Categories: Historical Documents

A

Sermon,

Preached
at Concord, Before His
Excellency the Governor,

The Honorable Council, The
Honorable Senate, and House of

Representatives, of the State
of New Hampshire,

June 6
1816.

Being
the Anniversary Election.

By
Pliny Dickinson,

Pastor
of the Church in Walpole.

State of New Hampshire, In the
House of Representatives, June 6^th, 1816.

Voted, that Messrs. Appleton,
Healey and Brown, of Alstead, with such as the Senate may appoint, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Dickinson and present him with the thanks of the Legislature for his ingenious, elegant and interesting discourse delivered this day before his Excellency the Governor, the Honorable Council and both branches of the Legislature, and request a copy for the press. Sent up for concurrence. D.L. Morril, Speaker.

II
Chron. XXIV. 2.

And
Joash did that which was right in the sight of the Lord all the days of Jehoida
the priest.

This Joash was the son of Ahaziah , king of Judah, who was slain by Jehu. After his death, the mother Atheliah, usurped the throne; and to perpetuate her possession of it, she destroyed all the seed royal of the house of Judah, except Joash; who, being then an infant, was secretly conveyed away by his aunt, the wife of Jehoida the priest, and was hidden in the house of God, and there preserved under the care of the priest, six years. It now being difficult to conceal him longer, Jehoida determined to place him on the throne; and he concerted his measures with such prudence and caution, that he effected his design without opposition: The usurper was at once deserted and given up to justice; and the young king was universally acknowledged, and the revolution diffused a general joy. Joash, at this time, was about seven years old: The times were exceedingly difficult; there had within a few years, been frequent changes in the government, and such as were not for the better: some partook of political oppression, and some tended to the extermination of true religion. Idolatry had been established in its grossest forms; the house of God had been broken up, and the sacred utensils had been carried away, and bestowed on the temple of Baal; so that the young king had much to do, and a difficult part to perform in a critical time:But it is remarked much to his honor, that he did that which was right in the sight of the Lord, all the days wherein Jehoida the priest instructed him; he chose him for his counselor, and acted by his advice. Educated in the temple of God, and under the care of this aged and godly priest, he seems to have entertained just sentiments of the divine character, and of the nature and importance of religion; especially as connected with a mild administration of government, and the prosperity of a nation. When he was raised to the throne, far from being intoxicated with his elevation, or inflated with pride, with a modesty becoming his youth, he sought the counsel of the wise; listened to the speech of the trusty, and leaned to the understanding of the aged. He did not, like Rehoboam, choose the young for his counselors; he prudently retained near his person the man whose wisdom and fidelity had been proved in his personal preservation and political promotion. He early discovered a zeal for the pure worship of God, while witnessing the deplorable declension of it. He had seen the ruinous state to which the house of God had been reduced by his idolatrous predecessors, and he was desirous to repair it. He called together the priests and Levites, and gave them orders to make that collection of money from the people which the law of Moses required, and to apply it when collected to this sacred purpose. When he saw them apparently slack in executing his orders. He expostulated even with Jehoida, and endeavored to animate him in the work. The zeal for religion which glowed in the young king soon spread through all ranks, civil and ecclesiastical. Both priests and princes, and all the people united and vied with each other in the great design. A collection was soon made more than sufficient to repair the house. With the surplus they restored its utensils and provided for its daily services. It is said, they set the house of God in its state and strengthened it; and of the rest of the money were made vessels for the house of the Lord, to minister and to offer withal, and spoons and vessels of gold and silver; and they offered burnt offerings in the house of the Lord continually all the days of Jehoida: And this undoubtedly was for a considerable length of time; for Jehoida lived till he was an hundred and thirty years old; and Joash continued on the throne forty years.

From a man, and especially from a ruler, who had so early discovered a zeal for true religion; had done so much to promote it, and had all along paid so much regard to the advice of the wise and good, we should have expected a constancy in a religious course, a perseverance in it to the end of life. If, when he was but a youth, he used his influence and authority so wisely, what might not be hoped from him, when arrived to maturity. But alas! we now find him quite another man. Though the worship of the true God was maintained in the nation, yet there were many, even among the leading men, who were friends to idolatry and infidelity: These, as soon as Jehoida was dead, and his restraining influence had ceased, came to the king, and by their insinuating address gained such an ascendancy over him, that he entirely renounced the good principles which he had received in his youth; and at the suggestion of his new counselors, established the worship of idols: And the people soon left the house of the Lord God of their fathers, and served groves and idols, till the divine displeasure kindled into wrath and consumed them.

In this time of alarming degeneracy and threatening calamity, there were some faithful prophets who testified against the apostasy of the people and labored to bring them back to the Lord; but, were unsuccessful: Among others, Zechariah, a son of the late priest, publicly expostulated, warned and entreated: Why transgress ye the commandments of the Lord that ye cannot prosper? because ye have forsaken him, he hath forsaken you: And they conspired against him, at the commandment of the king, and stoned him to death in the court of the Lord’s house. Thus Joash the king, the historian subjoins, remembered not the kindness, which Jehoida had done him, but slew his son, who, when he was dying, foretold that the Lord would look upon it and require it; which was fulfilled in a most memorable, melancholy manner.

This in substance is the history of Joash; and it may lead us to some profitable reflections.

1. We are reminded of the beneficial effects of a religious education. Although, it does not always prove as successful as might be hoped, yet there is always some benefit resulting from it; if not to those who are the immediate subjects of it, yet to others around them; and it is usually beneficial to the subjects. It operates, at least, as a restraint from vice and an aid to virtue, if it does not permanently improve the heart.

2. We see, in connection with the case before us, the fatal effects of listening to the advice of the wicked. Good beginnings are often defeated by corrupt counsel. Few youth ever enjoyed greater advantages, or seemed to make a better use of them, for a time, than king Joash. But as soon as his late instructor was laid in the grave, all his promising beginnings were blasted at once by the advice of wicked men.

3. Another thing observable, in view of the character before us, is the happy influence of religion in a ruler. As our observations upon this head will be predicated upon the character of Joash, we may here premise, that our deductions or references will respect him as he appeared in the days of Jehoida; not as he in heart may have been: We shall not stop to enquire, whether he acted solely under the influence of this pious priest; or whether his own feelings then cordially acquiesced; or in what sense, or to what degree, he, destitute as he was of a permanent principle of holiness, is said to have done that which was right in the sight of the Lord: It is sufficient for our present purpose to consider the religious part of his reign, and recommend it to others in authority.

Great good was done and much evil prevented under this part of administration. The nation, from the grossest idolatry, was raised to the rank of revealed rational religion. The king’s zeal provoked many; he led the way to this general reformation; his subjects fell in and followed of course. A ruler, who possesses the confidence of the people, and administers under influence of religion, as every one ought to, becomes a minister of God to the people for good, and may do wonders; may not only preserve the civil privileges, and promote the temporal prosperity of his subjects, but also enhance their spiritual happiness. Not that he can renew or sanctify a sinful heart, which is God’s prerogative; but he may honor, advocate and support the institutions by which God usually effects these ends. He may enact laws for promoting the observance, and for preventing the profanation of the Sabbath; for the encouragement of virtue and for the suppression of vice; for the distribution of justice, and for staying oppression; and having made, he will urge a prompt obedience to them. The former is useless without the latter. What is there, terrific, or restraining in a law which shrinks at the touch of the transgressor, or approaches him with a sluggish pace? While judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, the wicked walk on every side, the enemy rush in like a flood, and perilous times appear: Shall I not visit for these things, shall I not be avenged on such a people, saith the Lord? But let a magistrate, as he would avoid perjury, act agreeably to his oath, put on judgment as a robe, clothe himself with righteousness as he is clothed with authority; gird on his armor, and become a terror to evil doers: Let him mingle mildness and mercy with justice; but while slow to condemn, be ready to protect; let him confirm the maxim, that the certainty rather than the frequency of punishments prevents crimes. Ah, rather let the transgressor pity the magistrate, and not challenge him to extremities; or have compassion upon himself, regard his own interest, refrain from his violations, reform, and consign the law to oblivion.

Is it not a little surprising, that men should lay violent hands upon any, and especially upon the principal pillar of civil, social and religious order, and tear down the edifice upon their own heads? And yet nothing less than this is the tendency of every breach of the Sabbath. Strike off from your calendar, this sacred day, or profane it which is the same thing, and you drive away with it the appalling presence of God; the sense of man’s accountability; the solemnity of an oath; the thought of a judgment to come, and all the influence of morality and virtue; and where is your safety for your persons, or your property, to say nothing of your spiritual prospects?

In renewing our remarks upon the influence of religion in rulers, we may observe, that many will always form their opinion of a government from what they know of the characters of the men who administer it. They are better judges of the private characters of men, with whom they are conversant, than they are of the constitutionality, tendency or propriety of their political measures. When a government is administered by men of acknowledged wisdom and rectitude, it will have the confidence, attachment and support of good men. When it is administered by the irreligious and vile, it will be dreaded and despised.

