The American Revolution: Was it an Act of Biblical Rebellion?

Was the American Revolution an act of rebellion against God and the Bible? Many today claim that it was. For example, John McArthur (Pastor of Grace Community Church and host of the national radio program “Grace to You”) asserts:

People have mistakenly linked democracy and political freedom to Christianity. That’s why many contemporary evangelicals believe the American Revolution was completely justified, both politically and scripturally. They follow the arguments of the Declaration of Independence, which declares that life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are Divinely endowed rights. . . . But such a position is contrary to the clear teachings and commands of Romans 13:1-7. So the United States was actually born out of a violation of New Testament principles, and any blessings God has bestowed on America have come in spite of that disobedience by the Founding Fathers.1

Oklahoma church leader Albert Soto similarly claims:

The Colonists’ act of rebellion flies in the face of [Romans 13:1,2]. Did they overlook this verse? No, these were not men ignorant of Scripture. In fact, they used Scripture to support their cause in the most devious of ways. The deception that prevailed during this period of history was immense. God and Scripture was the vehicle of mobilization that unified the cause, gave it credence, and allowed the Deist leaders at the top to move the masses toward rebellion. Scripture was the Forefathers’ most useful tool of propaganda.2

Others hold the same position.3 In fact, Dr. Daryl Cornett of Mid-America Theological Seminary maintains that the American Revolution occurred because . . .

Deistic and Unitarian tendencies in regards to religion. . . . were of such strength that even orthodox Christians were swept up into rebellion against their governing authorities. . . . Those Christians who supported physical resistance against the tyranny of Britain generally turned to Enlightenment rhetoric for validation, propped up by poor exegesis and application of the Bible.

While such charges certainly reflect the personal views of these critics, they definitely do not accurately reflect the extended theological debates that occurred at the time of the American Revolution. In fact, contrary to Dr. Cornett’s claim that the Founding Fathers “turned to Enlightenment rhetoric for validation” of the American Revolution, the topic of civil disobedience and resistance to governing authorities had been a subject of serious theological inquiries for centuries before the Enlightenment. This was especially true during the Reformation, when the subject was directly addressed by theologians such as Frenchman John Calvin,4 German Martin Luther,5 Swiss Reformation leader Huldreich Zwingli,6 and numerous others.7

It was not strange that such Biblical discussions should have arisen in that period, for many tyrannical civil leaders who felt personally threatened by Biblical Reformation teachings attempted to suppress the spread of those teachings through bloody purges, brutal tortures, and barbaric persecutions – such as when French leaders conducted the famous St. Bartholomew’s Day Massacre in 1572, resulting in 110,000 Reformation followers being killed, or when Henry VIII (1491-1547) similarly utilized public executions and burnings at the stake (a practice continued by Edward VI, Mary, Elizabeth I, and subsequent monarchs). In fact, those civil leaders even deliberately enacted laws specifically prohibiting Reformation adherents from practicing their Scriptural beliefs.

Facing such civil opposition, Reformation leaders turned to the Bible and found much guidance on the subject of civil disobedience and resistance to tyrannical civil authority. In fact, numerous famous heroes of the Bible – including many of those listed in the “Faith Hall of Fame” in Hebrews 11 as well as in other passages – were accorded their special position of honor because they committed civil disobedience (e.g., Daniel, the Three Hebrew Children, the Hebrew midwives, Rahab, Moses, etc.; and the Apostles in Acts 4-5 also declared their willingness to be civilly disobedient against tyrannical commands of civil and religious rulers).

Some of the important theological works on the subject of civil disobedience and resistance published during that time included the 1556 Short Treatise of Politic Power and of the True Obedience which Subjects Owe to Kings and Other Civil Governors by Bishop John Poynet (1516-1566), and the 1579 Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos (A Defense Of Liberty Against Tyrants), published by French Reformation theologian Philippe Duplessis-Mornay (1549-1623) and French Reformation leader Hubert Languet (1518-1581) in response to the horrific St. Bartholomew Day Massacre. Both works undertook an in-depth Biblical examination of how God’s people throughout the Scriptures had responded to civil rulers, including both good and bad rulers. Those theological discussions continued in England during the brutal reign of Henry VIII (1491-1547), the repressive abuses of James I (1566-1625), and the ruthless rule of the Tudor monarchs, including that of Bloody Mary (1516-1558).

In fact, James I, in addition to using brutal persecutions and murders to help combat the theological teachings and writings leveled against him, even ordered Church leaders (recall that James I was the official head of the English Church) to concoct two new “church” doctrines: (1) the Divine Right of Kings (that kings stand in the place of God, representing Him to the people), and (2) Complete Submission and Non-Resistance to Authority (that because kings have an allegedly Divine position, they are not to be resisted – ever, for any reason). Not surprisingly, Reformation followers openly opposed James’ “irrational and unscriptural doctrines,”8 thus prompting him to level even harsher persecutions against them, including mutilation, hanging, and disemboweling.

In 1644, at a time of unlimited monarchies wherein the king was the absolute law, Scottish theologian Samuel Rutherford penned the important theological work Lex Rex, demonstrating that the law is king rather than vice versa. For asserting that Biblical position, Rutherford was eventually charged by British monarchy with high treason but died before he could be tried. Not surprisingly, Lex Rex was banned by the Crown and every person who had a copy was ordered to turn it in to a king’s official.
James II continued the persecution of believers, and not surprisingly, the theological debates also continued. For example, when clergyman Abednego Seller penned a defense of James’ reign, urging complete obedience to the Crown in his Passive Obedience Prov’d to be the Doctrine of the Church of England, from the Reformation to These Times (London, 1689), clergyman Samuel Johnson responded with An Answer to the History of Passive Obedience (London, 1689).

Significantly, the many theological writings penned during these brutal and tyrannical reigns provided the underpinning for the Glorious Revolution of 1688 in which: (1) tyrannical monarchs were set aside; (2) England made its first attempts to separate State from Church and thus end religious tyranny and murders wrongly committed in the name of Christ; and (3) representative government was instituted under William of Orange (1650-1702).

When British autocratic tyranny began to increase toward America preceding the Revolution, those ancient theological debates were renewed. The Quakers and Anglicans adopted the position set forth by King James I (and subsequently embraced by Dr. Cornett, Rev. MacArthur, and others of today’s critics), but the Presbyterians, Lutherans, Baptists, Congregationalists, and most other denominations of that day adopted the theological viewpoint presented by Luther, Calvin, Zwingli, Rutherford, Poynet, Mornay, Languet, Johnson, and other theologians across the centuries. In fact, John Adams specifically recommended the theological works of Poynet (A Short Treatise of Politic Power, 1556) and Duplessis-Mornay and (A Defense Of Liberty Against Tyrants, 1579) to readers who wanted to understand the theological thinking in the American founding.9

On the basis of those numerous historic theological writings (which, significantly, had also been regularly preached from American pulpits for decades prior to the American Revolution10), Americans embraced two specific theological positions that guided their thinking and conduct in the conflict with Great Britain.

The first was that most Christian denominations during the Founding Era held that while they were forbidden to overthrow the institution of government and live in anarchy, they were not required blindly to submit to every law and policy. Those in the Founding Era understood that the general institution of government was unequivocally ordained by God and was not to be overthrown, but that did not mean that God approved every specific government; God had ordained government in lieu of anarchy – He opposed anarchy, rebellion, lawlessness, and wickedness and wanted civil government in society. Therefore, a crucial determination in the colonists’ Biblical exegesis was whether opposition to authority was simply to resist the general institution of government (an institution ordained by God Himself), or whether it was instead to resist tyrannical leaders who had themselves rebelled against God. (The Scriptural model for this position was repeatedly validated when God Himself raised up leaders such as Gideon, Ehud, Jepthah, Samson, and Deborah to throw off tyrannical governments – leaders subsequently praised in Hebrews 11:32 for those acts of faith.) That the Founders held the view that the institution of government is not to be opposed but that tyranny is, is a position clearly evident in their writings.
For example, Founding Father James Otis explained that the only king who had a “Divine right” was God Himself; beyond that, God had ordained that power should rest with the people (c.f., Exodus 18:21, Deuteronomy 1:15-16, etc.):

Has it [government] any solid foundation? – any chief cornerstone. . . ? I think it has an everlasting foundation in the unchangeable will of God. . . . Government. . . . is by no means an arbitrary thing depending merely on compact or human will for its existence. . . . There can be no prescription old enough to supersede the law of nature and the grant of God Almighty, Who has given to all men a natural right to be free; and they have it ordinarily in their power to make themselves so if they please….If both those powers are retained in the hands of the many (where nature seems to have placed them originally), the government is a simple democracy, or a government of all over all. . . . [God is] the only monarch in the universe Who has a clear and indisputable right to absolute power because He is the only one Who is omniscient as well as omnipotent.11

Founding Father John Dickinson (a signer of the Constitution) also affirmed that spiritual view:

Kings or parliaments could not give the rights essential to happiness. . . . We claim them from a higher source – from the King of kings and Lord of all the earth. They are not annexed to us by parchments and seals. They are created in us by the decrees of Providence, which establish the laws of our nature. They are born with us, exist with us, and cannot be taken from us by any human power without taking our lives.12

In fact, Samuel Adams (the “Father of the American Revolution” and a signer of the Declaration of Independence) specifically recommended a study of the Scriptures in order to understand the basis of America’s struggle against a tyrannical king, explaining that:

The Rights of the Colonists as Christians. . . . may be best understood by reading and carefully studying the institutes of the great Law Giver and Head of the Christian Church, which are to be found clearly written and promulgated in the New Testament.13

The Founders clearly believed that they were not in rebellion to God’s ordained institution of civil government; they were only resisting tyranny and not the institution itself. In fact, Rev. Jacob Duché (a supporter of the British) argued from the Bible in favor of the American position, explaining:

Inasmuch as all rulers are in fact the servants of the public and appointed for no other purpose than to be “a terror to evil-doers and a praise to them that do well” [c.f., Rom. 13:3], whenever this Divine order is inverted – whenever these rulers abuse their sacred trust by unrighteous attempts to injure, oppress, and enslave those very persons from whom alone, under God, their power is derived – does not humanity, does not reason, does not Scripture, call upon the man, the citizen, the Christian of such a community to “stand fast in that liberty wherewith Christ….hath made them free!” [Galatians 5:1] The Apostle enjoins us to “submit to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake,” but surely a submission to the unrighteous ordinances of unrighteous men, cannot be “for the Lord’s sake,” for “He loveth righteousness and His countenance beholds the things that are just.”14

Despite the Americans embracing what they believed to be a fully-supported Biblical position, some British leaders nevertheless specifically accused the Americans of anarchy and rebellion – a charge to which John Quincy Adams forcefully responded:

[T]here was no anarchy. . . . [T]he people of the North American union and of its constituent states were associated bodies of civilized men and Christians in a state of nature but not of anarchy. They were bound by the laws of God (which they all) and by the laws of the Gospel (which they nearly all) acknowledged as the rules of their conduct.15 (emphasis added)

Declaration signer Francis Hopkinson (also a church musician and choir leader) agreed:

Q. It has often been said, that America is in a state of rebellion. Tell me, therefore, what is Rebellion?
A. It is when a great number of people, headed by one or more factious leaders, aim at deposing their lawful prince without any just cause of complaint in order to place another on his throne.

Q. Is this the case of the Americans?
A. Far otherwise.16

Reflective of the Founding Father’s belief that they were not rebelling against God or resisting ordained government but only tyranny was the fact that the first national motto proposed for America in August 1776 was “Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God”17 – a summation of the famous 1750 sermon18 preached by the Rev. Dr. Jonathan Mayhew (a principle figure in the Great Awakening).

The second Scriptural viewpoint overwhelmingly embraced by most Americans during the Revolutionary Era was that God would not honor an offensive war, but that He did permit civil self-defense (e.g., Nehemiah 4:13-14 & 20-21, Zechariah 9:8, 2 Samuel 10:12, etc.). The fact that the American Revolution was an act of self-defense and was not an offensive war undertaken by the Americans remained a point of frequent spiritual appeal for the Founding Fathers. After all, Great Britain had attacked America, not vice versa; the Americans had never fired the first shot – not in the Boston Massacre of 1770, the bombing of Boston and burning of Charlestown in 1774, or in the attacks on Williamsburg, Concord, or Lexington in 1775.

Illustrative of this belief was the famous command to the Lexington Minutemen, “Don’t fire unless fired upon!” Yet, having been fired upon without having broken any law, the Americans believed they had a Biblical right to self-defense. In fact, the Rev. Peter Powers, in a famous sermon he preached in front of the Vermont Legislature in 1778,19 specifically noted that America had “taken up arms in its own defense”20 – that she had no initiated the conflict but was only defending herself after being attacked.

The Framers’ writings repeatedly emphasized this point of spiritual appeal. For example, Founding Father Francis Hopkinson made this clear in his 1777 work “A Political Catechism”:

Q. What is war?
A. The curse of mankind; the mother of famine and pestilence; the source of complicated miseries; and the undistinguishing destroyer of the human species.

Q. How is war divided?
A. Into offensive and defensive.

Q. What is the general object of an offensive war? . . .
A. [F]or the most part, it is undertaken to gratify the ambition of a prince, who wishes to subject to his arbitrary will a people whom God created free, and to gain an uncontrolled dominion over their rights and property. . . .

Q. What is defensive war?
A. It is to take up arms in opposition to the invasions of usurped power and bravely suffer present hardships and encounter present dangers, to secure the rights of humanity and the blessings of freedom to generations yet unborn.

Q. Is even defensive war justifiable in a religious view?
A. The foundation of war is laid in the wickedness of mankind . . . . God has given man wit to contrive, power to execute, and freedom of will to direct his conduct. It cannot be but that some, from a depravity of will, will abuse these privileges and exert these powers to the injury of others; and the oppressed would have no safety nor redress but by exerting the same powers in their defense and it is our duty to set a proper value upon and defend to the utmost our just rights and the blessings of life, otherwise a few miscreants [unprincipled individuals] would tyrannize over the rest of mankind, and make the passive multitude the slaves of their power. Thus it is that defensive is not only justifiable but an indispensable duty.

Q. Is it upon these principles that the people of America are resisting the arms of Great Britain, and opposing force with force?
A. Strictly so. . . . And may Heaven prosper their virtuous undertaking!21

Founding Father James Wilson (a signer of both the Declaration and the Constitution, and an original Justice on the U. S. Supreme Court) affirmed:

The defense of one’s self . . . is not, nor can it be, abrogated by any regulation of municipal law. This principle of defense is not confined merely to the person; it extends to the liberty and the property of a man. It is not confined merely to his own person; it extends to the persons of all those to whom he bears a peculiar relation – of his wife, of his parent, of his child. . . . As a man is justified in defending, so he is justified in retaking his property. . . . Man does not exist for the sake of government, but government is instituted for the sake of man.22

According to the Founders’ Biblical understanding, the fact that they were engaged in a defensive action made all the difference – they believed that they could boldly approach God and sincerely seek His aid and blessing in such a situation. In fact, so cognizant were American leaders they that they would account to God for their actions – and so convinced were they that they would be held innocent before Him – that the flag of the Massachusetts Army proclaimed “An Appeal to God,” and the flag of the Massachusetts Navy likewise declared an “Appeal to Heaven.”23

The Continental Congress also issued a manifesto reflecting a similar tone of submission to God:

We, therefore, the Congress of the United States of America, do solemnly declare and proclaim that. . . . [w]e appeal to the God Who searcheth the hearts of men for the rectitude of our intentions; and in His holy presence declare that, as we are not moved by any light or hasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so through every possible change of fortune we will adhere to this our determination.24

Believing that they were thus operating under fundamental Biblical principles, Founding Father Samuel Adams therefore boldly warned British officials:

There is One above us Who will take exemplary vengeance for every insult upon His majesty. You know that the cause of America is just. You know that she contends for that freedom to which all men are entitled – that she contends against oppression, rapine, and more than savage barbarity. The blood of the innocent is upon your hands, and all the waters of the ocean will not wash it away. We again make our solemn appeal to the God of heaven to decide between you and us. And we pray that, in the doubtful scale of battle, we may be successful as we have justice on our side, and that the merciful Savior of the world may forgive our oppressors.25

Significantly, the Americans had been militarily attacked for well over two years before they finally announced a separation; and for eleven years preceding that announcement (from 1765 to 1776), they had diligently pursued reconciliation and not conflict, offering documents such as their famous appeal of 1775 and the May 1776 “Olive Branch Petition,” each of which was submitted in a completely submissive and conciliatory tone. Reflective of this tone was the writing of Founding Father Stephen Hopkins (a signer of the Declaration and Governor of Rhode Island) in which he explained to the British:

We finally beg leave to assert that the first planters of these colonies were pious Christians – were faithful [British] subjects who, with a fortitude and perseverance little known and less considered, settled these wild countries by God’s goodness and their own amazing labors [and] thereby added a most valuable dependence to the crown of Great-Britain; were ever dutifully subservient to her interests; so taught their children that not one has been disaffected to this day but all have honestly obeyed every royal command and cheerfully submitted to every constitutional law; . . . have carefully avoided every offensive measure . . . have never been troublesome or expensive to the mother country; have kept due order and supported a regular government; have maintained peace and practiced Christianity; and in all conditions and in every relation have demeaned themselves as loyal, as dutiful, and as faithful subjects ought; and that no kingdom or state hath, or ever had, colonies more quiet, more obedient, or more profitable than these have ever been.26

The Rev. Dr. John Witherspoon (also a signer of the Declaration) also affirmed:

On the part of America, there was not the most distant thought of subverting the government or of hurting the interest of the people of Great Britain, but of defending their own privileges from unjust encroachment; there was not the least desire of withdrawing their allegiance from the common sovereign [King George III] till it became absolutely necessary – and indeed, it was his own choice.27

Significantly, as Dr. Witherspoon had correctly noted, it was Great Britain who had terminated the entreaties; in fact, during the last two years of America’s appeals, her peaceful pleas were directly met by armed military force. King George III dispatched 25,000 British troops to invade his own Colonies, enter the homes of his own citizens to take their private possessions and goods, and imprison them without trials – all in violation of his own British Common Law, English Bill of Rights, and Magna Carta (centuries old documents that formed the basis of the covenant between British rulers and citizens). Only when those governmental covenants had been broken by their rulers and America had been directly attacked did the Americans respond in self-defense.

On the basis of these two theological understandings (that God Himself had ordained the institution of civil government, and that God had explicitly authorized civil self-defense) the Founding Fathers and the majority of American Christians in that day believed that they were conducting themselves in a manner that was not in rebellion to God or the Scriptures.

Consequently, Dr. Cornett’s claim, as well as those of John MacArthur and other critics, that the Founders “generally turned to Enlightenment rhetoric for validation, propped up by poor exegesis and application of the Bible” merely reflects the side that they have taken in the historic theological debate – the same as if they had been 1776 Quakers arguing against Presbyterians, or Anglicans against Congregationalists. However, just because these modern critics may disagree with the theology of Calvin, Luther, Zwingli, Mornay, Rutherford, and other theologians does not mean that from an historical viewpoint the Americans’ approach was “propped up by poor exegesis and application of the Bible,” or that the Founders “generally turned to Enlightenment rhetoric for validation.” It simply means that today’s critics are either uninformed about the actual historical and theological writings from the Reformation through the Revolution, or that they disagree with the theological positions held by the Founding Fathers, theologians, and ministers of that era, but it does not mean that there was no Biblical basis for the American Revolution.

In fact, the spiritual nature of America’s resistance was so clear even to the British that in the British Parliament:

Sir Richard Sutton read a copy of a letter relative to the government of America from a [Crown-appointed] governor in America to the Board of Trade [in Great Britain] showing that. . . . If you ask an American, “Who is his master?” He will tell you he has none – nor any governor but Jesus Christ.28

Such spiritual declarations – confirming what was readily evident even to America’s opponents – certainly are not consistent with what critics inaccurately claim is the Unitarian, Deistic, and Secular Enlightenment rebellion basis of the American Revolution.


Endnotes

1 Dr. John MacArthur, see his declaration that “the truth of the matter is that our own nation was borne out of a violation of this biblical text.” “The Christian and Government: The Christian’s Responsibility to Government – Part 1,” January 6, 1985, Grace to You, https://www.gty.org/library/sermons-library/45-97/the-christians-responsibility-to-government-part-1.

2 Albert Soto, “The American Revolution Rebellion” A True Church

3 For example, see Dr. Jack Arnold, “Dare You Resist Your Government? Romans 13: 2-4,”IIIM [Third Millennium] Magazine Online, April 16-April 22, 2001, Vol. 3, No. 16, http://cleartheology.com/expo/45Romans/NT.Arnold.Rom.59.html; Dr. John Brug, “The Christian’s Dual Citizenship: Concerning the American Revolution”; Pastor Robert L. Deffinbaugh, “Was the American Revolution Biblically Supported?” August 8, 2008, https://www.bible.org/page.php?page_id=6084; etc.

4 John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, trans. Henry Beveridge (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1845, the first English translation by Thomas Norton was published in London: 1561, the original Latin version was published in 1536), 4:Ch. 20, https://www.ccel.org/ccel/calvin/institutes.vi.xxi.html.

5 Martin Luther, Temporal Authority: To What Extent Should it be Obeyed? (1523), https://www.uoregon.edu/~sshoemak/323/texts/luther~1.htm.

6 Americanized Encyclopedia Britannica (Chicago: Belford-Clarke Co., 1890), 6456-6457, s.v. “Huldreich Zwingli.”

7 John Harty, The Catholic Encyclopedia. (New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1912), “Tyrannicide,” https://www.newadvent.org/cathen/15108a.htm; Rev. John C. Rager, “Catholic Sources and the Declaration of Independence,” The Catholic Mind, Vol. XXVIII, No. 13, July 8, 1930, https://www.catholiceducation.org/en/controversy/common-misconceptions/catholic-sources-and-the-declaration-of-independence.html.

8 J. M. Mathews, The Bible and Civil Government, in a Course of Lectures (New York: Robert Carter & Brothers, 1851), 231.

9 John Adams, A Defense of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America (Philadelphia: William Young, 1797), III:210-211.

10 See, for example, numerous sermons cited in Alice M. Baldwin, The New England Clergy and the American Revolution (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1958), 22-23, 26, 27-28, 34-37, 65-68, 86-87, 89-95,101-104; sermons by Jonathan Mayhew, A Discourse Concerning the Unlimited Submission and Non-Resistance to the Higher Powers (Boston: 1750), 37-41, Jonathan Ellis, The Justice of the Present War against the French in America, and the Principles that Should Influence us in the Undertaking Asserted: A Sermon Preached to the Soldiers, Sept 22, A.D. 1755. from I Sam. Xviii. 17 (Newport: J. Franklin, 1755), John A. Lidenius, The Lawfulness of Defensive War. A Sermon Preached before the Members of the Church; at Chiechester, in the County of Chester, and Province of Pennsylvania, upon their Association for Defense, February 14, 1756 (Philadelphia: James Chattin, 1756), etc.

11 James Otis, The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved (Boston: J. Williams 1766), 11, 13, 16-18,

12 John Dickinson, The Political Writings of John Dickinson (Wilmington: Bonsal and Niles, 1801), I:111.

13 Samuel Adams, The Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams, ed. William V. Wells (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1865), I:504.

14 Jacob Duche, The Duty of Standing Fast in our Spiritual and Temporal Liberties, A Sermon Preached in Christ Church, July 7, 1775. Before the First Battalion of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia (Philadelphia: James Humphreys, Jr., 1775), 13-14.

15 John Quincy Adams, An Address Delivered at the Request of the Committee of Arrangements for the Celebrating the Anniversary of Independence at the City of Washington on the Fourth of July 1821 upon the Occasion of Reading The Declaration of Independence (Cambridge: Hilliard and Metcalf, 1821), 28.

16 Francis Hopkinson, The Miscellaneous Essays and Occasional Writings of Francis Hopkinson, Esq. (Philadelphia: T. Dobson, 1792), I:115-116.

17 John Adams, Letters of John Adams, Addressed to His Wife, ed. Charles Francis Adams (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1841), I:152, letter to Abigail Adams, August 14, 1776.

18 Jonathan Mayhew, A Discourse Concerning the Unlimited Submission and Non-Resistance to the Higher Powers (New York: Arno Press & The New York Times, 1968, originally printed in Boston: 1750), 37-41.

19 The Rev. Peter Powers, Jesus Christ the true King and Head of Government; A Sermon Preached before the General Assembly of the State of Vermont, on the Day of Their First Election, March 12, 1778 at Windsor (Newbury-Port: Printed by John Michael, 1778).

20 The Rev. Peter Powers, Jesus Christ the true King and Head of Government…..March 12, 1778, 18.

21 Francis Hopkinson, Miscellaneous Essays and Occasional Writings (1792), I:111-115.

22 James Wilson, The Works of the Honorable James Wilson, ed. Bird Wilson (Philadelphia: Bronson and Chuncey, 1804), II:496-497.

23 Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts. 1776 (Watertown, MA: 1776), 51:III:196-197, April 29, 1776.

24 Samuel Adams, The Writings of Samuel Adams, ed. Harry Alonzo Cushing (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904), IV:86, “Manifesto of the Continental Congress,” October 30, 1778.

25 Samuel Adams, Writings, ed. Cushing (1904),  IV:38, to the Earl of Carlisle and Others, July 16, 1778.

26 Stephen Hopkins, The Grievances of the American Colonies Candidly Examined (London: J. Almon, 1766), 45-48.

27 John Witherspoon, The Works of John Witherspoon (Edinburgh: J. Ogle, 1815), IX:250, “The Druid,” Number III.

28 Hezekiah Niles, Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America (Baltimore: William Ogden Niles, 1822), 198.

Confronting Civil War Revisionism: Why The South Went To War

The rewriting of history in any area is possible only if: (1) the public does not know enough about specific events to object when a wrong view is introduced; or (2) the discovery of previously unknown historical material brings to light new facts that require a correction of the previous view. However, historical revisionism – the rewriting “of an accepted, usually long-standing view especially a revision of historical events and movements” 1 – is successful only through the first means.

Over the past sixty years, many groups, exploiting a general lack of public knowledge about particular movements or events, have urged upon the public various revisionist views in order to justify their particular agenda. For example, those who use activist courts to advance policies they are unable to pass through the normal legislative process defend judicial abuse by asserting three historically unfounded doctrines: (1) the judiciary is to protect the minority from the majority; (2) the judiciary exists to review and correct the acts of elective bodies; and (3) the judiciary is best equipped to “evolve” the culture to the needs of an ever-changing society. These claims are directly refuted by original constitutional writings, especially The Federalist Papers. (See also the WallBuilders’ book, Restraining Judicial Activism.)

Likewise, those who pursue a secular public square seek to justify their agenda by asserting that the Founding Fathers: (1) were atheists, agnostics, and deists, and (2) wrote into the Constitution a strict separation of church and state requiring the exclusion of religious expressions from the public arena. These claims are also easily rebuttable through the Founders’ own writings and public acts. (See also the WallBuilders’ book, Original Intent.)

A third example of historical revisionism involves the claim that the 1860-1861 secession of the Southern States which caused the Civil War was not a result of the slavery issue but rather of oppressive federal economic policies. For example, a plaque in the Texas State Capitol declares:

confronting-civil-war-revisionism-why-the-south-went-to-war

Because we desire to perpetuate, in love and honor, the heroic deeds of those who enlisted in the Confederate Army and upheld its flag through four years of war, we, the children of the South, have united together in an organization called “Children of the Confederacy,” in which our strength, enthusiasm, and love of justice can exert its influence. We therefore pledge ourselves to preserve pure ideals; to honor our veterans; to study and teach the truths of history (one of the most important of which is that the war between the states was not a rebellion nor was its underlying cause to sustain slavery), and to always act in a manner that will reflect honor upon our noble and patriotic ancestors. (emphasis added)

Other sources make the same false claim, 2 but four notable categories of Confederate records disprove these claims and indisputably show that the South’s desire to preserve slavery was indisputably the driving reason for the formation of the Confederacy.

1. Southern Secession Documents

From December 1860 through August 1861, the southern states met individually in their respective state conventions to decide whether to secede from the Union. On December 20, 1860, South Carolina became the first state to decide in the affirmative, and its secession document repeatedly declared that it was leaving the Union to preserve slavery:

[A]n increasing hostility on the part of the non-slaveholding [i.e., northern] states to the institution of slavery has led to a disregard of their obligations. . . . [T]hey have denounced as sinful the institution of slavery. . . . They have encouraged and assisted thousands of our slaves to leave their homes [through the Underground Railroad]. . . . A geographical line has been drawn across the Union, and all the states north of that line have united in the election of a man to the high office of President of the United States [Abraham Lincoln] whose opinions and purposes are hostile to slavery. He is to be entrusted with the administration of the common government because he has declared that “Government cannot endure permanently half slave, half free,” and that the public mind must rest in the belief that slavery is in the course of ultimate extinction. . . . The slaveholding states will no longer have the power of self-government or self-protection [over the issue of slavery] . . . 3

Following its secession, South Carolina requested the other southern states to join them in forming a southern Confederacy, explaining:

We . . . [are] dissolving a union with non-slaveholding confederates and seeking a confederation with slaveholding states. Experience has proved that slaveholding states cannot be safe in subjection to non-slaveholding states. . . . The people of the North have not left us in doubt as to their designs and policy. United as a section in the late presidential election, they have elected as the exponent of their policy one [Abraham Lincoln] who has openly declared that all the states of the United States must be made Free States or Slave States. . . . In spite of all disclaimers and professions [i.e., measures such as the Corwin Amendment, written to assure the southern states that Congress would not abolish slavery], there can be but one end by the submission by the South to the rule of a sectional anti-slavery government at Washington; and that end, directly or indirectly, must be the emancipation of the slaves of the South. . . . The people of the non-slaveholding North are not, and cannot be safe associates of the slaveholding South under a common government. . . . Citizens of the slaveholding states of the United States! . . . South Carolina desires no destiny separate from yours. . . . We ask you to join us in forming a Confederacy of Slaveholding States. 4

On January 9, 1861, Mississippi became the second state to secede, announcing:

Our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery – the greatest material interest of the world. . . . [A] blow at slavery is a blow at commerce and civilization. That blow has been long aimed at the institution and was at the point of reaching its consummation. There was no choice left us but submission to the mandates of abolition or a dissolution of the Union, whose principles had been subverted to work out our ruin. That we do not overstate the dangers to our institution [slavery], a reference to a few facts will sufficiently prove. The hostility to this institution commenced before the adoption of the Constitution and was manifested in the well-known Ordinance of 1787. [On July 13, 1787, when the nation still governed itself under the Articles of Confederation, the Continental Congress passed the Northwest Ordinance (which Mississippi here calls the “well-known Ordinance of 1787”). That Ordinance set forth provisions whereby the Northwest Territory could become states in the United States, and eventually the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota were formed from that Territory. As a requirement for statehood and entry into the United States, Article 6 of that Ordinance stipulated: “There shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory.”

When the Constitution replaced the Articles of Confederation, the Founding Fathers re-passed the “Northwest Ordinance” to ensure its continued effectiveness under the new Constitution. Signed into law by President George Washington on August 7, 1789, it retained the prohibition against slavery.
As more territory was gradually ceded to the United States (the Southern Territory – Mississippi and Alabama; the Missouri Territory – Missouri and Arkansas; etc.), Congress applied the requirements of the Ordinance to those new territories. Mississippi had originally entered the United States under the requirement that it not allow slavery, and it is here objecting not only to that requirement of its own admission to the United States but also to that requirement for the admission of other states.]. . . It has grown until it denies the right of property in slaves and refuses protection to that right on the high seas [Congress banned the importation of slaves into America in 1808], in the territories [in the Northwest Ordinance of 1789, the Missouri Compromise of 1820, the Compromise of 1850, and the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854], and wherever the government of the United States had jurisdiction. . . . It advocates Negro equality, socially and politically. . . . We must either submit to degradation and to the loss of property [i.e., slaves] worth four billions of money, or we must secede from the Union framed by our fathers to secure this as well as every other species of property. 5

(Notice that the Union’s claim that blacks and whites were equal both “socially and politically” was a claim too offensive for southern Democrat states to tolerate.)

Following its secession, Mississippi sent Fulton Anderson to the Virginia secession convention, where he told its delegates that Mississippi had seceded because they had unanimously approved a document “setting forth the grievances of the Southern people on the slavery question.” 6

On January 10, 1861, Florida became the third state to secede. In its preliminary resolutions setting forth reasons for secession, it acknowledged:

All hope of preserving the Union upon terms consistent with the safety and honor of the Slaveholding States has been finally dissipated by the recent indications of the strength of the anti-slavery sentiment in the Free States. 7

On January 11, 1861, Alabama became the fourth state to secede. Like the three states before her, Alabama’s document cited slavery; and it also cited the 1860 election victory of the Republicans as a further reason for secession, specifically condemning . . .

. . . the election of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States of America by a sectional party [the Republicans], avowedly hostile to the domestic institutions [slavery] and to the peace and security of the people of the State of Alabama . . . 8

Georgia similarly invoked the 1860 Republican victory as a cause for secession, explaining:

A brief history of the rise, progress, and policy of anti-slavery and the political organization into whose hands the administration of the federal government has been committed [i.e., the Republican Party] will fully justify the pronounced verdict of the people of Georgia [in favor of secession]. The party of Lincoln, called the Republican Party under its present name and organization, is of recent origin. It is admitted to be an anti-slavery party. . . . The prohibition of slavery in the territories, hostility to it everywhere, the equality of the black and white races, disregard of all constitutional guarantees in its favor, were boldly proclaimed by its [Republican] leaders and applauded by its followers. . . . [T]he abolitionists and their allies in the northern states have been engaged in constant efforts to subvert our institutions [i.e., slavery]. 9

Why was the Republican election victory a cause for secession? Because the Republican Party had been formed in May of 1854 on the almost singular issue of opposition to slavery (see WallBuilders’ work, American History in Black and White). Only six years later (in the election of 1860), voters gave Republicans control of the federal government, awarding them the presidency, the House, and the Senate.

The Republican agenda was clear, for every platform since its inception had boldly denounced slavery. In fact, when the U. S. Supreme Court delivered the 1857 Dred Scott ruling protecting slavery and declaring that Congress could not prohibit it even in federal territories, 10 the Republican platform strongly condemned that ruling and reaffirmed the right of Congress to ban slavery in the territories. 11 But setting forth an opposite view, the Democrat platform praised the Dred Scott ruling 12 and the continuation of slavery 13 and also loudly denounced all anti-slavery and abolition efforts. 14

The antagonistic position between the two parties over the slavery issue was clear; so when voters gave Republicans control of the federal government in 1860, southern slave-holding Democrat states saw the proverbial “handwriting on the wall” and promptly left the United States before Republicans could make good on their anti-slavery promises. It was for this reason that so many of the seceded states referenced the Republican victory in their secession documents.

