extensive effect. What regard then, ought to be had to the moral and religious character of persons, who are candidates for any important office, by those to whom it belongs to elect them!

The civil ruler, who is a man of piety and virtue, sensible that he cannot be a good ruler, any further than he is a benefactor to the people, will consult and pursue their true interest, by every just and reasonable method in his power. Knowing by experience, the salutary effect of religion upon his own temper and conduct, convinced of the necessity of it in order to the happiness of others, viewing in a strong point of light, the benign aspect of the Christian religion, on the liberty and order, the peace and prosperity of the community, he will ever be ready to recommend it, and use the whole of his influence to encourage its profession and practice. The good ruler will cheerfully give his assent to laws calculated to promote the education of youth in virtue and knowledge, and the training them up for public usefulness in the Church and State; and which will most effectually provide for the support of public worship and instruction, and are friendly to the general diffusion of knowledge and true religion. Nothing will discourage him from adopting and persevering in such measures as appear to him, on mature deliberation, necessary, and the best adapted to encourage and promote righteousness, which exalteth a nation, and discountenance sin which is a reproach to any people. What satisfaction must the ruler of this character, who has been instrumental of great good to his people, have in reflecting on his past conduct, and the happy fruit of his beneficent labors?

But, should his faithful services for the public, his tried patriotism, his inflexible regard to the interest of his country be forgotten- should he be neglected, and treated with infamy, by those of whom he has deserved well, what a source of comfort will he have in the testimony of his own conscience to his integrity? And, with what pleasure, may he look forward to that day, when the secret motives of his conduct shall be laid open and applauded, with all his worthy deeds, by the Judge of all, in the, presence of the whole world?

Though he is deeply sensible of his many imperfections, and that had he done all that was required of him, he would have been an unprofitable servant, having done no more than was his duty to do, yet, possessed of a character, formed thro’ the influence of the divine word and spirit, a character, to which the promise of eternal life thro’ Jesus Christ, is made by the infinitely glorious and faithful God, he may well rejoice in hope of all that glory and felicity, with which the righteous shall be remunerated in the world to come.

But, should the faithful ruler receive no disagreeable treatment from those whose peace and prosperity lie near his heart- should his services meet the approbation, and be rewarded with the grateful acknowledgements, of the multitude of his fellow citizens, yet there is a trying season approaching, from which none are exempted, even of those among men, who are stiled Gods. It is a declaration of scripture, which the experience of all past ages has verified, “I said ye are Gods; but ye shall die like men.” In the near prospect of his dissolution, what comfort must it afford the pious ruler to be able to say, “Remember, O Lord, how I have walked before thee in truth, and with a perfect heart, and have done that which is good in thy sight.”

This State, blessed be God, has been distinguished with rulers of this character, who in seasons that try souls, have exhibited the most undoubted evidence of their firm and unshaken attachment to the cause of truth and righteousness- of liberty, order and religion. They have exerted their great talents in the cause of their endangered country, and have not been afraid openly to assert the rights of man; and as openly to oppose that spirit of intrigue and levellism, which threatened all the evils of anarchy and confusion.

The present signal prosperity, with which we are distinguished from all other nations, is owing, under God, to the vigilance, the care, the exertions, of wise and faithful rulers.

May we never want a sufficient number of citizens worthy to be entrusted with the administration of government; and may the people never be so blind and inattentive to their own interest, as to be duped by the artifices of designing men, into the bestowment of their suffrages on persons of a bad, or suspicious character.

Through the smiles of divine providence, the people of this State have had another opportunity of giving their suffrages for those, who are to compose the two branches of the legislature, and the supreme executive. And the joyful anniversary is returned, when we behold most of the heads of the tribes of our Israel come together into this city of their solemnities, and assembled in the house of the Lord, to give thanks unto his name, and supplicate his presence and blessing.

But it is no small degree, in which the joy of the day is lessened, by the absence of the late Chief Magistrate. We have been wont, with pleasure and satisfaction, to behold him at the head of the legislature, on this anniversary solemnity: But we shall see his face no more.

The Sovereign Disposer of all things has seen fit, in his holy providence, to remove him from our world, and to put a final period to his services for this people, by whom he was deservedly held in high estimation.

By his public profession of religion, for may years, his steady attendance on the institutions of Christianity, and his exemplary good conversation, Governor Huntington made it manifest to all, that he was not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ.

The various important public stations into which he was successively chosen, he sustained with dignity, and displayed such ability, prudence and integrity in the discharge of them, as met with great acceptance from the multitude of his brethren.

The important services he rendered this State and country, during the scenes of danger and distress, through which we passed, whilst contending with a powerful nation for our just rights and liberties, ought not to be forgotten. His name will be transmitted with honor to posterity, enrolled among the names of those Illustrious Patriots, who dared to sign that instrument, which sealed the independence of United America.