A sound judgment and a general knowledge of the public interest are necessary qualifications in rulers; but these, useful as they are, will not ensure them the respect and confidence of an enlightened and virtuous people, unless they themselves are so. The greater their abilities and acquirements, if they are believed to be destitute of moral principle, the more they will be objects of fear and distrust. The servile and corrupt will seek and secure their favor, by co- operating with them in their nefarious designs; but good men, alarmed and discouraged at the degeneracy of the times, will, like Aristides the just, give way to the ambitious; submit to the Ostracism; retire into the shade, accounting, in such a state of things, a private station the most honorable post. It is expected of the ministers of the gospel, that they be fearers of God and haters of covetousness, patriotic and pious, not seekers of their own emolument and promotion, but of the welfare of their people. And why may not the same be reasonably expected of the ministers of state; and if essential to the former, why not to the latter? And alike endowed, and united in their exertions, how much may they strengthen each others hands; how much promote the public weal; purify the morals, correct the principles, perpetuate the peace and enhance the happiness of community?

The examples and exertions of men in places of public trust, are generally more influential and effectual, and more likely to be imitated, than those of other classes, who move in the lower walks of life. Their elevation renders them conspicuous, and attracts the public attention. Besides, there is a general disposition in people to pattern after their superiors; but unfortunately, they more easily learn to imitate their vices than their virtues. For this reason, men who are clothed with power, or raised by their wealth above their neighbors, ought to feel themselves in a degree responsible for the behavior of those around them.

While speaking upon the influence of example, we may observe, that good example acts with the greater effect, because it reproves without upbraiding; and teaches us to correct our faults, without giving us the mortification of knowing, that any but ourselves have observed them. We feel the force of counsel or authority, in proportion to the degree in which it is exemplified by the one from whom it proceeds. The best counsel from one who obeys not his own precepts, nor practices upon the principles of his own statute or creed, will generally be but little regarded.

“Would you, your public laws should sacred stand,

Lead first the way, and act what you command:

The crowd grow mild and tractable, to see

The author governed by his own decree:

The world turns round, as its great matter draws,

And princes’ lives bind stronger than their laws.”

4. The subject naturally leads us to consider more particularly the connection and mutual dependence of civil and religious institutions. They are the principal pillars of the same edifice; the protection, the temporal and spiritual happiness of man. Impairing this connection is exposing the whole superstructure; is putting asunder what God has joined together; joined and connected, we say, not blended. They are distinct establishments, but mutually dependant, and may be mutual assistants. The connection between them we can trace back to the civil administration of Moses and to the priesthood of Aaron. Though they were appointed to different offices, and in some respects officiated separately; yet in their mission to the children of Israel, they were sent forth together; to walk hand in hand; to speak alternately; to co- operate; to receive and enforce both the civil and sacred law. Under all the primitive dispensations, we find this connection recognized; particularly in the law that required the people to contribute a certain part of their annual income to the support of the services in the temple. Indeed, this connection is explicitly acknowledged in our own State constitution; particularly in the article, which, after specifying that morality and piety give the best and greatest security to government, empowers the legislature to authorize towns and societies to make provision, at their own expense, for the support of public Protestant teachers of religion.

And again: What less than a sense of this connection, is expressed by the oaths of initiation into office? Nay, what less is the intention of our present assembling, but to implore a blessing upon the several branches of our government; thus acknowledging the necessity of religion to a wise administration; and, of course, a readiness to reciprocate the influence it may receive; a readiness to observe and uphold those religious institutions which are the life of rational liberty; the foundation of a free government; and which, in their full, restraining, pacific influence, would be a complete substitute for it. The great use an design of civil government is to enforce the same duties; to restrain men within the same bounds; and to keep them from the same danger; and, in a measure to accomplish the same ends, to which the gospel and its ordinances are directed. The latter, therefore, are a mighty aid to the former; and might supersede the necessity of it; leaving nothing for the ruler to do, but simply to regulate the prudentials of society.

And even the present partial influence of religion, where it is acknowledged and maintained, greatly facilitates and strengthens civil government, and befriends and meliorates the conditions of man. But let it once decline; let its authenticity be doubted and its institutions neglected; imagine, if you can, the fatal effects that would follow! Look at those places, both ancient and modern, where the experiment has been tried; at Jerusalem, after Joash’s apostasy from the worship of the true God, and his establishing idolatry; witness the outpourings of the wrath of God upon him and his subjects. Consider the unparalleled prosperity of Israel, during the administration of King David and that of his son Solomon: and again, the melancholy contrast, the national calamities that followed, as soon as Jeroboam and Rehoboam, in turn, took the reins of government, adopted new political measures, and especially, forsook, and drave their subjects from following the Lord. Oppression, embarrassments and war immediately ensued. But were these special judgments of heaven? Consider, then, the natural political effect.

Let a nation assume the purest republicanism, and work into their constitution the most refined principles of liberty, and then discard the doctrines and crush the institutions of religion, and their fine wrought threads will be wiped away, like a cobweb, and chains will supply the place.

Where there is no influence of religion, of course no inherent principle to govern men, they must be held under restraint and kept in order and awe by the fear of punishment. Republicanism, divested of the influence of religion, sinks into despotism. Not aware of all this, but charmed at the name of the one, and frightened at the sound of the other, nations, not a few, have felt the iron rod and the scorpion’s sting, before they were even apprehensive of danger. The Romans were not only amused, but really made vain, by the boast of their liberty, while they sweated and trembled under the despotism of emperors, the most odious monsters that ever infested the earth. We have heard a more modern people prattle about their rights, shouting liberty and equality, even while tyranny was loading them with chains, dragging them to the scaffold, and deluging their streets with blood. Men frequently start at the name, and at the same moment, greedily grasp the nature of the some thing: frequently in fleeing from the shadow, rush upon the substance.

The soil and atmosphere of Turkey are probably no more adapted to the spontaneous production of despotism, than those of America: Let the latter be divested of the influence of religion, equally with the former, and you probably would see a despotic sway, equally prevalent in both. To improve upon the various systems of government, much has been written upon the balance of power; particularly as to the point where it should be placed. Some have fixed it in an individual; some in a few; and some in a popular government. But after all, unless the scales of legislation and jurisprudence are held by hands sanctified, and steadied by wisdom that cometh from above, they will tremble and waver and give you fraudulent weight. Every government, of whatever form, without the influence of the one thing needful, degenerates into oppression and anarchy: Every ruler, of whatever name, whether king, emperor, governor, legislator, judge or magistrate, without the fear of God before his eyes, without a sense of his accountability, without feeling an interest and a responsibility for the persons and privileges of his fellow men, all which is among the first requisitions of religion, he will become an oppressor to all within his power. As the tyranny of a single despot is more tolerable than that of many, the oppression of a popular government, unchecked, uninfluenced by virtue, may be the greatest of all. The rage of one man, even that of a Tiberius, a Nero, or a Caligula, may be eluded by art or flight; or like a gust, may soon be expended, after having uprooted the trees that overtop the forest; but the frenzy, the fire of the people, once excited to action, by the friction of licentiousness, is universal, unavoidable and irresistible; it sweeps, deadens and demolishes every thing before it. It is a Briareus, with an hundred hands, each bearing a dagger: It is a Cerberus, a Hydra with ten thousand throats, all parched and thirsting for blood. The power of a single despot, like the scorching summer’s sun, dries up the grass, but the roots remain in the soil. But a popular despotism, if I may use the expression, like an Indian tornado, instantly strews the fruitful earth with promiscuous ruins, and turns the sky yellow with pestilence. To approach its atmosphere, is to perish in the attempt. Men inhale a vapor like the Sirocco, or like the effluvia of the Upas, and die in the open air for want of respiration: “It is a winged curse that envelopes the obscure as well as the distinguished, and is wafted into the lurking places of the fugitives.” Indeed the revolutions and consequences of a licentious popular government, are as dangerous and destructive as the irruptions of Vesuvius. They are an earthquake that loosens its foundations, lifts them to the skies, and buries, in an hour, the accumulated wealth and wisdom of ages. Those, who after the calamity, would reconstruct the edifice of the public liberty, will scarcely be able to collect enough of the scattered fragments; to rake out enough from the ruins, to make even a model of the former magnificence. “Mountains have split and filled the fertile vallies; rivers have changed their beds; populous towns have sunk, leaving only frightful chasms, out of which are creeping the remnant of living wretches, the monuments and victims of despair.”

This is no exaggerated description. A review of the history of nations, presents a cloud of witnesses to the melancholy facts. It shows us rulers and governments of every description, when unrestrained by virtue and led on by licentiousness, trampling on the necks, rioting on the spoils, and sporting with the miseries of their subjects. Subjects, falling before them with impious homage, or rescuing themselves from oppression, to run mad with the frenzy of anarchy, and to wanton in plunder and blood. Nations, of this character, as if in love with misery, and unsatisfied to see their sufferings so small, have reached out an eager hand to grasp at woe. Hence war has become a profession for man, and dexterously to wield the weapons of death an honorable achievement. Of course, conquest, like a roaring lion, has stalked around the desolated globe, seeking whom might devour. In his train, ambition has smoked with slaughter; avarice has ground the poor into dust; and pollution, like the messenger of death to the army of Sennacherib, has changed the host of men into putrid corpses: fiends have looked on and triumphed; angels have wondered and wept; and heaven, as if discouraged from efforts, has given up its work to waste & destruction.