It was not just southern Democrats who viewed the election of Lincoln and the Republicans as the death knell for slavery; many northern Democrats held the same view. In fact, New York City Democrat Mayor Fernando Wood not only attacked the Republican position on slavery but he also urged New York City to join with the South and secede, explaining:

With our aggrieved brethren of the Slave States, we have friendly relations and a common sympathy. We have not participated in the warfare upon their constitutional rights [of slaveholding] or their domestic institutions [slavery]. . . . It is certain that a dissolution [secession of the State of New York from the Union] cannot be peacefully accomplished except by the consent of the [Republican New York] Legislature itself. . . . [and] it is not probable that a partisan [Republican] majority will consent to a separation. . . . [So] why should not New York City, instead of supporting by her contributions in revenue two-thirds of the expenses of the United States, become also equally independent [i.e., secede]? . . . In this she would have the whole and united support of the southern states. 15

Other northern Democrats also assailed the anti-slavery positions of the Republicans – including Samuel Tilden (a New York state assemblyman and later the chair of the state Democrat Party, state governor, and then presidential candidate). Tilden affirmed that southern secession be could halted only if Republicans publicly abandoned their anti-slavery positions:

[T]he southern states will not by any possibility accept the avowed creed of the Republican Party as the permanent policy of the federative government as to slavery. . . . Nothing short of the recession [drawing back] of the Republican Party to the point of total and absolute non-action on the subject of slavery in the states and territories could enable it to reconcile to itself the people of the South. 16

Even the editorial page of the New York World endorsed the Democrats’ pro-slavery positions and condemned Republicans:

We cannot ask the South – we will not ask anybody – to live contentedly under a government . . . which burdens white men with oppressive debt and grinding taxation to try an unconstitutional experiment of giving freedom to Negroes. . . . A proposal for an abolition peace can never gain a hearing in the South. If the Abolition Party [Republicans] continues in power, the separation is final, [both] in feeling and in fact. 17

However, returning to an examination of southern secession documents, on January 19, 1861, Georgia became the fifth state to secede. Georgia then dispatched Henry Benning to Virginia to encourage its secession. At the Virginia convention, Benning explained to the delegates:

What was the reason that induced George to take the step of secession? That reason may be summed up in one single proposition: it was a conviction – a deep conviction on the part of Georgia – that a separation from the North was the only thing that could prevent the abolition of her slavery. This conviction was the main cause. 18

On January 26, 1861, Louisiana became the sixth state to secede. Days later, Texas was scheduled to hold its secession convention, and Louisiana sent Commissioner George Williamson to urge Texas to secede. Williamson told the Texas delegates:

Louisiana looks to the formation of a Southern Confederacy to preserve the blessings of African slavery. . . . Louisiana and Texas have the same language, laws, and institutions. . . . and they are both so deeply interested in African slavery that it may be said to be absolutely necessary to their existence and is the keystone to the arch of their prosperity. . . . The people of Louisiana would consider it a most fatal blow to African slavery if Texas either did not secede or, having seceded, should not join her destinies to theirs in a Southern Confederacy. . . . As a separate republic, Louisiana remembers too well the whisperings of European diplomacy for the abolition of slavery in the times of annexation [Great Britain abolished slavery in 1833; by 1843, southern statesmen were alleging – without evidence – that Great Britain was involved in a plot to abolish slavery in America. Southern voices therefore called for the immediate annexation of pro-slavery Texas into the United States in order to increase pro-slavery territory, but anti-slavery leaders in Congress – including John Quincy Adams and Daniel Webster – opposed that annexation. Their opposition was initially successful; and in his diary entry for June 10 & 17, 1844, John Quincy Adams enthused: “The vote in the United States Senate on the question of [admitting Texas] was, yeas, 16; nays, 35. I record this vote as a deliverance, I trust, by the special interposition of Almighty God. . . . The first shock of slave democracy is over. Moloch [a pagan god requiring human sacrifices] and Mammon [the god of riches] have sunk into momentary slumber. The Texas treason is blasted for the hour.” That victory, however, was only temporary; in 1845, Texas was eventually admitted as a slaveholding state.] not to be apprehensive of bolder demonstrations from the same quarter and the North in this country. The people of the slaveholding states are bound together by the same necessity and determination to preserve African slavery. The isolation of any one of them from the others would make her a theatre for abolition emissaries from the North and from Europe. Her existence would be one of constant peril to herself and of imminent danger to other neighboring slave-holding communities. . . . and taking it as the basis of our new government, we hope to form a slave-holding confederacy . . . 19

Williamson’s encouragement to the Texans turned out to be unnecessary, for on February 1, 1861, even before he arrived from Louisiana, Texas had already become the seventh state to secede. In its secession document, Texas announced:

[Texas] was received as a commonwealth, holding, maintaining, and protecting the institution known as Negro slavery – the servitude of the African to the white race within [Texas] – a relation that had existed from the first settlement of her wilderness by the white race and which her people intended should exist in all future time. Her institutions and geographical position established the strongest ties between her and other slaveholding states of the Confederacy. . . . In all the non-slave-holding states . . . the people have formed themselves into a great sectional party [i.e., the Republican Party] . . . based upon an unnatural feeling of hostility to these southern states and their beneficent and patriarchal system of African slavery, proclaiming the debasing doctrine of equality of all men irrespective of race or color – a doctrine at war with nature, in opposition to the experience of mankind, and in violation of the plainest revelations of divine law. They demand the abolition of Negro slavery throughout the Confederacy, the recognition of political equality between the white and Negro races, and avow their determination to press on their crusade against us so long as a Negro slave remains in these states. . . . By the secession of six of the slave-holding states, and the certainty that others will speedily do likewise, Texas has no alternative but to remain in an isolated connection with the North or unite her destinies with the South. 20

On April 17, 1861, Virginia became the eighth state to secede. It, too, acknowledged that the “oppression of the southern slave-holding states” (among which it numbered itself) had motivated its decision. 21

On May 8, 1861, Arkansas became the ninth state to join the Confederacy. Albert Pike (a prominent Arkansas newspaper owner and author of numerous legal works who became a Confederate general) explained why secession was unavoidable:

No concessions would now satisfy (and none ought now to satisfy) the South but such as would amount to a surrender of the distinctive principles by which the Republican Party coheres [exists], because none other or less would give the South peace and security. That Party would have to agree that in the view of the Constitution, slaves are property – that slavery might exist and should be legalized and protected in territory hereafter to be acquired to the southwest [e.g., New Mexico, Arizona, etc.], and that Negroes and mulattoes cannot be citizens of the United States nor vote at general elections in the states. . . . For that Party to make these concessions would simply be to commit suicide and therefore it is idle to expect from the North – so long as it [the Republican Party] rules there – a single concession of any value. 22

As Pike knew, the federal government under the Republicans was unwilling to abandon its anti-slavery positions; therefore the only recourse for the guarantee of continued slavery in Arkansas was secession – which Arkansas did.

Eventually, North Carolina and Tennessee became the tenth and eleventh states to secede, thus finishing the formation of the new nation that titled itself the Slave-Holding Confederate States of America. Southern secession documents indisputably affirm that the South’s desire to preserve slavery was the driving force in its secession and thus a primary cause of the Civil War.

2. The Declarations of Congressmen who left Congress to Join the Confederacy

Beginning on January 21, 1861, southern Democrats serving in Congress began resigning en masse to join the Confederacy. During this time, many stood in their respective federal legislative chambers and delivered their farewell statements unequivocally affirming what the secession documents clearly declared.

For example, Democrat U. S. Senator Alfred Iverson of Georgia bluntly told his peers:

I may safely say, however, that nothing will satisfy them [the seceded states] or bring them back short of a full and explicit recognition and guarantee of the safety of their institution of domestic slavery. 23

Democrat U. S. Senator Robert Toombs of Georgia (soon to become the Secretary of State for the Confederacy, and then a general in the Confederate Army) declared that the seceded South would return to the Union only if their pro-slavery demands were agreed to:

What do these Rebels demand? First, that the people of the United States shall have an equal right to emigrate and settle in the present or an future acquired territories with whatever property they may possess (including slaves). . . . The second proposition is that property in slaves shall be entitled to the same protection from the government of the United States, in all of its departments, everywhere, which the Constitution confers the power upon it to extend to any other property. . . . We demand in the next place . . . that a fugitive slave shall be surrendered under the provisions of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 without being entitled either to a writ of habeas corpus or trial by jury or other similar obstructions of legislation. . . . Slaves – black “people,” you say – are entitled to trial by jury. . . . You seek to outlaw $4,000,000,000 of property [slaves] of our people in the territories of the United States. Is not that a cause of war? . . . My distinguished friend from Mississippi [Mr. Jefferson Davis], another moderate gentleman like myself, proposed simply to get a recognition that we had the right to our own – that man could have property in man – and it met with the unanimous refusal even of the most moderate, Union-saving, compromising portion of the Republican party. . . . Mr. Lincoln thus accepts every cardinal principle of the Abolitionists; yet he ignorantly puts his authority for abolition upon the Declaration of Independence, which was never made any part of the public law of the United States. . . . Very well; you not only want to break down our constitutional rights – you not only want to upturn our social system – your people not only steal our slaves and make them freemen to vote against us – but you seek to bring an inferior race into a condition of equality, socially and politically, with our own people. 24 (emphasis added)

Democrat U. S. Senator Clement Clay of Alabama (soon to become a foreign diplomat for the Confederacy) also expounded the same points:

Not a decade, nor scarce a lustrum [five year period], has elapsed since [America’s] birth that has not been strongly marked by proofs of the growth and power of that anti-slavery spirit of the northern people which seeks the overthrow of that domestic institution [slavery] of the South, which is not only the chief source of her prosperity but the very basis of her social order and state polity. . . . No sentiment is more insulting or more hostile to our domestic tranquility, to our social order, and our social existence, than is contained in the declaration that our Negroes are entitled to liberty and equality with the white man. . . . To crown the climax of insult to our feelings and menace of our rights, this party nominated to the presidency a man who not only endorses the platform but promises in his zealous support of its principles to disregard the judgment of your courts [i.e., Lincoln had indicated that he would ignore the Supreme Court’s egregious Dred Scott decision], the obligations of your Constitution, and the requirements of his official oath, by approving any bill prohibiting slavery in the territories of the United States. 25

Democrat U. S. Senator John Slidell of Louisiana (soon to be a Confederate diplomat to France and Great Britain), echoed the same grievances:

We all consider the election of Mr. Lincoln, with his well-known antecedents and avowed [anti-slavery] principles and purposes . . . as conclusive evidence of the determined hostility of the Northern masses to our institutions. We believe that he conscientiously entertains the opinions which he has so often and so explicitly declared, and that having been elected on the [anti-slavery] issues thus presented, he will honestly endeavor to carry them into execution. While now [as a result of secession] we have no fears of servile insurrection [i.e. a slave revolt], even of a partial character, we know that his inauguration as President of the United States, with our assent, would have been considered by many of our slaves as the day of their emancipation. 26

Democrat U. S. House Representative William Yancey (who became a Confederate diplomat to Europe and then a Confederate Senator) similarly complained:

[The North is] united in pronouncing slavery a political and social evil. . . . There exists but one party that, either in spirit or sentiment, manifests any disposition to stand by the South and the Constitution, and that is the Democratic Party. . . . The institution of slavery. . . . exists for the benefit of the South and is its chief source of wealth and power; and now in the hour of its peril – assailed by the great Northern antagonistic force [the Republicans and abolitionists] – it must look to the South alone for protection. . . . The question then, naturally arises, what protection have we against the arbitrary course of the Northern majority? . . . The answer is . . . withdraw from it [i.e., secede]! 27

Perhaps the no-holds-barred pro-slavery position of Democrats and southern states was best summarized by Democrat U. S. Senator Judah P. Benjamin of Louisiana (who became the first Attorney General of the Confederacy, then its Secretary of War, and finally its Secretary of State), who declared:

I never have admitted any power in Congress to prohibit slavery in the territories anywhere, upon any occasion, or at any time.28 (emphasis added)

Once the South seceded and organized its Confederate government, it immediately sought official diplomatic recognition from Great Britain and France, wrongly believing that by halting the export of Southern cotton into those nations they could strong-arm them into an official recognition of the Confederacy. But Great Britain and Europe already held large stores of cotton in reserve and also had access to textile imports from other nations, so the poorly conceived Confederate plan was unsuccessful.

France had been willing to extend official recognition to the Confederacy but would not do so unless Great Britain did the same. But Charles Francis Adams (U. S. Minister to England, and the son of John Quincy Adams and grandson of John Adams) rallied anti-slavery forces in Europe and England to successfully lobby Great Britain not to extend official recognition to the Confederacy. Those early diplomatic successes by the Union were bolstered by President Lincoln’s 1862 announcement of the Emancipation Proclamation freeing slaves in the American states in rebellion – an act very popular among working-class Britons. By October 1863, the Confederacy, not having received the official support it so badly needed, expelled British representatives from southern states.

Although Great Britain never extended official recognition, she did indirectly assist the South in many ways, including supplying the Confederacy with naval cruisers that pillaged Union merchant shipping and also providing weapons to southern troops, including the Whitworth rifle (considered one of the most accurate rifles in the Civil War). A number of Britons even crossed the ocean to serve in the Confederate Army; and in some British ranks, the sympathy for the Confederacy was so strong that after popular Confederate General Stonewall Jackson was accidentally shot down by his own troops, the mourning was just as visible in parts of England as it had been throughout the Confederacy. Some in the British press even likened the death of Jackson to that of their own national hero, Lord Nelson; and a British monument to General Jackson was even commissioned, paid for, and transported to Richmond, Virginia by Confederate sympathizers in Great Britain.

Christian leaders in France – seeing Britain’s unofficial support for the slave-holding Confederacy – dispatched a fiery letter to British clergy, strongly urging them to oppose every British effort to help the Confederacy. As the French clergy explained:

No more revolting spectacle has ever been before the civilized world than a Confederacy – consisting mainly of Protestants – forming itself and demanding independence, in the nineteenth century of the Christian era, with a professed design of maintaining and propagating slavery. The triumph of such a cause would put back the progress of Christian civilization and of humanity a whole century. 29

Foreign observers clearly saw what southern Democrat U. S. Representatives and Senators in Congress had already announced: the Civil War was the result of the South’s desire to perpetuate slavery.

3. The Confederate Constitution

On February 9, 1861 (following the secession of the seventh state), the seceded states organized their new Confederate government, electing Jefferson Davis (a resigned Democrat U. S. Senator from Mississippi) as their national president and Alexander Stephens (a resigned Democrat U. S. Representative from Georgia) as their national vice-president. On March 11 (only a week after the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln as President [Confederate apologists not only claim that slavery was not the central issue to the Confederacy but they also frequently portray Abraham Lincoln as a dictator, tyrant, atheist, homosexual, incompetent, drunk, etc. To “prove” this view, they rely heavily on The Real Lincoln by Thomas Dilorenzo (2002), The Real Lincoln by Charles Minor (1901), and Herndon’s Lincoln by William H. Herndon (1888). These three books (and a few others) portray Lincoln in a negative light, but literally hundreds of other scholarly biographies written about Lincoln – including by Pulitzer Prize-winning historians such as Carl Sandburg, Ida Tarbell, Garry Wills, Merrill Peterson, Don Fehrenbacher, and others – reached an opposite conclusion.
A similar corollary would be to study the life of Jesus only by reading The DaVinci Code or The Last Temptation of Christ, or to study the life of George Washington only by using W. E. Woodward’s George Washington: The Image and the Man. In both cases, those writings present a view of that person but hundreds of other writings present an opposite and more accurate view; so, too, with Lincoln. The view of Lincoln presented by Confederate apologists is indeed a view, but it is contradicted by scores of other writers who, after examining all the historical evidence, reached an opposite conclusion.]), a constitution was adopted for the new confederacy of slave-holding states – a constitution that explicitly protected slavery in numerous clauses:

ARTICLE I, Section 9, (4) No bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law denying or impairing the right of property in Negro slaves shall be passed.
ARTICLE IV, Section 2, (1) The citizens of each state . . . shall have the right of transit and sojourn in any state of this Confederacy with their slaves and other property; and the right of property in said slaves shall not be thereby impaired.
ARTICLE IV, Section 2, (3) [A] slave or other person held to service or labor in any state or territory of the Confederate States under the laws thereof, escaping or lawfully carried into another, shall . . . be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such slave belongs.
ARTICLE IV, Section 3, (3) The Confederate States may acquire new territory. . . . In all such territory, the institution of Negro slavery as it now exists in the Confederate States shall be recognized and protected by Congress and by the Territorial government; and the inhabitants of the several Confederate States and Territories shall have the right to take to such Territory any slaves lawfully held by them in any of the States or Territories of the Confederate States. 30

Ironically, southern apologists claim that the Confederacy was formed to preserve “states’ rights,” yet the Confederacy expressly prohibited any state from exercising its own “state’s right” to end slavery. Clearly, the Confederacy’s real issue was the preservation of slavery at all costs – even to the point that it constitutionally forbade the abolition of slavery by any of its member states.

4. Declaration of Confederate Vice-President Alexander Stephens

On March 21, 1861 (less than two weeks after the Confederacy had formed its constitution), Confederate Vice-President Alexander Stephens delivered a policy speech setting forth the purpose of the new government. That speech was entitled “African Slavery: The Corner-Stone of the Southern Confederacy.” In it, Stephens first acknowledged that the Founding Fathers – even those from the South – had never intended for slavery to remain in America:

The prevailing ideas entertained by him [Thomas Jefferson] and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature – that it was wrong in principle – socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was that somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent [temporary] and pass away. 31

What did Vice-President Stephens and the new Confederate nation think about these anti-slavery ideas of the Founding Fathers?

Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. . . . and the idea of a government built upon it. . . . Our new government [the Confederate States of America] is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid – its cornerstone rests – upon the great truth that the Negro is not equal to the white man. That slavery – subordination to the superior [white] race – is his natural and moral condition. This – our new [Confederate] government – is the first in the history of the world based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth. 32 (emphasis added)

Notice that by the title (as well as the content) of his speech, Confederate Vice-President Stephens affirmed that slavery was the central issue distinguishing the Confederacy.

Were Economic Policies a Major Factor in Secession?

Many southern apologists assert that the primary cause of the Civil War was unjust economic policies imposed on the South by northerners in Congress, 33 but secession records refute that claim. In fact, of the eleven secession documents, only five mention economic issues – and each was in direct conjunction with slavery. For example:

Our position is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery – the greatest material interest of the world. Its labor supplies the product which constitutes by far the largest and most important portions of commerce of the earth. These products are peculiar to the climate verging on the tropical regions; and by an imperious law of nature, none but the black race can bear exposure to the tropical sun. These products have become necessities of the world, and a blow at slavery is a blow at commerce and civilization. 34 MISSISSIPPI

Texas [and] Louisiana . . . have large areas of fertile, uncultivated lands peculiarly adapted to slave labor; and they are both so deeply interested in African slavery that it may be said to be absolutely necessary to their existence and is the keystone to the arch of their prosperity. 35 LOUISIANA

They [the northern abolitionists in Congress] have impoverished the slave-holding states by unequal and partial legislation [attempting to abolish slavery], thereby enriching themselves by draining our substance. 36 TEXAS

We had shed our blood and paid our money for its [slavery’s] acquisition. . . . [But b]y their [the North’s] declared principles and policy they have outlawed $3,000,000,000 of our property [i.e., slaves] in the common territories of the Union. . . . To avoid these evils, we . . . will seek new safeguards for our liberty, equality, security, and tranquility [by forming the Confederacy]. 37 GEORGIA

We prefer, however, our system of industry . . . by which starvation is unknown and abundance crowns the land – by which order is preserved by an unpaid police and many fertile regions of the world where the white man cannot labor are brought into usefulness by the labor of the African, and the whole world is blessed by our productions. 38 SOUTH CAROLINA

Clearly, even the economic reasons set forth by the South as causes for secession were directly related to slavery. Therefore, to claim that economic policies and not slavery was the cause of the Civil War is to make a distinction where there is no difference.

Summary

Numerous categories of official Confederate documents affirm that slavery was indeed the primary issue that drove the secession movement and was central to the rebellion; it is therefore blatant and unmitigated revisionism to assert – as do Confederate apologists – that “one of the most important” of the “truths of history” is “that the War Between the States was not a rebellion nor was its underlying cause to sustain slavery.” 39

[Many southerners ardently insist on describing the conflict as “The War Between the States” and strenuously object to use of the descriptor “Civil War” (see, for example, “Let’s Say ‘War Between The States’ “ (at: https://www.civilwarpoetry.org/FAQ/wbts.html)). However, cursory examinations of dozens of Confederate documents, as well as histories of the war written by Confederates immediately following the conflict, demonstrate that the descriptor they themselves most frequently used was “Civil War.” (Other descriptors used much less often by southern authors include “War Between the States,” “War of Southern Secession,” and “War for Southern Independence.”) Therefore, the assertion that the term “Civil War” is an inaccurate or biased title for the conflict is refuted by an examination of Confederate soldiers and historians who lived at the time of that conflict. While the question of whether the conflict constituted a “rebellion” was not addressed by this work, a simple query raises a significant implication: If the “war between the states” was not a “rebellion” (as modern southern apologists assert), then why did southern leaders during the Civil War describe themselves and other southern participants as “Rebels” – a derivate of the word “rebellion”? The simple descriptor “Rebels” used by the Confederates themselves certainly suggests that they certainly viewed the Civil War as a “Rebellion.”]


Endnotes

1.The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition, © 2004, by Houghton Mifflin Company.

2. “Derby, Kansas Middle School Suspension Denounced by Sons of Confederate Veterans,” Sons of Confederate Veterans which declares “[T]he War Between the States was fought over issues such as the rights of individual states to set their own tariffs, establish their own governments, and receive full profit from their agricultural production. . . . the question of slavery was brought into the war by Lincoln in late 1862 as an emotional one to bolster the sagging Northern war effort . . .”; and “Children of the Confederacy: Creed,” United Daughters of the Confederacy which declares “We, therefore pledge ourselves . . . to study and teach the truths of history (one of the most important of which is, that the War Between the States was not a rebellion, nor was its underlying cause to sustain slavery)”; etc.

3.Edward McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America During the Great Rebellion (Washington: Philip & Solomons, 1865), 15-16, “Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union,” December 24, 1860.

4.Convention of South Carolina, “Address of South Carolina to Slaveholding States,” Teaching American History, December 25, 1860.

5. “A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union, January 9, 1861.”

6. Addresses Delivered Before the Virginia State Convention, February 1861 (Richmond: Wyatt M. Elliott, 1861), “Address of Hon. Fulton Anderson, of Mississippi,” 7.

7. Orville Victor, The History, Civil, Political and Military, of the Southern Rebellion (New York: James D. Torrey, 1861), 1:194, Florida, “Preliminary Resolution Prior to Secession,” January 7, 1861.

8. Victor, The History (1861) 1:195, “An Ordinance to dissolve the union between the State of Alabama and the other States united under the compact styled ‘The Constitution of the United States of America,’” January 11, 1861.

9. “A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Georgia to Secede from the Federal Union, January 29, 1861.”

10. Dred Scott v. Sanford, 60 U. S. 393, at 449-52 (1856). The Dred Scott decision is arguably the first example of judicial activism by the Supreme Court: it struck down the congressional law of 1820 prohibiting the extension of slavery into certain federal territories.

11. Thomas Hudson McKee, The National Conventions and Platforms of All Political Parties, 1789-1905 (New York: Burt Franklin, 1906), 98, Republican Platform of 1856.

12. See, for example, the Democrat Platform following the Dred Scott decision; not only was there no condemnation of decision, but the platform instead declared: “The Democrat Party will abide by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States upon these questions of constitutional law.” McKee, Platforms, 108.

13. See, for example, the Democrat Platform of 1856 declaring: “That Congress has no power under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States. . . . [And] the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made. . . . [T]he only sound and safe solution of the ‘slavery question.’ . . . [is] non-interference by Congress with slavery in state and territory, or in the District of Columbia.” McKee, Platforms, 91-92.

14. See, for example, the Democrat Platform of 1856 declaring: “All efforts of the abolitionists, or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union.” McKee, Platforms, 91.

15. “Civil War Era: Mayor Wood’s Recommendation of the Secession of New York City,” TeachingAmericanHistory.org, January 6, 1861.

16. The Union! It’s Dangers! And How they can be Averted. Letters from Samuel J. Tilden to Hon. William Kent (New York: 1860), 14-15.

17. William P. Rogers, The Three Secession Movements in the United States (Boston: John Wilson and Son, 1876), 16-17, quoting an editorial in the New York World, September 1, 1864, “The Democratic Platform.”

18. Addresses Delivered Before the Virginia State Convention, February 1861 (Richmond: Wyatt M. Elliott, 1861), “Address of Hon. Henry L. Benning, of Georgia,” 21.

19. Journal of the Secession Convention of Texas, ed. E. W. Winkler (Austin Printing Company, 1912), 122-123, address of George Williamson, Commissioner from Louisiana, February 11, 1861.

20. “A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union, February 2, 1861.”

21. “An Ordinance to repeal the ratification of the Constitution of the United State of America by the State of Virginia, April 17, 1861.”

22. Southern Pamphlets on Secession, November 1860 – April 1861, ed. Jon Wakelyn (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 334, 338, “State or Province? Bond or Free?” by Albert Pike, March 4, 1861.

23. Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 2nd Session (Washington: Congressional Globe Office, 1861), 589, January 28, 1861; Thomas Ricaud Martin, The Great Parliamentary Battle and the Farewell Addresses of Southern Senators on the Eve of the Civil War (New York and Washington: Neale Publishing Co., 1905), 214, farewell speech of Alfred Iverson, January 28, 1861.

24. Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 2nd Session (1861), 268-270, January 7, 1861; Martin, The Great Parliamentary Battle (1905), 148-152, 167, 169, 170-171, 172, farewell speech of Robert Toombs, January 7, 1861.

25. Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 2nd Session (1861), 486, January 21, 1861; Martin, The Great Parliamentary Battle (1905), 202, 204, farewell speech of Clement Clay, January 21, 1861.

26. Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 2nd Session (1861), 721, February 4, 1861; Martin, The Great Parliamentary Battle (1905), 222-223, farewell speech of John Slidell, February 4, 1861.

27. The Secession Crisis, 1860-1861, ed. P. J. Staudenraus (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1963), 16-18, speech of William Yancey, delivered at Columbus, Georgia, in 1855.

28. Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 2nd Session (1861), p. 238, January 3, 1861; Martin, The Great Parliamentary Battle (1905), 222-223, speech of Judah P. Benjamin, January 3, 1861.

29. William J. Jackman, History of the American Nation (Chicago: K Gaynor, 1911), 4:1124.

30. “Constitution of the Confederate States; March 11, 1861,” Avalon Project; Edward McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America During the Great Rebellion (Washington: Philip & Solomons, 1865), 98-99.

31. Echoes From The South (New York: E. B. Treat & Co., 1866), 85; The Pulpit and Rostrum: Sermons, Orations, Popular Lectures, &c. (New York: E. D. Barker, 1862), 69-70, “African Slavery, the Cornerstone of the Southern Confederacy,” by Alexander Stephens, Vice President of the Confederacy.

32. Echoes From The South (1866), 85-86; The Pulpit and Rostrum (1862), 69-70, “African Slavery, the Cornerstone of the Southern Confederacy,” by Alexander Stephens, Vice President of the Confederacy.

33. Mike Scruggs, “Understanding the Causes of the Uncivil War,” Georgia Heritage Council, June 4, 2005; Charles Oliver, “Southern Nationalism – United States Civil War,” Reason, August, 2001, where he is talking about Charles Adams viewing “the Civil War as a fight about taxes, specifically tariffs.”

34. “A Declaration of the Immediate Causes which Induce and Justify the Secession of the State of Mississippi from the Federal Union,” January 9, 1861.

35. Journal of the Secession Convention of Texas, ed. E. W. Winkler (Austin Printing Company, 1912),122-123, address of George Williamson, Commissioner from Louisiana, February 11, 1861.

36. “A Declaration of the Causes which Impel the State of Texas to Secede from the Federal Union, February 2, 1861.”

37. “Georgia Declaration of Secession,” January 29, 1861.

38. Edward McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America During the Great Rebellion (Washington: Philip & Solomons, 1865), 15, “Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union,” December 24, 1860.

39. Plaque from the Children of the Confederacy hanging inside the Texas State Capitol. See also “Children of the Confederacy: Creed,” United Daughters of the Confederacy.

Proclamation – America Seeks God in a Time of War – 1777

In light of America’s current war in Iraq and ongoing war against terrorism, the actions of our Founding Fathers in times of war are instructive. This is the text of the first national day of thanksgiving in America (set for December 18, 1777), declared by the Continental Congress on November 1, 1777:

IN CONGRESS

November 1, 1777

FORASMUCH as it is the indispensable Duty of all Men to adore the superintending Providence of Almighty God; to acknowledge with Gratitude their Obligation to him for benefits received, and to implore such farther Blessings as they stand in Need of; And it having pleased him in his abundant Mercy not only to continue to us the innumerable Bounties of his common Providence, but also to smile upon us in the Prosecution of a just and necessary War, for the Defence and Establishment of our unalienable Rights and Liberties; particularly in that he hath been pleased in so great a Measure to prosper the Means used for the Support of our Troops and to crown our Arms with most signal success:

It is therefore recommended to the legislative or executive powers of these United States, to set apart THURSDAY, the eighteenth Day of December next, for Solemn Thanksgiving and Praise; That with one Heart and one Voice the good People may express the grateful Feelings of their Hearts, and consecrate themselves to the Service of their Divine Benefactor; and that together with their sincere Acknowledgments and Offerings, they may join the penitent Confession of their manifold Sins, whereby they had forfeited every Favour, and their humble and earnest Supplication that it may please GOD, through the Merits of Jesus Christ, mercifully to forgive and blot them out of Remembrance; That it may please him graciously to afford his Blessing on the Governments of these States respectively, and prosper the public Council of the whole; to inspire our Commanders both by Land and Sea, and all under them, with that Wisdom and Fortitude which may render them fit Instruments, under the Providence of Almighty GOD, to secure for these United States the greatest of all human blessings, INDEPENDENCE and PEACE; That it may please him to prosper the Trade and Manufactures of the People and the Labour of the Husbandman, that our Land may yet yield its Increase; To take Schools and Seminaries of Education, so necessary for cultivating the Principles of true Liberty, Virtue and Piety, under his nurturing Hand, and to prosper the Means of Religion for the promotion and enlargement of that Kingdom which consisteth “in Righteousness, Peace and Joy in the Holy Ghost.”

And it is further recommended, that servile Labour, and such Recreation as, though at other Times innocent, may be unbecoming the Purpose of this Appointment, be omitted on so solemn an Occasion.

Extract from the Minutes,

Charles Thomson, Secr.

[This proclamation can be found in: Journals of the American Congress From 1774 to 1788 (Washington: Way and Gideon, 1823), Vol. II, pp. 309-310]


This is text excerpted from a national fast declared by the Continental Congress on March 16, 1776:

IN CONGRESS

In times of impending calamity and distress; when the liberties of America are imminently endangered by the secret machinations and open assaults of an insidious and vindictive administration, it becomes the indispensable duty of these hitherto free and happy colonies, with true penitence of heart, and the most reverent devotion, publickly to acknowledge the over ruling providence of God; to confess and deplore our offences against him; and to supplicate his interposition for averting the threatened danger, and prospering our strenuous efforts in the cause of freedom, virtue, and posterity. . . .

Desirous, at the same time, to have people of all ranks and degrees duly impressed with a solemn sense of God’s superintending providence, and of their duty, devoutly to rely, in all their lawful enterprizes, on his aid and direction, Do earnestly recommend, that Friday, the Seventeenth day of May next, be observed by the said colonies as a day of humiliation, fasting, and prayer; that we may, with united hearts, confess and bewail our manifold sins and transgressions, and, by a sincere repentance and amendment of life, appease his righteous displeasure, and, through the merits and mediation of Jesus Christ, obtain his pardon and forgiveness; humbly imploring his assistance to frustrate the cruel purposes
of our unnatural enemies;

. . . that it may please the Lord of Hosts, the God of Armies, to animate our officers and soldiers with invincible fortitude, to guard and protect them in the day of battle, and to crown the continental arms, by sea and land, with victory and success: Earnestly beseeching him to bless our civil rulers, and the representatives of the people, in their several assemblies and conventions; to preserve and strengthen their union, to inspire them with an ardent, disinterested love of their country; to give wisdom and stability to their counsels; and direct them to the most efficacious measures for establishing the rights of America on the most honourable and permanent basis—That he would be graciously pleased to bless all his people in these colonies with health and plenty, and grant that a spirit of incorruptible patriotism, and of pure undefiled religion, may universally prevail; and this continent be speedily restored to the blessings of peace and liberty, and enabled to transmit them inviolate to the latest posterity. And it is recommended to Christians of all denominations, to assemble for public worship, and abstain from servile labour on the said day.

[Source: Journals of the American Congress From 1774 to 1788 (Washington: Way and Gideon, 1823), Vol. I, pp. 286-287]


Treaty of Tripoli

Founded on the Christian Religion?

A line from this treaty embodies the counter charge most frequently invoked (and most heavily relied upon) by critics in their attempt to disprove what history overwhelmingly documents. Asserting that America never was a Christian nation, they invoke a clause from Article XI of the 1797 Treaty of Tripoli that declared:

The government of the United States is in no sense founded on the Christian religion . . .

On its face, that clause appears to be nondebatable and final, but what the critics fail to acknowledge is that they have lifted eighteen words out of a sentence that is eighty-one words long, thereby appearing to make it say something that it does not say when replaced in the full sentence. Significantly (and much to the chagrin of the critics), when the borrowed segment is placed back into the full sentence, and when the full sentence is placed back into the full treaty, and then when the circumstances that caused the writing of the 1797 Treaty of Tripoli are presented, the portion of a line that they invoke actually strengthens rather than weakens the claim that America was a Christian nation.

Barbary Powers War

The 1797 Treaty of Tripoli was one of several negotiated with during the “Barbary Powers War,” a war against Muslim terrorists that began toward the end of the Revolutionary War and continued through the Presidencies of George Washington, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison.1 During America’s original “War on Terror,” five Muslim countries (Tunis, Morocco, Algiers, Tripoli, and Turkey) were making indiscriminate terrorist attacks against what they claimed to be five “Christian” nations (England, France, Spain, Denmark, and the United States). The conflict so escalated that in 1801, Tripoli formally declared war against the United States,2 thus constituting America’s first official war as an established independent nation.

The Barbary Powers (called Barbary “Pirates” by most Americans) attacked American merchant ships (but not naval ships) wherever they found them. (Prior to the Revolution, American shipping had been protected by the British navy, and during the Revolution by the French navy; but after the Revolution, there was no protection, for America lacked a navy of its own.) These unprotected American merchant ships, built for carrying cargoes rather than for fighting, were easy prey for the warships of the Barbary Powers.

The cargo of these ships was seized as loot and their “Christian” seamen3 were enslaved in retaliation for what Muslims claimed that Christians had done to them (e.g., during the Crusades, Ferdinand and Isabella’s expulsion of Muslims from Granada,4 etc.). So regular were the attacks that in 1793, Algiers alone seized ten American merchant ships and enslaved more then one hundred sailors, holding them for sell or ransom.5

Barbary Powers Treaties

In an attempt to secure a release of the kidnapped seamen and a guarantee of unmolested shipping in the Mediterranean, President Washington dispatched envoys to negotiate terms with those Muslim nations.6 They reached several treaties of “Peace and Amity” with the Muslim Barbary7 powers to ensure “protection” of American commercial ships sailing in the Mediterranean,8 but because America had no navy and no threat of any power against the Muslims, the terms of the treaties were particularly unfavorable for America.

Sometimes she was required to pay hundreds of thousands of dollars (tens of millions in today’s money) of “tribute” (i.e., official extortion) to each Muslim country to receive a “guarantee” of no attacks. Sometimes the Muslims also demanded additional “considerations” – such as building and providing a warship as a “gift” to Tripoli,9 a “gift” frigate to Algiers,10 paying $525,000 to ransom captured American seamen from Algiers,11 etc.

In those treaties, America inserted various declarations attempting to convince the Muslims that as Christians, we were not pursuing a “jihad” against them – that we were engaged in a war on the basis of our religion or theirs. For example, in the 1784 treaty negotiated by Thomas Jefferson and John Adams that eventually ended Moroccan hostilities against the United States, three separate clauses acknowledged the conflict as being one between Muslim and Christian powers;12 and the 1795 Treaty with Algiers contained similar acknowledgments.13 In fact, a subsequent treaty with Algiers even stipulated what would occur if captured America (or European) Christian seamen escaped from Algiers and found refuge on any of our ships:

If . . . any Christians whatsoever, captives in Algiers, make their escape and take refuge on board any of the ships of war, they shall not be required back again nor shall the consul of the United States or commanders of said ships be required to pay anything for the said Christians. As the government of America has, in itself, no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility of any nation, and as the said states have never entered into any voluntary war or act of hostility except in defense of their just rights on the high seas, it is declared by the contracting parties that no pretext arising from religious opinions shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony between the two nations; and the consuls and agents of both nations hall have liberty to celebrate the rites of their respective religions in their own houses.1

No Enmity Against Muslims

America regularly attempted to assure the Muslims that as Christians, we had no religious hatred of them – that we had “no enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility” of the Muslims, and that our substantial differences of “religious opinions shall [n]ever produce an interruption of the harmony between the two nations.” Furthermore, we inserted specific clauses into the treaties to ensure that our Christian diplomats in their Muslim nations could practice their Christian faith, just as their Muslim diplomats in America could practice their Muslim faith.15 Very simply, using multiple clauses, we attempted to reassure them that we were not like the Period II Christian nations that had attacked them simply because they were Muslims; America was not – and never had been – a party to any such religious war.

The 1797 treaty with Tripoli was just one of the many treaties in which each country recognized the religion of the other, and in which America invoked rhetoric designed to prevent a “Holy War” between Christians and Muslims.16 Article XI of that treaty therefore stated:

As the government of the United States of America is not in any sense founded on the Christian religion as it has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Musselmen [Muslims] and as the said States [America] have never entered into any war or act of hostility against any Mahometan nation, it is declared by the parties that no pretext arising from religious opinions shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony existing between the two countries.17

Christian Religion Clause in 1797 Treaty

Critics end the sentence after the words “Christian religion,” thus placing a period in the middle of a sentence where no punctuation existed in the earliest copy of the treaty that was presented to Congress, stopping the sentence in mid-thought.18 However, when Article XI is read in its entirety and its thought concluded where the punctuation so indicates, then the article simply assures Tripoli that we were not one of the Christian nations with an inherent hostility against Muslims and that we would not allow differences in our “religious opinions” to lead to hostility.