The remarkable unanimity, with which his late Excellency was re-chosen, from year to year, to fill the chair, exhibits an evidence, not only of the general approbation, but of the wisdom and equity of his administration.

The satisfaction resulting from the continued approbation and acceptance of his services, by his fellow citizens, however great, must have been a small thing with him, in the near view of his departure, compared with the joy arising from the testimony of his conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace of God, he had discharged the duties of the several relations in which he had been placed.

The voice of God in the death of the Governor, and in the more recent death of the Secretary of the State, a Gentleman respectable for his abilities- his usefulness in the long continued exercise of his office, and for his exemplary Christian faith and virtue, demands the attention of the Public.

When rulers, of such a character, are taken away, especially, in times of growing infidelity and corruption, the people have great reason to mourn, not for them, but for themselves and their children; and may well exclaim, “Help Lord, for the godly man ceaseth; for the faithful fail from among the children of men.”

May surviving rulers and officers of every grade, be deeply impressed with a sense of the high importance of approving themselves to God, in the whole of their conduct. May they lay it to heart, that though they are called gods, and are said to be children of the most High, yet the time is approaching with great celerity, when they shall die like men.

The Lieutenant Governor, on whom the chief command devolved in consequence of the demise of his late Excellency, we trust, is no stranger to the joy and satisfaction, arising from a consciousness of a prevailing and habitual regard to God, in the discharge of the duties of public, as well as private life.

May his Honor, whose great talents have been employed many years, in various important public stations, continue, under the invigorating influence of the great principles of religion, to exert all his abilities, as God shall give him opportunity, for the good of this State and Nation, and of mankind.

Should he be placed in the first chair of dignity and power in the State, may he be supported under the increased weight of government, and, with are enlarged sphere of usefulness, be happy in doing proportionably greater service for God and his people.

Through the remaining vicissitudes of life, may he have the protecting, cheering and supporting presence of God and his Savior- in the solemn hour of death, comfort and fortitude, and be crowned with superior glory in the world to come.

May the Honorable General Assembly be favored with the presence, guidance and blessing of the Sovereign Ruler of the world. To him they are accountable for their conduct in their public, as well as private capacity.

The power with which they are clothed, is given them, both by God and man, to be employed for the good of the community. This, therefore, they will ever keep in view in all their deliberations and decisions.

It is justly expected of them, that they as upon a large scale. While they take effectual care that no injustice be done to any citizen, they will be concerned not to sacrifice the good of the State, or Nation, to the honor, ease or emolument of individuals. They will take heed how they are influenced by local advantages, or personal attachments.

Laws that will do equal justice, afford equal protection, and secure equal advantages to all, and the bestowment of offices upon men the best qualified, the people have a right to expect from those, whom they entrust with the power of legislation, and of making civil and military appointments.

In all their proceedings, it is reasonably expected, that they act with the same integrity, virtue and honor, as becometh men and Christians in private life.

Deeply impressed with the importance of religion and virtue to the welfare of a community, you will suffer me, Honored Fathers, to beseech and exhort you, not to fail to do every thing in your power, to cause them to flourish among the people, whose greatest and best prosperity you are under every obligation to seek.

“Magistrates may probably do more by their example, than in any other way, and, perhaps, more than any other men,’ to promote the practice of piety and virtue among a people. Happy are those rulers, who, by the united influence of their authority and example, are instrumental of spreading religion and virtue through the community, over which they are placed:- happy, in rendering their government easy and pleasant to themselves, and to the people:- happy, in the reflection upon the great good they have been instrumental in doing for them:- happy, in an approving conscience, that gives them confidence towards God, the Judge of all:- And supremely happy will they be, who in the great day shall be found faithful; for they shall be rewarded with a crown of glory, that fadeth not away. While those, who, regardless of the true interest of the people, have “corrupted them by their example, shall be covered with shame and confusion, and sentenced to that place of blackness and darkness, where there is weeping and wailing and gnashing of teeth!”

The pastors of the churches, who have the spirit of their station, and feel the power of that benevolent religion, which they preach to others, will be deeply concerned for the welfare of the community, and ready to exert themselves, to their utmost, in their proper spheres, that the great end of civil government may be attained. Though not sharers in the administration, they have an important influence on the object of government. In laboring to promote the spiritual and eternal interest of mankind, which is the immediate object of the institution of the evangelical ministry, they co- operate with the civil Magistrate in promoting their temporal interest. The wise and benevolent Governor of the world, in the appointment of magistracy and the priesthood, has expressed a tender regard to the happiness of men, and is pleased to make use of both conjointly, for accomplishing the purposes of his good pleasure. He led his ancient people like a flock, by the hand of Moses and Aaron.