God forbid that we should ever see this dismal group, but upon yonder heights of history; yet, let it not be doubted, that every step of degeneracy lessens the distance between us; and tends to bring the whole train to our doors; to lay waste our heritage, and to subject us to all the calamities incident to national apostasy. As it is easier preventing than remedying an evil, let the state, the nation, that thinketh it standeth, take heed lest it fall. Let her know, and attend to the things that belong to her peace and prosperity, before they are hidden from her eyes. Strong as our mountain appears, it may be moved. Those, as strong, and perhaps stronger, have been shaken to the centre. Witness the republics of ancient Greece, and modern Europe; particularly those of Italy, which sickened and died as it were in a day: while virtue was their basis, they stood; when infidelity touched and contaminated them, they fell. “The turnpike road of history is white with the tombstones of such republics.”

Hence we are cautiously to adopt the opinion, that our political probation is ended; that a republican constitution, when “once fairly engrossed in parchment, is prepared for perpetual practice, is a bridge over chaos that defies the discord of all its elements.”

Believe not, my brethren, that these remarks are made to excite false alarm; to weaken your confidence in the state or national constitution, or in those who administer agreeably to their true intent, and the sure standard of righteousness; God forbid, nothing can be further from my heart; but they are designed the more indelibly to impress the doctrine before us, that virtue and religion are essential to the establishment, administration and continuance of a good governmentI would therefore that these suggestions stand as beacons to point out the rocks and whirlpools to which you are exposed, and by which you may, as others have been, be dashed in pieces and swallowed up. I would that they correct, or qualify the prevalent impression, that true republicanism is commensurate with, and inseparable from the American soil; that the genius of genuine liberty has here erected a permanent asylum for oppressed humanity.

Do we open our arms and extend our embrace to every wayfaring foreigner? No matter in what land or language his birth was announced; no matter of what country or complexion incompatible with freedom; whether an Indian, or an African sun may have burnt upon him; whether the sands of Arabia or the snows of Switzerland may have beaten upon him; whether he be from Ceylon or England, from Bombay or France; from the barbarous and impoverished, or from the civilized and improved parts of the world; from heathen or Christian climes; whether he have been consecrated at the pagan altar, or at the baptismal font; “The first moment he touches the soil of America he breathes a new air; he rises in the ranks of rational beings; he stands redeemed, regenerated and disenthralled by the irresistible genius of universal emancipation.”

Do we hold out such alluring encouragements to emigration; let us not deceive, or be deceived; present is not perpetual possession. If we have privileges, let us take care to preserve them. And in respect to the present, particularly, remember, that righteousness exalteth a nation; that it is the life, the substance of a good government; detach it, and you leave nothing but the caput mortuum. They who imagine, says an eminent divine, that if religion and government, in the present state of things, were wholly separated, both would be more perfect; may as well go a little farther, and say, If in such a world as this, body and soul were separated, both would live much betterthe soul would labor better without a body, and the body would reason better without a soul. If a separation be made, the soul indeed will live; but it will pass away, and carry with it all that is rational; and the body will be left a mass of corruption, the food of worms. If from government, you banish religion, the latter will live; but it will take with it all that is amiable and excellent; and government will be like that putrid carcass. It may breed and nourish some odious vermin, but to those who have their senses, it will be an object of disgust and horror. Religion is connected with government by the principles of morality, as the soul is connected with the body by the principles of animation; and in both cases, a separation, though it will not extinguish the former, yet will be death to the latter.

As in point, I will here introduce the familiar remarks of another illustrious Sage, who, though dead, yet speaketh:

“Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness; these firmest props of men and citizens.The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them: A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it be simply asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.” Thus spake the man, whose maxims we delight to repeat, whose memory we delight to honor; thus declared he, the inseparable connection between religious influence and political prosperity.

5. We may next observe, in connection with the character and subject before us, the intoxicating influence of popular favor; and the not less fatal effects of the fear of man that bringeth a snare. Joash, while under the influence of Jehoida and the principles of piety, did that which was right in the sight of the Lord. But after good Jehoida was dead and gone, the subtle princes went and made obeisance to him, and flattered him to renounce Jehoida’s system of religion and government, and try experiments; strike out a new course. He complied; but woeful was the effect. As soon as he forsook the Lord, the Lord forsook him; suffered his servants to assassinate him; and sent an enemy and slew all the princes of the people. Saint John speaks of the rulers of his day, who did not confess Christ, because they were afraid of the Pharisees; loved the praise of men more than the praise of God. Aaron was overawed by the clamors of the Israelites, when he consented to make them an image to worship. Pilate condemned our Savior and sentenced him to be crucified, not because he found him guilty of any crime, but to please the people. Herod, the king, stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the church; killed James, and because he saw it pleased the Jews, proceeded further to take Peter also. Felix, Festus and Agrippa conducted in the same manner, and were actuated by the same motives in the arrest and trial of Paul. And even Peter, if I may mention him in this connection denied his Lord, through the fear of man that bringeth a snare. But the sequel is very different from the other cases: “The blush of dishonest shame had hardly time to tinge his cheek, ere the tears of contrition washed away the stain. The tempter dropt his prey as soon as he had grasped it; the moment of his fall coincided with the moment of his repentance.”

6. We further infer the importance of firmness and stability, particularly to a man in a public station. To these, among other directions, he will do well to take heed: Be not carried about with every wind of doctrine, and cunning craftiness of men, whereby they lie in wait to deceive; but be steadfast and unmovable, always abounding in the work of the Lord. The man in whom I see these exemplified; who, unmoved by the seducing charms of promised promotion on the one hand, or by threatening deposition on the other, conscientiously and self- collected, proceeds to the independent and faithful discharge of his duty; who, like the magnanimous Mansfield, chooses rather to merit and precede, than to run after popularity; who can say, with Paul, “None of these things move me:” such a character, whether in the principal chair of State, in the Senate, at the altar, the bar, or the bench, I venerate; I view him as a minister of God sent to the people for good. Dazzled with his angelic appearance, I almost forget that he is a mortal. Like the polar star, he remains fixed, while the inflated, self- promoted patriots, chase each other, like meteors across the galaxy; they appear, blaze, dash and dissolve.

In connection with the subject, I may, in the next place, respectfully remind His Excellency the Governor, the Hon. Council, the Senate and House of Representatives, of the high responsibility attached to their respective offices.

Gentlemen-

Your appearance here is a proof that you possess the confidence of your constituents, and warrants a belief that you will not disappoint their reasonable expectations. For them you are to legislate; not only so, but for posterity also; future generations, long after you are in the grave, will feel the effect of what you do: were we to predicate your legislative proceedings upon the past, or upon wisdom and prudence, we should predict favorably. Notwithstanding the conflict of political parties, and the several changes of administration incident to popular governments, we are happy to believe that a sacred regard has ever been had to ancient establishments, both civil and religious; and particularly a readiness uniformly shown, to recognize and cherish, rather than to deny and exterminate, their mutual connection and reciprocal influence. And we confidently hope that the same respect will continue to be conspicuous; to be a prominent feature in the government of New- Hampshire.

Any particulars wherein your predecessors may have erred, you will avoid; wherein they have done well, you will go and do likewise. It is presumed that a pacific, tranquilizing spirit will pervade all your measures. You have many motives to moderation and fidelity; but none that ought so deeply to impress you as thisthat you are accountable for all your conduct to the King of kings and Lord of lords; who standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the nations. Your public and private conduct now will have a permanent influence on your future state. You will consider, therefore, that though you are rulers over men, you are God’s servants; and his approbation is of more importance than all other interests. May you have his benediction here, and be thus addressed by him hereafter: “Well done, good and faithful servant; enter into the joy of your Lord.”

As to our late Chief- Magistrate, who for several years held a conspicuous office under the old Constitution, and that of Governor fourteen years under the present, eleven in succession; few have had stronger and more repeated expressions of public confidence; but, as he has done; has closed his political course, and is retiring to private life. we wish him a calm retreat; hoping that the evening of his days will be passed in as much pleasantness, as the meridian has in usefulness; that the gloomy thought of his leaving none in office whom he found there, the most of them having gone to the grave, and that he must soon draw after them, may be cheered by an assurance, that he has not forsaken the faith of his fathers, but has fought a good fight and kept the faith; and that there is laid up for him a crown of glory which fadeth not away.

Men and brethren, rulers and subjects!

Though ye be gods on earth, know that ye must die as men. You have an affecting proof of this, in the recent removal of the amiable and eminent Judge Ellis. While you lament his loss, embalm his memory upon your hearts.

Finally; one thought more, and I have done. My friends and fellow- mortals!