(Significantly, even if Article XI contained nothing more than what the critics cite – i.e., “the government of the United States is not in any sense founded on the Christian religion” – this still would not refute America being a Christian nation since the article only refers to the federal government. Recall that while the Founders themselves openly described America as a Christian nation, they also included a constitutional prohibition against any official federal establishment of religion. Therefore, if Article XI is read as a declaration that the federal government of the United States did not establish the Christian religion, such a statement does not repudiate the fact that America was considered a Christian nation. However, the history of the Treaty, of the treaties negotiated before and after it, and the circumstances of the conflict discounts even that reading.)

Even though clauses such as Article XI in the 1797 treaty clearly demonstrate America’s efforts to distinguish itself from the historical European Christian nations that hated Muslims, the diligent diplomatic efforts proved unsuccessful – especially in the case of Tripoli (today’s Muslim Libya); terroristic attacks against American interests continued largely unabated.

Extortion Payments

The extortion payments became a significant expense for the American government. In fact, in 1795, payments to Algiers, including the ransom payment to free 115 American seamen, totaled nearly one million dollars19 – a full sixteen percent of the entire federal budget for that year!20 And Algiers was just one of the five Barbary Powers. Not surprisingly, American presidents and citizens resented remitting such extortion payments simply to enjoy rights already guaranteed them under international law. Preparations were therefore begun for a military remedy, thus embracing President George Washington’s axiom that:

To be prepared for war is onto the most effectual means of preserving peace.21

In the final year of his presidency, Washington urged Congress to undertake the construction of a U. S. Navy to defend American interests.22 President John Adams vigorously pursued those naval plans, earning him the title of “Father of the American Navy.”23 Nevertheless, Adams shied from a direct military confrontation and instead pursued a more pacific approach to the ongoing Barbary Powers encroachments.

By 1800, however, extortion payments to the Muslim terrorists accounted for twenty percent of the federal budget; so when Thomas Jefferson became President in 1801, he refused further payments and decided that it was time to take military action to end the two-decades-old terrorist attacks. Jefferson took General William Eaton (who had been appointed as “Consul to Tunis” by John Adams in 1799) and elevated Eaton to the post of “US Naval Agent to the Barbary States,” with the assignment to lead an American military expedition against Tripoli. Using the brand new American Navy to transport the U. S. Marines overseas, General Eaton led a successful campaign that freed captured American seaman and crushed the Muslim forces. After five years, in 1805 Tripoli signed a treaty on America’s terms, thus ending their aggressions.

Barbary Powers in the Early 1800s

It is from the Marine’s role in that first War on Terror that the U. S. Marines derive part of the opening line of their hymn: “From the halls of Montezuma to the shores of Tripoli . . .” Two centuries later, the Marines were again ordered into action in that same general region of the world in America’s second “War on Terror,” again fighting Muslim terrorists.

By 1807, Muslim Algiers had resumed attacks against American ships and sailors, and eventually declared war on America, but Jefferson was distracted with efforts to keep from going to war against Great Britain or France.

During the War of 1812

When President Madison took office, he, too, became rapidly preoccupied with the issues that led to the war of the War of 1812, and also was unable to respond with military force against the attacks. With the end of that War, in 1815, Madison dispatched warships and the military against three Muslim nations: Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. Beginning first with Algiers, America quickly subdued them and brought them to the peace table where in July 1815 they ratified a treaty that freed all Christians and ended future slavery of Christians.24

The American fleet then departed for Tunis, to deal with them; promptly after the Americans departed, Algiers renounced the peace treaty. However, two of the other Christian nations being harassed by Muslim terrorist attacks (the British and the Dutch) brought their fleets against Algiers and attacked and subdued them.

In 1816, Algiers signed a new peace treaty in which the Muslims agreed that “the practice of condemning Christian Prisoners of War to slavery is hereby and forever renounced.”25 Significantly, when the treaty was signed, it acknowledged the date according to both the Christian and Muslim calendars:

Done in duplicate, in the warlike City of Algiers, in the presence of Almighty God, the 28th day of August, in the year of Jesus Christ, 1816, and in the year of the Hegira, 1231, and the 6th day of the Moon Shawal.26

In the meantime, the American fleet and Marines had subdued Tunis, who signed a treaty ending the Christian enslavement and terrorist attacks. The Americans then signed another treaty Algiers in December 1816, replacing the one Algiers had renounced, in which the Muslims agreed to end the slavery of Christians.27 This conflict ran the course of some thirty-two years, and it involved multiple incursions of the American military into the region, remaining there almost seven years, before the attacks against America ebbed.

Parallels Between Wars on Terror

Interestingly, there are many parallels between America’s two Wars on Terror. Perhaps U. S. Army Colonel Brian Birdwell – a decorated veteran of the modern War on Terror, later crucially-burned during the terrorist attack on the Pentagon – best explained the philosophy behind both Wars on Terror. Birdwell noted that America had only two options in the terrorists war of attrition against the United States: continue to deal with the mosquitoes coming out of the Middle East swamp, or go drain the swamp and thus prevent future mosquitoes from coming out of it.

In both 1801 and 2003, America had endured two decades of mosquitoes prior to its decision to go drain the swamp. Many Americans today forget that the 2003 invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq was preceded by the 1983 Muslim terrorist attacks on the Beirut Embassy and the Marine Barracks; the 1985 Muslim terrorist attack on TWA flight 847; the 1985 attack on the Achillo Lauro cruise ship; the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Centers; the 1996 attacks on the Khobar Towers and multiple African Embassy bombings; the 2000 attack on the U. S. S. Cole, and the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Centers and the Pentagon.

Thousands of Americans across the world had been killed in those earlier two decades of terrorist attacks before America tired of dealing with the mosquitoes and decided to drain the swamp – just as did President Jefferson in 1801 after two decades of similarly harassing attacks.

General William Eaton

Significantly, not only the numerous treaties from the Barbary Powers conflict but also all of the official correspondence from the twenty year conflict leading up first to Jefferson’s and then to Madison’s attack on the Muslim Barbary Powers affirms that it was always viewed by both sides as a conflict between Muslim nations and a Christian one. For example, the writings of General William Eaton both in his early role as a diplomatic envoy under Adams and then in his later role as military theatre commander under Jefferson provide irrefutable testimony of this fact.

Eaton, when writing to President Adam’s Secretary of State, Timothy Pickering, apprised him of why the Muslims would be such dedicated foes:

Taught by revelation that war with the Christians will guarantee the salvation of their souls, and finding so great secular advantages in the observance of this religious duty [i.e., the secular advantage of keeping captured cargoes], their [the Muslims’] inducements to desperate fighting are very powerful.28 (emphasis added)

Eaton also explained why the Muslims found American targets so inviting. For example, when the American cargo ship “Hero” arrived in Tunis, the Muslims immediately noted that the heavy-laden ship was protected by only two tiny four-pound cannons. According to Eaton:

[T]he weak, the crazy situation of the vessel and equipage [armaments] tended to confirm an opinion long since conceived and never fairly controverted among the Tunisians, that the Americans are a feeble sect of Christians.29(emphasis added)

Very simply, this type of weakness invited continued attack – and thus the need (to that point) to negotiate the often extortive treaties to keep peace. Eaton told Secretary Pickering how pleased one of the Barbary rulers had been to receive the payments promised him by America in one of the treaties:

He said, “To speak truly and candidly . . . . we must acknowledge to you that we have never received articles of the kind of so excellent a quality from any Christian nation.”30 (emphasis added)

Eaton’s Account of Battles

When John Marshall became the new Secretary of State in 1800, Eaton promptly informed him:

It is a maxim of the Barbary States that “The Christians who would be on good terms with them must fight well or pay well.”31 (emphasis added)

When General Eaton finally commenced his military action against Tripoli at Jefferson’s order, his personal journal noted:

April 8th…. We find it almost impossible to inspire these wild bigots with confidence in us or to persuade them that, being Christians, we can be otherwise than enemies to Musselmen [Muslims]. We have a difficult undertaking!32 (emphasis added)

May 23rd. Hassien Bey, the commander in chief of the enemy’s forces, has offered by private insinuation for my head six thousand dollars and double the sum for me a prisoner; and $30 per head for Christians. Why don’t he come and take it?33 (emphasis added)

Shortly after the military excursion against Tripoli was successfully terminated, its account was written and published. Even the title of the book bears witness to the nature of the conflict:

The Life of the Late Gen. William Eaton . . . commander of the Christian and Other Forces . . . which Led to the Treaty of Peace Between The United States and The Regency of Tripoli34 (emphasis added)

The numerous documents and treaties surrounding the Barbary Powers Conflict confirm that historically it was always viewed as a conflict between Christian America and Muslim nations. Furthermore, the one line from Article XI of the Treaty of Tripoli singled out by critics does not disprove that America was a Christian nation; to the contrary, when that line is reinstated back into the full sentence and its context, it proves exactly the opposite.


Endnotes

1 Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers, ed. Claude A. Swanson (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1939), I:v.

2 History of the War Between the United States and Tripoli, and Other Barbary Powers (Salem Gazette Office, 1806), 88-89.

3 A General View of the Rise, Progress, and Brilliant Achievements of the American Navy, Down to the Present Time (Brooklyn, 1828), 70-71.

4 Glen Tucker, Dawn Like Thunder: The Barbary Wars and the Birth of the U. S. Navy (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1963), 50.

5 Naval Documents, ed. Swanson (1939), I:55.

6 President Washington selected Col. David Humphreys in 1793 as sole commissioner of Algerian affairs to negotiate treaties with Algeria, Tripoli and Tunis. He also appointed Joseph Donaldson, Jr., as Consul to Tunis and Tripoli. In February of 1796, Humphreys delegated power to Donaldson and/or Joel Barlow to form treaties. James Simpson, U. S. Consul to Gibraltar, was dispatched to renew the treaty with Morocco in 1795. On October 8, 1796, Barlow commissioned Richard O’Brien to negotiate the treaty of peace with Tripoli. See, for example, Gardner W. Allen, Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1905), 46, 52-56; Ray W. Irwin, The Diplomatic Relations of the United States with the Barbary Powers (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1931), 84.

7 See, for example, treaties with: Morocco: ratified by the United States on July 18, 1787 (Treaties and Other International Agreements of the United States of America: 1776-1949, ed. Charles I. Bevans (Washington, D. C.: Department of State, 1976), IX:1278-1285).

Algiers: concluded September 5, 1795; ratified by the U. S. Senate March 2, 1796; “Treaty of Peace and Amity” concluded June 30 and July 6, 1815; proclaimed December 26, 1815 (Treaties and Conventions Concluded Between the United States of America and Other Powers Since July 4, 1776 (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1889), 1-15).

Tripoli: concluded November 4, 1796; ratified June 10, 1797;  “Treaty of Peace and Amity” concluded June 4, 1805; ratification advised by the U. S. Senate April 12, 1806 (Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, Protocols and Agreements between the United States of America and Other Powers: 1776-1909, ed. William M. Malloy (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1910), II:1785-1793).

Tunis: concluded August 1797; ratification advised by the Senate, with amendments, March 6, 1798; alterations concluded March 26, 1799; ratification again advised by the Senate December 24, 1799 (Treaties, Conventions, ed. Malloy (1910), II:1794-1799).

8 Gardner W. Allen, Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 1905), 33, 45, 56, 60.

9 Allen, Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs, 66.

10 Allen, Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs, 57.

11 Allen, Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs, 56.

12 The American Diplomatic Code, Embracing A Collection of Treaties and Conventions Between the United States and Foreign Powers from 1778 to 1834, ed. Jonathan Elliot (Washington: Jonathan Elliot, Jr., 1834), I:473-479, Articles 10, 12, & 24.

13 The American Diplomatic Code, ed. Elliot (1834), I:479-489.

14 The American Diplomatic Code, ed. Elliot (1834), I:492-493, Articles 14 & 15.

15 See, for example, The American Diplomatic Code, ed. Elliot (1834), I:493, 1815 treaty with Algiers, Article 15; Treaties, Conventions, ed. Malloy ( 1910), II:1791, 1805 treaty with Tripoli, Article XIV.

16 (See general bibliographic information from footnote 7 above for each of these references) Morocco: see Articles 10, 11, 17, and 24; Algiers: See Treaty of 1795, Article 17, and Treaty of 1815, Article 17; Tripoli: See Treaty of 1796, Article 11, and Treaty of 1805, Article 14; Tunis: See forward to Treaty.

17 Acts Passed at the First Session of the Fifth Congress of the United States of America (Philadelphia: William Ross, 1797), 43-44, “Treaty of Peace and Friendship Between the United States of America and the Bey and Subjects of Tripoli of Barbary,” signed November 4, 1796.

18 The excerpt from the Treaty of Tripoli above is from 1797, the same year that the treaty went into effect, and is thus from the earliest and most authoritative printing. Nonetheless, there are some later printings of the Treaty of Tripoli, decades later, such as that which was sanctioned by Congress in the 1832 volume set American State Papers, in which the editors of that later work inserted extra punctuation into the text not present in the first printing:

“As the government of the United States of America is not, in any sense, founded on the Christian Religion; as it has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility, of Musselmen [Muslims]; and, as the said States [America] never have entered into any war, or act of hostility against any Mehomitan nation, it is declared by the parties that no pretext arising from religious opinions, shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony existing between the two countries.”

The insertions of these semi-colons and commas do not change the meaning of the document. The latter premises (“it has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquility, of Musselmen … the said States never have entered into any war, or act of hostility against any Mehomitan nation”) still contextualize the first premise (“the government of the United States of America is not, in any sense, founded on the Christian Religion”) and narrow it down from a general assertion of the United States government’s character to a niche commentary on the relationship of American Christianity to Islam.

Significantly, when one compares this singular quotation from the Treaty of Tripoli to the full Christian heritage of the United States, it quickly becomes clear that the quotation must be read in a niche context in order to make any sense.

19 George Washington, The Writings of George Washington, ed. John C Fitzpatrick (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1940), 33:385, to the Secretary of the Treasury, May 29, 1794; Gerard W. Gawalt, “America and the Barbary Pirates: An International Battle Against an Unconventional Foe,” Library of Congress.

20 U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, “Historical Statistics of the United States” (New York: Kraus International Publications, 1989), 2:1104.

21 Writings of George Washington, ed. Fitzpatrick, 30:491, “First Annual Address to Congress,” January 8, 1790.

22 James Fenimore Cooper, The History of the Navy of the United States of America (Philadelphia: Thomas, Cowperthwait & Co., 1847), 151. A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents: 1789-1897, ed. James D. Richardson (Washington, D. C.: Published by Authority of Congress, 1899), I:201-202, George Washington, “Eighth Annual Address,” December 7, 1796.

23 Dictionary of American Naval Fighting Ships, (1968), III:521-523, s.v. John Adams.

24 Treaties and Conventions Concluded Between the United States of America and Other Powers Since July 4, 1776 (Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1889), 13-14, 1815 treaty with Algiers, Articles XIII, XV, and XVII.

25 A Complete Collection of the Treaties and Conventions of Reciprocal Regulations at Present Subsisting Between Great Britain and Foreign Powers, ed. Lewis Hertslet (London: Richard Clay & Sons, 1905; originally printed in 1840), I:88, “Declaration of the Dey of Algiers,” August 28, 1816.

26 Collection of the Treaties and Conventions, ed. Hertslet (1905; originally printed in 1840), I:88, “Declaration of the Dey of Algiers,” August 28, 1816.

27 “Treaty of Peace and Amity, with Article Additional and Explanatory,” The Avalon Project, December 22-23, 1816, see Articles XIV, XV, and XVII.

28 Charles Prentiss, The Life of the Late Gen. William Eaton: Several Years an Officer in the United States’ Army, Consul at the Regency of Tunis on the Coast of Barbary, and Commander of the Christian and Other Forces that Marched From Egypt Through the Desert of Barca, in 1805, and Conquered the City of Derne, Which Led to the Treaty of Peace Between the United States and the Regency of Tripoli (Brookfield: E. Merriam & Co., 1813), 92-93, from General Eaton to Timothy Pickering on June 15, 1799.

29 Prentiss, The Life of the Late Gen. William Eaton, 146, from General Eaton to Mr. Smith on June 27, 1800.

30 Prentiss, The Life of the Late Gen. William Eaton, 150, from General Eaton to Timothy Pickering on July 4, 1800.

31 Prentiss, The Life of the Late Gen. William Eaton, 185, from General Eaton to General John Marshall on September 2, 1800.

32 Prentiss, The Life of the Late Gen. William Eaton, 325, from Eaton’s journal, April 8, 1805.

33 Prentiss, The Life of the Late Gen. William Eaton, 334, from Eaton’s journal, May 23, 1805.

34 Prentiss, The Life of the Late Gen. William Eaton.

Sermon – Military – 1755


Samuel Davies (1724-1761) was licensed to preach in 1746. He moved to Hanover County, VA in 1747 where he became a circuit preacher for seven churches. Davies served as President of Princeton University for eighteen months before his death. (For more sermons by Samuel Davies, see here.)

This sermon was preached on August 17, 1755. In it, Rev. Davies makes brief mention of Col. George Washington who had been involved in the July 9th Battle of the Monongahela during the French & Indian War (1754-1763). Learn more about this battle (and about Washington’s actions specifically) in WallBuilders’ book The Bulletproof George Washington.


sermon-military-1755

RELIGION

AND

PATRIOTISM

The Constituents of a Good

SOLDIER.

A

SERMON

Preached to

Captain Overton’s Independent Company of Volunteers, raised in Hanover County, Virginia, August 17, 1755.

By Samuel Davies, A. M. Minister of
The Gospel there
.

 

2 Sam. x. 12.

Be of good Courage, and let us play the Men, for our People, and for the Cities of our God: And the Lord do that which seemeth him good.

An Hundred Years of Peace and Liberty in such a World as this, is a very unusual Thing; and yet our Country has been the happy Spot that has been distinguished with such a long Series of Blessings, with little or no Interruption. Our Situation in the middle of the British Colonies, and our Separation from the French, those eternal Enemies of Liberty and Britons, on the one Side by the vast Atlantic, and on the other by a long Ridge of Mountains, and a wide extended Wilderness, have for many Years been a Barrier to us; and while other Nations have been involved in War, we have not been alarmed with the Sound of the Trumpet, nor seen Garments rolled in Blood.

But now the Scene is changed: Now we begin to experience in our Turn the Fate of the Nations of the Earth. Our Territories are invaded by the Power, and Perfidy of France; our Frontiers ravaged by merciless Savages, and our Fellow-Subjects there murdered with all the horrid Arts of Indian and Popish Torture. Our General, unfortunately brave, is fallen, an Army of 1300 choice Men routed, our fine Train of Artillery taken, and all this (Oh mortifying Thought!) all this by 4 or 500 dastardly, insidious Barbarians.

These Calamities have not come upon us without Warnings. We were long ago apprized of the ambitious Schemes of our enemies, and their Motions to carry them into Execution: And had we taken timely Measures they might have been crushed, before they could have arrived at such a formidable Height. But how have we generally behaved in such a critical Time? Alas! our Country has been sunk in a deep Sleep: A stupid Security has unmanned the Inhabitants: They could not realize a Danger at the Distance of 2 or 300 Miles: They would not be persuaded, that even French Papists could seriously design us an Injury: And hence little, or nothing has been done for the Defence of our Country in Time, except by the Compulsion of Authority. And now, when the Cloud thickens over our Heads, and alarms every thoughtful Mind with its near Approach, Multitudes, I am afraid, are still dissolved in careless Security, or enervated with an effeminate, cowardly Spirit. When the melancholy News first reached us concerning the Fate of our Army, then we saw how natural it is for Presumptuous to fall into the opposite Extreme of unmanly Despondence, and Consternation; and how little Men could do in such a Pannic for their own Defence. We have also suffered our poor Fellow-Subjects in the Frontier Counties to fall a helpless Prey to Blood-thirsty Savages, without affording them proper Assistance, which as Members of the same Body Politic they had a Right to expect. They might as well have continued in a State of Nature, as be united in Society, if in such an Article of extreme Danger, they are left to shift for themselves. The bloody Barbarians have exercised on some of them the most unnatural and leisurely Tortures; and others they have butchered in their Beds, or in some unguarded Hour, Can human Nature bear the Horror of the Sight! See yonder? The hairy Scalps clotted with Gore! The mangled Limbs! Tomen ript up! the Heart and Bowels, still palpitating with Life, and smoking on the Ground! See the Savages swilling their Blood, and imbibing a more outrageous Fury with the inhuman Draught! Sure these are not Men; they are not Beasts of Prey; they are something worse; they must be infernal Furies in human Shape. And have we tamely looked on, and suffered them to exercise these hellish Barbarities upon our Fellow-Men, our Fellow-Subjects, our Brethren? Alas! with what Horror must we look upon ourselves, as being little better than Accessaries to their Blood?

And shall these Ravages go on uncheck’d? Shall Virginia incur the Guilt, and the everlasting Shame of tamely exchanging her Liberty, her Religion, and her All, for arbitrary Gallic Power, and for Popish Slavery, Tyranny, and Massacre? Alas! are there none of her Children, that enjoyed all the Blessings of her Peace, that will espouse her Cause, and befriend her now in the Time of her Danger? Are Britons utterly degenerated by so short a Remove from their Mother-Country? Is the Spirit of Patriotism entirely extinguished among us? And must I give thee up for lost, O my Country! And all that is included in that important Word? Must I look upon thee as a conquered, enslaved Province of France, and the Range of Indian Savages? My Heart breaks at the Thought. And must ye, our unhappy Brethren in our Frontiers, must ye stand the single Barriers of a ravaged Country, unassisted, unbefriended, unpitied? Alas! must I draw these shocking Conclusions?

No; I am agreeably checked by the happy, encouraging Prospect now before me. Is it a pleasing Dream? Or do I really see a Number of brave Men, without the Compulsion of Authority, without the Prospect of Gain, voluntarily associated in a Company, to march over trackless Mountains, the Haunts of wild Beasts, or fiercer Savages, Rocks and Mountains, into an hideous Wilderness, to succor their helpless Fellow-Subjects, and guard their Country? Yes, Gentlemen, I see you here upon this Design; and were you all united to my Heart by the most endearing Ties of Nature, or Friendship, I could not wish to see you engaged in a nobler Cause; and whatever the Fondness of Passion might carry me to, I am sure my Judgment would never suffer me to persuade you to desert it. You all generously put your Lives in your Hands; and sundry of you have nobly disengaged yourselves from the strong and tender Ties that twine about the Heart of a Father, or a Husband, to confine you at home in inglorious Ease, and sneaking Retirement from Danger, when your Country calls for your Assistance. While I have you before me, I have high Thoughts of a Virginian; and I entertain the pleasing Hope that my Country will yet emerge out of her Distress, and flourish with her usual Blessings. I am gratefully sensible of the unmerited Honour you have done me, in making Choice of me to address you upon so singular and important an Occasion: And I am sure I bring with me a Heart ardent to serve you and my Country, though I am afraid my Inability, and the Hurry of my Preparations, may give you Reason to repent your Choice. I cannot begin my Address to you with more proper Words than those of a great General, which I have read to you: Be of good Courage, and play the Men, for your People, and for the Cities of your God; and the Lord do what seemeth him good.

My present Design is, to illustrate and improve the sundry Parts of my Text, as They lie in order, which you will find rich in sundry important Instructions, adapted to this Occasion.

The Words were spoken just before a very threatening Engagement by Joab, who had long served under that pious Hero King David, as the General of his Forces, and had shewn himself an Officer of true Courage, conducted with Prudence. The Ammonites, a neighbouring Nation, at frequent Hostilities with the Jews, had ungratefully offered Indignities to some of David’s Courtiers whom he had sent to condole their King upon the Death of his Father, and congratulate his Accession to the Crown. Our holy Religion teaches us to bear personal Injuries without private Revenge: But national Insults, and Indignities ought to excite the public Resentment. Accordingly King David, when he heard that the Ammonites, with their Allies, were preparing to invade his Territories, and carry their Injuries still farther, sent Joab his General, with his Army, to repel them, and avenge the Affronts they had offered his Subjects. It seems the Army of the Enemy were much more numerous than David’s: Their Mercenaries from other Nations were no less than 31,000 Men; and no Doubt the Ammonites themselves were a still greater Number. These numerous Forces were disposed in the most advantageous Manner, and surrounded Joab’s Men, that they might attack them both in Flank and Front at once, and cut them all off, leaving no Way for them to escape. Prudence is of the utmost Importance in the Conduct of an Army: And Joab, in this critical Situation, gives a Proof how much he was Master of it, and discovers the steady Composure of his Mind, while thus surrounded with Danger. He divides his Army, and gives one Party to his Brother Abishai, who commanded next to him, and the other he kept the Command of himself, and resolves to attack the Syrian Mercenaries, who seemed the most formidable; he gives Orders to his Brother in the mean Time to Fall upon the Ammonites; and he animates him with this noble Advice: Be of good Courage, and let us play the Men, for our People and the Cities of our God, which are now at Stake: And the Lord do what seemeth him good.

Be of good Courage, and let us play the Men:–Courage is an essential Character of a good soldier:–Not a savage ferocious Violence:–Not a fool-hardy Insensibility of Danger, or headstrong Rashness to rush into it:–Not the Fury of enflamed Passions, broke loose from the Government of Reason: But calm, deliberate, rational Courage; a steady, judicious, thoughtful Fortitude; the Courage of a Man, and not of a Tyger: Such a Temper as Addison ascribes with so much Justice to the famous Marlborough and Eugene:

Whose Courage dwelt not in a troubled Flood
Of mounting Spirits, and fermenting Blood;–But
Lodg’d in the Soul, with Virtue over-rul’d,
Inflam’d by Reason, and by Reason cool’d
. 1
This is true Courage, and such as we ought all to cherish in the present dangerous Conjuncture. This will render Men vigilant and cautious against Surprizes, prudent and deliberate in concerting their Measures, and steady and resolute in executing them. But without this they will fall into unsuspected Dangers, which will strike them with wild Consternation: They will meanly shun Dangers that are surmountable, or precipitantly rush into those that are causeless, or evidently fatal, and throw away their Lives in vain.

There are some Men who naturally have this heroic Turn of Mind. The wise Creator has adapted the natural Genius of Mankind, with a surprising and beautiful Variety to the State in which they are placed in this World. To some he has given a Turn for intellectual Improvement, and the liberal Arts and Sciences; to others a Genius for Trade; to others a Dexterity in Mechanics, and the ruder Arts, necessary for the Support of human Life: The Generality of Mankind may be capable of tolerable Improvements in any of these: But it is only they whom the God of Nature has formed for them, that will shine in them, every Man in his own Province. And as God well knew what a World of degenerate, ambitious, and revengeful Creatures this is; as he knew that Innocence could not be protected, Property and Liberty secured, nor the Lives of Mankind preserved from the lawless Hands of Ambition, Avarice and Tyranny, without the Use of the Sword; as he knew this would be the only Method to preserve Mankind from universal Slavery; he has formed some Men for this dreadful Work, and fired them with a martial Spirit, and a glorious Love of Danger. Such a Spirit, though most pernicious when ungoverned by the Rules of Justice, and Benevolence to Mankind, is a public Blessing, when rightly directed: Such a Spirit, under God, has often mortified the Insolence of Tyrants, checked the Incroachments of arbitrary Power, and delivered enslaved and ruined Nations: It is as necessary in its Place, for our Subsistence in such a World as this, as any of the gentler Genius’s among Mankind; and it is derived from the same divine Original. He that winged the Imagination of an Homer or a Milton, he that gave Penetration to the Mind of Newton, he that made Tubal-Cain an Instructor or Artificers in Brass and Iron, 2 and gave Skill to Bezaleel and Aholiab in curious Works; 3 nay he that sent out Paul and his Brethren to conquer the Nations with the gentler Weapons of Plain Truth, Miracles, and the Love of a crucified Saviour; He, even that same gracious Power, has formed and raised up an Alexander, a Julius Caesar, a William, 4 and a Marlborough, and inspired them with this enterprising, intrepid Spirit, the Two first to scourge a guilty World, and the Two last to save Nations on the Brink of Ruin. There is something glorious and inviting in Danger, to such noble Minds; and their Breasts beat with a generous Ardour when it appears.

Our Continent is like to become the Seat of War; and we, for the future (till the sundry European Nations that have planted Colonies in it, have fixed their Boundaries by the Sword) have no other Way left to defend our Rights and Privileges. And has God been pleased to disuse some Sparks of this Martial Fire through our Country? I hope he has: And though it has been almost extinguished by so long a Peace, and a Deluge of Luxury and Pleasure, now I hope it begins to kindle: And may I not produce you my Brethren, who are engaged in this Expedition, as Instances of it? 5 Well, cherish it as a sacred Heaven-born Fire; and let the Injuries done to your Country administer Fewel to it; and kindle it in those Breasts where it has been hitherto smothered or inactive.

Though Nature be the rue Origin of military Courage, and it can never be kindled to a high Degree, where there is but a feeble Spark of it innate; yet there are sundry Things that may improve it even in Minds full of natural Bravery, and animate those who are naturally of an effeminate Spirit to behave with a tolerable Degree of Resolution and Fortitude, in the Defence of their Country.—-I need not tell you that it is of great Importance for this End that you should be at Peace with God, and your own Conscience, and prepared for your future State. Guilt is naturally timorous, and often struck into a Panic even with imaginary Dangers; and an infidel Courage, proceeding from Want of Thought, or a stupid Carelessness about our Welfare through an immortal Duration beyond the Grave, is very unbecoming a Man or a Christian. The most important Periods of our Existence, my Brethren, lie Beyond the Grave; and it is a Matter of much more Concern to us, what will be our Doom in the World to come, than what becomes of us in this. We are obliged to defend our Country; and that is a sneaking, sordid Soul indeed that can desert it at such a Time as this: But this is not all; we are also obliged to take Care of an immortal Soul; a Soul that must exist, and be happy or miserable, through the Revolutions of eternal Ages. This should be our first Care; and when this is secured, Death, in its most Chocking Forms, is but a Release from a World of Sin and Sorrows, and an Introduction into everlasting Life and Glory. But how can this be secured? Not by a Course of impenitent Sinning; not by a Course of stupid Carelessness and Inaction: But by vigorous and resolute striving; by serious and affectionate Thoughtfulness about our Condition, and by a conscientious and earnest Attendance upon the Means that God has graciously appointed for our Recovery. But “we are Sinners, heinous Sinners against a God of infinite Purity and inexorable Justice. Yes, we are so; and does not the Posture of Penitents then become us? Is not Repentance, deep, brokenhearted Repentance, a Duty suitable to Persons of our Character? Undoubtedly it is: And therefore, O my Countrymen, and particularly you brave Men that are the Occasion of this Meeting, Repent: Fall down upon your Knees before the provoked Sovereign of Heaven and Earth, against whom you have rebelled. Dissolve and melt in penitential Sorrows at his Feet; and he will tell you Arise, be of good Chear; your Sins are forgiven you. “But will Repentance make Atonement for our Sins? Will our Tears wash away their Guilt? Will our Sorrows merit Forgiveness?” No, my Brethren, after you have done all, you are but unprofitable Servants: After all your Sorrows, and Prayers and Tears, you deserve to be punished as obnoxious Criminals: That would be a sorry Government indeed, where Repentance, perhaps extorted by the servile Fear of Punishment, would make Atonement for every Offence. But I bring you glad Tidings of great Joy, To you is born a Saviour, a Saviour of no mean Character; he is Christ the Lord. And have you never heard that he has made Reconciliation for Iniquity, and brought in everlasting Righteousness; that he suffered, the Just for the Unjust; that God is well-pleased for his Righteousness-Sake, and declares himself willing to be reconciled to all that believe in him, and cheerfully accept him as their Saviour and Lord. Have you never heard these joyful Tidings, O guilty, self-condemned Sinners? Sure you have. Then away to Jesus, away to Jesus ye whose Consciences are loaden with Guilt, ye whose Hearts fail within you at the Thought of Death, and the Tribunal of Divine Justice; ye who are destitute of all personal Righteousness to procure your Pardon, and recommend you to the Divine Favour: Fly to Jesus on the Wings of Faith, all of you, of every Age and Character; for you all stand in the most absolute Need of him; and without him you must perish every Soul of You. But alas! we find ourselves utterly unable to repent and fly to Jesus: Our Hearts are hard and unbelieving, and if the Work depend upon us, it will forever remain undone. True, my Brethren, so the Case is; but do ye not know that this guilty Earth is under the Distillings of Divine Grace, that Jesus is intrusted with the Influences of the Spirit, which can work in you both to will and to do; and that he is willing to give his Holy Spirit to them that ask him? If you know this, you know here to go for Strength; therefore cry mightily to God for it. This I earnestly recommend to all my Hearers, and especially to you Gentlemen, and others, that are now about generously to risqué your Lives for your Country. Account this the best Preparative to encounter Danger and Death; the best Incentive to true, rational Courage. What can do you a lasting Injury, while you have a reconciled God smiling upon you from on high, a peaceful Conscience animating you within, and a happy Immortality just before you! Sure you may bid Defiance to Dangers and Death in their most shocking Forms. You have answered the End of this Life already by preparing for another; and how can you depart off this mortal Stage more honourably, than in the Cause of Liberty, of Religion, and your Country? But if any of you are perplexed with gloomy Fears about this important Affair, or conscious you are entirely unprepared for Eternity, what must you do? Must you seek to prolong your Life, and your Time for Preparation, by mean or unlawful Ways, by a cowardly Desertion of the Cause of your Country, and shifting for your little Selves, as though you had no Connection with Society? Alas! this would but aggravate your Guilt, and render your Condition still more perplexed and discouraging. Follow the Path of Duty wherever it leads you, for it will be always the safest in the Issue. Diligently improve the Time you have to make your Calling and Election sure, and you have Reason to hope for Mercy, and Grace to help in such a Time of Need.—-You will forgive me, if I have enlarged upon this Point, even to a Digression; for I thought it of great Consequence to you all. I shall now proceed with more Haste.

It is also of great Importance to excite and keep up our Courage in such an Expedition, that we should be fully satisfied we engage in a righteous Cause,—and in a Cause of great Moment; for we cannot prosecute a suspected, or a wicked Scheme, which our own Minds condemn, but with Hesitation, and timorous Apprehensions; and we cannot engage with Spirit and Resolution in a trifling Scheme, from which we can expect no Consequences worth our vigorous Pursuit. This Joab might have in View in his heroic Advice to his Brother; Be of good Courage, says he, and let us play the Men, for our People, and for the Cities of our God. q. d. We are engaged in a righteous Cause; we are not urged on by an unbounded Lust of Power or Riches, to encroach upon the Rights and Properties of others, and disturb our quiet Neighbours: We act entirely upon the defensive, repel unjust Violence, and avenge nation Injuries; we are fighting for our People, and for the Cities of our God. We are also engaged in a Cause of the utmost Importance. We fight for our People; and what Endearments are included in hat significant Word! Our Liberty, our Estates, our Lives! Our King, our Fellow-Subjects, our venerable Fathers, our tender Children, the Wives of our Bosom, our Friends the Sharers of our Souls, our Posterity to the latest Ages! And who would not use his Sword with an exerted Arm, when these lie at Stake? But even these are not all: We fight for the Cities of our God. God has distinguished us with a Religion from Heaven; and hitherto we have enjoyed the quiet and unrestrained Exercise of it: He has condescended to be a God to our Nation, and to hour our Cities with his gracious Presence, and the Institutions of his Worship, the Means to make us wise, good and happy: But now these most invaluable Blessings lie at Stake; these are the Prize for which we contend; and must it not excite all our active Powers to the highest Pitch of Exertion? Shall we tamely submit to Idolatry, and religious Tyranny? No, God forbid: Let us play the Men, since we take up Arms for our People, and the Cities of our God.