Christian pastors are workers together, not only with the civil Magistrate, but with the great God himself, for the good of their fellow men. How noble is their work! What inducements have they to be diligent, active and zealous in it! The honor of God and Christ, their dear Redeemer, the peace, comfort and happiness of their brethren of the human race, in this world, and their eternal welfare, in that which is to come, together with their own salvation, conspire to engage them to fidelity.

Let us, my respected Fathers and Brethren, be excited to take heed to the ministry, which we have received, that we fulfill it.

Sensible of the aid we derive from the civil ruler in our work, may we be ready to encourage him in his, by our prayers; and by inculcating on the people of our respective charges, both by our preaching and example, all that respect and obedience to magistracy, which our holy religion requires.

The citizens in general of every class, have abundant reason for thankfulness to God, for the blessings of a free, mild, and yet energetic government, with which the inhabitants of these United States are distinguished. May all be concerned to make such improvement of them as shall ensure their continuance.

We glory in the possession of constitutions of government of our own choosing, and in the privilege of electing our own rulers. Should we not continue to be a free and happy people, the fault will be our own.

Should we abuse our liberties, by voting into public office, men, who are enemies to the peace and prosperity of the country, or who might easily be bought by those who are so: Or should we refuse to support the constituted authorities, in well concerted measures for promoting and securing the public good, we should justly deserve all the evils of anarchy, confusion and war, which would be the natural consequence of our folly and wickedness.

It is our honor and happiness, that we have at the head of the general government, a Character, who is held in the highest veneration abroad, and from whom, it has not been in the power of faction, to withdraw the confidence of the citizens of United America.

The many and great things which, under God, he has done for this people, have deservedly endeared his name to his country.

As our General, he has fought our battles, and procured for us peace and independence, with all their train of numerous blessings.

As President of the United States, he has fought our wealth and prosperity, in the continuance of peace, and improvement of the great natural, civil and religious advantages with which our country is distinguished. He has delivered us, without effusion of blood, from a threatening insurrection- and saved us from foreign war, with all its expense and- horrors, with which we were menaced.- And of late, he has given us higher evidence, if possible,- than any he ever before had an opportunity to give, of his firm patriotism- unshaken attachment to the interest of the people, and worthiness to be entrusted with their most valuable deposit, by protecting, preserving and defending their constitution, against a most artful, daring, and alarming attempt to encroach upon, and subvert it. “The archers have shot at him and hated him: But his bow has abode in strength, and the arms of his hands were made strong by the hands of the mighty God of Jacob.”

Under the auspices of his presidency, “our country,” highly favored by Heaven, “has enjoyed general tranquility, while many of the nations of Europe, with their American dependencies, have been involved in a contest unusually bloody, exhausting and calamitous- Our agriculture, commerce and manufactures have prospered beyond former example:- and our population has advanced with a celerity exceeding the most sanguine calculations”- And by treaties with the several powers, “between whom and the United States controversies have subsisted”- treaties, for carrying which into effect the necessary provisions have been made (though not until the public mind was greatly agitated and offended by the delay) “a firm and precious foundation appears to be laid, for accelerating, maturing and establishing, the prosperity of our country- a country that exhibits a spectacle of national happiness never surpassed, if ever before equaled.

May all the enemies of the public peace and prosperity- and of this Benefactor of our nation, be clothed with shame. But may God think upon him for good, according to all that he hath done for this people.

Whilst we rejoice in the blessings of external peace and prosperity- and are ready to felicitate ourselves, and one another, on the fair prospect of their continuance, presented by the removal of the dark cloud that so lately menaced our tranquility.- May we remember that these blessings, however estimable in themselves, derive their principal value from the more favorable opportunity, they afford us, for attending to those things, which relate to our spiritual and everlasting peace and happiness.

This world is but the beginning of our existence. It bears no proportion to the eternal duration, for which we are formed. It is, however, an important part of our existence, as on our conduct here, our condition hereafter has a settled and unalterable dependence. He, who created us, and, therefore, has an indisputable right to be out judge, has declared in his word, that “he will render to every man according to his deeds:- to them, who, by patient continuance in well doing, seek for glory, and honor, and immortality; eternal life; But unto them that are contentious, and do not obey the truth, but obey unrighteousness; indignation and wrath; tribulation and anguish upon every man that doth evil.”

The time is fast approaching, when death will put a period to our state of trial, and seal up our accounts to the judgment of the great day; when, “we must all appear before the judgments seat of Christ; that every one may receive the things done in his body, according to that he hath done, whether it be good or bad.”

In all our affairs, civil, secular and religious, may we act with a wise reference to that day, when an end shall be put to all civil distinctions- when all earthly kingdoms, states and empires shall be no more:- when Christ who is King in Zion, after he has judged and passed sentence on all men, of every rank and denomination, according to their behavior in the body, shall deliver up the mediatorial kingdom to God, even the Father, that God may be all in all.