The impression that I shall see your faces, collectively, no more; that this solemn assembly will, identically, meet no more, till they meet at the bar of God, chills my heart, and checks the current in my veins. In taking leave of you, permit me to urge the importance of living in reference to you accountability, and to the consummation of all things. Look forward to your dying day; to the awful era, when time shall be no longer; when these visible heavens shall depart as a scroll; when the elements shall melt with fervent heat; when the earth, and the works that are therein, shall be burnt up; when the Judge shall descend and every eye shall see him; when the last trumpet shall sound, and the dead in Christ shall rise first; then they who are alive and remain, shall be caught up with them to meet the Lord in the air, and so shall they be forever with the Lord. Wherefore comfort one another with these words.

John Thornton Kirkland (1770-1840) graduated from Harvard in 1789. He was ordained and installed as the pastor of the New South Church in Boston in 1794 and continued there until he was elected president of Harvard University in 1810. He served as president of the University for seventeen years during which time the schools of Divinity and Law were established.

A

O visit me with thy salvation, that I may see the good of thy chosen, that I may rejoice in the gladness of thy nation, that I may glory with thine inheritance.

YOU enter this temple, civil Fathers, to offer prayers to the Supreme Governor of Nations for your country, as the object of your cares and labors; and for yourselves, as the appointed guardians of that country’s welfare.

You engage in this solemnity as an act, expressing the obligations and sentiments, at once of patriotism and piety. Impressed with the belief of the presence and agency of the Most High, the source of all life and happiness, the witness and judge of character and conduct, you are led by duty and feeling to his throne. Affected with solicitude for the course of public affairs, and the direction they may receive from your deliberations and measures, you commit to God the commonwealth, and the country for his blessing; and yourselves for his guidance and aid. It pertains to each of you to adopt the prayer of the psalmist, – “O visit me with thy salvation, that I may see the good of thy chosen, that I may rejoice in the gladness of thy nation, that I may glory with thine inheritance. – The nation, with all the separate portions of it is thine, O, God, thy chosen, thy inheritance. It has been enriched by thy bounty, guarded by thy providence, instructed by thy word, corrected by thy visitations of mercy and judgment. Accept the expression of my concern, for what thou hast shewn to be dear to thee. Give me the joy of seeing its prosperity – grant me the privilege of being permitted to co-operate with thee in advancing its felicity and glory.”

It belongs to the man, the citizen, and the Christian, in whatever station, and especially in public office, to have a heart to offer such a prayer as this – to cherish and maintain that affection for the public good, which is implied in his prayer, and carefully and habitually to consider in what that good consists.

I. Let me then speak of the obligation and value of a public spirit – and

II. Offer some remarks on a few of the most important objects of our patriotic solicitude.

We estimate the duty and worth of a public spirit. – The love of our country, rightly interpreted, is a disposition approved by reason and religion, as well as dictated by nature. The feeling of citizenship, and of political duty, is an essential expression of that charity, which the gospel enjoins. It is a branch of the love of our neighbour, operating according to occasions, and extending from the parts to the whole. It is the affection, which is due to human nature, to man as man, directed to those members of the great family, who are near us, and to whom we have most opportunity to be useful. If we are to love all that good and excellence which we can produce or affect, or only imagine, we are undoubtedly to express our benevolent regards towards the country or district which is the seat of our personal enjoyments, the proper sphere of our activity, and the station assigned us by Providence for the exercise of every social duty. Self love is in alliance with principle to endear a home, a native land to every human heart; to give us an interest in a society with which we must rise or fall; to engage our attachment to the spot where we first draw our breath, and where our tender infancy was reared; with which are associated all the soothing remembrances of early years, and all our hopes of quiet and serenity in the evening of our days.

The sympathies and affections that grow out of the near relations of private life, constitute elements of the love of country. It presents itself to our thoughts with the recollection of a mother’s smile, a father’s revered image, with the loved idea of a spouse and child, a brother and a sister, a benefactor and friend, and from this connexion has a power over our feelings that makes patriotism an instinct. A common interest in ancestral worth promotes this affection. We love our country for the sake of those who have loved and served it in former and later periods; honored worthies, whose labours have subdued her fields and wisdom guided her councils, and eloquence swayed her assemblies – whose learning and talents have exalted her name – whose piety has sustained her churches, and valour defended her borders.

Religious sentiments and emotions hallow the feeling that unites us to our own land, and to one another. Here is the church of the Most High, and here the houses of our solemnities in which we are accustomed to seek the favour, and celebrate the praises of the God of our fathers, the God of our salvation.

The marks of divine favour shown to our nation, the striking interpositions of Divine Providence, in our behalf, cannot fail to enliven the patriotic sentiments of a pious mind.

There is no want of arguments and motives to cultivate in ourselves and others a public spirit. Truly the maker of our frame and the disposer of our lot, requires us to regard the advantage and honor, to feel for the dangers and sufferings – to wish well to the inhabitants of the country, which we call our own. All should care for all, bound together as they are by strong and tender ties, with interests blended, and though various, not opposite. Geographical divisions must not be suffered to limit the walk of our benevolence; nor shades of difference in religion, manners, state of society, to make us aliens; nor should the passions produced by competition for influence, nor even the sense of unfriendly conduct in one section towards another countervail, though they cannot but impair the force of incentives to sympathy and expanded patriotism. It is right to feel a peculiar and intimate concern for the smaller divisions and communities to which we immediately belong. For members of a great confederacy to have no country but their State, of a State to be indifferent to all but their own town or district, is miserable narrowness or overweening self love. To be destitute of local attachment, on the other hand, and to have proximity and distance, alike to our feelings, is against nature, and truth and reason.

I have hinted at a few of the ties which bind us to the place of our nativity, or to the collective body on which we are members.

II. I proceed to point out the objects of patriotic affection. What is in the operation of a real public spirit – and what are a few of the most important interests included in an enlightened and regulated attachment to country? I select a few topics for general remarks. I do not think to speak of all the effects and appearances of this principle, or represent all the great things, good and bad, which it has proved itself able to achieve; still less to describe the consequences of its irregular, eccentric and criminal action. When the love of our State, association, country is not merely principal, but exclusive, or when it is uninformed, or misguided, when it is only another name for selfishness, cupidity, resentment, or party feeling, it must generate sins and follies. It may prompt us to justify and encourage the community, or those who direct its affairs, in wrong; to serve the views of our country at the expense of justice or humanity; to flatter her passions at the sacrifice of her interest, or to help her to accomplish a present purpose at the price of her permanent good; to be not only tender, but blind to her faults. It may require us to partake her guilt, or meet her frown – to lend countenance to the excesses of her pride, and the pretensions of her vanity, or be considered doubtful friends, or perhaps real enemies.

Whilst I turn from this dark side of the subject, and abstain from dilating on the sinister effects of mistaken, or spurious patriotism, I shall also decline topics relating to the intricacies of government, that most complicate of sciences, and difficult of arts. I shall not attempt to find out new doctrines, or to throw new light upon those, which are old; but invite you, honoured auditors, to contemplate received but important truths respecting the duty and welfare of rulers and people.

I shall make observations on several of those general interests of a community which claim and occupy the solicitude of the enlightened patriot, which all persons, according to their abilities and means are bound to regard, and particularly those who are charged with public functions, and which a good citizen and a serious Christian can ask a righteous God to favor.

1. The thoughts, wishes and prayers of a good man are directed to the civil government of his country. – Without government there can be no society.

The government of every collective body of men is its blessing or its scourge; sometimes both by turns, or both with deductions and mitigations. Who shall be the depositaries of power, and how they shall discharge their trust, are questions which may involve every social benefit and external religious privilege. Whether the possessor of authority, the monarch, elective chief magistrate, or popular leader, be wise or weak, devoted to a part or considerate of the whole, guided by principle or swayed by passion, decides much of the good or evil of a state or nation. Thanks be to God, who though he tries and visits, does not any where wholly forsake the children of men, nor leave them without check or remedy, entirely to the passions of one another, that the worst government is better than anarchy; that amidst all the flagrant defects and abuses of civil institutions, arising from the excess of resistance or restraint, from faction or despotism, so many of the sources of human subsistence to accommodate themselves with greater or less contentment to evils resulting from established modes, and that so much of the happiness of every individual is derived rather from his feelings and character than the precise circumstances in which he is placed.

The specific form of the government is commonly determined for us by the order of Providence; authority being variously distributed, in hereditary or elective rulers, in a few or in many, by the operation or permanent and uncontrollable causes. Our business in this respect is seldom to change or abolish, but only to preserve, amend or improve the existing arrangement. The fortunes of our country are, under Heaven, staked on the issue of popular constitutions. The Supreme Disposer has assigned us these American States the solemn, the interesting destination of being the subjects of an experiment, on an extensive scale, on the capacity of men in society for self government.