I need not tell you how applicable this Advice, thus paraphrased, is to the Design of the present associated Company. The Equity of our Cause is most evident. The Indian Savages have certainly no Right to murder our Fellow-Subjects, living quiet and inoffensive in their Habitations; nor have the French any Power to hound them out upon us, nor to invade the Territories belonging to the British Crown, and secured to it by the Faith of Treaties. This is a clear Case. And it is equally clear, that you are engaged in a Cause of the utmost Importance. To protect your Brethren from the most bloody Barbarities—to defend the Territories of the best of Kings against the Oppression and Tyranny of arbitrary Power, to secure the inestimable Blessings of Liberty, British Liberty, from the Chains of French Slavery—to preserve your Estates, for which you have sweat and toiled, from falling a Prey to greedy Vultures, Indians, Priests, Friers, and hungry Galic Slaves, or not-more-devouring Flames—to guard your Religion, the pure Religion of Jesus, streaming uncorrupted from the sacred Fountain of the Scriptures; the most excellent, rational and divine Religion that ever was made known to the Sons of Men; to guard so dear so precious a Religion (my Heart grows warm while I mention it) against Ignorance, Superstition, Idolatry, Tyranny over Conscience, Massacre, Fire and Sword, and all the Mischiefs beyond Expression, with which Popery is pregnant—to keep from the cruel Hands of Barbarians and Papists, your Wives, your Children, your Parents, your Friends—to secure the Liberties conveyed to you by your brave Fore-fathers, and bought with their Blood, that you may transmit them uncurtailed to your Posterity—these are the Blessings you contend for; all these will be torn from your eager Grasp, if this Colony should become a Province of France. And Virginians! Britons! Christians! Protestants! if these Names have any Import or Energy, will you not strike home in such a Cause? Yes, this View of the Matter must fire you into Men; methinks the cowardly Soul must tremble, left the Imprecation of the Prophet fall upon him, Cursed be the Man that keepeth back his Sword from Blood. To this shocking, but necessary Work, the Lord now calls you, and cursed is he that doth the Work of the Lord deceitfully; that will not put his Hand to it, when it is in his Power, or that will not perform it with all his Might. 6 The People of Meroz lay at home in Ease, while their Brethren were in the Field, delivering their Country from Slavery. And what was their Doom? Curse ye Meroz, said the Angel of the Lord, curse ye bitterly the Inhabitants thereof, because they came not to the Help of the Lord, to the Help of the Lord against the Mighty. 7 I count myself happy that I see so many of you generously engaged in such a Cause; but when I view it in this Light, I cannot but be concerned that there are so few to join you. Are there but 50 or 60 Persons in this large and populous County that can be spared from home for a few Weeks upon so necessary a Design, or that are able to bear the Fatigues of it? Where are the Friends of human Nature, where the Lovers of Liberty and Religion? Now is the Time for you to come forth, and shew yourselves. Nay, where is the Miser? Let him arise and defend his Mammon, or he may soon have Reason to cry out with Micah, They have taken away my Gods, and what have I more? Where is the tender Soul, on whom the Passions of a Husband, a Father, or a Son, have a peculiar Energy? Arise, and march away; you had better be absent from those you love for a little while, than see them butchered before your Eyes, or doomed to eternal Poverty and Slavery. The Association now forming is not yet compleat; and if it were, it would be a glorious Thing to form another. Therefore, as an Advocate for your King, your Fellow-Subjects, your Country, your Relatives, your earthly All: I do invite and intreat all of you, who have not some very sufficient Reason against it, voluntarily to enlist, and go out with those brave Souls, who have set you so noble an Example. It will be more advantageous to go out in Time, and more honourable to go out as Volunteers, than to be compelled to it by Authority, when perhaps it may be too late.

The Consideration of the Justice and Importance of the Cause may also encourage You to hope, that the Lord of Hosts will espouse it, and render its Guardians successful, and return them in Safety to the Arms of their longing Friends. The Event however is in his Hands; and it is much better there, than if it were in Yours. This Thought is suggested with beautiful Simplicity, in the remaining Part of my Text, The Lord do that which seemeth him good. This may be looked upon in various Views, as,

1. It may be understood as the Language of Uncertainty, and Modesty. Q. d. Let us do all we can; but after all, the Issue is uncertain; we know not, as yet, to what Side God will incline the Victory. Such Language as this, my Brethren, becomes us in all our Undertaking; it sounds Creature-like, and God approves of such self-diffident Humility. But to indulge sanguine and confident Expectations of Victory, to boast when we put on our Armour, as though we were putting it off, and to derive our high Hopes from our own Power and good Management, without any Regard to the Providence of God, this is too lordly and assuming for such feeble Mortals; such Insolence is generally mortified, and such a haughty Spirit, is the Fore-runner of a Fall. Therefore, though I do not apprehend Your Lives will be in any great Danger in Your present Expedition to range the Frontiers, and clear them of the skulking Indians; yet, I would not flatter You, my Brethren, with too high Hopes either of Victory or Safety. I cannot but entertain the pleasing Prospect of congratulating You with many of Your Friends, upon your successful Expedition, and safe Return: And yet it is very possible our next Interview may be in that strange untried World beyond the Grave. You are, however, in the Hands of God, and he will deal with you as it seemeth him good: And I am persuaded You would not wish it were otherwise; You would not now practically retract the Petition You have so often offered up, Thy Will be done on Earth, as it is in Heaven.

2. This Language; The Lord do as seemeth him good, may be looked upon as expressive of a firm Persuasion that the Event of War entirely depends upon the Providence of God. q. d. Let us do our best; but after all, let us be sensible that the Success does not depend on us; that is entirely in the Hands of an all-ruling God. That God governs the World, is a fundamental Article of natural, as well as revealed Religion: It is no great Exploit of Faith, to believe this: It is but a small Advance beyond Atheism, and downright Infidelity. I know no Country upon Earth, where I should be put to the Expence of Argument to prove this. The Heathens gave striking Proofs of their Belief of it, by their Prayers, their Sacrifices, their consulting Oracles, before they engaged in War; and by their costly Offerings and solemn Thanksgivings, after Victory. And shall such a plain Principle as this, be disputed in a Christian Land? No; we all speculatively believe it; but that is not enough; let our Spirits be deeply impressed with it, and our Lives influenced by it: Let us live in the World, as in a Territory of Jehovah’s Empire. Carry this Impression upon Your Hearts into the Wilderness, whither You are going. Often let such Thoughts as these recur to your Minds, I am the feeble Creature of God; and blessed be his Name, I am not cast off his Hand as a disregarded Orphan to shift for myself. My Life is under his Care; the Success of this Expedition is at his Disposal. Therefore, O thou all-ruling God, I implore thy Protection; I confide in thy Care; I cheerfully resign myself, and the Event of this Undertaking, to thee. Which leads me to observe,

3. That these Words, The Lord do what seemeth him good, may express a humble Submission to the Disposal of Providence, let the Event turn out as it would. Q. d. We have not the Disposal of the Event, nor do we know what will be: But Jehovah knows, and that is enough. We are sure he will do what is best, upon the whole; and it becomes us to acquiesce! Thus, my Friends, do You resign and submit yourselves to the Ruler of the World in the present Enterprize. He will order Matters as he pleases; Oh! let him do so by Your cheerful Consent. Let Success or Disappointment, let Life or Death be the Issue, still say, Good is the Will of the Lord; let him do what seemeth him good: Or if Nature biases Your Wishes and Desires to the favourable Side, as no Doubt it will, still keep them within Bounds, and restrain them in Time, saying after the Example of Christ, Not my Will, but thine be done. You may wish, you may pray, you may strive, you may hope for a happy issue: But you must submit; Be still, and know that he is God, and will not be prescribed to, or suffer a Rival in the Government of the World he has made. Such a Temper will be of unspeakable Service to You, and you may hope God will honour it with a remarkable Blessing: For Submission to his Will is the readiest Way to the Accomplishment of our own.

4. These Words, in their Connection, may intimate, that let the Event be what it will, it will afford us Satisfaction to think, that we have done the best we could. q. d. We cannot command Success; but let us do all in our Power to obtain it, and we have Reason to hope that in this Way we shall not be disappointed: But if it should please God to render all our Endeavours vain, still we shall have the generous Pleasure to reflect, that we have not been accessory to the Ruin of our Country, but have done all we could for its Deliverance. So You my Brethren have generously engaged in a disinterested Scheme for Your King, and Country: God does generally crown such noble Undertakings with Success, and You have Encouragement to hope for it: But the Cause You have espoused, is the Cause of a sinful impenitent Country; and if God, in righteous Displeasure, should on this Account blast your Attempt, still you will have the Pleasure of reflecting upon Your generous Views and vigorous Endeavours, and that You have done Your Part conscientiously.

Having thus made some cursory Remarks upon the sundry Parts of the Text, I shall now conclude with an Address, first to you all in general, and then to you Gentlemen and others, who have been pleased to invite me to this Service. I hope You will forgive my Prolixity: My Heart is full, the Text is copious, and the Occasion singular and important. I cannot therefore dismiss You with a short hurrying Discourse.

It concerns you all seriously to reflect upon your own Sins, and the Sins of your Land, which have brought all these Calamities upon us. If You believe that God governs the World, if You do not abjure him from being the Ruler of Your Country, You must acknowledge that all the Calamities of War, and the threatening Appearances of Famine, are ordered by his Providence; There is no Evil in a City or Country, but the Lord hath done it. And if You believe that he is a just and righteous Ruler, You must also believe, that he would not thus punish a righteous or a penitent People. We and our Countrymen are Sinners, aggravated Sinners: God proclaims that we are such by his Judgments now upon us, by withering Fields, and scanty Harvests, by the Sound of the Trumpet and the Alarm of War. Our Consciences must also bear witness to the same melancholy Truth. And if my Heart were properly affected, I would concur with these undoubted Witnesses: I would cry aloud, and not spare, I would lift up my Voice like a Trumpet, to shew you Your Transgressions and Your Sins. O my Country, is not thy Wickedness great, and thine Iniquities infinite? Where is there a more sinful Spot to be found upon our guilty Globe? Pass over the Land, take a Survey of the Inhabitants, inspect into their Conduct, and what do you see? What do you hear? You see gigantic Forms of Vice braving the Skies, and bidding Defiance to Heaven and Earth, while Religion and Virtue is obliged to retire, to avoid public Contempt and Insult.—You see Herds of Drunkards swilling down their Cups, and drowning all the Man within them. You hear the Swearer venting his Fury against God and Man, trifling with that Name which prostrate Angels adore, and imprecating that Damnation, under which the hardiest Devil in Hell trembles, and groans. You see Avarice hoarding up her useless Treasures, dishonest Craft planning her Schemes of unlawful Gain, and Oppression unmercifully grinding the Face of the Poor. You see Prodigality squandering her Stores, Luxury spreading her Table, and unmanning her Guests; Vanity laughing aloud, and dissolving in empty unthinking Mirth, regardless of God, and our Country, of Time and Eternity; Sensuality wallowing in brutal Pleasures, and aspiring with inverted Ambition, to sink as low as her four-footed Brethren of the Stall. You see Cards more in Use than the Bible, the Back-Gammon Table more frequented than the Table of the Lord, Plays and Romances more read than the History of the blessed Jesus. You see trifling and even criminal Diversions become a serious Business; the Issue of a Horse-race, or a Cock-fight, more anxiously attended to than the Fate of our Country. Or where these grosser Forms of Vice and Vanity do not shock your Senses, even there you often meet with the Appearances of more refined Impiety, which is equally dangerous. You hear the Conversation of reasonable Creatures, of Candidates for Eternity, engrossed by Trifles, or vainly wasted on the Affairs of Time: These are the eternal Subjects of Conversation, even at the Threshold of the House of God, and on the sacred Hours devoted to his Service. You see Swarms of Prayer-less Families all over our Land: Ignorant, vicious Children, unrestrained and untaught by those to whom God and Nature hath entrusted their Souls. You see Thousands of poor Slaves in a Christian Country, the Property of Christian Masters, as they will be called, almost as ignorant of Christianity, as when they left the Wilds of Africa. You see the best Religion in all the World, abused, neglected, disobeyed and dishonoured by its Professors: And you hear Infidelity scattering her ambiguous Hints and Suspicions, or openly attacking the Christian Cause with pretended Argument, with Insult and Ridicule. You see Crowds of professed Believers, that are practical Atheists; nominal Christians, that are real Heathens; many abandoned Slaves of Sin, that yet pretend to be the Servants of the Holy Jesus. You see the Ordinances of the Gospel neglected by some, profaned by others, and attended upon by the Generality with a trifling Irreverence, and stupid Unconcernedness. Alas! who would think that those thoughtless Assemblies we often see in our Places of Worship, are met for such solemn Purposes as to implore the Pardon of their Sins from an injured God, and to prepare for an awful all-important Eternity? Alas! is that Religion for the Propagation of which the Son of God labored, and bled, and died, for which his Apostles and Thousands of Martyrs have spent their Strength and shed their Blood, and on which our eternal Life depends, is that Religion become such a Trifle in our Days, that Men are hardly serious and in earnest when they attend upon its most solemn Institutions? What Multitudes lie in a dead Sleep in Sin all around us? You see them eager in the Pursuit of the Vanities of Time, but stupidly unconcerned about the important Realities of the eternal World just before them: Few solicitous what shall become of them when all their Connections with Earth and Flesh must be broken, and they must take their Flight into strange unknown Regions: Few lamenting their Sins: Few crying for Mercy and a new Heart: Few flying to Jesus, or justly sensible of the Importance of a Mediator in a Religion for Sinners. You may indeed see some Degree of Civility and Benevolence towards Men, and more than enough of cringing Complaisance of Worms to Worms, of Clay to Clay, of Guilt to Guilt: But Oh! how little sincere Homage, how little affectionate Veneration for the great Lord of Heaven and Earth? You may see something of Duty to Parents, of Gratitude to Benefactors, and Obedience to Superiors: But if God be a Father, where is his Honour? If he be a Master, where is his Fear? If he be our Benefactor, where is our Gratitude to him? You may see here and there some Instances of proud, self-righteous Virtue, some Appearances of Morality: But Oh! how rare is vital, evangelical Religion, and true Christian Morality, animated with the Love of God, proceeding from a new Heart, and a Regard to the divine Authority, full of Jesus, full of a Regard to him as a Mediator, on whose Account alone our Duties can find Acceptance? O blessed Redeemer! What little Necessity, what little Use do the Sinners of our Country find for thee in their Religion? How many Discourses are deliver’d, how many Prayers offer’d, how many good Works are performed, in which there is scarce any Thing of Christ? And this Defect renders them all but shining Sins, glittering Crimes. How few pant and languish for thee, Blessed Jesus! And can never be contented with their Reformation, with their Morality, with their good Works, till they obtain an Interest in thy Righteousness, to sanctify all, to render all acceptable!—You may see Children sensible of their Dependence on their Parents for their Subsistence, you see Multitudes sensible of their Dependence on Clouds and Sun and Earth for Provision for Man and Beast: But how few sensible of their Dependence upon God, as the great Original, the Primum Mobile of natural Causes, and the various Wheels of the Universe. You see even the dull Ox knows his Owner, and the stupid Ass his Master’s Crib: You see the Workings of Gratitude even in your Dog, who welcomes you home with a Thousand fondling Motions: But how is Jehovah’s Government, and Agency practically denied in his own Territories! How few receive the Blessings of Life as from his Hand, and make him proper Returns of Gratitude? You see a withering, ravaged Country around you, languishing under the Frowns of an angry God; but how few earnest Prayers, how few penitential Groans do you hear? Pass over the Land, and bring me Intelligence, is not this the general Character of our Country? I know there are some happy Exceptions; and I hope sundry such might be produced from among you: But is not this the prevailing Character of a great Majority? Does not one Part or other of it belong to the Generality? The most generous Charity cannot hope the Contrary, if under any scriptural or rational Limitations. May it not be said of the
Men of Virginia, as well as those of Sodom, They are wicked, and Sinners before the Lord exceedingly? And thus, alas! it has been for a long Time: Our Country has sinned on securely for above 150 Years, and one Age has improved upon the Vices of another. And can a Land always bear up under such a Load of accumulated Wickedness? Can God always suffer such a Race of Sinners to go on unpunished from Generation to Generation? May we not fear that our Iniquities are now just full, and that he is about to thunder out his awful Mandate to the Executioners of his Vengeance, Put ye in the Sickle; for the Harvest is ripe; come get ye down, for the Press is full, the Vats overflow; for their Wickedness is great.

And is there no Relief for a sinking Country? Or is it too late to administer it? Is our Wound incurable, that refuseth to be healed? No, blessed be God; if you now turn every one of you from your Evil Ways, if you mourn over your Sins, and turn to the Lord with your whole Hearts, then your Country will yet recover. God will appear for us, and give a prosperous Turn to our Affairs; he has assured us of this in his own Word, At what Instant, says he, I shall speak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it; if that Nation, against whom I have pronounced, turn from their Evil, I will repent of the Evil that I thought to do unto them, Jer. xviii. 7, 8. Therefore, my Brethren, as we have all rebelled, let us all join in unanimous Repentance, and a thorough Reformation. Not only your eternal Salvation requires it, but also the Preservation of your Country, that is now bleeding with the Wounds you have given it by your Sins. The safety of these our Friends, who are now engaged in so generous a Design, requires it: For an Army of Saints or of Heroes, cannot defend a guilty, impenitent People, ripe for the Judgments of God. If you would be everlastingly happy, and escape the Vengeance of eternal Fire, or (to mention what may perhaps have more Weight with some of you) if you would preserve yourselves, your Families, your Posterity, from Poverty, from Slavery, Ignorance, Idolatry, Torture and Death; if you would save yourselves and them from all the infernal Horrors of Popery, and the savage Tyranny of a mongrel Race of French and Indian Conquerors; in short, if you would avoid all that is terrible, and enjoy every Thing that is dear and valuable, R E P E N T, and turn to the Lord. This is the only Cure for our wounded Country; and if you refuse to administer it in Time, prepare to perish in its Ruins. If you go on impenitent in Sin, you may expect not only to be damned forever, but (what is more terrible to some of you) to fall into the most extreme outward Distress. You will have Reason to fear not only the Loss of Heaven, which some of you perhaps think little of, but the Loss of your Estates, that lie so near your Hearts. And will you not repent, when you are pressed to it from so many Quarters at once?

And now, my Brethren, in the last Place, I have a few parting Words to offer to you who are more particularly concerned in this Occasion; and I am sure I shall address you with as much affectionate Benevolence as you could wish.

My first and leading Advice to you is, Labour to conduct this Expedition in a Religious Manner. Methinks this should not seem strange Counsel to Creatures, entirely dependent upon God, and at his Disposal. As you are an Independent Company of Volunteers under Officers of your own chusing, you may manage your Affairs more according to your own Inclinations, than if you had enlisted upon the ordinary Footing: And I hope you will improve this Advantage for the Purposes of Religion. Let Prayer to the God of your Life be your daily Exercise. When Retirement is safe, pour out your Hearts to him in secret; and when it is practicable, join in Prayer together Morning and Evening in your Camp. How acceptable to Heaven must such an unusal offering be, from that desart Wilderness! Maintain a Sense of divine Providence upon your Hearts, and resign yourselves and all your Affairs into the Hands of God. You are engaged in a good Cause, the Cause of your People, and the Cities of your God; and therefore you may the more boldly commit it to him, and pray and hope for his Blessing. I would fain hope, there is no Necessity to take Precautions against Vice among such a select Company: But lest there should, I would humbly recommend it to you to make this one of the Articles of your Association, before you set out, that every Form of Vice shall be severely discountenanced, and if you think proper, expose the Offender to some pecuniary or corporal Punishment. It would be shocking indeed, and I cannot bear the Thought, that a Company formed upon such generous Principles, should commit or tolerate open Wickedness among them; and I hope this Caution is needless to you all, as I am sure it is to sundry of you.

And now, my dear Friends, and the Friends of your neglected Country, In the Name of the Lord lift up your Banners: Be of good Courage, and play the Men for the People and the Cities of your God; and the Lord do what seemeth him good. Should I now give Vent to the Passions of my Heart, and become a Speaker for my Country, methinks I should even overwhelm you with a Torrent of good Wishes, and Prayers from the Hearts of Thousands. May the Lord of Hosts, the God of the Armies of Israel, go forth along with you! May he teach your Hands to War, and gird you with Strength to Battle! May he bless you with a safe Return, and long Life, or a glorious Death in the Bed of Honour, and a happy Immortality! May he guard and support your anxious Families and Friends at home, and return you victorious to their longing Arms! May all the Blessings your Hearts can wish attend you wherever you go! These are Wishes and Prayers of my Heart; and Thousands concur in them: And we cannot but cheerfully hope they will be granted, through Jesus Christ. Amen.

 

F I N I S.

E R R A T U M.
Page 5. Line 21. dele Rocks and Mountains.

Where may be had, Price 4d.

A SERMON preached by Mr. Davies, at Canongate, April 29, 1753.

 


1.The Campaign.

2.Gen. iv. 22.

3.Exod. xxxv. 30, 31, &c.

4.King William the Third, the Deliverer of Britain from Popery and Slavery, and the Scourge of France and her haughty Grand Monarque.

5.As a remarkable Instance of this, I may point out to the Public that heroic Youth Col. Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a Manner, for some important Service to his Country.

6.Jer. xlviii. 10.

7.Judges v. 23.

* Originally posted: December 27, 2016.

John Jay on the Biblical View of War

john-jay-on-the-biblical-view-of-warFounding Father John Jay (1745-1829) was appointed by President George Washington as the first Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court. In addition to serving on the Supreme Court, Jay had a very distinguished history of public service. He was a member of the Continental Congress (1774-76, 1778-79) and served as President of Congress (1778-79). He helped write the New York State constitution (1777) and authored the first manual on military discipline (1777). Jay served as Chief-Justice of New York Supreme Court (1777-78) and was minister to Spain (1779). He signed the final peace treaty with Great Britain (1783) and he was elected as Governor of New York (1795- 1801).

Jay is also famous as one of the three coauthors, along with James Madison and Alexander Hamilton, of the Federalist Papers, which were instrumental in securing the ratification of the federal Constitution.

John Jay was a strong Christian, serving both as vice-president of the American Bible Society (1816-21) and its president (1821- 27). In this series of letters, John Jay expounds on the Biblical view of war.


Letter 1

Whether war of every description is prohibited by the gospel, is one of those questions on which the excitement of any of the passions can produce no light. An answer to it can result only from careful investigation and fair reasoning.

It appears to me that the gospel not only recognizes the whole moral law, and extends and perfects our knowledge of it, but also enjoins on all mankind the observance of it. Being ordained by a legislator of infinite wisdom and rectitude, and in whom there is “no variableness,” it must be free from imperfection, and therefore never has, nor ever will require amendment or alteration. Hence I conclude that the moral law is exactly the same now that it was before the flood.

That all those wars and fightings are unlawful, which proceed from culpable desires and designs (or in Scripture language from lusts), on the one side or on the other, is too clear to require proof. As to wars of an opposite description, and many such there have been, I believe they are as lawful to the unoffending party in our days, as they were in the days of Abraham. He waged war against and defeated the five kings. He piously dedicated a tenth of the spoils; and, instead of being blamed, was blessed.

What should we think of a human legislator who should authorize or encourage infractions of his own laws ? If wars of every kind and description are prohibited by the moral law, I see no way of reconciling such a prohibition with those parts of Scripture which record institutions, declarations, and interpositions of the Almighty which manifestly evince the contrary. If every war is sinful, how did it happen that the sin of waging any war is not specified among the numerous sins and offenses which are mentioned and reproved in both the Testaments?

To collect and arrange the many facts and arguments which relate to this subject would require more time and application than I am able to bestow. The aforegoing are hinted merely to exhibit some of the reasons on which my opinion rests.

It certainly is very desirable that a pacific disposition should prevail among all nations. The most effectual way of producing it is by extending the prevalence and influence of the gospel. Real Christians will abstain from violating the rights of others, and therefore will not provoke war.

Almost all nations have peace or war at the will and pleasure of rulers whom they do not elect, and who are not always wise or virtuous. Providence has given to our people the choice of their rulers, and it is the duty as well as the privilege and interest of our Christian nation to select and prefer Christians for their rulers.

Letter 2

In my letter to you of the 16th October last, I hinted that I might perhaps write and send you a few more lines on the question, whether war of every description is forbidden by the gospel.

I will now add some remarks to those which were inserted in my answer to your first letter. In that answer, the lawfulness of war, in certain cases, was inferred from those Divine positive institutions which authorized and regulated it. For although those institutions were not dictated by the moral law, yet they cannot be understood to authorize what the moral law forbids.

The moral or natural law was given by the Sovereign of the universe to all mankind; with them it was co-eval, and with them it will be co-existent. Being rounded by infinite wisdom and goodness on essential right, which never varies, it can require no amendment or alteration.

Divine positive ordinances and institutions, on the other hand, being founded on expediency, which is not always perpetual or immutable, admit of, and have received, alteration and limitation in sundry instances.

There were several Divine positive ordinances and institutions at very early periods. Some of them were of limited obligation, as circumcision; others of them were of universal obligation, as the Sabbath, marriage, sacrifices, the particular punishment for murder.

The Lord of the Sabbath caused the day to be changed. The ordinances of Moses suffered the Israelites to exercise more than the original liberty allowed to marriage, but our Savior repealed that indulgence. When sacrifices had answered their purpose as types of the great Sacrifice, etc., they ceased. The punishment for murder has undergone no alteration, either by Moses or by Christ.

I advert to this distinction between the moral law and positive institutions, because it enables us to distinguish the reasonings which apply to the one, from those which apply only to the other—ordinances being mutable, but the moral law always the same.

To this you observe, by way of objection, that the law was given by Moses, but that grace and truth came by Jesus Christ; and hence that, even as it relates to the moral law, a more perfect system is enjoined by the gospel than was required under the law, which admitted of an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth, tolerating a spirit of retaliation. And further, that, if the moral law was the same now that it was before the flood, we must call in question those precepts of the gospel which prohibit some things allowed of and practiced by the patriarchs.

It is true that the law was given by Moses, not however in his individual or private capacity, but as the agent or instrument, and by the authority of the Almighty. The law demanded exact obedience, and proclaimed: “Cursed is every one that contineth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them.” The law was inexorable, and by requiring perfect obedience, under a penalty so inevitable and dreadful, operated as a schoolmaster to bring us to Christ for mercy.

Mercy, and grace, and favor did come by Jesus Christ; and also that truth which verified the promises and predictions concerning him, and which exposed and corrected the various errors which had been imbibed respecting the Supreme Being, his attributes, laws, and dispensations. Uninspired commentators have dishonored the law, by ascribing to it, in certain cases, a sense and meaning which it did not authorize, and which our Savior rejected and reproved.

The inspired prophets, on the contrary, express the most exalted ideas of the law. They declare that the law of the Lord is perfect, that the statutes of the Lord are right; and that the commandment of the Lord is pure; that God would magnify the law and make it honorable, etc.

Our Savior himself assures us that he came not to destroy the law and the prophets, but to fulfill; that whoever shall do and teach the commandments, shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven; that it is easier for heaven and earth to pass, than one tittle of the law to fail. This certainly amounts to a full approbation of it. Even after the resurrection of our Lord, and after the descent of the Holy Spirit, and after the miraculous conversion of Paul, and after the direct revelation of the Christian dispensation to him, he pronounced this memorable encomium on the law, viz.: “The law is holy, and the commandments holy, just, and good.”

It is true that one of the positive ordinances of Moses, to which you allude, did ordain retaliation, or, in other words, a tooth for a tooth. But we are to recollect that it was ordained, not as a rule to regulate the conduct of private individuals towards each other, but as a legal penalty or punishment for certain offenses. Retaliation is also manifest in the punishment prescribed for murder—life for life. Legal punishments are adjusted and inflicted by the law and magistrate, and not by unauthorized individuals. These and all other positive laws or ordinances established by Divine direction, must of necessity be consistent with the moral law. It certainly was not the design of the law or ordinance in question, to encourage a spirit of personal or private revenge. On the contrary, there are express injunctions in the law of Moses which inculcate a very different spirit; such as these: “Thou shalt not avenge, nor bear any grudge against the children of thy people; but thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.” “Love the stranger, for ye were strangers in Egypt.” “If thou meet thy enemy’s ox or his ass going astray, thou shalt surely bring it back to him,” etc., etc.

There is reason to believe that Solomon understood the law in its true sense, and we have his opinion as to retaliation of injuries, viz.: “Say not, I will recompense evil; but wait upon the Lord, and He will save thee.” Again: “Say not, I will do to him as he hath done to me. I will render to the man according to his work.” And again:” If thine enemy be hungry, give him bread to eat; and if he be thirsty, give him water to drink; for thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head, and the Lord shall reward thee.”

But a greater than Solomon has removed all doubts on this point. On being asked by a Jewish lawyer, which was the great commandment in the law, our Savior answered: “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. This is the first and the great commandment, and the second is like unto it: Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. On these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets.” It is manifest, therefore, that the love of God and the love of man are enjoined by the law; and as the genuine love of the one comprehends that of the other, the apostle assures us that “Love is the fulfilling of the law.”

It is, nevertheless, certain, that erroneous opinions respecting retaliation, and who were to be regarded as neighbors, had long prevailed, and that our Savior blamed and corrected those and many other unfounded doctrines.

That the patriarchs sometimes violated the moral law, is a position not to be disputed. They were men, and subject to the frailties of our fallen nature. But I do not know nor believe, that any of them violated the moral law by the authority or with the approbation of the Almighty. I can find no instance of it in the Bible. Nor do I know of any action done according to the moral law, that is censured or forbidden by the gospel. On the contrary, it appears to me that the gospel strongly enforces the whole moral law, and clears it from the vain traditions and absurd comments which had obscured and misapplied certain parts of it.

As, therefore, Divine ordinances did authorize just war, as those ordinances were necessarily consistent with the moral law, and as the moral law is incorporated in the Christian dispensation, I think it follows that the right to wage just and necessary war is admitted, and not abolished, by the gospel.

You seem to doubt whether there ever was a just war, and that it would puzzle even Solomon to find one.

Had such a doubt been proposed to Solomon, an answer to it would probably have been suggested to him by a very memorable and interesting war which occurred in his day. I allude to the war in which his brother Absalom on the one side, and his father David on the other, were the belligerent parties. That war was caused by, and proceeded from, “the lusts” of Absalom, and was horribly wicked. But the war waged against him by David was not caused by, nor did proceed from, “the lusts” of David, but was right, just, and necessary. Had David submitted to be dethroned by his detestable son, he would, in my opinion, have violated his moral duty and betrayed his official trust.

Although just war is not forbidden by the gospel in express terms, yet you think an implied prohibition of all war, without exception, is deducible from the answer of our Lord to Pilate, viz.: “If my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight,” etc.

At the conclusion of the Last Supper, our Lord said to his disciples: “He that hath no sword, let him now sell his garment and buy one,” They answered: “Lord, here are two swords.” He replied: “It is enough.”

It is not to be presumed that our Lord would have ordered swords to be provided, but for some purpose for which a sword was requisite; nor that he would have been satisfied with two, if more had been necessary.

Whatever may have been the purposes for which swords were ordered, it is certain that the use of one of those swords soon caused an event which confirmed the subsequent defense of our Lord before Pilate, and also produced other important results. When the officers and their band arrived, with swords and with staves, to take Jesus, they who were about him saw what would follow. “They said unto him: Lord, shall we smite with the sword?” It does not appear that any of the eleven disciples who were with him, except one, made the least attempt to defend him. But Peter, probably inferring from the order for swords, that they were now to be used, proceeded to “smite a servant of the high-priest, and cut off his right ear.” Jesus (perhaps, among other reasons, to abate inducements to prosecute Peter for that violent attack) healed the ear.

He ordered Peter to put his sword into its sheath, and gave two reasons for it. The first related to himself, and amounted to this, that he would make no opposition, saying: “The cup which my Father hath given me, shall I not drink?” The second related to Peter, viz., they who take the sword, shall perish by the sword; doubtless meaning that they who take and use a sword, as Peter had just done, without lawful authority, and against lawful authority, incur the penalty and risk of perishing by the sword. This meaning seems to be attached to those words by the occasion and circumstances which prompted them. If understood in their unlimited latitude, they would contradict the experience and testimony of all ages, it being manifest that many military men die peaceably in their beds.

The disciples did believe and expect that Jesus had come to establish a temporal kingdom. “They trusted that it had been he which should have redeemed Israel.” “They knew not the Scripture, that he must rise again from the dead; questioning one with another what the rising from the dead should mean.” Even after his resurrection, they appear to have entertained the same belief and expectation; for on the very day he ascended, they asked him: “Lord, wilt thou at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?”

The order for swords, and the declaration that two were enough, tended to confirm that belief and expectation, and to inspire a confidence that he who had commanded the winds and the waves, and had raised the dead to life, was able, as well as willing, to render the two swords sufficient to vanquish his enemies. Could anything less than such a firm belief and confidence have prompted eleven such men, and with only two swords among them, to offer to “smite with the sword” the armed band, which, under officers appointed by the Jewish rulers, had come to apprehend their Master?

Great must have been the disappointment and astonishment of the disciples, when Jesus unexpectedly and peaceably submitted to the power and malice of his enemies, directing Peter to sheath his sword, and hinting to him the danger he had incurred by drawing it: amazed and terrified, they forsook him and fled. This catastrophe so surprised and subdued the intrepidity of Peter, that he was no longer “ready to go with his Master to prison and to death.”

It seems that perplexity, consternation, and tumultuous feelings overwhelmed his faith and reflection, and that his agitations, receiving fresh excitement from the danger and dread of discovery, which soon after ensued, impelled him with heedless precipitation to deny his Master. This denial proved bitter to Peter, and it taught him and others that spiritual strength can be sustained only by the spiritual bread which cometh down from heaven.

The Jews accused Jesus before Pilate of aspiring to the temporal sovereignty of their nation, in violation of the legal rights of Caesar. Jesus, in his defense, admitted that he was king, but declared that his kingdom was not of this world. For the truth of this assertion, he appealed to the peaceable behavior of his adherents, saying:” If my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants fight, that I should not be delivered to the Jews, but now is my kingdom not from hence.”

Pilate, who doubtless well knew what had been the conduct of Jesus, both before and at the time of his apprehension, was satisfied, but the Jews were not. They exclaimed: “If thou let this man go, thou art not Caesar’s friend; whosoever maketh himself a king, speaketh against Caesar.” “We have no king but Caesar.”

You and I understand the words in question very differently. Is there the least reason to infer from the belief and conduct of the disciples, that they were restrained from fighting by the consideration that their Master’s kingdom was not of this world? On the contrary, did they not believe and expect that he had come to restore one of the kingdoms of this world to Israel? The fact is, that they were ready and willing to fight. Did they not ask him: “Lord, shall we smite with the sword?” It was his will, therefore, and not their will, which restrained them from fighting; and for that restraint he assigned a very conclusive reason, viz., because his kingdom was not of this world.

To the advancement and support of his spiritual sovereignty over his spiritual kingdom, soldiers and swords and corporeal exertions were inapplicable and useless. But, on the other hand, soldiers and swords and corporeal exertions are necessary to enable the several temporal rulers of the states and kingdoms of this world to maintain their authority and protect themselves and their people; and our Savior expressly declared that if his kingdom had been of this world, then would his servants fight to protect him; or, in other words, that then, and in that case, he would not have restrained them from fighting. The lawfulness of such fighting, therefore, instead of being denied, is admitted and confirmed by that declaration.

This exposition coincides with the answer given by John the Baptist (who was “filled with the Holy Ghost”) to the soldiers who asked him what they should do, viz.: “Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages.” Can these words be rationally understood as meaning that they should receive wages for nothing; or that, when ordered to march against the enemy, they should refuse to proceed; or that, on meeting the enemy, they should either run away, or passively submit to be captured or slaughtered? This would be attaching a meaning to his answer very foreign to the sense of the words in which he expressed it.

Had the gospel regarded war as being in every case sinful, it seems strange that the apostle Paul should have been so unguarded as, in teaching the importance of faith, to use an argument which clearly proves the lawfulness of war, viz.: “That it was through faith that Gideon, David, and others waxed valiant in fight, and turned to flight the armies of aliens”; thereby confirming the declaration of David, that it was God who had “girded him with strength to battle; and had taught his hands to war, and his fingers to fight.”

The gospel appears to me to consider the servants of Christ as having two capacities or characters, with correspondent duties to sustain and fulfill.

Being subjects of his spiritual kingdom, they are bound in that capacity to fight, pursuant to his orders, with spiritual weapons, against his and their spiritual enemies.

Being also subjects and partakers in the rights and interests of a temporal or worldly state or kingdom, they are in that capacity bound, whenever lawfully required, to fight with weapons in just and necessary war, against the worldly enemies of that state or kingdom.

Another view may be taken of the subject. The depravity which mankind inherited from their first parents, introduced wickedness into the world. That wickedness rendered human government necessary to restrain the violence and injustice resulting from it. To facilitate the establishment and administration of government, the human race became, in the course of Providence, divided into separate and distinct nations. Every nation instituted a government, with authority and power to protect it against domestic and foreign aggressions. Each government provided for the internal peace and security of the nation, by laws for punishing their offending subjects. The law of all the nations prescribed the conduct which they were to observe towards each other, and allowed war to be waged by an innocent against an offending nation, when rendered just and necessary by unprovoked, atrocious, and unredressed injuries.

Thus two kinds of justifiable warfare arose: one against domestic malefactors; the other against foreign aggressors. The first being regulated by the law of the land; the second by the law of nations; and both consistently with the moral law.

As to the first species of warfare, in every state or kingdom, the government or executive ruler has, throughout all ages, pursued, and often at the expense of blood, attacked, captured, and subdued murderers, robbers, and other offenders; by force confining them in chains and in prisons, and by force inflicting on them punishment; never rendering to them good for evil, for that duty attaches to individuals in their personal or private capacities, but not to rulers or magistrates in their official capacities. This species of war has constantly and universally been deemed just and indispensable. On this topic the gospel is explicit. It commands us to obey the higher powers or ruler. It reminds us that “he beareth not the sword in vain”; that “he is the minister of God, and a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil.” Now, if he is not to bear the sword in vain, it follows that he is to use it to execute wrath on evildoers, and consequently to draw blood and to kill on proper occasions.

As to the second species of warfare, it certainly is as reasonable and as right that a nation be secure against injustice, disorder, and rapine from without as from within; and therefore it is the right and duty of the government or ruler to use force and the sword to protect and maintain the rights of his people against evildoers of another nation. The reason and necessity of using force and the sword being the same in both cases, the right or the law must be the same also.

We are commanded to render to our government, or to our Caesar, “the things that are Caesar’s” that is, the things which belong to him, and not the things which do not belong to him. And surely this command cannot be construed to intend or imply that we ought to render to the Caesar of another nation more than belongs to him.

In case some powerful Caesar should demand of us to receive and obey a king of his nomination, and unite with him in all his wars, or that he would commence hostilities against us, what answer would it be proper for us to give to such a demand? In my opinion, we ought to refuse, and vigorously defend our independence by arms. To what other expedient could we have recourse? I cannot think that the gospel authorizes or encourages us, on such an occasion, to abstain from resistance, and to expect miracles to deliver us.

A very feeble unprepared nation, on receiving such a demand, might hesitate and find it expedient to adopt the policy intimated in the gospel, viz.: “What king, going to war against another king, sitteth not down first and consulteth whether he be able with ten thousand to meet him that cometh against him with twenty thousand; or else he sendeth an embassage, and desireth conditions of peace “—that is, makes the best bargain he can.

If the United States should unanimously resolve never more to use the sword, would a certified copy of it prove to be an effectual Mediterranean passport? Would it reform the predatory rulers of Africa, or persuade the successive potentates of Europe to observe towards us the conduct of real Christians? On the contrary, would it not present new facilities, and consequently produce new excitements, to the gratification of avarice and ambition?

It is true that even just war is attended with evils, and so likewise is the administration of government and of justice; but is that a good reason for abolishing either of them? They are means by which greater evils are averted. Among the various means necessary to obviate or remove, or repress, or to mitigate the various calamities, dangers, and exigencies, to which in this life we are exposed, how few are to be found which do not subject us to troubles, privations, and inconveniences of one kind or other. To prevent the incursion or continuance of evils, we must submit to the use of those means, whether agreeable or otherwise, which reason and experience prescribe.

It is also true, and to be lamented, that war, however just and necessary, sends many persons out of this world who are ill prepared for a better. And so also does the law in all countries. So also does navigation, and other occupations. Are they therefore all sinful and forbidden?

However desirable the abolition of all wars may be, yet until the morals and manners of mankind are greatly changed, it will be found impracticable. We are taught that national sins will be punished, and war is one of the punishments. The prophets predict wars at so late a period as the restoration of the Israelites. Who or what can hinder the occurrence of those wars?

I nevertheless believe, and have perfect faith in the prophecy, that the time will come when “the nations will beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks; when nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.” But does not this prophecy clearly imply, and give us plainly to understand, that in the meanwhile, and until the arrival of that blessed period, the nations will not beat their swords into plowshares, nor their
spears into pruning-hooks; that nation will not forbear to lift up sword against nation, nor cease to learn war?

It may be asked, Are we to do nothing to hasten the arrival of that happy period? Literally, no created being can either accelerate or retard its arrival. It will not arrive sooner nor later than the appointed time.

There certainly is reason to expect, that as great providential events have usually been preceded and introduced by the intervention of providential means to prepare the way for them, so the great event in question will be preceded and introduced in like manner. It is, I think, more than probable, that the unexpected and singular cooperation and the extra ordinary zeal and efforts of almost all Christian nations to extend the light and knowledge of the gospel, and to inculcate its doctrines, are among those preparatory means. It is the duty of Christians to promote the prevalence and success of such means, and to look forward with faith and hope to the result of them.

But whatever may be the time or the means adopted by Providence for the abolition of war, I think we may, without presumption, conclude that mankind must be prepared and fitted for the reception, enjoyment, and preservation of universal permanent peace, before they will be blessed with it. Are they as yet fitted for it? Certainly not. Even if it was practicable, would it be wise to disarm the good before “the wicked cease from troubling?” By what other means than arms and military force can unoffending rulers and nations protect their rights against unprovoked aggressions from within and from without? Are there any other means to which they could recur, and on the efficacy of which they could rely? To this question I have not as yet heard, nor seen, a direct and precise answer.


John Jay  John Murray, October 12, 1816 & April 15, 1818, The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay,
ed. Henry Johnston (New York: G. P. Punam’s Sons, 1893), IV:391-393, 403-419.

Sermon – Battle of Lexington – 1778


Jacob Cushing gave the following sermon in 1778 on the anniversary of the Battle of Lexington.


sermon-battle-of-lexington-1778

Divine judgments upon tyrants: And compassion to the oppressed.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT LEXINGTON,

APRIL 20TH, 1778.

In commemoration of the MURDEROUS WAR and RAPINE, inhumanly perpetrated, by two brigades of British troops, in that town and neighborhood, on the NINETEENTH of APRIL, 1775.

By JACOB CUSHING, A. M.
PASTOR of the CHURCH in WALTHAM.

Divine judgments upon tyrants: And compassion to the oppressed.

DEUTERONOMY, XXXII. 43.

Rejoice, O ye nations, with his people, for he will avenge the blood of his servants, and will render vengeance to his adversaries; and will be merciful unto his land, and to his people.

THAT there is a God, “is the prime foundation of all religion.” We should therefore employ our utmost diligence to establish our minds in the steadfast belief of it. For when once we have firmly settled in our minds the belief of God’s being, it will mightily influence all our powers of action; it will invite our hope, alarm our fear, and address to every passion within us, that is capable of persuasion, and be in us a never-failing source of devotion and religion.

A God without a providence, is a solitary kind of being, and affords but gloomy apprehensions. For ‘tis by his providence that all intercourse between God and his rational creatures is maintained,—therein he exercises and displays his perfections,—therein his power executes the contrivances of his wisdom, and his wisdom plans the methods of his goodness and grace, which open to the view and admiration of the wise and good, through successive ages and generations.

But that branch of providence, which, in a peculiar manner, demands our attention on this occasion, and should excite our gratitude, is God’s un-interrupted government of the rational part of his creation,—mankind in particular. For as all government, so the divine, supposes laws, and laws suppose rewards and punishments, of which intelligences only are capable.

Since, therefore, God interests himself in the affairs of mankind, and the universal administration of his providence extends to all his works, a large field opens for the employment of our contemplative minds. And we are naturally led to consider this divine government, as respecting communities; the affairs whereof are important, and upon which the order and felicity of the world greatly depend.

God is the sovereign of the world, and disposes all things in the best manner. All blessings and calamities, of a public nature, and the revolutions of kingdoms and states, are to be viewed as under the special direction of heaven. Hence the scripture faith, that God “increaseth the nations, and destroyeth them, he enlargeth the nations, and straineth them again—sometimes he blesseth them so that they are multiplied greatly; again, they are diminished, and brought low, through oppression, affliction, and sorrow.”

These truths being necessarily interwoven with religion and extensively useful under the varying scenes of life, and mysteries in providence—the main design of the present discourse, is to awaken our attention to the passages of divine providence—and lead us to a religious improvement of God’s hand in the tragical events that took place on the nineteenth of April, 1775. I mean the MURDEROUS WAR, rapine and devastation of that day, which we are now met to commemorate.

Under this visitation, or the greatest trials imaginable, we have abundant consolation, that God rules in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of this earth.

The words but now read, may be, perhaps, not unfitly applied to us, for comfort and encouragement under God’s chastisements, and his usual conduct towards the enemies of his church and people:—“Rejoice, O ye nations, with his people, for he will avenge the blood of his servants, and will render vengeance to his adversaries, and will be merciful unto his land, and to his people.” These are the concluding words of Moses his song, which setteth forth God’s works of mercy and judgment towards the children of Israel, his covenant people. And though, in their primary meaning, they respect that nation only, yet they may be accommodated and fairly applied to God’s faithful and obedient people, at all times, and in all ages; inasmuch as the latter part of the prophecy reaches unto the latter days, and is not yet wholly fulfilled.

Some interpret the former part of the verse thus,—“Rejoice ye nations, who are his people.” Supposing it to be a prophecy of the Gentiles becoming one body with the people of Israel;—because Moses had supposed in this song, great enmity between them, and that sometimes they had sorely plagued Israel; as at others, God rendered to them according to what they had done unto his people: but now breaks out in a rapture of joy, to think that they should one day be reconciled, and made one people of God.

The prophecy then before us, is not limited to the Israelites; but may be understood as extending to all God’s chosen, though oppressed and injured people, in all generations,—that he will recompense their wrongs—plead their cause—and do justice upon their enemies. And taking it in this latitude, we may collect several things from it, as worthy our notice, and pertinent to this occasion. Accordingly I observe,

First, That God, in the righteous administrations of his providence, permits the sons of violence to oppress his saints and people; and, in their malice and rage, to attempt their ruin, by waging war with them.

God is a being of infinite power and inflexible justice, as well as consummate wisdom; and doth according to his sovereign pleasure, in the national and moral world. He over-rules all things for his own glory, and in subordination to that, has a particular regard to the happiness of his covenant people:—His church and chosen are not without mistakes and errors, in this imperfect state—hence they are prone to degenerate and transgress—to be too regardless of God, and deficient in their obedience—nay, to be guilty of great wickedness. And it becomes necessary, to punish such revolters from the ways of God, and purity of manners. Hence, when the all-wise God designs the chastisement and reformation of his backsliding people, he “visits their transgressions with the rod, and their iniquity with stripes,”—and uses those methods, that shall best promote his moral government; inflicting this or that judgment, as pleases him. The divine providence then is to be devoutly acknowledged in all events, in all public evils and calamities.

Sometimes there are visible marks of God’s anger and displeasure against his people. Their counsels are divided, and their strength impaired—their enemies are permitted to distress and injure them—or they have been harassed by the will and conduct of ambitious, designing men, who have contributed to the ruin of their country, even at the same time they pretend a mighty zeal for its interest:—Or, they are scourged by haughty tyrants and cruel oppressors:—Yet the hand of God, and his over-ruling providence is to be acknowledged in these things, as much as when a people suffer by famine, pestilence, earthquakes, storms and tempests, &c. which are commonly regarded as the more immediate tokens of God’s anger, and works of his providence.

In all public evils, calamities and distresses of God’s people, He, in his providence, proceeds according to equal rules, and for wise and salutary purposes. Hence the promises of temporal blessings made to the Israelites, in case of their obedience to the divine commandments, and the threatnings of temporal evils and plagues denounced against them, in case of their disobedience, recited in Levit. XXVI, and Deut. XXVIII chapters; related chiefly to them as a body politic, because with regard to the public, they always took place. When religion and virtue flourished among them, and they walked in obedience to the divine laws, they prospered, were successful in their wars, had great plenty, and all things conducive to their welfare and happiness.

But when they revolted from God, and were generally corrupt and dissolute, they were despised, miserable, and a prey to their jealous and envious neighbours. And it may be noted, in general that when public calamities were inflicted upon them, whether by the more immediate hand of Heaven, as drought, pestilence, famine, and the like; or, by instruments in providence, as the hands of their enemies and oppressors; it was always as a just punishment for their national iniquities; their idolatry, irreligion and abounding wickedness. And upon their repentance and reformation, these calamities were removed, and their prosperity restored.

Nor was this course of providence peculiar to the Jews. The established rule of the divine procedure towards nations is ascertained in Jer. XVIII, 7, &c. “At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it: If that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them.—And at what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to build, and to plant it; if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them.”

We are assured, in the oracles of truth, that “Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin,” i.e. abounding vice and wickedness, “is a reproach to any people” And with regard to mankind in all ages, may it not be said, that when a people have been remarkable for justice, temperance, industry, and zeal for the public good, they have prospered in all their affairs, and been high in reputation? And, perhaps, no instance can be produced of a nation’s being given up to exterminating judgments and calamities, so long as virtue, probity and religion flourished among them. But when falsehood and perfidy, injustice and general corruption, with a contempt of religion, have generally prevailed among them, they have fallen into many calamities, and been deprived of those advantages they so much abused.

Thus God, in a variety of ways, may correct and punish his degenerate people; and, among others, permit enemies to oppress them, shed blood in their land, and lay them waste.

It by no means reflects upon the righteousness of God, that those whom he employs as instruments in the execution of his judgments upon a revolting, sinful people, are themselves chargeable with injustice and cruelty; and have nothing in view but the gratifying their own ambition, avarice and lust of power. And commonly they who are the authors, or perpetrators of such violence and severity upon a people, are afterwards, in God’s time, justly punished in their turn, for their vices, their pride, wantonness and barbarity.

Wherefore, if we make a religious improvement of such dispensations, we shall resolve all into the good pleasure of Him, who is “higher than the highest,” and has the absolute disposal of all in his hands. And however undeserving we may be of such unrighteous treatment from men, our fellow-mortals; yet we are to adore the great—the wise—the powerful God,—humble ourselves under his mighty hand,—accept the punishment of our sins,—learn righteousness,—patiently bear the indignation of the Lord, and quietly submit to his providences; and, while his judgments are upon us, repent and reform, confide in his almighty power, hope in his mercy, and plead his compassion and the riches of his grace, that in his own way and time, which is the fittest, we may see his salvation. Pass we, therefore,

Secondly. To observe, the dispensations of heaven towards oppressors and tyrants, the enemy of God’s people. “For he will avenge the blood of his servants, and will render vengeance to his adversaries,”—none shall hinder his proceedings, to be fully avenged of them.

He is the supreme Lord, governor and judge of the world, therefore will he chastise offenders; to him belongeth vengeance,—therefore the wicked shall not go unpunished.

The enemies of God’s church and people, are God’s adversaries. “The Lord’s portion is his people,—he keeps them as the apple of his eye”—verses 9, 10, of the context. Whoever grieves or afflicts them, provokes God, for they are “his peculiar treasure.” And having a singular concern for them, he will be their shield and their defence, however they may be persecuted by their enemies. “For the Lord shall judge his people;” verse 36. i.e. plead their cause, and deliver them from the oppression of their enemies; as this phrase is frequently used in the book of Psalms. He will have mercy upon his servants, and turn his hand, which punishes them, upon their adversaries.

Thus utter destruction is denounced upon Edom, for their unnatural enmity against the Jews, and cruelty towards their brethren, in Obad, ver. 10, “For thy violence against thy brother Jacob, shame shall cover thee, and thou shalt be cut off forever.”

To confirm our faith and hope in God, in troublous times, in days of darkness and misery, it may be proper to look back, and devoutly contemplate that most signal act of divine providence, that when the primitive religion which had been derived from the beginning, was in danger of being lost among men, and the world became generally involved in gross superstition and idolatry, it pleased God to single out a nation from the rest of mankind, and to erect them into a sacred polity, set apart by their fundamental constitution for the profession and worship, the faith and obedience of the one true God, in opposition to the worshipping idols or false deities, and to the worshipping the true God by images. The more effectually to awaken the attention of mankind, and to give the more illustrious confirmation to that church constitution, it was wisely ordered, that in the founding and establishing of it, there were repeated and amazing exertions of the power of God.

And the whole of that dispensation was admirably so contrived, as to prepare the way for a more spiritual and perfect state of the church, which was to succeed it, and was to be more universally diffused; in the founding of which, providence interposed in a yet more remarkable manner, by a series of most astonishing events.

Through the powerful influence of a wise providence, events that were designed for the destruction of the church, have been made subservient to its greater stability. Thus Haman’s malicious, revengeful plot, which threatened utter ruin to the Jewish nation and religion, was most marvelously over-ruled to contribute to the confirmation thereof.

Likewise the Christian church, though the world ever was an enemy to it, has been firmly established: It has been maintained against cruel persecution, and the greatest violence.—And though continually burning, it has not been consumed,–though tossed with tempests, and worried by its oppressors and adversaries, frequently passing through the furnace of affliction; yet it retains a form more bright and beautiful, as of the spouse of Christ, and the joyful mother of children, which no man can number.

Indeed churches are not perfect or complete; they are apt to decline and transgress;—nothing therefore can be more equal and fit, than that God should, in his holy providence, manifest his righteous displeasure against backsliding churches that have fallen from the power and purity of religion, into a state of corruption.

Should it happen that, in times of persecution, bloodshed and war, the church may be reduced in its members, still the remnant may become more refined, holy and heavenly. The faith and patience of the saints be more exercised, their zeal and piety more eminent, and practical godliness more gloriously appear. And then, in due season, God raiseth his church and people from their afflicted and oppressed state, and rendereth vengeance to their adversaries and persecutors. Thus Babylon of old was punished for her cruelty and oppression of the Jewish church. And thus shall it likewise be in the case of mystical Babylon; which, after having been long suffered to prevail, and to “make war with the saints of the most High,” shall have a mighty downfall, wherein the vengeance and justice of almighty God, shall be illustriously displayed; of which we have a striking description in SVIII. Chap. of the Revelation.

And that we may be established in the faith of the prophecy before us, that God “will avenge the blood of his servants,” and execute “vengeance upon their adversaries,” we may advert to the animating promise of our blessed Saviour, in the parable of the unjust judge, who, neither fearing God nor regarding man, was nevertheless prevailed on by the continual cries of the widow, to do her justice against her adversary; our Lord adds, And shall not God avenge his own elect?—“Will he not much more be moved to vindicate his chosen and dearly beloved people, that cry to him day and night, under the cruel oppression of their insulting enemies, even though he may seem to bear long with them, to give them space for repentance? I tell you, he will certainly indicate them, and when once he undertakes it, he will do it speedily too.” Herein, “our condescending Lord only intended to intimate, that if the repeated, importunate cries of the afflicted, may at length prevail even upon an inhuman heart, they will be much more regarded by a righteous, and merciful God, who is always ready to bestow his favours, when he sees we are prepared to receive them. We may rely upon it, that God will vindicate his saints. Let this encourage them, though the rod of the wicked may for a while rest on them—and let it intimidate the proud oppressors of the earth, who, in the midst of all their pomp and power, are so wretched as to have the prayers of God’s people against them.”

We have encouragement then, to hope in God, that he will build up Zion—that he will appear still for us, under all our distresses and oppression—that he will avenge the innocent blood of our brethren, inhumanly shed in the beginning of the present unjust war—that he will render vengeance to his and our adversaries—and one day restore tranquility to our country—that he will make our land “a quiet habitation,” when we may view it in perfect peace, and free from all fears of hostile invasions. For, to use the words of the prophet Isaiah, “The Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the Lord is our King, he will save us.” Hence we are naturally led, in the last place, to observe from the concluding words of my text.

Thirdly, The kindness and compassion of God, to his penitent, praying and obedient people: “And will be merciful unto his land, and to his people.”

Though God chastise his people with the rod of his hand, or permit enemies to oppose and oppress them, yet he will remember his holy covenant, and shew compassion to them, upon their humiliation and repentance. This is illustrated in Neh. Ix chap. wherein the Levites make a religious confession of God’s goodness, and the Israelites wickedness—greatly provoking God by their disobedience and rebellion against him, and contempt of his law; Therefore, as in verse 27, “Thou deliveredst them into the hands of their enemies, who vexed them, and in the time of their trouble, when they cried unto thee, thou heardest them from heaven; and according to thy manifold mercies thou gavest them saviours, who saved them out of the hand of their enemies.”

God will not “cast off his people, neither will he forsake his inheritance: The Lord will not cast off forever—but though he cause grief, yet will he have compassion, according to the multitude of his mercies.” He will arise, and have mercy upon Zion, when the set time to favor her, is come.

To represent the perpetual love of God to his church and people, the prophet Isaiah utters himself in this rapturous strain, “Sing, O heaven, and be joyful, O earth, and break forth into singing. O mountains, for God hath comforted his people, and will have mercy upon his afflicted”—chap. XLIX. 13. And speaking of their deliverance at last, saith, ver. 26. “And I will feed them that oppress thee, with their own flesh, and they shall be drunken with their own blood, as with sweet wine, and all flesh shall know that I the Lord, am thy Saviour, and thy redeemer, the mighty one of Jacob.

The intention of God’s severe dispensations being no the destruction of his people, but their amendment, it becomes them to acknowledge his hand, confess and forsake their sins, and importunately seek to him for needed salvation.—Hence, we are frequently exhorted in scripture to repentance as the surest way to obtain mercy from God; Job v. 17. “Behold, happy is the man whom God correcteth; therefore despise not thou the chastening of the Almighty—For he maketh sore, and bindeth up, he woundeth, and his hands make whole. He shall deliver thee in six troubles, yea, in seven, there shall no evil touch thee. In famine he shall redeem thee from death, and in war from the power of the sword.”

The corrections of his hand are the scourges of a faithful God, who retaineth not his anger forever, because he delighteth in mercy. To this purpose we have a more general exhortation to repentance, in Hos. VI. I. “Come, and let us return unto the Lord, for he hath torn, and he will heal us; he hath smitten, and he will bind us up.” The same God that punisheth us, can only remove his judgments, and shew us mercy. God will “speak peace to his people, and to his saints, if they return not again to folly—Surely his salvation is nigh them that fear him.”

And the church of Christ, notwithstanding, all oppression and persecution, shall one day break forth as the morning, clear as the sun, fair as the moon, and triumph over all its potent, cruel adversaries; even when the glorious things spoken of her, in the latter days, shall be accomplished;—corresponding to the prophecy of Isaiah, chap. lx. Wherein describing he Jews restoration from captivity, takes occasion therefrom to represent the glories of Christ’s kingdom, which began upon the first publication of the gospel, but will not be completed ‘till the fullness of Jews and Gentiles are come into the church; and faith, “Violence shall no more be heard in thy land, wasting nor destruction within thy borders: Thy sun shall no more go down, neither shall thy moon withdraw itself; for the Lord shall be thine everlasting light, and the days of thy mourning shall be ended: Thy people also shall all be righteous; they shall inherit the land forever, the branch of my planting, the work of my hands, that I may be glorified. A little one shall become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation:—I the Lord will hasten it in his time.”

From the preceeding discourse, in connexion with our context, arise the following truths, for instruction and improvement of the dispensations of heaven; and therefore proper for our meditation, on the present occasion. As,

That we should extol the Lord of heaven and earth, who is possessed of glorious perfections, which render him the only fit object of our religious worship.

That we should acknowledge the infinite power of our God, and his sovereign dominion over all; and give honour and service to none other.

That his works of providence, no less than of creation, are most perfect; since he doth nothing without the greatest reason, and according to the rules of exact justice.

That we are ignorant of the methods and reasons of God’s judgments, that take place in the world.

That all the evil, and all the good, that befalls any man, or the whole church, proceeds from the just and equal administrations of divine providence.

That in God we may find a sure refuge, at all times, for he is in one mind, and changeth not.

That He will render vengeance to his adversaries, and do justice to the enemies of his church.

That he will be merciful to his people, his humble, penitent, praying people, and will, in his own way and time, avenge the blood of his servants.

That therefore we have abundant cause to rejoice with his people; and to yield cheerful and constant obedience to him.

These limits might be profitably enlarged upon; but I must leave the more particular improvement of them, to your own private meditations; and fall in closer with the design of this anniversary, which is to keep in mind a solemn remembrance of the origin of the present MURDEROUS WAR, and more especially of the innocent blood wantonly shed around this sacred temple; and the subsequent slaughter and desolation by British troops, on that memorable day, APRIL NINETEENTH, one thousand, seven hundred, seventy-five: A day religiously to be regarded by all professed Christians.

The distress and anxiety of the inhabitants of this town, and the adjacent, arising from the singular and horrid scenes of that dismal and dark day, tho’ diminished by time, can never be effaced in the human breast.

With compassion and tender sympathy, we renew the sorrow and lamentation of the bereaved, for their deceased friends and relatives, who then fell a sacrifice, bled and died, in the cause of God and their country, by the sons of violence, and hands of murders,—as multitudes have fallen since in our land,—whose blood we hope in God, he will speedily and righteously avenge, and restore peace and tranquility.

The all-interesting events of that day,—that distressing day, have been painted in lively colours, by my worthy Brother: 1—and the leading steps, or rather stretches of parliamentary power, and hasty strides of British ministerial vengeance, to reduce Americans to submission and abject slavery as introductory to this unjust and ruinous war) have been set in a striking point of light, by my Rev. Father, 2 —who have gone before me in this lecture.

Nothing new therefore, can be suggested by me on this occasion.—I have only to stir up your pure minds, by way of remembrance, of the transactions of that awful day; to excite your devotion, and to recommend a religious improvement of God’s righteous dispensations then, and through three revolving years now completed.

In pursuance of their oppressive measures (if not intentionally to begin the barbarous and bloody scene) the enemy came upon us like a flood, stealing a march from Boston, through by-ways, under the darkness and silence of the night; and, like cowards and robbers, attacked us altogether defenceless; and cruelly murdered the innocent, the aged and helpless. Accordingly they are described by the prophet, as persons whose hands are defiled with blood;—adding, “their works are works of iniquity, wasting and destruction are in their paths.”

With astonishment and gratitude we recollect the kindness of our almighty Preserver, that no more were slain by the hand of violence; and that the people willingly offered themselves to the help of the Lord against the mighty, who manfully opposed the efforts of British pride, power and barbarity.—The hand of God was visible in these things; and the power and goodness of God manifested in our deliverance, from the enraged, disappointed enemy, is to be devoutly retained in memory, and thankfully acknowledged. When we consider, how weak and unprepared we were at that time, for such a sudden assault, (though the behavior of the British troops might have led us to expect hostile measures would ensue) 3 we may, not unfitly, adopt the words of the Psalmist, concerning the church of old; in Ps. 124, wherein the blesseth God for a miraculous deliverance from a formidable enemy; I say, we may apply the words in the beginning of the Psalm, to ourselves and circumstances, with a little variation; “If it had not been the Lord, who was on our side, now may New-England say: If it had not been the Lord, who was on our side, when men rose up against us; then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us,” and began to break out in fierceness:—In their furious rage they would have suddenly devoured us, and laid waste the country.

But blessed be God, to whose infinite mercy we ascribe our deliverance, who was then a present help. These barbarous savage enemies were put into fear; they were made to flee before us, and hastily to retreat (as wild beasts to their dens) before a few scattered, undisciplined Freemen: 4 Not to our courage or conduct, but to God’s name be all the praise and glory.

A close attention to the occurrences in this unnatural war, from its rise to the present time, affords us great occasion to sing of God’s mercy, and to rejoice with his people;—and likewise to fear and tremble before the Lord, that his anger is not yet turned away, but his hand is stretched out still.

If this war be just and necessary on our part, as past all doubt it is, then we are engaged in the work of the Lord, which obliges us (under God mighty in battle) to use our “swords as instruments of righteousness, and calls us to the shocking, but necessary, important duty of shedding human blood;” not only in defence of our property, life and religion, but in obedience to him who hath said, “Cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood.”

Here I shall take occasion, to address the companies of militia in this town; 5 our Brethren, now under arms. My Friends, Having early distinguished yourselves in a readiness to promote the common good, and safety of your country; by opposing, with others, its invaders, and the murders of your brethren in this town and neighbourhood, on that day we are now commemorating:—You escaped the arrows of death, when perhaps equally exposed, as those that were cut off by the hand of violence: To the God of your life, and who was then, in a peculiar sense, your preserver, defence and shield, you owe everlasting love and obedience.

You were spared, it may be, further to signalize yourselves, and to do yet greater service for God and your bleeding country, which calls aloud to you, and all its hearty friends, to rouse and exert themselves, for the destruction of the common enemy and oppressor; and to wipe away the blood wherewith this land has been stained. To arms! To action, and the battle of the warrior! Is the language of divine providence; and you have every motive imaginable to awaken, and excite you to be up and doing the work of the Lord faithfully.—The honor and glory of God, and the salvation of your country under God, call aloud upon all.—Duty, interest, liberty, religion and life, every thing worth enjoyment, demand speedy and the utmost exertions.

Cultivate, my friends, a martial spirit, strive to excel in the art of war, that you may be qualified to act the part of soldiers well; and, under providence, be helpful in vanquishing and subduing the enemies of God and this people; and be numbered among those who shall be worthy to wear the laurels of victory and triumph.

Above all, let me recommend and urge it upon you, to strive for a more honorable and shining character; I mean that of true Christians, good soldiers of Jesus Christ; and to fight manfully under his banner, as the high priest of your profession, and great captain of your salvation. Then whatever service he shall call you to, or sufferings allot you;—wherever he shall lead, you will cheerfully follow,—be ready to face the enemy and every danger, and meet death with calmness and intrepidity, wherever arrested, and be conquerors through Him.

We wish you, and all our friends and brethren, called to bear arms, and jeopardy their lives in defence of their country, and support of the common rights of mankind, the presence of God, and a blessing this day, from the house of the Lord, all grace and good in time, and glory everlasting.

Finally, Let us all devoutly worship and honor, fear and serve the Lord of hosts, and God of armies; hearken to his word, and seriously attend to every providence.—Let us continue our fervent cries to God, and offer up importunate, unceasing supplications to the most High, to “avenge the blood of his servants,”—and be “merciful to” this “his land, and to his people.” We are encouraged to this from the providence and promises of a powerful and faithful God.—The repeated successes during this calamitous war, from its beginning to the present day, have been great and wonderful; and give us confidence in God, and hope of a happy conclusion, if we amend our ways and doings. Our enemies, indeed, have been permitted to make great destruction in divers parts of our land (in their rage and cruelty unequalled) who have attempted, with fire and sword, to spread desolation far and wide. 6 For as they began the war with a mean, dastardly spirit, so they have prosecuted it, in all their measures, with a rigour and barbarity, exceeding the savages of the wilderness; yet, through the interposition of heaven, they have been frustrated in their grand design, defeated and disgraced.

In various instances, particularly in the last campaign, a merciful God hath crowned our arms, with singular success and victory; 7 enabling us to destroy and break up a whole army, under one of the greatest Generals, perhaps, that Britain can boast of. This is the Lord’s doing, and ‘tis marvelous in our eyes.

The Lord’s hand is not shortened, that it cannot save. We may then confidently put our trust in the living God, and refer our cause of our oppressed and bleeding country-inasmuch as “he will be merciful to his land.” We are assured, “The Lord loveth the gates of Zion:” That he “will bless his own inheritance;” And that when “the Lord shall build up Zion, he shall appear in his glory. He will regard the prayer of the destitute—the children of his servants shall continue, and their seed shall be established before” him; and enjoy the tokens of the divine presence among them.

These assurances of our covenant-God and Father, may well animate our spirits, invigorate our faith, confirm our hope, and establish our confidence in him, under the severest trials and miseries that befall us, in this day of calamity and war.

Whether the prophecy and proise in our text, shall be accomplished, while we of the present generation, are upon the stage of action; is known only to him, who is the Lord of life and death. However, we may piously and cheerfully leave the event to God, whose righteousness remaineth, and his faithfulness to all generations.

I cannot conclude, without just hinting, that though we must necessarily concern ourselves, in some degree, with the things of this present civil world, so long as God shall protract our lives; yet our highest interest lies in another region, far beyond this state of noise and war, danger and misery. And whoever faithfully serves God and their generation here, in a wise improvement of their talents, shall in the end, receive a crown of life, unfading and eternal.

Here is nothing, my hearers, nothing worthy your highest affection and unceasing pursuit.—“All that cometh is vanity.”—All things are liable to change, and in perpetual uncertainty. Every thing tends to dissolution, and God alone is invariable.

We are all children of mortality—and must die out of this world.—Blessed be God, honor and immortality beyond the grave is ascertained by divine revelation. Being called to glory by virtue, let us diligently and conscientiously perform all the duties of our holy religion; labor to secure our peace with God, through Jesus Christ our Savior—that we may be perfect and complete in him, as our head.

That so, when contending powers and jarring nations on earth shall be removed—all kingdoms and states dissolved—and all empire and dominion blotted out, excepting His, who is the first cause, and last end of all things:—We may have a place in the highest heavens;—be admitted to dwell in God’s immediate presence—and join the heavenly host in the warmest ascriptions of blessing, and honor, and praise and glory to God and the lamb, for ever and ever.

A M E N.

Erratum. P. 8, 1. 16-for paternal read natural.

 


Endnotes

1. The Rev. Mr. Clark, in his printed Sermon, preached April 19, 1776, and his annexed impartial narrative.

2. The Rev. Mr. Cooke, in his printed Sermon, preached April 19, 1777.

3. Witness their numerous insults to the inhabitants of town and country:—And their warlike preparations, and formidable fortifications on Boston-Neck, and at the entrance of the town, erected in terrors.

4. From the best accounts it appeared, that not more than 300 of these, were, at any time properly engaged with the two British brigades, (in their flight from Concord to Charlestown) near 2000 strong.

5. Under the command of Capt. John Bridge and Capt. Francis Brown, which by their military parade on this and similar occasions, and martial appearance, while attending the religious exercise, add to the solemnity of the day.

6. Among many instances may be mentioned the burning of Charlestown, Falmouth, Norfolk, Kingston:—The rapine and devastation in New-York and the Jersies; and their unparalleled treatment of the inhabitants there, both for inhumanity and debauchery.—To which may be added, their murdering our friends, whom the fortune of war put into their hands; I mean their starving them to death; inhumanity more than savage! And to compleat their accursed plan, they have hired and let loose upon us the Indians, to scalp and butcher of every age and sex, to plunder and lay waste wherever they came: All this has been acted by Britons, who glory in their valor and humanity.

7. Our army in the Northern Department, was remarkably successful in divers actions; particularly on the 7th October, in which they attacked the lines of the enemy, and drove them from their works, killing and captivating several of their principal officers, and many privates; gaining great advantages. On the 17th October, 1777, Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne surrendered himself, and his whole army into the hands of the brave Major-General Gates, at the head of well-disciplined continental troops, and intrepid militia of New-England.

Sermon – Battle of Lexington – 1776

Jonas Clark (1730-1805) Biography:

Jonas Clark was born on Christmas Day in Lexington, Massachusetts. He graduated from Cambridge University at the age of 22 and was ordained as a minister three years later. While serving as a minister, he also worked a farm of 60 acres in order to supply his family with food. He continued as the pastor of the church at Lexington for half-a-century.

Doolittle’s 1775 Engraving of Lexington

Clark was an avid American patriot before and during and the American War for Independence. He actively wrote papers related to pressing issues such as the Stamp Act and many of the leading patriots stayed at his home and sought his counsel. In fact, both John Hancock and Samuel Adams were at his home on April 18, 1775, when Paul Revere made his famous midnight ride to alert them that they must flee or face being caught by the coming British. Upon hearing the news, they turned to Pastor Clark and asked if the people of Lexington would fight, to which he replied, “I have trained them for this very hour!”

The following morning, some seventy men from his church faced over 700 British soldiers, and when the “Shot heard round the world” was over, eighteen Americans were laying on the ground—both black and white patriots—all members of his church. Clark’s influence continued throughout the War and afterwards, and he helped pen the Massachusetts Constitution.

Clark published many sermons over his lifetime, including the following sermon which was preached on the one year anniversary of the famous Battle of Lexington.


sermon-battle-of-lexington-1776

 

The fate of Blood-thirsty Oppressors, and GOD’S
Tender Care of his distressed People.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT LEXINGTON,

April 19, 1776.

To commemorate the MURDER, BLOOD-SHED and Commencement of Hostilities, between Great-Britain and America, in that Town, by a Brigade of Troops of George III, under Command of Lieutenant-Colonel SMITH, on the Nineteenth of April, 1775.

TO WHICH IS ADDED,

A BRIEF N A R R A T I V E of the principal Transactions of that Day.

By J O N A S C L A R K, A. M.
PASTOR of the CHURCH IN LEXINGTON.

The fate of blood-thirsty oppressors, and GOD’s care of his distressed people.

J O E L, III. 19, 20, and 21.

EGYPT shall be a desolation, and EDOM shall be a desolate wilderness, for the violence against the children of Judah, because they have shed INNOCENT BLOOD in their land. But JUDAH shall dwell for ever, and JERUSALEM from generation to generation. For I will cleanse their blood that I have not cleansed; for the LORD dwelleth in Zion.