Happy for the result, if those who are to feel the restraint of laws have integrity and wisdom for their enaction and administration; – happy if the sovereign, the popular majority, have the magnanimity and uprightness to bind himself to his duty, and refrain from all oppression of the minor part, overcoming the temptation to “feel power and forget right.” It is included in our love of country to be attached to this republican form of civil polity, for its intrinsic advantages, and its adaptation to our character and habits and state of society, not because we think it absolutely best for every people under all circumstances; and that those who are not governed upon our model, are, of course, objects of our pity. Events of late years have brought just discredit upon political doctrines derived from metaphysical abstractions, in contempt of simple matters of fact. The project of applying a form of polity to a nation, without regard to circumstances, has been tried; and for a series of years, it produced scenes which surpassed description, at which humanity recoiled; till at length, after dreadful agitations, it subsided in a government so essentially military and despotic, that neither the actors in it nor the world could bear it. We are attached to our republican constitutions, because they are the best for us; because, after all deductions, they have accomplished much good, and proved better than the fears of some of their truest friends; because they have cost the painful consultations of our wisest and best men to frame, and their strenuous exertions in successive periods to maintain. – We prize them for the dangers they have passed, and the storms they have had strength to outride. – Who will not wish and labor to preserve us a republic as long as possible, knowing that we cannot cease to be so without fearful convulsions, and the hazard of evils of immeasurable extent and indefinite duration? – Shall we not pray to the God of our fathers to secure to us the benefit of their councils and toils, and for this end to direct us in the proper methods of making our forms of government adequate to their purposes; to establish in the hearts of all a sacred respect for those fundamental laws and compacts, the constitutions, designed to restrain the majority in the exercise of their power; and a disposition to amend and improve them in the spirit, which presided in their formation? May he vouchsafe to incline us always to “seek of Him a right way for us, for our little ones, and for all our substance.”

2. Not only government, but liberty is comprised in the wishes and prayers of a good man for his country. National independence, civil and religious freedom, are precious gifts of the Author of good. The love of liberty is the impulse of nature; and the love of regulated liberty, the effect of love to mankind. We of this country may surely hold independence dear, whose fathers preferred a wilderness to bondage, and afterwards breasted the hazards of revolution, and met the perils and toils of a long and doubtful war, to bequeath the blessing to their children. We of this age may well prize the possession, who have seen the fate of nations, bowing to a haughty and inexorable master, bound to a foreign will, their spirit crushed under the yoke of a relentless conqueror, their treasures exhausted to satiate the rapacity of invading armies, and their sons compelled to fight the battles of a stranger. – Patriotism exalts the blessing of freedom as friendly to the exercise and improvement of all respectable faculties of man, and auspicious to the discovery and communication of truth. It gives dignity to character, and interest to existence.

Whilst the lover of his country and his race covets their rights for his fellow men and fellow countrymen, he intends real not spurious freedom, the substance, and not merely the form. He wishes that civil liberty may be understood; that it may be known to consist not so much in the power as in the security of every citizen; and in his power so far only as requisite or useful for his security. He prays that it may be esteemed the fruit of civil establishments and laws, and the cause, not of the poor against the rich, and of the humble against the eminent, but the protection of the weak from the strong, of the simple from the cunning, and the innocent from the guilty. – It is “equal rights, but not to equal things.” It secures to every one his honestly acquired condition, however peculiar and distinguished, and is the guardian alike of the riches of the opulent, and the pittance of the necessitous.

The desire of the end implied regard to the means. The friend of his country wishes and prays that the virtues on which liberty depends may mark the character of the people; that the constitutional barriers, designed for its safeguard, may remain inviolate; that in the State and in the Nation it may be always under the patronage of a legislature, actuated by a regard to the public welfare, and if not exempt from attachment to party, not blinded or corrupted by it – sacrificing private views and passions to justice, and integrity; of a judiciary, skilled in jurisprudence, with an equal concern for the rights of all parties, unawed by the fear of encroachment from the other departments of the government; of an executive, employing its authority and influence, not with an anxious view to the prolongation of its power, or for the indulgence of its resentments, but to promote justice and union at home – safety and respectability abroad.

He must desire that the benefit of the religious liberty, provided by the constitution and laws, may not be defeated by the prevalence of a spirit of exclusion and monopoly among the members of the same body of Christ. – He prays that the God of truth and love will direct each one to such views of his duty, as will reconcile his adherence to the dictates of his own conscience, with a reasonable respect for the conscience of his neighbour.

Finally, it is worth of a wise and good man to avoid being too much disturbed by the collisions and contests that are incident to liberty, and are the price of it; convinced that “liberty with all its parties and agitations is more desirable than slavery” – that we are placed in this world for exercise and discipline, to find our chief good in disposition and character; that the relation of living active natures to each other is not merely that of juxta position and place, “like that of stones in a wall or an arch, but of activity and co-operation in different functions, of balance, counterpoise, and mutual correction, where the operation of any single power may be partial and wrong, and yet the general result, salutary and just.”

3. The means of subsistence and the degree of plenty and wealth in a country, enter into an estimate of the general good. While the protection and encouragement of the diversified industry of a people constitute one of the stated cares of the public functionaries, they have a peculiar and often arduous charge in the duty of providing and managing the revenues of the state.

There are many important truths and maxims, relating to the value and use of wealth, not always sufficiently regarded and felt, which the limits of the occasion do not allow me to offer to your attention.

The common good requires that men in the advancement of society should be influenced by the desire of gain, beyond the supply of the mere necessaries of life. It has its appointed place among the inferior aims and immediate motives designed to act upon human nature, in subordination to higher principles; and to be regulated, not suppressed. “It is the office of reason and religion to give the appetites and passions their task – not to do it for them.” This desire has a claim to be encouraged within proper limits, as a stimulant to enterprize, and to the prosecution of beneficial arts and employments; as a motive to attach men to their private concerns, and to annex pleasure to success in their pursuits. A busy life is a school to call forth the faculties, and form the virtues. Whilst we acknowledge the uses of a measured love of gain, we have a reason to deprecate the evils of its excessive and irregular operation. It is liable to become a restless passion, a diseased not a healthy action – the source of inquietude, injustice, envy. The philanthropist and the patriot does not desire nor expect to have wealth divested of attraction; but he wishes and prays that men may feel enough of its excitement to be worthily and diligently occupied, without that greedy appetite for accumulation, which corrupts and debases the character, and opposes the nature of things and the institutions of society. For after all that the most paternal and most prosperous government can do, to place riches within the reach of all, it is only a small number in any community who can possibly be opulent, whilst the great body of persons can go no further that obtain a healthy subsistence by the constant application of their skill and labor to some vocation. – Shall we all be unhappy at wanting the superfluity which the order of things makes attainable only by a few? It is peculiar to our country to have resources to feed the “mouth of labour,” however multiplied its wants. We have cause to acknowledge our distinction in the circumstances that enable the least favoured part of the society to subsist by moderate exertions, exempt from the necessity of that excessive toil, which wastes the health, exhausts the spirits, discourages virtue, and surrounds life with cheerlessness and discomfort. Where the wealth that is diffused in a nation is the consequence of good habits, of diligence, skill in arts and frugality, where it indicates the security of property and a good administration of the laws, it is a subject of felicitation. If it be the fruit of injustice or rapine, and the source of licentiousness and prodigality, it cannot be regarded as a public blessing.

4. The social felicity of a country is involved in its condition of peace or war. Shall not a good man pray and strive that his country may never incur the guilt of unjust and unnecessary war; that she may not bring on herself and others, the moral and physical calamities attending a conflict of arms, by insisting on doubtful rights and minor interests; that she may have the virtue and wisdom to grapple with the prejudices and aversions, that tend to pervert the judgment on difficult questions, and to widen breaches, that a disposition to amicable compromise might find a way to heal? While the man with public affections, covets peace and deprecates war, and most of all, war which good and honest counsels in the rulers and a reasonable temper among the people might prevent; he knows that he is not allowed to think his country exempt from the danger of this calamity – War may be required to be chosen, as the least evil. It may be necessary to decide the question of existence, or of security – War or subjugation may be the only alternatives. It will be no strange thing, if those, who have the power of peace and war in a country, though with no more of moral infirmity than may belong to minds generally upright, shall fail to escape the hazard of a deceived conscience; and in cases which make a strong appeal to  the feelings, shall have their judgment of right and wrong disturbed, and mistake the illusions of prejudice and passion for the indications of duty and honor; brandishing a sword, which should never have been drawn from its scabbard. Not to supply a forethought excuse for taking arms without necessity, but to show our nature and circumstances, it is proper to observe, that the lover of peace is compelled to admit, that there is sometimes and inveteracy in the disease of the collective body, that will yield to none but an extreme remedy; a misapprehension and intractableness upon certain subjects and relations, the long continued effects of which may be worse than the consequences of open rupture. The event may prove, that war is in some cases a method of teaching lessons, which will not be learned in any other school; and serves to dispel mists and calm agitations, which have never ceased to endanger and harass the vessel of state. Whether a patriot shall have reason to pity or congratulate his country in such a season depends on her cause and her conduct.

Does she contend for safety and true honor, and manifest the virtues that answer to her condition, he does not consider her state as necessarily a state of misery. In a pacific and in a hostile position, the happiness of a people is to be measured by their observance of disregard of the maxims comporting with their advantages and their trials.