Next to the acknowledgement of the existence of a Deity, there is no one principle of greater importance in religion, than a realizing belief of the divine government and providence, to realize that God is Governor among the nations, that his government is wise and just, and that all our times and changes are in his hands, and at his disposal, will have the happiest tendency to excite the most grateful acknowledgements of his goodness in prosperity, the most cordial resignation to his paternal discipline in adversity, and the most placid composure and equanimity of mind in all the changing scenes of life. Inspired with this divine principle, we shall contemplate, with grateful wonder and delight, the goodness of God in prosperous events, and devoutly acknowledge and adore his sovereign hand in days of darkness and perplexity, and when the greatest difficulties press. This will be a source of comfort and support under private afflictions and trials, and this shall encourage our hope in God and trust in his name, under public calamities and judgments.—Yea, however dark and mysterious the ways of providence may appear; yet nothing shall overwhelm the mind, or destroy the trust and hope of those, that realize the government of heaven,—that realize, that an all wise God is seated on the throne, and that all things are well appointed for his chosen people,—for them that fear him.

This principle and these sentiments therefore, being of so great use and importance in religion, under the various dispensations of providence, one great design of the present discourse, is to rouse and excite us to a religious acknowledgment of the hand of God, in those distressing scenes of MURDER, BLOOD-SHED and WAR, we are met to commemorate, upon this solemn occasion.

The passage before us, it is humbly conceived, is well suited to confirm our faith, to excite our trust, and encourage our hope, under such awful dispensations, as it points out the method of God’s government and the course of his providence towards the enemies and oppressors of his people, and the fate of those that shed innocent blood; and at the same time, represents his peculiar care of his church and chosen, and the assurance they have, when under oppression, of restoration and establishment,—and that God himself will plead their cause and both cleanse and avenge their innocent blood. “Egypt shall be a desolation, and Edom shall be a desolate wilderness, for the violence against the children of Judah, because they have shed INNOCENT BLOOD in their land. But Judah shall dwell forever, and Jerusalem from generation to generation. For I will cleanse their blood, that I have not cleansed; for the LORD dwelleth in Zion.”

It is not necessary to enquire as to the immediate occasion, or literal fulfillment of the prophecy before us, with respect to the particular nations, or kingdoms here mentioned. It is sufficient to our present purpose to observe, that Egypt was early noted, in scripture history, for oppressing God’s people, and causing them to serve with cruel bondage. Edom also is mentioned as guilty of violence towards them, and expressing a most embittered hatred and revenge against them; and from the expressions in the text, it is natural to suppose, that there had been some, if not many instances of their shedding innocent blood in their land.1 Israel, God’s chosen people, had often suffered violence, from both these states: So that we have good reason to suppose, that both Egypt and Edom, in the language of scripture prophecy, in the text and other passages, may intend not Egypt or Edom only, but (proverbially) in a more general sense, enemies, persecutors or oppressors of God’s people, who violated their rights and liberties, religious and civil, and by the sword of persecution or oppression, shed innocent blood in their land.

Prophecies, especially those that are, or may be, of general use to the people of God, are but seldom literal, either in prediction or fulfillment. They are rather of use to foreshew great and interesting events, as taking place in the world, in such time and manner, and upon such persons, societies, nations, or kingdoms, as shall display the justice and equity of divine government, and the peculiar care which Heaven takes of the church and people of God, for their correction, instruction, preservation or establishment. Agreeably St. Peter speaks strongly for this method of explaining and improving scripture prophecies, where he says expressly, that “no prophecy of the scripture is of any private interpretation.”2 It is therefore, rational to suppose, that though prophecies may have special or immediate reference to particular persons, societies, nations or kingdoms, and to events in which they may be immediately interested; yet they may be fitly considered as having a further and more important interpretation, which may be of general use for the direction and edification of God’s church and people, in all ages, to the end. In this general sense, therefore, you will permit me to consider the prophecy in the passage before us: and thus understood, it is easy to see several things suggested in it, worthy our most serious attention and religious improvement, upon such an occasion as this.

In the first place, it is admitted, that for wise purposes, a just God may permit powerful enemies, or oppressors, to injure, do violence unto and distress his people, and to carry their measures of violence and oppression to such lengths among them, as to strike at their life and “shed innocent blood in their land.”

As God is the Sovereign of the world, and exercises his government for the glory of his name, in the good of the whole, so he hath a paternal concern for the special benefit and improvement of his church and people. All creatures are his servants: and God accomplisheth his designs and carries his counsels to effect, by what means and instruments he pleases. It is with him alone, ‘who is wonderful in counsel and excellent in working,” to bring good out of evil. When God designs the reproof and correction of his people, he can exercise this holy discipline in various ways and by various means, as shall best answer the purposes of his government. This holy discipline is accordingly exercised, sometimes by the immediate hand of providence: as in wasting sickness, parching drought, awful and desolating earthquakes, or other judgments, which are immediately from God himself. Or this may be done more mediately, by the instrumentality of his creatures; and even the wicked, and those that love the wages of unrighteousness, that delight in oppression, waste and spoil, or thirst for innocent blood, may be improved as the rod in his hand to correct, or punish the sins of his people. With this view the oppressor is permitted to injure, insult, oppress and lay waste in a land; and to carry his measures to the shedding of innocent blood. With the same design does a sovereign God give the enemy a commission, in war, with fire and sword, to distress and destroy.

In such public calamities, it is true, it often comes to pass, that as individuals, the innocent are involved and suffer with the guilty; and sometimes the innocent alone. But however unjust, or cruel the oppressor, and those that thirst for blood may be, in contriving and carrying into execution their wicked, oppressive, or bloody designs, they are no other than instruments in providence and the rod in the hand of the great Governor of the world, for the reproof and correction of his people. These things happen not by accident, or chance, but by the direction, or permission of that God, who is righteous in all his ways and holy in all his works. When Israel sinned and did evil in the sight of the LORD, it is said, “the anger of the LORD was hot against Israel, and he delivered them into the hands of spoilers that spoiled them, and he sold them into the hands of their enemies round about, and they were greatly distressed.”3 Hence also the Assyrian King is expressly called “the rod of God’s anger,” for the correction of his people.4 And thus Egypt and Edom, in the prophecy before us, in committing violence upon the children of Judah and in shedding innocent blood in their land, are held up to view as the rod in God’s hand, for the correction, reproof and instruction of his people. Agreeably, this is the language of a just and faithful God, in such dispensations, “hear ye the rod, and who hath appointed it.”5

It matters not, therefore, who are the immediate instruments of violence and oppression, or by whose hands the blood of innocent persons is shed, or their substance wasted and habitations destroyed; nor yet from what motives, or views such acts of oppression and cruelty are perpetrated, with respect to the religious improvement, that God expects us, or any people, to make of such heavy dispensations. “Tis God, and his hand—‘tis God and his providence, which we are first of all concerned to notice, acknowledge and improve. However unjust our sufferings may be from man; yet, when we realize the hand of God, the great and wise Governor of the world, as concerned herein, silence and submission is our indispensible duty, and no murmur, or complaint ought ever to be heard, but with reverence and humility it becomes us to bow before the LORD, and adoring his sovereignty, ascribe righteousness to our God. Neither the insults of oppressors, nor the flames of our once delightful habitations, nor even the innocent blood of our brethren slain, should move to a murmuring word or an angry thought, against God, his government, or providence.—“Shall we receive good at the hand of God, and shall we not receive evil?”6 —And “shall not the Judge of all the earth do right!”7 The more grievously we are smitten, the more deeply we are affected, the more carefully should we endeavour to realize our dependence upon God, the more religiously acknowledge his hand, and the more earnestly return to him that smites. This is the lesson of instruction, which God expects we should learn, by such bitter dispensations, and this the improvement he looks for, in us and his people, in order to the restoration of his favour and our redemption from enemies and oppressors, who threaten to lay waste and destroy. May these things, then, be deeply impressed on each of our hearts.—But I pass.

Secondly, To observe the fate of oppressors, and the sentence of heaven against those that do violence to God’s people and shed innocent blood in their land. Egypt shall be a desolation, and Edom shall be a desolate wilderness, for the violence against the children of Judah, because they have shed innocent blood in their land.

However just it may be in God to correct his people, and whatever right is ascribed to him of improving the wicked, as the rod in his hand to correct, or the sword to punish them; yet this alters not the nature of their oppressive designs, neither does it abate their guilt, or alleviate their crime, in these measures of injustice, violence or cruelty, by which the people of God are distressed.

Thus God speaks of the Assyrian king, a prince noted in history for his avarice and ambition, cruelty and oppression, (and in him, of the Assyrian state, whose character was included in that of its king) saying—“O Assyrian, the rod of mine anger, and the staff in their hand is mine indignation. I will send him to an hypocritical nation; and against the people of my wrath will I give him a charge to take the spoil, and to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire of the streets. Howbeit, he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so, but it is in his heart to destroy. Wherefore it shall come to pass, that when the LORD hath performed his whole work upon mount Zion, and on Jerusalem, I will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the king of Assyria, and the glory of his high looks.”8 And so it came to pass: For this power, that with such a mighty hand, and for so long a time, oppressed God’s people and other nations, in God’s due time, felt the weight of the iron yoke, and received double for all the injustice, oppression and cruelty it had exercised towards others.

In this, and many other circumstances, with which history abounds, it is easy to see the fate of the enemies of God’s people and oppressors of mankind.—But we need not go from the text, for satisfaction in this matter. In the words of the prophecy before us, we have the sentence of heaven against the oppressors of God’s people and the doom of those common enemies of mankind, pronounced, and the reason thereof assigned, in the clearest terms. Egypt shall be a desolation, Edom shall be a desolate wilderness, for the violence against the children of Judah, because they have shed innocent blood in their land.

The LORD is a God, that loveth righteousness and hateth iniquity, in whatever shape, or character it appears. Injustice, oppression and violence (much less the shedding of innocent blood) shall not pass unnoticed, by the just Governor of the world. Sooner, or later, a just recompence will be made upon such workers of iniquity.—Yea, though hand join in hand, in measures of oppression and violence, against God’s people; and though their avarice, ambition, and lawless thirst for power and domination, may carry them on, ‘till their steps shall be marked with innocent blood; yet certain it is, they shall not, finally, go unpunished. For a time, indeed, and but for a time, such workers of unrighteousness, such destroyers of mankind may practice and prosper; but ‘vengeance flow, is vengeance sure.’ Their ways are marked before God. Their punishment and destruction are sealed in his presence: And the time is hastening, when destruction, without remedy, shall be their portion.

The truth of these sentiments hath often been verified in providence, and the proudest princes and the most powerful states have been taught, by severe, by fatal experience, that desolation from the LORD awaits the impiety of those, that do violence to his people and ‘shed innocent blood in their land.’

Here then we may see the light in which that people, or nation, are to be considered, that walk in the ways of oppression, and that thirst for and shed innocent blood. Here we may also see the ruin to which they are hastening, the awful judgments that await them, and the great reason they have to fear the sentence of heaven, denounced against them, in the prophecy before us, and its literal fulfillment upon them. Which naturally leads in the last place.

Thirdly, To observe, in the prophecy before us, the peculiar care God takes of his church and people, and the assurance they have, even when actually suffering violence and under the cruel hand of oppression, of redemption, restoration and establishment; and that God himself will plead their cause, and both cleanse and avenge their innocent blood. Nothing can be more directly expressive of this sentiment, or a firmer ground of assurance, for the confirmation of the faith and hope of God’s chosen people in the belief of it, than the promise and prophecy, concerning Judah and Jerusalem in the text. While Egypt and Edom, while the enemies and oppressors of God’s people, are doomed to that desolation, they so justly deserve, the strongest assurances are given, “that Judah shall dwell forever, and Jerusalem from generation to generation. For I, saith God, will cleanse their blood, that I have not cleansed: For the Lord dwelleth in Zion.” The words are plain, and need no comment. They speak the language of scripture, fact and experience, for the confirmation of the faith and hope of God’s church and chosen, in days of perplexity and darkness, and when actually under the injustice, violence and cruelty of inveterate enemies, or blood thirsty oppressors.

Here are two things, for the inducement and confirmation of the faith and hope of God’s church and people, in such times of darkness and distress, which are well worthy serious notice and attention.

First, God’s word and promise, in which he assures his people, that notwithstanding the violence of their enemies against them, and the distress and sorrow their oppressors may have caused them, by shedding innocent blood among them; yet they shall never avail to overthrow, or destroy them; but they shall assuredly be redeemed and delivered out of their hands, and restored and established, as his church and people, in a flourishing state.

And then, secondly, To leave no doubt upon their minds, as to the fulfillment of this blessed promise, a gracious God condescends to explain himself in the clearest terms possible, and to satisfy them, that nothing should fail of all that he had promised, he assures them that he would take the work into his own hands, and see to the accomplishment of it himself; that thus it might appear to them and to the world of mankind, that the Lord was with them and dwelt in the midst of them. “Judah shall dwell forever, and Jerusalem from generation to generation: For I will cleanse their blood, that I have not cleansed; for the Lord dwelleth in Zion.”—Words well suited to cheer and comfort the sinking spirits of God’s afflicted, oppressed people: and words which might rouse the faith, and give a spring to the hope of the most feeble and faint-hearted, among God’s people, in the depths of distress. For ‘God is not a man that he should lie, nor the son of man that he should repent.9 —‘Hath he promised, and shall he not perform?—Hath he spoken, and shall he not bring it to pass?’—

Blood is said to be cleansed, or avenged, when justice hath taken place, and the murderer is punished. God may be said to cleanse the innocent blood, which may have been shed among his people, by the sword of oppressors, or enemies, when in providence he undertakes for them, avenges their blood upon them that slew them, and reduces them to reason or ruin.

The sword is an appeal to heaven,—when therefore, the arms of a people are eventually successful, or by the immediate interposition of providence, their enemies and oppressors are subdued or destroyed.—When a people are reinstated in peace, upon equitable terms, and established in the enjoyment of all their just rights and liberties, both civil and sacred: then may it be said, that the Lord hath cleansed their innocent blood, and then will it be manifestly evident, that their God is with them and dwelleth in the midst of them.

Now of this God hath given his people the strongest assurances, in the prophecy before us: and these assurances are confirmed by the word of God, to his people, throughout the sacred scriptures. So that, though for their sins and the multitude of their transgressions, a righteous God may justly afflict and correct his people, by the hand of oppressors, and permit their most important rights to be violated, their substance destroyed, their habitations to be laid waste, or even the innocent blood of their brethren to be wantonly shed in their land; yet still he is their God, in the midst of them, and will readily appear for their help, when they return from their evil ways, acknowledge his hand and implore his mercy and assistance. This holy discipline is no more than what God hath given his people to expect, as a reproof of their declensions, and as a means of bringing them to a sense of their dependence upon him. Such dispensations, are so far from being an evidence, that God hath forsaken his people, given them up, or forgotten to be gracious, that they are rather to be considered as demonstrations of his paternal care and faithfulness towards them. Agreeably, in his covenant with his servant David and his house, this method of conduct is expressly stipulated, as a token of his special care and faithfulness, and of the remembrance of the covenant he had made. “If his children forsake my law, and walk not in my judgments:—Then will I visit their transgression with the rod and their iniquity with stripes. Nevertheless, my loving kindness will I not utterly take from him, nor suffer my faithfulness to fail. My covenant will I not break, nor alter the thing that is gone out of my lips.”10

In such visitations, God evidently intends the best good of his people; not their destruction, but their reformation: and if they see his hand, humble themselves under it and seek him aright, God will not fail to remember his covenant and his promises for them, and in his due time appear, in his power and glory, for their relief.—Yea the bowels of his mercy will be moved at their distresses, and his language will be the same as unto his people of old, when under the Egyptian yoke, they were caused to serve with cruel bondage—“I have seen, I have seen the affliction of my people which is in Egypt, and have heard their groaning, and am come down to deliver them.”11 And to encourage his saints and people, to trust on his name and hope in his mercy, a gracious God hath most explicitly promised them his presence, direction and assistance, in all their distresses, be they ever so numerous, ever so great. His language is merciful, condescending and endearing—especially when by the prophet Isaiah, he says to his afflicted people—“When thou passeth through the waters, I will be with thee; and through the rivers, they shall not overflow thee: When thou walkest through the fire, thou shalt not be burnt; neither shall the flame kindle upon thee. For I am the Lord thy God, and the holy One of Israel, thy Saviour.”12 From these passages of sacred writ, it appears, that as God in infinite wisdom, sees fit to exercise his people with trials and afflictions; and sometimes to call them to pass through the depths of adversity: so he hath provided for their support and given them the greatest reason to hope for his presence and assistance, and the strongest assurances, that they shall be carried through all, and in the end rejoice in God, as the holy One of Israel, their SAVIOUR.—In short, nothing can be more expressive of God’s care of his people in distress, and of the solid ground they have to hope for redemption and salvation, in his way and time, which are always the best.

We may add, that further to confirm our faith and encourage our hope, in those blessed assurances of God’s presence with his people, even in their heaviest trials and greatest perplexities, we might safely appeal to the experience of his chosen, in every age, from the beginning to the present time. This will show how easy it is, with an infinitely wise God, to bring good out of evil, and by the over-ruling hand of Providence, to cause the councils and measures of persecutors and oppressors, to hasten the redemption and establishment of the injured and oppressed, as well as to bring upon themselves, that confusion and desolation they so justly deserve.—And this will also prove, how truly applicable the words of the prophet are, to God’s chosen people in their distresses in every age, when speaking of the large experience Israel had had, of the tender love and faithful care of a merciful God exercised towards them, he says, that, “In all their affliction he was afflicted, and the angel of his presence saved them: In his love and in his pity he redeemed them, and he bare them, and carried them all the days of old.”13

Nothing is more evident from history and experience, than God’s care of his people, and the wisdom of his providence, in causing the violence and oppression of their enemies, to operate for their advantage, and promote their more speedy deliverance. This appears too plain, from various instances, to admit of dispute.

The children of Israel would not have been, so early, persuaded to have left the gardens of Egypt or the fertile fields of the land of Goshen, and in the face of every danger, attempted to free themselves from the Egyptian yoke, had not their burdens been increased to an unreasonable degree, by the violence and cruelty of those that oppressed them, in that house of bondage. And Pharaoh and his armies would never have met with that disgraceful defeat, and awful destruction, which overtook them in the red sea, had they not been infatuated to pursue their measures of oppression and violence, even after it was evident that their cause was desperate, and that God was against them.

Christendom would never have been roused, from that state of ignorance, and darkness, and slavery it was in—the protestant league would never been entered into with such firmness and resolution, to shake off the papal yoke, and redeem both church and state from the hierarchy of Rome, had not the enormities and violence of that power, by which they had been so long oppressed, rose to an intolerable heighth, and put them upon the expedient.14

The united states of Holland would not have been very easily induced, to have opposed the power of Spain, when the meridian of its strength and glory, much less to have attempted independence of that kingdom, had they not been effectually convinced, by a long series of injuries and oppression, and numberless violations of their most sacred rights, that there was no other remedy.15

Britons would never have resisted their kings, and flown to arms, in defence of their invaluable rights and liberties, had they not felt the weight of the iron rod of oppression and tyranny, and seen their danger and absolute necessity of such resistance to prevent the total deprivation, of all they held dear and sacred, as Freemen, Christians and a free People.— Charles would not have lost his kingdom, and finally his life upon the Scaffold, by the hand of the executioner; nor James been obliged, in disgrace, to quit his throne and abdicate the government of the kingdom, had it not been for their own violent counsels and measures, to oppress and enslave the people, whom they were called to govern and protect.

Our fathers would never have forsook their native land, delightsome habitations and fair possessions, and in the face of almost every danger and distress, sought a safe retreat, for the enjoyment of religious and civil liberty, among savage beasts and more savage men in the inhospitable wilds of America; had they not been drove from thence, by the violence and cruelty of persecutors and oppressors, in church and state. The hierarchy of the church, by which they looked upon the rights of conscience infringed, and the arbitrary measures of the state, by which they esteemed their civil liberties abridged, if not grossly violated, rather than any views of worldly gain (as hath been enviously hinted by some) were the principal causes of their emigration, and the hope and expectation of deliverance therefrom, gave the spring to the hazardous undertaking.

And when heaven so far smiled upon their enterprise, as to give them footing in the land; and when, after numerous hardships and dangers, toils and distresses, they had secured a possession for themselves and posterity, and obtained a confirmation of those civil and religious liberties they had fought; still retaining a filial affection towards their native country, they seemed to have nothing more at heart than that Americans might be happy, in the enjoyment of their just rights and liberties, as men and Christians, under the protection of Britain; and that Britain might be flourishing and glorious, in receiving the profits of the labour, trade and industry of Americans: And that the connection of America with Britain, and her dependence, in this way, upon the Parent state, might have been preserved inviolate to the end of time.—And it may be added, that there is no just ground to suppose, that it would have ever entered the heart of Americans, to have desired a dissolution of so happy a connection with the Mother-Country, or to have fought independence of Britain, had they not been urged, and even forced upon such an expedient, by measures of oppression and violence, and the shedding of innocent blood.

But, alas!—Ill-judged counsels!—Ill-fated measures of Britain, and the British administration, with respect to America, have broken in upon the pleasing scene, and fatally destroyed the happy prospects of both Britain and America!

At the close of the last war, we arrived at that happy period, to which our ancestors looked, with earnest expectation as the utmost of their wishes, as the answer of their prayers, and the reward of all their toils and sufferings. The savages were subdued, those restless neighbours, the French were subjected, and this wide extended continent seemed to be given us for a possession: And we were ready to say, ‘there was none to make us afraid.’—But how uncertain the most blooming prospects?—How vain—how disappointing the most rational, as well as raised expectations, in this imperfect state?—Scarcely emerged from the dangers and fatigues of a long and distressing war, we are unexpectedly involved in perplexities and anxieties of a different kind, which by degrees have increased, ‘till they are become more serious, dangerous and distressing, than any ever yet felt, by God’s people, in this once happy land.

Through the crafty insinuations, false representations and diabolical counsels, of the enemies of God’s people and the common rights of mankind, in America and Britain, acts of oppression are made by the Parliament of England, in which we are not represented, which deeply affect our most valuable privileges. In open violation of our chartered rights, these acts of unrighteousness and oppression, are attempted to be carried into execution, in these colonies. After various threats of coercive measures, a military force is sent to enforce them. An innocent, loyal people are distressed, and every art, which wit or malice could invent, is used to flatter or fright, to divine or dishearten, and finally subject us to the will of a power, not known in our charters, or even in the British constitution itself. And as one of the natural consequences of standing armies being stationed in populous cities, for such execrable purposes, many of the inhabitants of Boston are insulted. At length, under pretence of ill treatment, the streets of that once flourishing city, are stained with the innocent blood of a number of our brethren, wantonly or cruelly slain, by those sons of oppression and violence!16

Upon the high resentments of the people, in consequence of this horrid outrage and violence, there was, for a short time, a pause in their measures.—For a moment the oppressors themselves seemed to be struck with the horrid effects of their own iniquitous proceedings, and stand aghast at the sight of the innocent blood they had shed! Perhaps they were not, at that time, so thoroughly hardened in sin as they have proved themselves since!—But this pause seemed to be, not to repent of their evil deeds, but rather to collect themselves, and devise some measures more effectual: For so far from giving over the execrable design, the plan of oppression is renewed. New acts are passed to distress and enslave us. The lust of domination appears no longer in disguise, but with open face—The starving Port-Bill comes forth—Gage arrives with his forces by sea and land, to carry it into execution, with vigour and severity.—And to complete the scene, and at once, to make thorough work of oppression and tyranny, immediately follow the Bills, that subvert the constitution, vacate our charter, abridge us of the right of trial by juries of the vicinity, in divers specified capital cases, and expose us to be seized, contrary to the laws of the land, and carried to England to be tried for our lives!—As also the Bill for establishing the popish religion in Canada, contrary to the faith of the crown and the statutes of the kingdom.

And to these things, the people are treated, in various instances, with indignity, severity and even cruelty. And, notwithstanding every possible expression of a peaceful disposition, in this people, consistent with a determined resolution and Christian firmness, in defence of their rights and liberties, which they held dearer than life, their property is frequently and violently seized, and even their persons and lives are threatened. The inhabitants of Salem are threatened with the sword,17 for peacefully meeting to consult upon matters of importance to themselves and the public, as they had an undoubted right to do, by the standing laws of the colony. A number of the most respectable inhabitants of that town, were arrested and threatened with imprisonment, by General Gage’s order, for calling the inhabitants together, at the meeting aforesaid. The province stores of powder, which are deposited at Medford were also clandestinely seized, by a large detachment of the troops, and conveyed with all possible dispatch, to Boston; as were, at the same time, also, some field-pieces at Cambridge.18 Entrenchments are thrown up, by Gage’s army, and the town of Boston becomes a garrison, and the inhabitants become prisoners, at the pleasure of the troops. And notwithstanding Gage’s repeated professions, of having no design against the lives, or liberties, of the people, every thing hath the appearance of hostile intentions, and the near approach of blood shed and war.19

Many inhabitants both of the town and country, are daily abused and insulted, by the troops. The devotion of God’s people, in their worshipping assemblies, is frequently interrupted, and marks of the utmost contempt are cast upon religion itself. Bodies of troops from time to time march into the country, with a view (as was supposed) to alarm, terrify, or awe the inhabitants to a submission. On the Sabbath, a day held sacred to God and religion, by Christians, while God’s people were in his house, engaged in devotion and the instituted services of religion, a detachment of these instruments of tyranny and oppression, clandestinely landed at Marblehead, and making a quick march to Salem, attempt to seize upon some cannon and other military stores deposited there to be ready for use, if wanted upon any important emergency:—But, happily, they are disappointed in their designs, by the spirit and resolution of the inhabitants, who speedily collected upon that alarming occasion.20

At length, on the night of the eighteenth of April, 1775, the alarm is given of the hostile designs of the troops. The militia of this town are called together, to consult and prepare for whatever might be necessary, or in their power, for their own, and the common safety; though without the least design of commencing hostilities, upon these avowed enemies and oppressors of their country. In the mean time, under cover of the darkness, a brigade of these instruments of violence and tyranny, make their approach, and with a quick and silent march, on the morning of the nineteenth, they enter this town. And this is the place where the fatal scene begins!—They approach with the morning’s light; and more like murders and cut-throats, than the troops of a Christian king, without provocation, without warning, when no war was proclaimed, they draw the sword of violence, upon the inhabitants of this town, and with a cruelty and barbarity, which would have made the most hardened savage blush, they shed INNOCENT BLOOD!—But, O my GOD!—How shall I speak!—or how describe the distress, the horror of that awful morn, that gloomy day!—Yonder21 field can witness the innocent blood of our brethren slain!—And from thence does their blood cry unto God for vengeance from the ground!—There the tender father bled, and there the beloved son!—There the hoary head, and there the blooming youth!—And there the man in his full strength, with the man of years!—They bleed—they die, not by the sword of an open enemy (with whom war is proclaimed) in the field of battle; but by the hand of those that delight in spoil, and lurk privily that they may shed innocent blood!—But they bleed, they die, not in their own cause only; but in the cause of this whole people—in the cause of God, their country and posterity.—And they have not bled, they shall not bleed in vain.—Surely there is one that avengeth, and that will plead the cause of the injured and oppressed; and in his own way and time, will both cleanse and avenge their innocent blood.—And the names of Munroe, Parker, and others, that fell victims to the rage of blood-thirsty oppressors, on that gloomy morning, shall be had in grateful remembrance, by the people of this land, and transmitted to posterity, with honour and respect, throughout all generations.22

But who shall comfort the distressed relatives,—the mourning widows, the fatherless children, the weeping parents, or the afflicted friends?—May the consolations of that God, who hath hitherto supported them, be still their support!—Upon him may they still derive all needed supplies, in things spiritual and temporal; and yet more and more experience the faithfulness and truth, the mercy and goodness, of the God of all comfort.

May those that were wounded, and have since experienced the tender mercy of that God, “who woundeth, and healeth, and bindeth up.” Be deeply impressed with a sense of his distinguishing goodness, that their lives were spared, while others were taken; and be persuaded, more entirely than ever, to devote them to God, his service and glory.

May all in this place, still carefully remember, notice and improve this awful dispensation.—Particularly, it concerns, not only those whose substance hath been plundered, and whose habitations have been burnt, by these lawless invaders; but also all, in general, diligently and seriously to enquire, wherefore it is, that a righteous God is contending with us, by the fire and sword of the oppressor:—And wherefore it is, that this awful scene, of blood-shed and war, was opened in this place. May we still humble ourselves before God, under a sense of the terrible things, which in righteousness he hath done in the midst of us. May we also be deeply impressed, with a most grateful sense of the goodness of God, in that so much mercy was remembered in judgment; that so few were found among the wounded and slain, and so few habitations were consumed by the fire of the enemy, when so many were spared, that were equally exposed. And may this day be remembered, to the glory of God, and our own instruction and improvement, so long as we live.

But this is not by us alone, that this day is to be noticed.—This ever memorable day is full of importance to all around—to this whole land and nation; and big with the fate of Great Britain and America.—From this remarkable day will an important era begin for both America and Britain. And from the nineteenth of April, 1775, we may venture to predict, will be dated, in future history, THE LIBERTY or SLAVERY of the AMERICAN WORLD, according as a sovereign God shall see fit to smile, or frown upon the interesting cause, in which we are engaged.

How far the prophecy before us, may be applicable, upon this solemn occasion, and with what degree of truth, or probability, it may be predicted, in consequence of the present unjust and unnatural war, “that Great-Britain shall be a desolation, and England be a desolate wilderness, for the violence against the children of America, because they have shed INNOCENT BLOOD in their land: But America shall dwell forever, and this people from generation to generation. And the LORD himself will cleanse their blood, that he hath not already cleansed.”—How far (I say) this prophecy may be applicable, in the present interesting contest, and how far it may be accomplished in the issue thereof, God only knows, and time only can discover.—But of this we are certain, if we “humble ourselves under the mighty hand of God upon us, we shall be exalted, in his due time:” and if we rightly improve his dealings, “accept the punishment of our sins” and religiously trust in his name, we shall see his salvation.

From what hath already happened, in the rise and progress, and even unto the present state of this most interesting conflict, we have the greatest reason to hope for an happy issue, in the end. Though with fire and sword, our enemies and oppressors have endeavoured to lay waste and destroy, and though they have begun and carried on the war, so far as their power could enable them, with more than savage cruelty and barbarity; yet, through the peculiar favour of heaven, they have not been able to carry their designs to effect; yea, in most of their enterprises, they have been greatly disappointed.—Not to say defeated and disgraced.—Instead of awing the people into submission, by these measures of violence and cruelty, with which they commenced hostilities against us, as they undoubtedly expected, their spirits have been roused and awakened thereby, beyond what any other means could have ever effected: and with a union and firmness, exceeding the most sanguine expectations, they have armed to defend themselves and their country, and to revenge the injuries received and the innocent blood of their brethren slain. And a merciful God, in various instances, hath crowned our arms with success and victory. Not only the acquisitions at the westward, and the progress of our army in Canada, but the preservation and defense of this colony; and above all, the unexpected evacuation of the town of Boston, which, at such immense cost, they had fortified, and had so long in their possession—and their destroying the works of their own hands, which with so much labour and expense, they had erected; bespeak the special favour of heaven, to this injured and oppressed people; and appear to be happy omens of those further successes, which are necessary to complete our deliverance, and render this land a quiet habitation.

May that God, who is a God of righteousness and salvation, still appear for us, go forth with our armies, tread down our enemies, and cleanse and avenge our innocent blood. And may we be prepared, by a general repentance and thorough reformation, for his gracious and powerful interposition in our behalf; and then may we see the displays of his power and glory for our salvation. Which God of his infinite mercy grant, for his mercy’s sake in Christ Jesus.

A M E N.

A NARRATIVE, &c.

As it was not confident with the limits of a single discourse, to give a full account of the particulars of this most savage and murderous affair; the following plain and faithful narrative of facts, as they appeared to us in this place, may be matter of satisfaction.

On the evening of the eighteenth of April, 1775, we received two messages; the first verbal, the other by express, in writing, from the committee of safety, who were then sitting in the westerly part of Cambridge, directed to the Honorable JOHN HANCOCK, Esq; (who, with the Honorable SAMUEL ADAMS, Esq; was then providentially with us) informing, “that eight or nine officers of the king’s troops were seen, just before night, passing the road towards Lexington, in a musing, contemplative posture; and it was suspected they were out upon some evil design.”

As both these gentlemen had been frequently and even publicly, threatened, by the enemies of this people, both in England and America, with the vengeance of the British administration:—And as Mr. Hancock in particular had been, more than once, personally insulted, by some officers of the troops, in Boston; it was not without some just grounds supposed, that under cover of the darkness, sudden arrest, if not assassination might be attempted, by these instruments of tyranny!

To prevent any thing of this kind, ten or twelve men were immediately collected, in arms, to guard my house, through the night.

In the mean time, said officers passed through this town, on the road towards Concord: It was therefore thought expedient to watch their motions, and if possible make some discovery of their intentions. Accordingly, about 10 o’clock in the evening, three men, on horses, were dispatched for this purpose. As they were peaceably passing the road towards Concord, in the borders of Lincoln, they were suddenly stopped by said officers, who rode up to them, and putting pistols to their breasts and seizing their horses bridles, swore, if they stirred another step, they should be all dead men!—The officers detained them several hours, as prisoners, examined, searched, abused and insulted them; and in their hasty return (supposing themselves discovered) they left them in Lexington.—Said officers also took into custody, abused and threatened with their lives several other persons; some of whom they met peaceably passing on the road, others even at the doors of their dwellings, without the least provocation, on the part of the inhabitants, or so much as a question asked by them.

Between the hours of twelve and one, on the morning of the NINETEENTH OF APRIL, we received intelligence, by express, from the Honorable JOSEPH WARREN Esq; at Boston, “that a large body of the king’s troops (supposed to be a brigade of about 12 or 1500) were embarked in boats from Boston, and gone over to land on Lechmere’s-Point (so called) in Cambridge: And that it was shrewdly suspected, that they were ordered to seize and destroy the stores, belonging to the colony, then deposited at Concord,” in consequence of General Gage’s unjustifiable seizure of the provincial magazine of powder at Medford, and other colony stores in several other places.

Upon this intelligence, as also upon information of the conduct of the officers as above-mentioned, the militia of this town were alarmed, and ordered to meet on the usual place of parade; not with any design of commencing hostilities upon the king’s troops, but to consult what might be done for our own and the people’s safety: And also to be ready for whatever service providence might call us out to, upon this alarming occasion, in case overt-acts of violence, or open hostilities should be committed by this mercenary band of armed and blood-thirsty oppressors.

About the same time, two persons were sent express to Cambridge, if possible, to gain intelligence of the motions of the troops, and what rout they took.

The militia met according to order; and waited the return of the messengers, that they might order their measures as occasion should require. Between 3 and 4 o’clock, one of the expresses returned, informing, that there was no appearance of the troops, on the roads, either from Cambridge or Charlestown; and that it was supposed that the movements in the army the evening before, were only a feint to alarm the people. Upon this, therefore, the militia company were dismissed for the present, but with orders to be within call of the drum,—waiting the return of the other messenger, who was expected in about an hour, or sooner, if any discovery should be made of the motions of the troops.—But he was prevented by their silent and sudden arrival at the place where he was, waiting for intelligence. So that, after all this precaution, we had no notice of their approach, ‘till the brigade was actually in the town, and upon a quick march within about a mile and a quarter of the meeting house and place of parade.

However, the commanding officer though best to call the company together,—not with any design of opposing so superior a force, much less of commencing hostilities; but only with a view to determine what to do, when and where to meet, and to dismiss and disperse.

Accordingly, about half an hour after four o’clock, alarm guns were fired, and the drums beat to arms; and the militia were collecting together.—Some, to the number of about 50, or 60, or possibly more, were on the parade, others were coming towards it.—In the mean time, the troops, having thus stolen a march upon us, and to prevent any intelligence of their approach, having seized and held prisoners several persons whom they met unarmed upon the road, seemed to come determined for MURDER and BLOODSHED; and that whether provoked to it, or not!—When within about half a quarter of a mile of the meeting-house, they halted, and the command was given to prime and load; which being done, they marched on ‘till they came up to the east end of said meeting-house, in sight of our militia (collecting as aforesaid) who were about 12, or 13 rods distant.—Immediately upon their appearing so suddenly, and so nigh, Capt. Parker, who commanded the militia company, ordered the men to disperse, and take care of themselves; and not to fire.—Upon this, our men dispersed;—but, many of them, not so speedily as they might have done, not having the most distant idea of such brutal barbarity and more than savage CRUELTY, from the troops of a British KING, as they immediately experienced!—For, no sooner did they come in sight of our company, but one of them, supposed to be an officer of rank, was heard to say to the troops, “Damn them; we will have them!”—Upon which the troops shouted aloud, huzza’d, and rushed furiously towards our men.—About the same time, three officers (supposed to be Col. Smith, Major Pitcairn and another officer) advanced, on horse back, to the front of the body, and coming within 5 or 6 rods of the militia, one of them cried out, “ye villains, ye Rebels, disperse; Damn you, disperse!”—or words to this effect. One of them (whether the same, or not, is not easily determined) said, “Lay down your arms; Damn you, why don’t you lay down your arms!”—The second of these officers, about this time, fired a pistol towards the militia, as they were dispersing.—The foremost, who was within a few yards of our men, brandishing his sword, and then pointing towards them, with a loud voice said, to the troops, “Fire!—By God, fire!”—which was instantly followed by a discharge of arms from the said troops, succeeded by a very heavy and close fire upon our party, dispersing, so long as any of them were within reach.— Eight were left dead upon the ground!23 Ten were wounded.—The rest of the company, through divine goodness, were (to a miracle) preserved unhurt in this murderous action!—

As to the question, ‘Who fired first?’—if it can be a question with any; we may observe, that though General Gage hath been pleased to tell the world, in his account of this savage transaction, “that the troops were fired upon by the rebels out of the meeting-house, and the neighbouring houses, as well as by those that were in the field; and that the troops only returned the fire, and passed on their way to Concord;”—yet nothing can be more certain than the contrary, and nothing more false, weak, or wicked, than such a representation.

To say nothing of the absurdity of the supposition, ‘that 50, 60, or even 70 men, should, in the open field, commence hostilities with 12, or 1500, of the best troops of Britain,24 nor of the known determination of this small party of Americans, upon no consideration whatever, to begin the scene of blood25A cloud of witnesses, whose veracity cannot be justly disputed, upon oath have declared, in the most express and positive terms, ‘that the British troops fired first:26 —And I think, we may safely add, without the least reason or provocation.—Nor was there opportunity given, for our men to have saved themselves, either by laying down their arms, or dispersing, as directed, had they been disposed to; as the command to fire upon them was given almost at the same instant, that they were ordered, by the British officers, to disperse, to lay down their arms, &c.

In short, so far from firing first upon the king’s troops; upon the most careful enquiry, it appears, that but very few of our people fired at all; and even they did not fire till after being fired upon by the troops, they were wounded themselves, or saw others killed, or wounded by them, and looked upon it next to impossible for them to escape.

As to any firing from the meeting-house, as Gage represents; it is certain, that there were but four men in the meeting-house when the troops came up: and they were then getting some ammunition, from the town stock, and had not so much as loaded their guns (except one, who never discharged it) when the troops fired upon the militia. And as to the neighbouring houses, it is equally certain, that there was no firing from them, unless, after the dispersion of our men, some, who had fled to them for shelter, might fire from them upon the troops.

One circumstance more, before the brigade quitted Lexington, I beg leave to mention, as what may give a further specimen of the spirit and character, of the officers and men, of this body of troops.—After the militia company were dispersed and the firing ceased, the troops drew up and formed, in a body on the common, fired a volley and gave three huzzas, by way of triumph, and as expressive of the joy of VICTORY and glory of CONQUEST!—Of this transaction, I was a witness, having, at that time, a fair view of their motions, and being at the distance of not more than 70 or 80 rods from them.

Whether this step was honorary to the detachment, or agreeable to the rules of war—or how far it was expressive of bravery, heroism and true military glory, for 800 disciplined troops of Great-Britain, without notice or provocation, to fall upon 60, or 70, undisciplined Americans, who neither opposed nor molested them, and murder some and disperse the rest, and then to give the shout and make the triumph of victory, is not for me to determine; but must be submitted to the impartial world to judge.—That “there is a God with whom is the power, and the glory, and the victory,” is certain: but whether he will set his seal to the triumph, made upon this most peculiar occasion, by following it with further successes, and finally giving up this people into the hands of those, that have thus cruelly commenced hostilities against them, must be left to time to discover.—But to return from this digression, if it may be called a digression. Having thus vanquished the party in Lexington, the troops marched on for Concord, to execute their orders, in destroying the stores belonging to the colony, deposited there—They met with no interruption in their march to Concord.—But by some means or other, the people of Concord had notice of their approach and designs, and were alarmed about break of day; and collecting as soon, and as many as possible, improved the time they had before the troops came upon them, to the best advantage, both for concealing and securing as many of the public stores as they could, and in preparing for defence.—By the stop of the troops at Lexington, many thousands were saved to the colony, and they were, in a great measure, frustrated in their design.

When the troops made their approach to the easterly part of the town, the provincials of Concord and some neighbouring towns, were collected and collecting in an advantageous post, on a hill, a little distance from the meeting-house, north of the road, to the number of about 150, or 200: but finding the troops to be more than three times as many, they wisely retreated, first to a hill about 80 rods further north, and then over the north-bridge (so called) about a mile from the town: and there they waited the coming of the militia of the towns adjacent, to their assistance.

In the mean time, the British detachment marched into the center of the town. A party of about 200, was ordered to take possession of said bridge, other parties were dispatched to various parts of the town, in search of public stores, while the remainder were employed in seizing and destroying, whatever they could find in the town-house, and other places, where stores had been lodged.—But before they had accomplished their design, they were interrupted by a discharge of arms, at said bridge.

It seems, that of the party above-mentioned, as ordered to take possession of the bridge, one half were marched on about two miles, in search of stores, at Col. Barret’s and that part of the town: while the other half, consisting of towards 100 men, under Capt. Lawrie, were left to guard the bridge. The provincials, who were in sight of the bridge, observing the troops attempting to take up the planks of said bridge, thought it necessary to dislodge them, and gain possession of the bridge.—They accordingly marched, but with express orders not to fire, unless first fired upon by the king’s troops. Upon their approach towards the bridge, Capt. Lawrie’s party fired upon them, killed Capt. Davis and another man dead upon the spot, and wounded several others. Upon this our militia rushed on, with a spirit becoming free-born Americans, returned fire upon the enemy, killed 2, wounded several and drove them from the bridge, and pursued them towards the town, ‘till they were covered by a reinforcement from the main body. The provincials then took post on a hill, at some distance, north of the town: and as their numbers were continually increasing, they were preparing to give the troops a proper discharge, on their departure from the town.

In the mean time, the king’s troops collected; and having dressed their wounded, destroyed what stores they could find, and insulted and plundered a number of the inhabitants, prepared for a retreat.

“While at Concord, the troops disabled two 24 pounders; destroyed their 2 carriages, and seven wheels for the same, with their limbers. Sixteen wheels for brass 3 pounders, and 2 carriages with limber and wheels for two 4 pounders. They threw into the river, wells, &c. about 500 weight of ball: and stove about 60 barrels of flour; but not having time to perfect their work, one half of the flour was afterwards saved.”27

The troops began a hasty retreat about the middle of the day: and were no sooner out of the town, but they began to meet the effects of the just resentments of this injured people. The provincials fired upon them from various quarters, and pursued them (though without any military order) with a firmness and intrepidity, beyond what could have been expected, on the first onset, and in such a day of confusion and distress!—The fire was returned, for a time, with great fury, by the troops as they retreated, though (through divine goodness) with but little execution.—This scene continued, with but little intermission, till they returned to Lexington; when it was evident, that, having lost numbers in killed, wounded, and prisoners that fell into our hands, they began to be, not only fatigued, but greatly disheartened. And it is supposed they must have soon surrendered at discretion, had they not been reinforced.—But Lord Percy’s arrival with another brigade, of about 1000 men, and 2 field pieces, about half a mile from Lexington meeting-house, towards Cambridge, gave them a seasonable respite.

The coming of the reinforcement, with the canon, (which our people were not so well acquainted with then, as they have been since) put the provincials also to a pause, for a time.—But no sooner were the king’s troops in motion, but our men renewed the pursuit with equal, and even greater ardor and intrepidity than before, and the firing on both sides continued, with but little intermission, to the close of the day, when the troops entered Charlestown, where the provincials could not follow them, without exposing the worthy inhabitants of that truly patriotic town, to their rage and revenge.—That night and the next day, they were conveyed in boats, over Charles-River to Boston, glad to secure themselves, under the cover of the shipping, and by strengthening and perfecting the fortifications, at every part, against the further attacks of a justly incensed people, who, upon intelligence of the murderous transactions of this fatal day, were collecting in arms, round the town, in great numbers, and from every quarter.

In the retreat of the king’s troops from Concord to Lexington, they ravaged and plundered, as they had opportunity, more or less, in most of the houses that were upon the road.—But after they were joined by Piercy’s brigade, in Lexington, it seemed as if all the little remains of humanity had left them; and rage and revenge had taken the reins, and knew no bounds!— Clothing, furniture, provisions, goods, plundered, broken, carried off, or destroyed!—Buildings (especially dwelling houses) abused, defaced, battered, shattered and almost ruined!—And as if this had not been enough, numbers of them doomed to the flames!—Three dwelling houses, two shops and a barn, were laid in ashes in Lexington!28 —Many others were set on fire, in this town, in Cambridge, &c. and must have shared the same fate, had not the close pursuit of the provincials prevented, and the flames been seasonably quenched!—Add to all this; the unarmed, the aged and infirm, who were unable to flee are inhumanly stabbed and murdered in their habitations!—Yea, even women in child-bed, with their helpless babes in their arms, do not escape the horrid alternative, of being either cruelly murdered in their beds, burnt in their habitations, or turned into the streets to perish with cold, nakedness and distress!29 —But I forbear—words are too insignificant to express, the horrid barbarities of that distressing day! 30

Our loss, in the several actions of that day, was 49 killed, 34 wounded and 5 missing, who were taken prisoners, and have since been exchanged. The enemy’s loss, according to the best accounts, in killed, wounded and missing, about 300.

As the war was thus began with savage cruelty, in the aggressors; so it has been carried on with the same temper and spirit, by the enemy in but too many instances. Witness the wanton cruelty, discovered in burning Charlestown, Norfolk, Falmouth, &c. But as events which have taken place since the ever memorable nineteenth of April, 1775, do not properly come within the compass of this narrative, they must be left for some abler pen to relate.

F I N I S.


Endnotes

1 Vid.Psal. cxxxvii. 7.

2 2 Pet. i. 20.

3 Judg. ii. 14, 15.

4 Isai. X. 5.

5 Mic. Vi. 9.

6 Job ii. 10.

7 Gen. xviii. 25.

8 Isai. X. 5-12.

9 Vid. I. Sam. 15. 29.

10 Isai. Vi. 3. 9.

11 Acts vii. 34.

12 Isai. Xliii 2, 3.

13 Isai. Vi. 3. 9.

14 The event of this bold attempt was happy. A just and faithful God crowned the measures, of the confederate states, with success, beyond their most sanguine expectations. The church was rescued from the darkness and error, in which it had been involved for several hundred years before. A glorious reformation took place, which in a good measure, restored the Christian religion to its ancient purity and native simplicity, in many principal states and kingdoms in Europe. And a foundation was laid for rescuing the civil liberties of individuals, societies, states and kingdoms, as well as the common rights of mankind, from the iron hand of tyranny, the good effects of which was felt, by the protestant states and kingdoms, for several ages succeeding, and are not totally lost as to some, even at the present day, through more than two centuries since. By this important confederacy of the protestant powers, in Europe, it is evident, that, under providence, the power of the beast and the false prophet received a shock which it hath never recovered,—the papal power, both in church and state, having been upon the decline, from that time to this.

15 It is worthy of remark, that when the Spanish court undertook the subjugation of the Dutch provinces in the Netherlands, Spain was in the most respectable state, it had been for a long time; having just concluded a victorious war, and being then at peace with all the world. At the same time, Spain had the best regulated army in Europe, commanded by the renowned Duke of Alva, the most experienced and victorious General, with his veteran, victorious troops, was sent by the Monarch and court of Spain (like Gage to Boston) upon the wholesome and pacific business of supporting government in the Dutch provinces, and enforcing obedience to what were called the laws of the kingdom, or the mandates of their sovereign. Accordingly, after renewed injuries and repeated insults and cruelties, which rather invigorated than disheartened the free and truly noble spirits of the Dutch, at last, it came to blood!—The contest was, as might be expected, long and bitter!—But, under every disadvantage, but the righteousness of their cause, they rose superior to their mighty and numerous oppressors; and heaven, at length, decided in their favour, crowned their endeavours with desired success, and gave and established unto them that freedom and independence, for which they had so bravely fought and so freely bled. This freedom and independence, so dearly purchased, they well knew how to prize and preserve; and by the smiles of heaven, upon the wisdom and policy of their government, they have now enjoyed the blessings thereof, with but little interruption from enemies abroad, or factions at home, for near two hundred years: And, in proportion to the extent of their territories and the number of inhabitants, they are, at this very time, justly esteemed one of the richest and most flourishing states in Europe. Thus hath a righteous God been pleased to plead their cause, and cleanse and avenge their innocent blood; and set them free from the oppressors hand. Is not the cause of Americans equally just?…Is not their God the same?

16 This refers to the horrid massacre, in Boston, on the evening of the 5th of March, 1770, when the guards, under the command of Capt. Preston, fired upon the inhabitants, in King Street, killed 5 persons upon the spot, and wounded a number of others, several of whom afterwards died of their wounds!

17 A detachment from the troops, then at Danvers, actually marched, by Gage’s order, into the town of Salem, with orders (as it was said) to fire upon the inhabitants, if they refused to disperse.—But, as it happened, they had accomplished the affairs upon which they met, before the troops arrived, and even before they knew of their approach. This happily, prevented the troops the opportunity of executing their orders, and of shedding of blood, for that time.

18 This seizure of the stores, &c. roused the people more than any thing, that had happened before. Accordingly, the next day, viz. Sept. 2, 1774, several thousands, not of the rabble, as ministerial hirelings have been disposed to speak; but of the respectable freeholders and free-men of the adjacent towns, collected at Cambridge; and to shew their resentment at such hostile measures, and their determined resolution never to submit to the oppressive acts, without tumult or outrage, called Lieut. Governor Oliver, and a number more of the mandamus counselors before them, and invited them to resign their seats at the board, and to declare, in a very solemn manner, that they never would hold any office or post, by virtue of said acts. The gentlemen applied to, complied with their proposals, to general satisfaction.
Whether this step, of the people, was prudent and justifiable, or not; it served to discover their sentiments of the acts, of which they complained, and their determined resolution to oppose them: And this was the main thing aimed at, by the steps they took, upon this occasion.

19 Gen. Gage repeatedly declared, in his answers to the remonstrance’s of the town of Boston, the county of Worcester and the Provincial Congress, that he had no hostile intentions, in any of these measures. With what truth and sincerity, the General made such declarations, his after conduct fully determined.

20 This unsuccessful expedition was made on Lord’s day, Feb. 26, 1775. The party consisted of about 200 or 300 men; it was commanded by Lieut. Col. Leslie. The vessels which brought them to Marblehead, arrived in the harbor, on the morning of the Sabbath; and the better to conceal their intentions, lay quietly, at anchor, near to the wharves, with but very few hands upon deck (the troops being kept close) ‘till the people of the town were assembled for the services of religion.—While the inhabitants were thus engaged in their devotions to God, the party landed and made a speedy march to Salem. But all their precaution did not avail them for the accomplishment of their enterprise. The eagle-eyes of a watchful and wary people, justly jealous of every measure of their oppressors, are not easily evaded. Their motions were observed, and such timely notice given, that such numbers were collected and such measures taken, before they arrived, as effectually frustrated their design and obliged them to return defeated and chagrined.

21 The field (not of battle) but of murder and bloodshed, where our men were fired upon by the troops.

22 The persons killed, in the morning, when hostilities were first commenced, were, Messieurs Robert Munro, Jonas Parker, Samuel Hadley, Jonathan Harrington, jun. Isaac Muzzy, Caleb Harrington and John Brown, of Lexington; and one—Porter of Woburn. Wounded, Jedediah Munro, Thomas Winship, Nathaniel Farmer. John Robbins, Solomon Peirce, John Tidd, Joseph Comee, Ebenezer Munro, jun. and Prince, a Negro, of Lexington, and Jacob Bacon, of Woburn. Afternoon. Killed. Jedediah Munro, John Raymonds and Nathaniel Wyman. Wounded, in pursuit of the enemy, when retreating, Francis Brown, all of Lexington.

23 For the names of the killed and wounded, see Ser. Page 28, note.

24 1200, or 1500, was the number we then supposed the brigade to consist of: though afterwards, by the best accounts, it appeared, that there were but about 800.

25 From a most intimate acquaintance with the sentiments of the inhabitants of this town, then collected in arms, I think I may boldly assert, that it was their known determination not to commence hostilities, upon the king’s troops; though they were equally determined to stand by their rights to the last.

26 See narrative and depositions, published by authority.

27 See Rev. Mr. Gordon’s account.

28 Deacon Loring’s house and barn, Mrs. Lydia Mulliken’s house, and her son’s shop, and Mr. Joshua Bond’s house and shop.

29 See dep. Published by authority.

30 “Quorum pars magna fui!” Vir.

*Originally Published: Dec. 26, 2016.

Sermon – Eulogy – 1790


Peter Thacher (1752-1802) graduated from Harvard (1769), was ordained pastor in Malden, MA (1770), and also served as pastor to the Brattle Street church (1785-1802). He was a supporter of the Americans during the Revolution, preaching a sermon against standing armies and publishing a “Narrative of the Battle of Bunker Hill.” Thacher was also a delegate to the Massachusetts state constitution convention (1780) and served as chaplain to one or the other of the branches of the state legislature for 15 years. The following sermon by Thacher was preached in 1790 on the death of James Bowdoin.


sermon-eulogy-1790

A

SERMON

PREACHED TO THE

SOCIETY IN BRATTLE STREET, BOSTON

NOVEMBER 14, 1790

AND OCCASIONED BY THE DEATH OF

The Hon. JAMES BOWDOIN, Esq. L. L. D.

Lately GOVERNOR of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY PETER THACHER, A. M.
PASTOR of the Church in Brattle Street.

Mr. THACHER’s
SERMON.

II. SAMUEL, iii. 38.

AND THE KING SAID UNTO HIS SERVANTS KNOW YE NOT THAT THERE IS A PRINCE AND A GREAT MAN FALLEN THIS DAY IN ISRAEL?

Observations upon mortality and the universal empire of death, are so frequently made in the pulpit, as sometimes to become tedious The ravages of this great enemy t mankind are constant, and our afflicted friends frequently call us to sympathize with them; so that every topic relating to the subject, fruitful as it is, appears to be exhausted, and I scarcely know whither to lead your thoughts on these occasions, till a new calamity takes place, and the peculiar circumstances which attend the stroke, point out some passage of scripture, seemingly dictated for the occasion.

The holy and wise providence of God has rendered the words of the text a proper subject to employ our present meditations; and not a person is there in this assembly perhaps who did not feel that propriety when they were first mentioned. We mourn this day on of those distinguished characters, which in life command the respect and esteem, and at death excite the sorrow and lamentations, of every good man. Never do we more regret the dominion of death, that when its power is exerted upon such men, nor do we ever more deeply feel the vanity of all things below the sun and the uncertain natures of earthly enjoyment, than upon these occasions.

It was the treacherous and violent murder of Abner, commander in chief of the forces of Israel, which drew from king David the words of the text. This great man was negotiating an union between Israel and Judah, and was preparing to set the crown of the United Kingdoms upon the head of David when this fatal event took place. Joab, captain of the host of Judah, was jealous of the influence which his service would give to Abner over his royal master; and ambition, burning, restless ambition stimulated him to an act of mean and treacherous cruelty, which his religion as a man ought to have prevented, and his honour as a soldier should have led him to detest. He met Abner as a friend; he saluted him in the mode, and with the language of a friend; but in the very act of salutation, while the suspicions of Abner were lulled to sleep, Joab plunged a dagger in his bosom, and removed forever this obstacle to his influence and advancement. Fatal indeed are the effects of a thirst for power! It destroys every feeling of religion and humanity in the bosom : It steels the heart against the dictates of justice, of honour, and of pity; and often embrues the hands in the heart’s blood of thousands!

David reprobated in pointed terms this conduct of his servant, and though the strength and influence of the sons of Zeruiah were then so great as to prevent him from doing justice upon Joab, yet he afterwards commanded it to be done. He lamented over Abner, and attended his remains with every mark of respect and honour, to the grave. Upon this occasion the words of the text were spoken, and they are the eulogy upon this faithful servant of the house of Saul.

The frailty of human nature and the social qualities of man, have rendered law and government necessary; and those who exercise them are, in the language of scripture, called princes. When magistrates answer the purposes for which power is entrusted to them; when they guard with vigilance and firmness the lives, the liberties, and estates of those whom they govern, they are the delights of mankind, and the favourite servants of heaven. For, government is an ordinance of God, and those who rule well over men are as “the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds, as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.” When men therefore who have sustained these useful and honourable stations are taken away from the world, we are called to deep lamentation over them, to cease from man whose breath is in his nostrils,” “to avoid putting our trust in princes, or in the son of man in whom there is no help, for his breath goeth forth, he returneth to his earth; in that very day his thoughts perish.”

The idea of greatness is generally annexed to power and authority, and it is annexed with propriety, when such power originates from its purest source, the unbiased suffrages of a free people. To enjoy the confidence of enlightened citizens to be marked out by them as the “man whom they delight to honour,” to be at the head of a free, sovereign, independent commonwealth, and thus to be designated as his favourite citizen, this is real greatness among men. It is a greatness far different from that which is caused by the fortuitous circumstance of descending from royal progenitors, or which is purchased by the base arts of adulation and venality. The latter may be the lot of a weak or wicked man, the former is not to be supposed attainable by any but the wise, the patriotic, and the good.

The phrase “great” is a relative term, and a comparison must be made with some other person, or objects, in order to its being applied to either with propriety. God alone is supremely great. Compared with him, “all nations are as the drop of the bucket and are counted as the small dust of the balance. He hath measured the waters in the hollow of his hand, and meted out heaven with the span, and comprehended the dust of the earth in a measure, and weighted the mountains in scales, and the hills in a balance. He setteth upon the circle of the earth, and the inhabitants thereof are as grasshoppers; he stretcheth out the heavens as a curtain, and spreadeth them out as a tent to dwell in; he bringeth the princes to nothing, and maketh the judges of the earth as vanity.”

It is in comparison with his fellow men only, that any mortal can be termed “great.” God hath been pleased to make a difference in the moral and intellectual faculties of men, as well as in their outward situation and circumstances. There is a difference also in the manner wherein men approve their faculties and use their advantages. And I will now attempt to describe with brevity, to whom the epithet of the text can with propriety be applied, and when we are justified in calling one of our fellow mortals a great man. Such a detail will prove the fitness of my text for this melancholy occasion, and will point out the course to be pursued by those who wish to become great and honourable.

The unthinking world have agreed to call heroes and conquerors of nations by this flattering appellation, because they have been distinguished by their valour and their triumphs. The mind of man is dazzled with the prospect of splendid actions, and they cast such a glare upon the optic of the soul, as prevents true and just vision. Hence Alexander of the ancient age and Frederick of our own, both arbitrary despots, both lawless invaders of the rights of men, both scourges, heavy bitter scourges to their subjects , have been dignified with the name of great : when they were really enemies to the human race, and by yielding to their mean and sordid passions, they discovered a littleness which is truly distinguishing. They were wild beasts of the earth, who preyed upon innocent and defenceless men. The sacrificed to their own lust, ambition, and avarice, the happiness and the lives of millions better than themselves. They were the common foe of humanity and peace, and merit their contempt and abhorrence of mankind, instead of their applauses.

By governing his spirit, and regulating his temper and conduct according to the rules of reason and religion; by performing the duty which he owes to God and man; by promoting the public and private happiness of his country and his friends; by cultivating his mind and improving his faculties in the attainment of science, human and divine; by filling with dignity and propriety every department in which he is placed; finally, by “living the life of righteous, and dying his death,” a man may purchase to himself the flattering appellation given to Abner in the text.

The government of our ourselves appears to be considered by scripture, as the first mark of greatness. “He, saith the wife man, that is slow to anger, is better than the mighty, and he that ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a city.” This dominion over ourselves implies not only a constant suppression of the angry, the envious and resentful passions, but also a resistance, an uniform and constant resistance to every impure, unjust intemperate, or sinful inclination. It implies a watchful attention to the state of our minds, and a power to deny ourselves, whenever our wishes and our duty interfere, This conquest is an evidence of a real greatness, because it proves our superiority to the strongest feelings of the human heart, and evidences that we can triumph over an enemy of equal strength, equal policy, and equal advantages with ourselves.

The good are always great. The man who reverences the DEITY in his heart, and who embraces the religion of the despised and persecuted Nazarene, proves himself superior to the casuistry and the sneers of thoughtless infidels. He is great enough to avow an attachment to his master, when others forsake him, and manifests himself to be above the reproaches and contempt of a misjudging world. He proves that he is great and wise, because he can look beyond present to future and more important objects, and can keep under his feet, and view with indifference what the world esteems as the most valuable good. He is great because he acts rightly according to fitness and propriety; because he honours GOD, recommends religion, and by these means does good to his family, to society, and the world. His religion teaches and induces him to practice sympathy with the afflicted, and charity to the poor; it enforces upon him impartial justice and strict fidelity to all men, and renders him temperate, decent and agreeable in his own person. Religion obliges us to improve our time and to cultivate all our talents, and where it is felt in its power, it effects an attention to everything which can dignify, adorn and improve human nature.

True it is that the world in general do not consider piety or religion, as indispensable to greatness. But still a brief consideration of the importance of morality and virtue to society, will shew us the justice of the above remarks. Let a man, destitute of principle, be endued with common talents, or invested with great riches and power, and how much injury will he do! We are to expect nothing from him but violence, oppression, and lawless indulgence, and his example is contagious to all around him. He is a scourge and a curse to society, and when he dies, the world rejoices that it is freed from one of its burdens. A man, destitute of religion and morality, a man who indulges his passions with out control, who is without principle in his mind, and who is debauched in his life, does not enjoy the reverence of mankind, nor will they agree to call him great.

Real religion is indeed real greatness, and is the true dignity of man; but it may with reason be observed, that eminence in the Christian virtues, as well as some superiority in moral faculties, if not in external circumstances, are necessary to constitute greatness of character. The mild virtues of Christianity may submit in the heart, and shine in the life of a man who is not, in other respects, superior to his fellow men.

There is a great difference, we know, in the faculties of mankind. But whence this difference arises, except from the will of the DEITY, whether from climate, the formation of the body, or the peculiar qualities of our parents, has not yet been determined. The faculties of some men are weak; they do not appear capable of receiving, comparing, or recollecting ideas. Others are endued with strong and vigorous minds, and every thing within the ken of human knowledge, appears to be easily attained, and faithfully remembered by them. Some persons are placed by providence in situations favourable to expand their faculties; while others are depressed by the hand of poverty and discouragement, so as effectually to cramp their powers, and nip in the bud the blossoming genius. Certain situations are necessary to call out men’s exertions, and discover the extent of their capacities, otherwise they will lie dormant, and never make their appearance. A warm and genial influence must arouse the latent faculties, and prove what fruit they are capable of producing. Perhaps Newton and Locke, had they been educated at the plow, and compelled by poverty to labour for their support, would have descended to the grave, undistinguished and unknown, like other peasants. And perhaps in the meanest walks of life there exit men, who, if they were properly called out, would sine with distinguished lustre as philosophers, statesmen and heroes.

But much, very much, depends upon the manner in which we improve our abilities and advantages, for in the intellectual as well as moral world, “to him that hath shall be given, but from him which hath not shall be taken away even that which he seemeth to have.” God almighty places us in particular situations, and furnishes us with opportunities of exerting our faculties, but we exercise our own volition inn improving them. Diligence, industry, and attention, will often render men of slow and narrow faculties “great.” Such persons frequently outstrip those of livelier fancies and more brilliant talents, who think that they have no need of exertion or diligence, because they have a native fund within them, competent to every demand. That man is great, who, from small beginnings, by his industry, his diligence, and prudence, rises to the universal learning or honorary distinction in the fields of science.

He is a great man, who, with patriotic fervor, resists strong temptations from wealth, power or honor, and boldly espouses the cause of mankind. It is great to resist these allurements so fascinating to mankind in general. It is great to have the bosom warmed with the love of our country, to sacrifice our own prospects to public emoluments, to contribute by our self denial, by our own counsels or arms, by our whole energies, to emancipate men from slavery, and secure and happiness of millions, who “are yet to be born.” Such patriotism affords the purest delight to the human breast. It elevates our prospects in this world, and death itself is not so painful, when we consider that we leave behind us the “good name, which is as precious ointment,” and that future generations shall “rise up and call us blessed.”

The compliance, or rather the false judgment of the world, hath induced them to call those who are affluent in their circumstances, and who can thus procure to themselves better accommodations, and more refined enjoyments than their neighbours, great men. But, although the goods of fortune are not to be despised, for they are valuable as they give us opportunity to honour God, and make mankind happy; yet no wise man will suppose that they give him any real greatness, or raise him above those who, with less property, have more wisdom or more virtue.

In these respects men are great during their lives, but there is a period approaching upon every one of the human race, which will try the efficacy of our principles, and assay the real value of our characters. This period is death, and the manner in which we die, will throw a light or shad over our whole lives. The great man, the Christian philosopher, will discover a superiority even to this formidable enemy, and will meet the king of terrors without apprehension, and with a calmness, serenity, and dignity, which shall evidence that he is not “weak like other men.” Death conquers all men, and he who conquers death, must necessarily be great. Delightful as well as affecting is it to see such a man bidding a farewell to the world, unappalled by those distressing circumstances which strike terror into others, laboring to do good, even in his last moments, and yielding to the fatal stroke, only because it is the will of God, and because it is inevitable. The principles of Christianity alone can give us this superiority, and divest death of its sting, for they alone hold out to us the certainty of pardon for our sins, and the glorious prospects of immortality.

The picture drawn in this discourse, is a bright and pleasant one. Its traits are agreeable and flattering to us, and we are ready to “call the great happy,” and look up to them with envy; but how mortifying is the last circumstance mentioned, how mortifying is the reflection, that great and “wise men die as well as the fool and brutish person!” How humiliating to human pride is the idea, that none of these distinctions can avail us in the hour of death, but that the greatest, the wisest and best of men must be weakened by disease, and conquered by death, as well as he who “knows not his right hand from his left,” and who “grinds at the mill” for his daily bread! But this we know to be the fact, for it is verified in daily and most affecting instances. Where are the heroes who have freed their country from slavery, and broken the chains of oppression; the legislators who have laid the strong and permanent foundations of great and happy states; the philosophers who have arrested the thunder of heaven in its course, and taught us to investigate the laws and properties of nature; the moralists who have defined the limits of right and wrong; and the patriarchs, the apostles, the evangelists, who have make known to us the pardon, the light and immortality of the gospel? — They are “gone the way hence composed their names only are known to us, and their dust is mixed with common clay! Universal indeed are the ravages of Death! He is no “respecter of persons,” and he visits, with equal certainty and equal indifference, the superb palace of the wealthy, and the humble cottage of the peasant!

Why are these things so? why doth “death pass upon all men,” and thus indiscriminately draw within its fatal vortex, everything that hath life? It is so ordered to shew that a future state shall succeed to the present, as men die before they reap the rewards, or the experience the consequences of their actions in the present world! It is to repress the towering thoughts of human vanity; to display the sovereignty of God, and the frailty of man; to quicken us with the greatest earnestness, to seek an int4erest in future and more important blessings; to nurture us in the school of affliction, and to shew us that sin is hateful above all things in the sight of God.

Let the consideration, I observe by way of improvement, of human greatness, lead us to admire the goodness of God, in bestowing such faculties, opportunities, and advantages upon men. The divine influence is the source of all things, good and great in man. “Every good gift and every perfect gift cometh down from the father o lights, with whom is no variableness nor shadow of turning.” We are sinful and unprofitable creatures, but his “gentleness has made us great.” He is “the father of our spirits and the former of our bodies.” He hath implanted “a spirit in man, and his inspiration hath given us understanding.” To his free grace we may ascribe all that we now are and all that we hope hereafter to be. Let our attainments in virtue, in science, in rank, or in property, be what they may, still we must ascribe them to him “in whom we live, and move, and have our being.”

This reflection with a sense of our mortality, should constantly keep us humble, and prevent us from “thinking more highly of ourselves than we ought to think.” For with the utmost propriety asks the apostle, “who maketh thee to differ from another? And what hast thou that thou didst not receive? Now, if thou didst receive it, why dost thou glory as if thou hadst not receive it? “Thus faith the Lord, let not the wise man glory in his wisdom, neither let the might man glory in his might; let not the rich man glory in his riches, but let them that glorieth glory in this, that he knoweth and understandeth me.”

Great men are useful to the world. Those who act under the influence of religion, and who are exemplary in their deportment, recommend the Christian profession, and induce others to embrace it. Their precepts and their example introduce the social and relative virtues, and thus increase the sum of private happiness. Patriots are blessings to their country, and good rulers are as the “shields of the earth.” Men of elevated stations and affluent fortunes, who conduct with wisdom, dignity, and prudence, shine with peculiar lustre, and warm, while they bless all within their circle.

To God then let us be thankful when he raises up such persons to do good to individuals and our country; and let us be properly affected when they are taken away from us. Good and great men are the pride, the ornament, and the defense of their country. They are “the chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof.” And when it pleaseth “the Lord of hosts to take away from Judah and Jerusalem, the judge and the prophet, and the prudent and the ancient, the honorable man and the counselor,” deep sensibility and humble grief are proper exercises for our minds. When “a prince and a great man falls in Israel,” it becomes us to say with the psalmist, “For we are consumed by thine anger, and by thy wrath are we troubled. Return, O Lord, how long? And let it repent thee concerning thy servants. O satisfy us early with thy mercy, that we may be glad, and rejoice all our days. Make us glad according to the days wherein thou hast afflicted us and the years wherein we have seen evil. Let thy work appear unto thy servants, and thy glory unto their children, and let the beauty of the Lord our God be upon us.”

These, my brethren, are the duties which we are this day called to perform. The death of the Hon. Mr. Bowdoin is one of those dispensations of Providence, which ought to awaken our attention to the vanity of the world, and the uncertainty of its best enjoyments. It should excite us, let our station and circumstances be what they may, to attend to the “one thing needful.” “The fashion of this world is passing away.” “We have here no continuing city; let us then seek one to come, a city which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God.”

The character of this great man has been already faithfully drawn, and is now under the public eye. There is no need of my adding to it. But were this my practice, and were there propriety in eulogiums from the pulpit, I have anticipated myself. In the past discourse I have drawn his character, for he was the great man described by it. He feared God; he believed, professed, and practiced the religion of Jesus Christ. His family, his friends, the church of God, can testify how punctually he discharged the private and public duties of religion; how constant he was in the observance of family devotion; how conscientious in keeping holy the Christian Sabbath, and how unvaried in his attendance upon the duties of God’s house and table. These offices of religion he evidently performed with that reverence, which we should always feel under the immediate eye of God. His religion was rational, uniform, and energetic; it induced him to patronize every useful public institution, and made him tender but manly, affectionate but wise, as an husband, a parent, a master, and a friend. Religion strongly marked his whole character in life; it enabled him to bear with singular fortitude and patience, and long and distressing illness, and it finally strewed “the dark valley of the shadow of death” with flowers, and enabled him to triumph over this grand enemy to the human race.

He was “great” in the faculties of his mind, and he improved with singular diligence and industry, the advantages which God had given him; so that we admired, in his character, the man of science and the philosopher, as well as the polite man and the Christian. He merited the approbation of his county, from his patriotic exertions in the period of its distress; he was favoured by his fellow citizens with their warm esteem, and he was repeatedly invested with their highest honours. Under these honours, and amidst the flattering distinctions given him by several illustrious literary societies, at home and abroad, he conducted with that decent but sincere humility, which proved him to be truly a great man. He was affluent, and he used his affluence to the best purposes, for I personally know that his charities were abundant and extensive, much more so than many persons have imagined. His religion was without ostentations, his learning without pedantry and his dignity without pride. He lived an amiable, useful and honorable life, and he died a calm and peaceful death. “Mark the perfect man and behold the upright, for the end of that man is peace.”

With his bereaved family this whole assembly will deeply sympathize. Cordially do we wish to each of them, the supports and consolations of the religion of Christ. They cannot forget his amiable example and his excellent precepts. They will, we sincerely hope, imitate his virtues, listen to his dying counsels, and conduct in such a manner as that they may finally meet him in a better world, to part no more forever!