Whoever values peace, will be obliged to desire for his country the military and naval preparation necessary to maintain it; – believing that till the world shall greatly mend, the ability and disposition to repel aggression, will afford one important security against encroachment, and hoping, at the same time, that the union of moderation and energy in the public councils will save the occasion of applying the public force.

Internal peace is a vital blessing and a religious as well as a social duty. “If it be possible, as much as lieth in you live peaceably with all men.” – It may indeed be difficult or impossible. Where the tranquility of a country proceeds from the impotence of forbearance of those who suffer wrongs which they seek in vain to have redressed, wrongs inflicted by the many on the few, or the few on the many, it is real war, though all on one side; and is a condition of the citizens aggrieved, which breeds in the mind animosities of the most rancorous kind.

It pertains to the character of a good citizen to prevent the causes not less than to control the effects of contention; to endeavor to correct the false views, to rebuke the eager desires, the fierce jealousies, the keen resentments that are incident to a popular government; to check the fermentation of discordant elements; and obviate the consequences of rival pursuits, and the contests of proud and ardent minds for the distinctions of life and places of authority and renown.

5. The happiness of a people is connected with their character, intellectual and social, their manners, improvements, and accommodations, the quality and directions of their tastes and desires. Here is a wide field foe the enquiry, the observation and influence of a person interested in the public welfare – in whatever tends to make power safe and salutary, and obedience liberal and cheerful – in whatever contributes to multiply the sources of innocent enjoyment, and to strengthen the foundations of order and virtue.

I confine my remarks under this head to the importance of the diffusion of knowledge, and the cause of education.

Sciences and arts belong to the unrestrained progress of society. Knowledge may be abused. Yet light should be better than darkness. In an enlightened and inquisitive period, undoubtedly some will be found, with half learned twilight views, that serve rather to minister to presumption than to render the possessors of them more useful; and seem to justify a wish that they knew less or more. They may be prone to misapply their smatterings of science and shreds of learning, and set up for teachers and reformers of the world without qualifications. Yet the diffused cultivation of the mind and the taste should seem to be attended with a great over balance of good. It exalts the character of the individual; it strengthens and multiplies the social ties, and adds value to intercourse; it gives a higher enjoyment of the gifts of nature, and what is beautiful and orderly in the frame and course of the world. Inquiry should be friendly to true religion; morals should be promoted by the study of the nature and the relations of man. Public opinion has a subtle and mighty influence. Must we not desire and endeavor to have it intelligent – What will be the consequence in the political body, of the wide diffusion of the right of political deliberation and function among a people very imperfectly instructed, or extremely ignorant. It is true that private persons are not called on to prescribe remedies for the public disorders; – but they are obliged to exercise a choice about the physician; and in judging of men, have occasion for a degree of light on the utility of measures. Will not a knowledge of the mechanism of society and of the principles and preservatives of social order, fit and dispose men for their civil duties? In a country and form of society in which, by the exertion of talents and industry, any individual, born in the obscure walks of life, may raise himself above his present condition, it is a duty of patriotism and benevolence to provide for every one so much education, as, in the event of an advantageous change in his circumstances, may enable him to make his advancement a good, and avoid the inconvenience and mortification of gross illiterateness.

The interests of education awaken the solicitude of every considerate and benevolent man. Education was a chosen care of our fathers. It has engaged the frequent and earnest attention of their descendants, both in private and public capacity. It lies with you, guardians of the State, charged with the patronage of good institutions, it lies with all the teachers and guides of the young, and with us, especially, who are intrusted with public seminaries, to feel the greatness of this concern. It is indeed a solemn and affecting inquiry, what man can do, by early culture, to assist the powers, to model, to control the thoughts, principles, affections, actions, habits, character of man. By what methods shall we seek to preserve the succession of young and helpless generations from the waste of talents, the perversion of feelings and the ruin of hopes, to which they are exposed; how insure the progress of their minds and the development of their virtues; how make their existence a blessing to society, to themselves and to those from whom they sprung; in what manner shall we best do, what can be done but once; and seize the fugitive moments of uncertainty and contest, on which their character and destinies are suspended?

The solution of these interesting problems is under God’s blessing, to be sought in the influences of the family society and of religious institutions, of the school and academy; and of the seminaries for enlarged education.

These seminaries have ever been considered with us a public not less an individual interest. They are approved methods of preserving and extending the knowledge of the various departments of literature and science. They are designed to train a portion of each succeeding race who may be qualified for responsible situations in the community, for the learned professions and for public stations. A limited number of persons, formed in a course of rigorous mental discipline, answer to the exigencies of the social body, and fill a place, which cannot be left vacant.

While the University and Colleges in this Commonwealth have found their objects espoused by generous individuals, and have received from private munificence large endowments for various branches of instruction; and means for enabling them to give the public the benefit of distinguished powers drawn from every class of citizens–the Government of the State have thought it their duty to encourage and partake of these good services rendered to the cause of knowledge and education, by stated and occasional aids for these purposes, in former times, and recently, by a liberal benefaction. Thus have they evinced their participation in the spirit and principles of our ancestors in relation to the concern of the republic in our seats of learning. We trust the fruits will appear; that our University and Colleges will be enabled and excited more and more to promote the diffusion and to extend the boundaries of knowledge, and to send forth continually, learned, pious and virtuous youth to support and adorn the church and the state.

6. The morals and religion of a people are primary objects of solicitude to a lover of his country, and of mankind.

The other interests of individuals, or of the public, which I have considered, are subservient to these; and of little or no value without them. Every plan of escaping evil, or obtaining good, that depends on external things, is either inpracticable in its nature, or of temporary duration. We rely in vain on peace and freedom, riches and territory, letters and arts, without virtuous principles and habits to direct their use and secure their continuance. Could a corrupt nation be prosperous they would not be happy. Happiness is suspended on disposition and character; and refuses to dwell in disordered hearts, or be the portion of those who are slaves to their evil passions. Virtue is more than well conducted selfishness, more than prudence; it is a principle, sentiment, affection, operating in actions; it is the love and practice of what is right. Yet individuals and a people have abundant reason to look for the greatest aggregate of good in adherence to rectitude. Virtue is wisdom, and includes prudence and discretion. Vice is a canker, a poison, tainting the sources of enjoyment. A curse hangs upon the steps of wickedness; and criminal passions, in one form or another, react, in bitter consequences, upon those who indulge them, while good intentions, integrity, and beneficent conduct, have a sure reward. Instructors and monitors, with more or less light and power to engage us to the practice of virtue, present themselves in our frame and situation, in reason, and the sentiment of order and fitness, in natural conscience, in the desire of personal well being, in the social affections, and the sense of reputation, in positive laws, in the lessons derived from the experience of life, and from the observation of a moral Providence. Here are some valuable sources of morals. So many inducements and restraints must have some effect. But after all that they can do, more is wanting to withstand the powerful tendencies to evil. Dwarfish virtues, gigantic vices, dissatisfied hearts, furnish melancholly proof that more is necessary to resist the tyranny of appetites and passions – to overcome the moral lethargy to which we are liable – and produce a genuine rectitude of temper and conduct. Human tribunals have but a limited jurisdiction. The law of honor fails to include some of the most essential virtues, is capricious, and in some things hostile to reason and humanity. How often is natural consequence overborne or mis-guided – Natural affections are vague and uncertain guides. Motives drawn from enlarged self interest are subject to many defects. The profitable and the right appear here and there disjoined, and we are compelled to witness prosperous crimes and defeated virtues — the discomfiture of a good cause, and sufferings and losses incurred by integrity. We are tempted to sacrifice a principle to an end, and pursue the expedient in violation of the right.

In the exigencies of our moral relations, our was is obscured, our strength insufficient, shall we not look beyond this narrow world, this limited sphere; – and hear the call, invoke the aid of heaven-born religion? Let us ally ourselves to the power that made us. Virtue is God’s law. It is under the patronage and protection of a rewarding and avenging Deity.– By his unalterable will, virtue and happiness are, in the ultimate result, bound together in an indissoluble chain. Think not, short-sighted presumptuous mortal, to make a computation about the possible advantage of doing wrong in a single instance. Never imagine that you have an inducement to attempt to serve or deliver yourself by departure from right – or any reason to be discouraged from duty by a doubt of final support and reward. Say you that natural religion leaves these truths open to question? We have the articulate voice of God, an extraordinary light from heaven to dispel every doubt, to make them clear and certain.

The christian revelation establishes the doctrine of the universal and absolute safety and final benefit of virtue – of the inevitable ruin of vice. It also corrects our misapprehensions of the nature of goodness. It contains discoveries, facts and influences, to make virtue not only a principle, but an affection. It is designed indeed to qualify us for a higher happiness than the world can give. We are acting and suffering for eternity. But it forms a character adapted to the best use of the present life. The christian is to live soberly, righteously and godly in the present world. – The principles and motives of his conduct are chiefly drawn from distant objects; but he is taught that his business lies near at hand. His religion blends itself in one system with the common rules of behaviour, and makes his duties to men duties to God. He is not taken out of society to live in inactive seclusion, but enjoined to be diligent in business, as well as fervent in spirit, serving the Lord. No useful principle or propensity of his nature is eradicated or suspended by religion – but all are controlled and chastised. In whatsoever state he is, he is instructed to be content, whilst he uses opportunities to improve his condition. The gospel is a well-spring of charity. Kind affections, disinterestedness, mutual deference, respect to the rights and feelings of our fellow men in great and in small concerns, mark the temper and demeanor or every disciple of Christ.

Do we desire the good of our native country, the order and peace of the whole community, we shall concern ourselves in every proper way about the means and safeguards of morals and religion. Have we abilities, station, authority, fortune? We can be eminent instruments for advancing the interests of truth, piety and virtue. Are we destined to a smaller compass of action? We may do the little in our power with fidelity. Christians are exhorted to remember, that there is one way of pleading for our principles, faith and worship, a way which is likely to be the most effectual of any, and is liable to none of the objections, which are, with much reason, alleged against many other methods of making proselytes. It is such a method of converting and reforming others as will at least have a good effect on ourselves – it is the practise of virtue, the conscientious discharge of those duties, and the cultivation of those graces which are enjoined by the acknowledged principles of morality, and which, by the confession of all, pertain to the essence of our holy religion.

When we speak of the value of religion to society, we mean the spirit and substance, not merely the form. If it come to be generally viewed as only an engine of state, it must soon cease to be even so much as that. Whilst we must approve decency in all, and wish sacred seasons and rites to be observed, we pray that religion may appear to be the sincere conviction and governing principle of those, who pay it the homage of exterior respect. Do any recommend that as necessary to others, which their conduct shows they do not think necessary to themselves, they are liable to be thought to overrate the importance of their principles, or not to be in earnest in recommending them.

I have represented some of the objects, which the friend of the community and the man of generous spirit, in his private character, and in a public station, considers with affection, which he remembers in his prayers and promotes by his talents and influence: the order, freedom, plenty, tranquility and improvement, the manners, the morals, the religion of his country.

Let us give thanks to the Author of good counsels and just desires, for all the spirit of patriotism which, amidst the influence of selfishness and party, is alive in our state and nation. Let us hold in honor all those in former and later periods, who have sought the welfare of the republic–and particularly, who have maintained the conflicts, incident to the conduct of her political affairs, with unshaken resolution and unwearied patience.

We are this day to take leave of one of this number, for many years at the head of this Commonwealth – who, having declined our suffrages, claims the privilege of a long course of services to authorise his retirement from public cares. Permit me, I ask your Excellency, in the name of those to whom you have devoted your talents and  influence, to express our sense of the value and the importance of your agency in the high and responsible stations, which your respect to the wishes of your fellow citizens and your interpretation of your duty in the aspects of Providence have led you to accept. Permit me to acknowledge in their behalf the benefits of your wisdom, moderation, activity and firmness, displayed in framing the constitutions of the Commonwealth and of the Union, in taking a conspicuous part in administering the government under them, and in maintaining the interests of republican liberty; – your countenance of the cause of learning and education, and your exemplary respect to the religion we profess.

However reluctant to resume the load of public duties, when last called from your retirement, you cannot fail to account it a privilege, to have been the character desired in a period of difficulty and agitation; and to have be resorted to as a shield from the dangers, that seemed to be gathering round us – to have been able, under the favor of Heaven, to guide us safely in a dark and troubled season, and now to resign the chair of the Commonwealth to an honorable man, high in your esteem, with auspices so benign, and prospects so cheering; – the world at peace, and a career of public improvement and happiness opening before us. Your principles and example will continue our valued possession, though your immediate services be withdrawn. The recollection of your public course will enliven our feelings of complacency and confidence towards our republican institutions, which placed authority in your hands, and made it so effectual for the conservation of the public interests.

The affectionate wishes and prayers of your fellow citizens attend your Excellency to the shade of honorable privacy. May the best comforts and hopes gild the evening of your life; and after prolonged years of tranquil enjoyment, in the scenes of your affection and peace to which you repair, may the God you have served receive you from earthly distinctions, duties and trials, to the rest and reward of eternity.

We congratulate our Commonwealth on the election of a Chief Magistrate, acknowledged and honored as a “patriot from his youth,” a laurelled hero of the revolution which made us a nation, a son of liberty, who shared the dangers and councils which were the purchase of our independence; – an able and faithful guardian of our rights and interests in the important offices which he has since sustained, and the object of heartfelt respect and attachment in private life for the virtues of the man and the christian. – May we be worthy of that patriotic solicitude with which he will watch over us, and appreciate the discernment and disinterestedness, which we have the fullest reason to believe will mark his administration. May his feelings be gratified by finding in all who share authority with him, a conciliatory disposition, which he will not be the last to exemplify, and which the circumstances of the times encourage; a disposition to unite moderation with consistency; to embrace openings for concert and co-operation; to remove dissentions, and allay animosities, and soften the acrimony of party.

We bid his Honor, the second Magistrate, a respectful and cordial welcome to a renewed participation in the councils of the State. May he have the joy of seeing the objects of his affection secured; – the interests of order, of freedom, of learning and religion, which have ever derived support from his influence, countenance from his example, and encouragement from his liberality.

We tender respects and felicitations to the Honorable Council, to whom, entrusted with delicate and important functions, we have been accustomed to look for enlightened views of the public welfare; for equity and candor joined to a steady adherence to the sentiments of duty – may they have the gratification of “seeing things go well in our American Israel.”

I respectfully salute the Honorable members of each branch of the Legislature. We rejoice in the pledges of the love of the public, and the eminent ability to serve it, in your respective bodies.

The study of the public happiness is your peculiar care – “the greatest good of the greatest number,” pursued by means adapted to our forms of political association, and consistent with the eternal laws of righteousness. In regard to a great part of our moral conduct, and especially to those cases which arise in legislating for a community, there is scope for deliberation and choice. The general rules are supplied, and ends proposed; but we are left to discover the windings and turnings of the way by the exercise of our judgment and skill. In performing the work of patriotism, our duties are not meted out in weight and measure, but we are subjected to the necessity of the continual interpretation of conscience. To guard against the opposite attractions of private and public interest, and to detect the illusions of prejudice and self love, is the point of solicitude which is surrounded with danger. But upright minds are not left, without remedy, to be perplexed with interminable scruples. They are assured that a good conscience is a safe and sufficient guide; and that an honest intention – with care to enlighten the judgment, constitutes all their concern For the obligation of moral precepts lies only upon our purposes and endeavors, and not upon the events and issues of conduct. Only let us see to it, that because the line between right and wrong is not exactly defined, we do not proceed under the cover of doubts, perhaps even under the pretext of duty, to the gratification of unlawful desires; – nor forget how much it belongs to the human passions to justify themselves, and be blind to all objects but their own. May the “Father and God of mercy send wisdom from his holy heavens, that she may be present with you and labor with you,” and make you the honored instruments of advancing the purposes of divine goodness in favor of your beloved country.

Whilst we rejoice in the pleasing circumstances and recollections of this day, we would take a serious and becoming notice of solemn events, which this occasion brings to our thoughts. Affecting instances of  mortality have occurred, fitted to show us the precarious tenure of our lives, to renew our convictions of truth and duty, and to lead our meditations to that invisible state, where the secrets of all hearts shall be revealed, and the spirits and actions of men be weighed in an unerring balance. The distinguished citizen,[*] to whom the wishes of many would have appropriated the first honors of the Commonwealth, has suddenly fallen beneath the stroke of death, teaching us, in an impressive manner, “what shadows we are, and what shadows we pursue.” Instruct us, O God, Sovereign Arbiter of life and death, so to number our days, at to apply our hearts unto wisdom.

When we think of the condition and prospects of our country, and present our desires in its behalf to the Supreme Ruler of nations, we would not be unmindful of our fellow men in other regions. As men, and as Americans, we contemplate with great sensibility the interesting circumstances of the European world. What extraordinary scenes have passed on that theatre in our days. The spirit of improvement, of reform, and change, became a spirit of innovation and turbulence, till in one country it exploded in a revolution, which tore the fabric of society in pieces. From the ruins, a military power sprung up, whose portentous bulk and formidable strength seemed for a long time to be increased by the efforts made against it. Bu the day of recompenses came; the great disturber of the world was compelled to descend from his elevation. Again, however, he seemed to be resuming his sceptre; – he arose and stood upon his feet, as if his deadly wound was healed, and the spirit of conquest and desolation was again to extend itself over prostrate nations. – But he had gone beyond the permitted line, and was baffled in his purpose. By united councils and efforts, by an emulation in generous sentiments, in willing self devotion, and determined valor, the new danger which threatened the world, was turned away.

Let us pray and hope that the inhabitants of the earth may learn righteousness from the experience of adversity; that the root of the evils, which have afflicted the nations may be cut up; that liberty, with order may be established; that the restored sovereigns, and governments of Europe may be preserved from hurtful extremes, not reviving obnoxious institutions which should be suffered to perish; and that a long period of quiet and improvement may be allotted to that fair portion of the earth.