This church of our Lord may upon this occasion with great propriety, adopt the exclamation of the psalmist, and say “Help, Lord, for the godly man ceaseth, the faithful fail from among the children of men.” Our numbers are constantly decreasing. Let us be humbled before our maker under his frequent rebukes, and pray earnestly to God that he would raise up others to fill our vacant places, and like our departed brother, to “adorn the doctrine of God our Saviour in all things.”

May the learned and humane societies over which Mr. Bowdoin presided flourish and increase! May their useful and charitable exertions be attended with a divine blessing! And, while the death of their president reminds them that the “time is short,” let them be excited to redeem the short portion of which remains, and not be weary in their attempts to advance human knowledge, and mitigate human calamity.

It is certainly right for the ministers of Christ to make use of the testimonies of such a great man as we now lament in favour of religion, for its enemies are desirous of making us believe that all wise and great men doubt its truth, and scruple its influence. It is the joy of my heart that I can now bring the living and dying testimony of the late Mr. Bowdoin to the truth and excellency of the religion of Christ; and I trust that you will now esteem my adducing this testimony, which may be to useful, as improper or redundant. He embraced Christianity in consequence of strict examination and serious conviction. He mentioned during his last sickness, that the perusal of “Bishop Butler’s Analogy” had been of great use to him in satisfying his doubts, and confirming his mind upon this subject. “From the time of my reading that book, said he, I have been an humble follower of the blessed Jesus.” His illness did not for a long time affect his reason, nor weaken his mind, so that he expressed, in strong but humble terms, his sense of the benefit of afflictions, the efficacy of Christian principles alone to support the mind under them, and the importance of religion to our present peace and future happiness. His hope was fixed “upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone,” and it was an anchor to his soul, sure and steadfast, entering into that within the veil. In his dying addresses to his family and servants, he recommended religion to them above all things; and assured them that it was the only foundation of peace and happiness in life and death. His prospects of immortality were bright and glorious, for when he apprehended his dissolution to be approaching, he expressed his satisfaction in the thought that the was “going to the full enjoyment of God and his Redeemer.” These declarations were not occasioned by the debility of mind, which weakness of body sometimes occasions. When he made them, he appeared to his physicians and friends to be in the full exercise of his faculties. His mind was collected and calm, and he retained that sense of propriety, and that dignity of deportment, for which he was remarkable in his full health.

The testimony of so dignified a character to the truth and excellency of religion, will, I trust, have a proper effect upon those who indulge themselves in skeptical doubts, and who search for no evidence, except such as will confirm them in those doubts. Let them examine both sides of this important question. Let them be careful that the fashionable liberality of the present day, which has substituted justice and charity to our fellow men, in the place of piety to wards god, and the faith, repentance and obedience which the gospel requires — let them be careful, I say, that this liberality does not render them indifferent as to so interesting question. But let them search examine and listen, “for it is their life.” Happy should I be, if the detail now made, by which my late excellent friend yet speaketh might have such an effect, and thus add to the honor of Christ and the happiness of mankind.

All human greatness, my brethren, is fading fast away. The men who now act the most important parts upon the theatre of the world, and who have been the friends, the saviours and benefactors of their country, must soon “go the way whence they shall not return,” and “the places that now know them shall know them no more.” “The heavens shall soon pass away as a scroll, and the elements shall met with fervent heat. The earth and the things that are therein shall be burnt up.” The monuments of human pride and magnificence, shall, in that day, fall to the ground. “The sun shall become black as sackcloth of hair, and the moon shall become as blood, and the stars of heaven shall fall, as a fig tree sheddeth her untimely figs.” Then the great object of solicitude with mankind will be, that they may experience the pardoning mercy of God, and be admitted to the enjoyment of heaven and glory. And while the wicked “call upon the rocks and mountains to fall” and conceal them from the view of “him whom they had pierced;” they who “have washed their robes and made them white in the blood of the lamb,” shall be acknowledged as the children of God, and the heirs of heaven. They shall enter upon the enjoyment of perfect and endless happiness, and they shall behold the face of their glorious master, and reflect his brightness through endless ages.

And now unto him who is able to bestow upon us this blessedness; unto the King eternal, immortal invisible, the only wise God, be ascribed almighty majesty and dominion both now and forever,

AMEN.
 

The following CHARACTER was written by another hand, and was published in the Herald of Freedom, printed in Boston, of November 9th, 1790.

On Saturday morning last, at one o’clock, Death, with inexorable hand, summoned to the world of spirits, the very much respected and highly revered character, the Hon. JAMES BOWDOIN, Esq. late Governor of this Commonwealth.

If native genius, embellished with all the ornaments of polite learning; if deep researches into the nature and principles of philosophy, and of the arts and sciences in general; if a profound knowledge of government, and the politics of his country; if the love and esteem of his fellow citizens and of the literati of the world, from an extensive reputation; if the prayers of the poor and needy, to whom he bestowed with a silent, but a liberal hand; if the tears of his relations and household; if the ardent wishes of his particular friends, and of all who knew him; if sincere and unaffected piety and religion, added to the most exemplary morality, from earliest youth, could have emancipated from the grave any character, this truly dignified one would have never tasted death : But “it is appointed for all men once to die.”

No trait in his character was perhaps more distinguished than his last, his DEATH : — Inspired by religion, and upheld by the Father of Mercies he endured a most painful sickness, with the greatest firmness and patience, and received the stroke of death with a calmness, a resignation and a composure that marked THE TRULY GREAT AND GOOD MAN. Thus has died, if not the pride, at least on of the brightest ornaments of his country and of human nature.

Governor BOWOIN, to the honour of Harvard College, was educated at the seminary of learning: and so highly was he distinguished for his abilities that at a very early age, he was a chosen Representative to the General Court, by the town of Boston; and was continued in that office until he was removed to the Council Board, where he served with great reputation until negative by Governors Barnard and Gage, for his decided and able opposition to British measures. He took a distinguished part in the revolution, having been President of the Council of this state for a number of years during the war; was President of the Convention that formed the state Constitution, and since the revolution he has been Governor of the Commonwealth. He died President of the Academy of Arts and Science, in this state; President of the Humane Society; Fellow of the Royal Societies of London and Dublin, and of the Society of Arts in Great Britain, and also of other Literary Societies, both in Europe and America; he was Doctor of Laws in the Universities Edinburgh and Cambridge.

No man was more known to the literati in all part of the world : Few men have contributed more to the general knowledge and improvement of his country.

“SWEET peace, and heavn’ly hope, and humble joy,
Divinely beam on his exalted soul;
Destruction Gilds and crowns him for the skies,
With incommunicable lustre bright.”

Sermon – Artillery Election – 1792


Joseph Eckley (1750-1811) graduated from Princeton in 1772. He was the pastor of the Old South Church in Boston beginning in 1779. Eckley was an original member of the Society for Propagating the Gospel Among the Indians. (This Society is discussed in WallBuilders’ book The Jefferson Lies.)

The following sermon was preached by Eckley as an artillery election sermon in Boston on June 4, 1792.


sermon-artillery-election-1792

 

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE REQUEST

OF THE

ANCIENT AND HONOURABLE

ARTILLERY COMPANY,

June 4, 1792:

BEING THE ANNIVERSARY

OF THEIR

ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

BY JOSEPH ECKLEY, A. M.
MINISTER  OF THE Old South Church in BOSTON.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY SAMUEL HALL.
MDCCXCII.

 

A

SERMON.

PSALM LXXXV. II.

TRUTH SHALL SPRING OUT OF THE EARTH; AND RIGHTEOUSNESS SHALL LOOK DOWN FROM HEAVEN.

There is a grandeur and elegancy in the ancient poetry of the East, which, in some particulars, has been unequalled in modern times.  The words which I have read to you include a striking illustration of the propriety of this remark, in which truth and righteousness, two of the most exalted virtues conspiring to ennoble the human race, are represented as forming both an easy and a happy junction—the one ascending from the earth as when she bringeth forth her bud, or from the garden when it causeth the things that are sown in it to spring up—the other looking down like the benignant sun in his daily course, directing us by his rays, and refreshing us with his heat.

To a person of taste and science, the recital of the text will, on this account, communicate an elegant pleasure.  But when it is considered that, added to this circumstance, it contains a prophetic declaration applying to the state of man, we become interested in it as a public body.  On the present agreeable occasion, it solicits our attention, and will not fail, I hope, to afford us entertainment in our several stations and capacities as good soldiers or as statesmen, as philosophers and as Christians.

Will you permit me to add, I contemplate it with satisfaction, that at the request of this ancient and honourable Company, I have it in my power to address you at a time, when, judging of the state of improvement, and the revolutions in the world, the prophecy which it contains, seems to be fast verging to an accomplishment.—Scarcely will it be needful to observe that it has an evident relation to the Messiah’s reign on earth, embracing some prosperous condition of things, surpassing any which has yet appeared, when the knowledge and love of truth, which the Psalmist, by a bold and brilliant figure, describes as coming from the earth, shall really arise in the hearts of men, and the sun of righteousness look down and smile with blessings on them.

Indeed beautiful as the text is, it comprises little more than an epitome of the illustrious signatures of the times it so happily foretells; in which, relying on this and other gracious promises to the same effect, we find that knowledge, liberty, peace, holiness, and happiness will universally prevail.

In attempting to perform the duty annexed to the subject, it will be natural for me then, in the FIRST PLACE, to propose to you some of the evidences corroborating the text, on which the expectation of so glorious an era appears to be founded—offering some general remarks concerning the time in which it may be expected.  Having done this, I shall SECONDLY consider the means which will probably conspire to its introduction—subjoining a few observations on the methods of improving the present complexion of things in the world at large, and our country in particular.

Among the sacred references to this important era, the following, which are selected from many others,  appear to be sufficiently explicit.  The earth shall be full of the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea.  Wisdom and knowledge shall be the stability of the times.  There shall be abundance of peace.  They shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning hooks:  Nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more; for they shall not hurt nor destroy.  All the ends of the earth shall remember, and turn unto the Lord.  In his days shall the righteous flourish.  And it shall come to pass, that in the place where it was said unto them, Ye are not my People, there it shall be said unto them, ye are the Sons of the living God.  And men shall be blessed in him:  All nations shall call him blessed.

Various sentiments have been held by commentators relating to the time, when these distinguishable prophecies will be fulfilled.  Whilst one class of writers has dated its existence at a season prior to the general resurrection or conflagration of the world—according to the theory of another class, it is not to be expected ‘till the second advent of our Saviour on the great day of judgment; after which, it is supposed that the righteous will reign with the Redeemer on the earth, new formed amidst the convulsion which is to pass upon the system, and properly prepared for their reception.

The present opportunity will not admit of a particular discussion of the subject.  As it is interesting in its nature, and intimately connected with the business of the discourse, I shall however briefly offer to you a few remarks, inclining me to give the preference to the former of these theories.

In the first place, it is to be preferred on account of the general complexion of the language used by the inspired writers in its numerous representations.  When we read of People and of Nations employed in converting their warlike weapons into instruments of husbandry—of the mountains bringing forth peace, and the little hills producing righteousness,[i] we find ourselves transported among beings of our own class and order—we mix in those scenes which have little or no affinity with the employments of the resurrection state—being vastly more allied to the circumstances of the earth in its present situation, than when it will have been melted and transformed by fire.  And whatever allowance may be made for the figurative manner in which the prophetic authors were accustomed to indite their thoughts, the application of every metaphor is excluded from this subject by what we learn in reference to the continuance of the season, which the Psalmist says will be as long as the sun and the moon shall endure.[ii]

Secondly, the doctrine, I think, is to be inferred, with some degree of propriety, from a consideration of the nature and perfection of the divine government and administration over all human affairs.

Judging from what appears to have been the design of the Creator, it is not so easy to suppose that a period will be put to the world by judgment and by conflagration, until a change has passed on it for the better.  Scarcely does it seem sufficient for the gratification of the good man to think that the clouds which have hovered round this terraqueous globe, should be succeeded by the brightness of some future state.  As more honorary, in his estimation, to the Almighty Architect, may it not be expected that the darkness, which, through divine permission, has been spread over the earth, by the great adversary of God and man, will be dissipated long before the setting of the sun—that he who crept by his wiles, into the habitations of men, will eventually be driven from them, having first been conquered on his own assumed ground—that where in consequence of his success, innumerable thorns and briars have risen up, the myrtle tree will put forth its fragrant leaves, and the little shrubs their aromatic fruit—and that in exchange for Eden, once the happy, but forfeited seat of the two progenitors of mankind, a new paradise will be formed, which instead of being circumscribed by the small bounds, capable of having been traversed by Adam or by Eve, will be from sea to sea, and extend from the river to the ends of the earth.

Indeed, of the rise and glory of such a distinguished time, we find there has been a general impression with many of the most refined and polished nations of the world.  It is the season particularly noticed by the ancients under the descriptions of the golden age—the mighty years—the baleyon days, prognosticated by their common bards, and celebrated by their more refined poets.  The Pollio of Virgil[iii] seems as if it had been composed with a pointed reference to the distinguished circumstances of the important era; in which the writer, no otherwise mistaken than in the name and title of his professed hero, boldly rises on the lofty strains rehearsed in the imitation of the celebrated Pope,—

The Saviour comes, by ancient bards foretold;
Hear him ye deaf, and all ye blind behold.
No more shall nation against nation rise,
Nor ardent warriors meet with hateful eyes.
The lambs with wolves shall graze the verdant mead,
And boys in flow’ry bands the tyger lead.
No sigh—no murmur, the wide world shall hear;
From ev’ry face, he wipes off ev’ry tear.
Fix’d is his word—his saving pow’r remains;
His realm for ever lasts—the great Messiah reigns.

Thus, as in the seventh day in the first sacred week, when the Supreme Architect made a pause, and contemplating what he had produced out of the preceding chaotic state, pronounced it very good, and sanctified it to man—as on the sabbatical year in the Jewish economy when the land had rest—so, in this promised time of jubilee, the world shall enjoy an uninterrupted series of happiness and composure—the beneficent and wise designs of heaven relating to the present state, assume the semblance of winding to a close; and the affirmation of the angel to the Evangelist be accomplished, when he said, that in the days of the voice of the seventh angel, when he shall begin to sound, the mystery of God should be finished, as he hath declared to his servants the prophets.[iv]

In the second division of the discourse, it was proposed to consider the means, leading to the introduction of this auspicious day.  Among these, I conceive that the progress of science in the world, holds a conspicuous rank.  Despotic governments, with their concomitant evils, always maintain their strength proportionate to the degrees of ignorance among the people.  The dominion of tyranny is properly speaking a dominion of darkness—supported by the imposition of falsehood under the pretended vestiges of truth—enervating the mental powers of human beings, and degrading them from the rank of men.  Terrible in its external form, but base within, it may be compared with the image in Nebuchadnezzar’s vision, the head of which was of gold, but the feet of iron, mixed with rotten clay.—Against this, the kingdom of the Messiah is professedly introduced, which, like the stone cut out of the mountain without hands, will eventually overthrow the usurping idol, and maintain its place for ever.  Indeed, unlike the kingdoms of this world, it is of a spiritual nature—designed to illuminate the understandings, and regulate the affections of its subjects.  By informing them for what purposes they were sent into the world—enjoining a supreme veneration to the great Author of their being, and next to this, an affectionate regard to one another, as children of the same eternal Father—partakers of the like wants, and brethren of one common family, it is eminently calculated to meliorate the events which may be expected by them in human life, until they are first prepared, and afterward translated to heaven.  It is the kingdom which God has given to his Son—the laws by which it is governed—the promises which give it life, and the sanctions administering to its support, being written by Prophets and Apostles inspired for the honourable work, and guided by a hand which is divine.

With much reason it might be expected, that principles thus pure in themselves, and friendly to the common benefit of mankind, would be disrelished by despots and their dependants, whose object is a monopoly of power, as it is of grandeur and wealth.  Either therefore by a direct denial of the authenticity of the sacred scriptures, or by the establishment of religious hierarchies, professedly assisting, but actually subverting their operation, a great part of the governments which have hitherto existed in the world, have united with meretricious zeal.  From such powerful causes, aided no doubt by the moral depravity annexed to human nature in general, throwing a veil before the intellectual vision, it has come to pass that the progress of religious science has, for many ages, been comparatively small.  But the interest of mankind is too deeply concerned, to allow such licentious impositions to remain perpetual.  The enlarged cultivation of the art of printing, by which the mild and equitable principles of our religion become more generally known—the great increase of commerce, introducing man to an acquaintance with his fellow man—the burdens incident to tyrannical governments, with the public bankruptcies which are threatened in consequence of the wanton wars concerted through the meer ambition of statesmen and of princes, will no doubt conspire in time, to produce alarms, where despotism now prevails, occasioning many revolutions, in which the people will judge it prudent to take the lead.

Forseeing these things, it has pleased the benevolent Creator of the world, plainly to foretell that the time will certainly come when mankind universally shall be free.  And he has foretold it, not only as a probable event, resulting from an application of the truths of reveled writ to the general benefit of society, but as that, which by his wise and holy providence, he is determined to bring to pass.  The language in which he has asserted it is, I the Lord will perform it.  In the government of the world, he no doubt, acts by means—making use of the reason and abilities of his creatures in the accomplishment of his wise designs.  Acquainted with these means, and reasoning from analogy, we may often judge of their operation with a great degree of probability and precision.

But there would be an uncertainty attending all human things, were they to be left unaided by the concurrent influence of a divine and overruling Mind.  By ways and methods which are often out of fight by us, but perfectly coincident with the well known and established doctrine of the moral liberty and free agency of man, the purposes of infinite Wisdom are brought to view.  In expectation of the joyful jubilee on which we are now contemplating, we may therefore rely not only on the probable conjunction of natural causes and effects, but more surely on the divine promise certifying the event, and making it the proper object of a rational and yet implicit faith.  Thus supported by the united aids of reason and revelation—to the pleasure, we add the triumph of our faith, in anticipating the happy era, when, in every nation under heaven, the eyes of the blind will be opened, to release the prisoners from their prison, and them that sit in darkness from the prison-house—when the broken-hearted shall be comforted, and liberty proclaimed to the captive—they that erred in spirit, being brought to understanding, and they that murmured to sound doctrine.

In the preceding observations, the view which we have taken, has been principally confined to the emancipation of mankind from the shackles of oppression, and the emporium of reason in every nation of the world.  A more important article included in this promised era, is that of the universal prevalency of religion; which, as it will be productive of the peaceful state so beautifully described by the prophetic writers, will operate, with like success, to complete the happiness and glory of the times.

Arguing from the maxims already proposed, it is easy to conceive that at least there may be a decided conviction of the value of political liberty, and a general struggle in its behalf, where the knowledge of religion in its spirituality and truth is by no means universal in its operation.  The idea of interest alone, resulting from the improvements made in society by experience and by time, may be sufficiently operative in the production of very astonishing changes in the political world.  Whilst we are at no loss therefore in accounting for the existence of such changes in the former of these articles, we seem to be under the necessity of examining still further for the cause of the latter.

And this I conceive to be no other than the animating influence of the Divine Spirit, which, when to answer the wise purposes for which the Deity gave permission, the mystery of iniquity will have sufficiently worked—the weakness of all error been detected, and the force of moral principles obtained at least a speculative triumph, he will then plentifully communicate to the world; and thus, by refining the minds of men, will confirm them in the belief of religious truth—by meliorating their dispositions, insure to them the enjoyment of liberty and peace—and by sanctifying their hearts, prepare them for the reception of every blessing they can enjoy both here, and forever hereafter.

Then shall the reign of virtue—the expected time of rest—the promised Sabbath—the Messiah’s kingdom on earth, be happily consummated; and the ancient prophecy of Daniel, comprehending many others of more recent date, advance to its complete fulfillment—I saw in the night visions, and behold one like the Son of Man, came with the clouds of heaven, and came to the Ancient of Days, and they brought him near before him.  And there was given him dominion, and glory, and a kingdom, that all people, nations and languages should serve him: his dominion is an everlasting dominion which shall not pass away, and his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed.

Proceeding now from general principles to their application, it may be proper in this place, to take a view of the present state of society in the world, and enquire in what progress it appears to be toward the enjoyment of the expected blessings—so far especially as relates to the articles of knowledge and liberty, which according to the account that has been given, will be progressive in their operation, preceding the universal prevalency of religion which will crown the whole.

And I must take occasion here to congratulate my respected hearers, not only on the present political state of their country, but on the circumstance of their having lived in an age, when, as among the heavenly bodies, a newly discovered planet, through the penetration of an Herschel, was added to the system of which the earth is part, so the United States of America, by a mighty movement in the great order of human things, were at the same time brought forward to the admiring gaze of all the sons of freedom, and amidst their acclamations, took rank among the nations of the world.

It will be needless to attempt the recital of the remarkable scenes accompanying the procession of this great event.  With those who now hear me, and have borne no inconsiderable part, as statesmen in projecting—as soldiers by confirming, and as philanthropists in contemplating them, their memory will be coequal with the duration of life.  The principal business before us is the consideration of their effects.  And important as these have been to the inhabitants of the United States, the circumstance which renders the revolution of the highest value is the influence which it appears to have on the sentiments of mankind in general, arising from the perception that it embraces no other than the common cause of the great majority of people in every clime and nation of the globe.—Where is the place in which the political doctrines which gave it birth—the actions by which it was sustained—the signal providences appearing in its behalf, with the unparalleled success by which it was finally crowned, have not been received with avidity, and contemplated with surprise?  From the general discussion it has introduced on the subject of national politicks, a degree of light has emanated, through which many ancient but false maxims have been highly exploded—the design of government, with the proper business of public magistrates been freely discussed;—and whilst the antiquated notion of the divine commission and authority of earthly sovereigns, true only as it related to the Jews, has been giving way to the more rational opinion that it is God makes men, and men make kings, MAN has come forward in his proper garb on the theatre of human life, where, instead of waiting like the silent mute for the single purpose of external ornament, he has had his opinion to make known, and his part to act in the important drama.

In the mean time, the objects of religious hierarchies have been closely inspected.  Exploded in the new world, they have sunk in estimation in the old.  It is perceived that the rights of conscience are too sacred to be regulated by mortals.  The language which has been held on the nature of religious liberty, has been sufficiently energetic to command an universal hearing; and what a few years past, would have brought the abettors to the dungeon or the stake, is now triumphant over the united influence of the Inquisitions in Spain and Portugal, or of the Vatican in Rome.

On the subject of political changes, it is impossible to reflect without advertence to the present state of France.  Important to the world in general, it is interesting to Americans, both as the professed friends of universal freedom, and the recipients of the assistance of this magnanimous people, in a time of trouble.

We love the French:  It is the debt of gratitude, for they loved us.  In France we have a brother.  When the fair standard of American liberty was erected, he heard the tidings.  As the friend of liberty, he crossed the Atlantic to behold and to protect it.  He put his soul into the act; and having returned with the affections of Columbia’s sons, Fayette is now conspicuous near the like standard in his native country, to join in dressing it with its proper trophies, and to behold it flourish.  The time is come when the like trophies are in general admiration, and the sons of freedom, in whatever place they dwell, are viewed as brethren.  We have lived to see the world in mighty motion—combinations forming to relieve the oppressed and set the sons of Afric free—the rights of man assumed—state prisons torn—political and moral principles examined with becoming freedom; and whilst many are running to and fro, knowledge is increasing.

In fine—if it might not be deemed too particular, I should propose it for enquiry, whether, judging from the past as well as present combination of events, there is not sufficient reason to conclude, that we have advanced to that important part of time delineated hieroglyphically in the vision of St. John, by the pouring out of the sixth vial on the Euphrates? In which time, as formerly by turning the waters of that river, and making the channel dry, a way was found for the admission of the Eastern kings Cyrus and Cyaxeres into Babylon, terminating in the deliverance of the Jews, then acknowledged to be the people of God, so now, the floods of error are gradually passing away before us, introductory to the complete establishment of the kingdom of righteousness and truth, when, after the yet expected succession of events, the seventh and last angel will pour his vial into the air, the seat of Satan’s sway—a voice out of the temple of heaven from the throne will say, It is done—the millennium state, or empire of holiness commence with the distinguished luster promised in the Messiah’s reign, and the whole earth be filled with his glory.

Having thus gone through with the principal ideas suggested by the text, and taken a view of the present moral and political state of man, a few observations shall be subjoined, arising from the particular situation of our country, and on the happy methods of its improvement.

Perhaps it may be thought a mistake, but I shall notwithstanding venture to observe, that, considering the degree of political knowledge prevailing in America, it appears to me to be next to impossible that tyranny should ever be established in the United States.  The sentiment, it is presumed, is founded on the reason and nature of things:  But if the preceding construction of the scripture promises be true, it is removed still further from the admission of dispute.

For myself therefore I must confess that I look forward, without the least anxiety on this article, and anticipate many succeeding generations, each of them illustrious for a happy race of freemen.  It does not follow however, that we are to expect a complete exemption from political evils.  In the present imperfect state of human nature, a revolution in the government may not only be productive of a necessary change of duties, but in some respects, of a change of dangers.  There will everywhere be sinister and sordid men, who, when desirous of places of emolument of honour, will be less anxious concerning the means, than the certainty of their attainment.  These are the time-servers and the sycophants, who, in monarchical governments, will surround the court, or be seen cringing within the vortex of the throne; and in the governments which are more popular, will be equally busy, fluttering and negotiating, on all sides, in the assemblies of the people.  The object of their attraction is the same in one as in the other situation:  It is the power of serving and promoting them, which, whether it be lodged in many or in a few, like the shrines of Demetrius, will be sure of commanding a great crowd  of adorers, crying, through in more modernized language, Great is Diana of the Ephesians.

Considering this subject with the attention it deserves, may it not then, with propriety, be concluded, that one of the most certain means productive of the safety and happiness of a people, consists in their ability to distinguish and find out disinterested and honest men to constitute the several departments by which the laws are enacted, and righteousness professedly maintained.  Let the king live forever, will invariably be the form of expression among suitors and dependants, where absolute monarchy prevails.  It is just as necessary in republicks, that the congratulatory address should be to liberty and the constitution.  Liberty is one of the noblest of all the birthrights, which a wise and rational man can wish.  But whilst the interested, as well as the disinterested, may equally profess to be within the number of its votaries, the inhabitants of these States will no doubt discover the necessity of committing the protection of their laws and privileges to approved patriots—judiciously guarding against the arts of those who merely address themselves to the popular feelings of a day, thereby enfeebling the social compact—and preserving a just respect for the political sentiments which are frank and undisguised, having been formed on an acquaintance with the history of government in the world, exhibiting the various occasions of the rise and fall of nations, testified by reason, and confirmed by indubitable experience.

I cannot help adding a remark or two, in this place, on the subject of religion.  The unjustifiable influence of the Church, with the unbounded power of its dignitaries and other priests, in various parts of Europe, has had the unhappy effect of occasioning much infidelity with great numbers of the laity, who, from their wealth and station in life, profess to think freely, or without subjection to exterior control; and as this influence is now continually diminishing, even with the other ranks and classes of the people, it is probable that, in a few years, the interests of religion will undergo a more material convulsion, the consequences of which will very generally be perceived and known.  Certainly there is much weakness in refusing to admit the evidence of truth owing to the errors and misconduct of a part of those who are its professed abettors.  The various enormities, both in the doctrines and practices of many churches, were really to be expected, because they were long ago foretold by the great Author of our Religion; and every argument of this kind, was thus completely wrested from the cause of infidelity.

But whatever may have been the bad effects of such religious impositions in several of the nations in Europe, it is hoped they will not extend to the citizens of America.  For the credit of religion, it is no more than reasonable to observe, that among the promoters of the Revolution in this country, there is no class of persons who have been more indefatigable in their stations than the body of the clergy—explicitly declaring their disapprobation of all religious establishments—thus committing their temporal interest to the governance of the people—assuming no influence but such as might arise from the general manner of their lives, and serious performance of the duties of their office—hereby removing every occasion of distrust and jealousy against their order, and offering themselves, on well-known principles, as the constant candidates for the friendship and esteem of those whom they profess to serve.  What the consequence has been, where the Church and State have been blended together, as in some countries, is already discovered.  What the consequence may be, in relation to the present system adopted in America, less than half a century now before us, will clearly determine.  In the establishment of the national system of government, it is a matter, I conceive, which is worthy of attention.

Whilst the clergy have no interest clashing with that of the laity’s, for the sacred offices of religion are engaged in by the former from a sincere apprehension of their importance, and suitably encouraged by the latter from the like faith and motives, it may be presumed that the most salutary effects will be experienced by the community.  In attempting to lay the foundation for the happiness of posterity, it is not only wise and virtuous, but absolutely requisite, to call in the united aids of morality and religion.  Never were the prospects of any people more promising and glorious than those of the inhabitants of these States, or the means and capacity greater for rendering them successful.  Consequential on the exertions productive of the Revolution in America, the mental abilities of her sons seem to have been brought forward at an earlier period than is usual, and to have expanded to a fuller growth.  From the contemplation of the vast scenes through which we passed during the war, and the great and important business which has been transacted since the peace, there is an energy of mind, and a genius characteristical of Americans, which, like the Eagle in the escutcheon of the National Arms, delights itself in soaring high, and beholding objects which are great as well as deep.  What tends still further to the growth of this mental invigoration, is the knowledge of the vast capaciousness of the territory belonging to the United States, already increasing in population with the most astonishing rapidity, and in like manner improving in the arts.

It is to be expected that the succeeding age will make progression both in agriculture and science, which, if it were possible for us to behold it, would inspire our minds with equal wonder and delight.  On the excursive pinions of imagination, we will now take the view.  Roving by the perennial fountains, or on the the verdant banks of the meandering streams, we perceive the busy husbandman employed in gathering the rich bounties of Ceres and Pomona—the hills around him vocal with the musick of his bleating flocks—the meads and vallies blooming like the rose.  Where the Wigwam stood, behold the Capitol erects its lofty dome, and the sacred Church its spire.  Cities after cities rise to court the admiration of the observant eye; whilst Patriotism and Philosophy find new Washingtons and Hancocks, Adamses and Franklins, to add to the resplendency and importance of the times.—Thus it is that Fancy assumes the privilege to indulge her sportive flights.  Guided, as she professes in the present case by the conductress Reason, her flights are not in vain.  Hail to the rising glory of this Western World!  Hail to the more happy days of universal peace and freedom!  Let thy ways, O Lord, be known on earth; and thy saving health among all nations.

As the subject on which we have contemplated, is highly interesting to every friend of liberty and his country, there is, I conceive, a particular application of it due on this occasion, to the ancient and honourable Company, at whose desire we are now assembled.

Worthy and respected Gentlemen,

With pleasure I address you as the members of an association, incorporated more than a century and half, as a military school and nursery for officers, the utility of which has been experienced from its commencement to the present time.  Were it now a season of Alarm and War, it might have been requisite to have discoursed to you on the immediate duties of the soldier, or on the proper use and design of Arms.  In the present tranquil situation of the United States, I have presumed there was no topick more naturally coinciding with your views, or better harmonizing with the spirit usually cherished on this day, than such as might lead me to the exhibition of some of the glorious fruits of the past efforts of this country in the cause of truth and freedom; which, as they were the objects with your Company, when it lately lent its generous aid in erecting the waving banners in the military field, would in a similar manner, awaken the same animation, if, in the course of human events, there should ever be the necessity of taking the field again.  You study tacticks from no delight in war, but from the laudable and benevolent principle of maintaining righteousness with peace.  Inspired by so rational and conciliating a motive, you are entitled to the thanks of your countrymen for the perseverance which you manifest in the duties of your institution.  From the respectable abilities of the Officers whom in time past you have chosen to command you, as well as from the military knowledge and attention of the Captain[v] who leads your corps this day, you no doubt derive very essential advantage.  Reflecting on the present glory of America, it is a satisfaction which you owe yourselves, to call to mind how many members of your association became distinguished in the late noble contest for our liberties, whose heroic actions, with their names, the page of history will faithfully transmit to the latest times.

The polite attentions, added to the presence of your commander in chief the Governour of this Commonwealth, with that of the principal gentlemen in the civil and other offices in the State on these public days of your anniversary election, must be convincing testimonies to you of their great esteem for your ancient corps, and their approbation of its honourable design.  Having performed the religious services of the Church, we shall cordially accompany you to the Hall, where the festive board will be surrounded by so many friends and defenders of the proper rights of man, and the hilarity during the regalement, as well as through the future pastimes and military evolutions of the day, be the result of those philanthropic sensations which extend from our country to every nation on the globe.

Receive from us our most hearty wishes for your future prosperity and honour.  Engaged in protecting the liberties of your countrymen, may you at the same time experience the efficacy of that sacred and religious freedom, which is proposed to us through the great Captain of our spiritual and everlasting salvation—that when you quit the ranks militant on earth, you may be admitted to the angelick companies in heaven—and putting off the sword and buckler which are worn by Combatants, may receive the crowns of Conquerors in the celestial state.

To this respectable assembly in general, let me now observe, that pleasing as our political and other prospects may be considered, the time allowed us in which to enjoy them is short and transient; after which, our conduct on the serious question of their improvement, will pass a most solemn and august review.  An apprehension of the brevity of human life, should instruct us to comprise in it as many duties as is possible.  Among these, I presume, we may rank the duties which we owe our country in particular, and the world at large.

Shall I be allowed to make the enquiry, whether to the other methods of improvement, and the numerous institutions among us, the establishment of a Revolution or Constitutional Society, might not be attended with important advantages—part of the business of which should consist in a regular correspondence with those of the same names in Europe, and the objects be the dissemination of the great principles of liberty and good government, and the introduction of some well-concerted plan among the nations, as the basis of an universal peace.[vi]

The happy influence of these Societies abroad has been confessedly experienced; and in speaking of them, I am led to pay a tribute of respect to the memory of a distinguished member, not long since deceased in Great-Britain, whose known attachment to the general cause of liberty, and affectionate writings in favour of the interest of America, have inscribed his name upon our hearts.  Could we pay a visit to the tomb of Doctor Price, we would shed a tear of friendship on his hallowed urn; or if the harmonious musick of the band this day, could reach the dead, we would bid it cease a while its martial notes, and softly strike the funeral dirge.

What a blessed revelation is the Gospel of the Son of God, in which we learn that after the body sinks, or goes to mingle with its native dust, the spirit still survives!  In the great world of spirits, the friends of liberty, in its moral and most extensive sense, shall meet in perfect and never-ending bliss.—And with this idea, I conclude.—Glorious as are the promises we have contemplated relating to the prosperous state of nations, and the happy days of universal jubilee, they are bounded by what may properly be called the events of time.  “The cloud-capt tow’rs—the gorgeous palaces—the solemn temples—the great globe itself, with all that it inherit, shall dissolve—and like the baseless fabric of a vision, leave not a wrack behind.’  Or, in more energetic, because inspired language—The heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat; the earth also, and the works that are therein, shall be burnt up.

But there are other promises which reach forward to eternity.  If we are found among the friends of truth and virtue, we shall be able to stand unmoved amidst the convulsions of the present system; for there are prepared for us new heavens and a new earth, wherein dwelleth righteousness; and we shall live eternally with the Lord.—To him be everlasting praises.

A M E N.


[i] Psalm lxxii.3.
[ii] In the 20th chapter of Revelation we are informed indeed, that, at the close of this time, the tranquility will be interrupted a little season, by new enemies arising in various quarters of the earth.  But considering what is added concerning the inefficacy of the attempt, owing to the direct interposition of heaven in defence of the friends of righteousness, immediately preceeding the judgment and end of the world, the propriety of the observation still appears, when it is said of this happy era that it shall last as long as the sun and moon.
[iii] Said to be taken from a Sibylline prophecy, which, by whatever fraud obtained, corroborates the idea of the general expectation of the times of which it speaks.
[iv] Rev. x. 7.—It is well known that Seven is a kind of sacred number in the Scriptures, signifying in the several revolutions and divisions of time, a season of religion and rest.  For further particulars and their application to this subject , the reader is referred to Loman and other commentators on the prophecies.
[v] Colonel Josiah Waters.
[vi] An idea of this kind has frequently been proposed, within the percent age, in several large or national assemblies in Europe as well as in America.  From the state of things on the old Continent, and indeed from the complexion of the scripture prophecies, there is reason to think that very desperate measures will be adopted, and that there will be much war and bloodshed for some time to come, before the power, annexed to the various civil and ecclesiastical usurpations, will be destroyed, and the people maintain their rights.  But as these important objects may be expected in the issue, no small encouragement therefore is exhibited to each association on the afore-mentioned plan; for though the good effects might not very soon be universal, it is probable they would, in some particulars, be real; and in junction with other means, might at length be happily instrumental in producing the full establishment of the desired event.