In a view of the events of Providence, so instructive and monitory, are we not prepared to join in the ascription, “Great and marvellous are the works, Lord, God, Almighty, just and true are thy ways, thou King of Saints. Who shall not fear thee, O Lord, and glorify thy name? for thou only art holy, for thy judgments are made manifest, Amen.”

Rev. James Flint preached the following election sermon in Massachusetts on May 31, 1815.

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED IN THE AUDIENCE OF

HIS EXCELLENCY CALEB STRONG, ESQ.

GOVERNOR,

HIS HONOR WILLIAM PHILLIPS, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,

THE HONRABLE COUNCIL,

AND THE TWO BRANCHES OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 31, 1815.

BY JAMES FLINT,
Minister of the Church in the East parish of Bridgewater.

Only take heed to thyself, and keep thy soul diligently, lest thou forget the things, which thine eyes have seen, and lest they depart from thy heart all the days of thy life; but teach them thy sons and thy sons’ sons.

Since the last return of this anniversary, the public mind has been agitated by the most affecting alternations of joy and gloom, of awful apprehension and unmingled gladness. We have witnessed, what at the time we deemed the winding up of the great drama, which, for so man years, had been exhibiting in Europe, in which might nations were the actors, and which awakened the most profound commiseration and terror in the bosoms of all, who beheld the novel and stupendous scenes, which marked its progress. We have seen, also – all thanks to the God of our fathers, who in judgment hath remembered mercy – we have seen the conclusion of the less sublime but to us not less interesting under plot, which our own government, in conjunction with the sanguinary hero of the piece, contrived to weave into that drama. Events so astonishing, so important in their consequences, and so pregnant with solemn and instructive lessons to our country, merit to the indelibly engraven upon our memory by frequent recollection, and that we should teach them, “with lessons they have taught us, to our sons and our sons’ sons.”

I would, therefore, ask the attention of my respected auditors to a brief review of these events, of “the things, which our eyes have seen,” – to a cursory notice of some of the important lessons moral and political, which people and rulers, electors and legislators have alike been taught by these things, and are bound to remember; and lastly, to the mention of certain objects, in the promotion of which every patient and philanthropist, and certainly the appointed guardians of a Christian commonwealth, will feel themselves urgently called upon to exert their influence, from the extraordinary character of the times and state of the world, in which we live.

I. A year has not yet elapsed since the friends of liberty, of religion and human happiness in this country, spontaneously and publicly testified their devout and joyous sympathy with the exulting nations of Europe when they heard the tidings of their emancipation from the galling yoke of tyranny, of their delivered from the desolating demon of war, of their restoration to mild and equitable rule, to the quiet cultivation of the arts and enjoyment of the blessings of peace. We had long taken a humane and anxious interest in the great events, that were passing upon the tragic theatre of the old world. We saw, with dismay and deep concern for the liberty, the religion and all the salutary institutions for the improvement and happiness of civilized man, a stern and unrelenting despot, a contemnor of God and man, at the head of a mighty empire, a leader of unnumbered legions trained to the work of destruction in the midst of atheism, carnage and crimes, accustomed to victory, athirst for conquest and plunder, going forth conquering and to conquer. We saw immense armies scattered before him. We saw ancient thrones, principalities and powers fall prostrate at this approach. We saw kings and emperors casting their crowns at his feet. We saw the iron yoke fastened upon the necks of his victims, while terror stifled their groans. We saw him wringing from them, with insatiable cupidity and unsparing cruelty, tribute upon tribute, sacrifice upon sacrifice of their best blood and few remaining comforts; and all this to rivet more firmly the chains, which bound them to the chariot wheels of their conqueror – to satiate his lust of boundless conquest, and to spread the portentous glare, the blasting splendors of his name and despotic communion over the whole civilized world.

We saw, indeed, one people, and one only, who kept the tyrant at bay, who never bowed the knee to this great Baal, who never trembled at “this goals, who then bestrode the” continental “world.” And this people – shall we not exalt in this claim? – this people are our kindred by blood, the descendants of the brethren of our fathers. Their St. George’s channel, their wooden walls and hearts of oak, and more than all, perhaps, the prayers and slams of their “noble army” of Christian philanthropists formed a barrier, which the myrmidons of the tyrant could never pass. England stood unmoved within view of his shores, queen of isles, mistress of the ocean, vanquisher of his fleet and colonies, the asylum of the proscribed objects of his jealousy or revenge, mocking at his important rage, engrossing the commerce of the world, and carrying, in exchange for the perishable products of their soil, the bread of life, the glad tidings of salvation to farthest Indian, and the remotest islands of the Gentiles.

We saw, in the mean time, the despot inflicting upon his passive subjects and allies unheard of hardships and privations by that barbarous engine of tyranny, the continental system, the only weapon with which he could hope to reach that object of his hate and terror, the maritime supremacy of unshaken, undaunted England. The oppression of this system added to others, stamped with the character of the blackest treachery and most outrageous insult, rouse, at length, the slumbering energies of Spain, stirred the proud spirit of Spaniards, and inflamed with a sudden fever of resentment and revenge the blood, which till then they had seems to have forgotten, that they had derived from a brave and warlike ancestry. We saw and admired their desperate daring, their noble struggle. But we rather wished and prayed, than hoped it would be crowned with success, although backed, as it was, with the generous and powerful aid of England. The then little known, but now illustrious Emperor of Russia, finding his empire degraded and burdened by the conditions, which is an unfortunate moment, he had entered into with the mighty oppressor of the continent – convinced, by the fate of neighboring princes, that to be in league with him in any form was to enter into compact for his own destruction, and that his only alternative in order to save anything from the illimitable claims of his imperial friendship, was to hazard every thing in determined hostility against him – warmed also with a generous glow of indignation at oppression, and animated by the heroic example of England and Spain united – above all, elevated and sustained by a pious confidence in God and the justice of his cause – he prepares and calmly waits for the assault, which he was aware had been long mediated by the modern Sennacherib against this crown and empire. We saw that “scourge of God” go forth in his wrath with his hundreds of thousands madly confident of an easy victory over the only remaining empire of the continent, that had courage and strongly to resist his desolating progress to universal dominion.

The prayers of all who cherished in their bosom a spark of interest for the liberty and happiness of mankind, were earnestly preferred dot the righteous Father of the world, that he would interpose. Neighboring and distant nations seemed alike interested, and alike waited the issue of the contest in trembling suspense. Nor were they left long to doubt of the result. For, behold, “the Lord of hosts, mighty in battle, what his glittering sword, and his hand took hold on judgment.” He not only inspired the hardy men of the north, with unconquerable energy and intrepidity in defense of their homes and temples, and of a severing, whom they loved, because they had found in him, not an oppressor, but a father of his people; but he brought, also, to their aid the irresistible might of his ministering servants, the elements, flaming fire and frost, “stormy wind and tempest fulfilling his word.” He scattered by thousands the carcasses of the invaders in the wilderness. He emphatically spoiled the spoilers. And, by a rapid descent from his dizzy eminence, before the close of a second year from his proud entrance into Russia, at the had of perhaps the most powerful and best appointed army the world has yet seen, we saw this disturber and terror of the world reduced to the condition of a despised, and therefore, alas, unguarded exile – the man, whose plans of empire were bounded only by the limits of the earth, restricted to the diminutive island of Elba, –

“The desolator desolate,
“The victor overthrown,
“The arbiter of others’ fate,
“A suppliant for his own,” –

the nations, that he had subdued, restored to their independence, and the calm of peace succeeding to the tempest of war throughout all Europe. This we saw, and as became men we rejoiced; as became Christians we gave glory to God.

But there was much at that time to damp our joy. We had to blush for our country, that it had taken no part in the triumphant cause of God and man. Had taken no part do I say? O blot of infamy, dark eclipse of American glory! Our country did take part in this cause, but it was against it. The only remaining republic upon earth, a nation descended from freemen, whose proudest boast was their hereditary love of liberty, and hatred of tyranny, harnessed themselves to the war chariot of the tyrant, in which he was riding over the necks of prostrate millions. Yes, the exclusive republicans of America voluntarily added themselves to the long list of degraded nations, who were by force leagued with the infidel power of France, against England; and lent, with cordial good will, their utmost aid to beat down that last remaining bulwark in the old world, of rational liberty, and “of the religion which we profess.”

It was soon seen that we must fare, as men, soon or late, must ever fare, who take side with those, who are at strife with God and right and humanity. When the pitying Father of the world opened his ear to the cries of the oppressed nations, when the measure of their chastisement seemed to be full, and he arose to lay aside, with signal dishonor and contempt, though not, as we hoped, forever, the blood steeped instrument of their correction – when the great instigator and patriot of our wicked war thus became, in the view of all, “a thing of naught,” we were left singly exposed to the merited resentment of our enemy, to the pity or derision of the whole world, and probably, if England had insisted, to united hostility of her allies.

Europe rejoiced, and all good men in this country rejoiced to see, in the fallen fortunes of the tyrant, the removal of that example of successful guilt, which had so long emboldened the wicked in every country, and in none, perhaps, more than in this. The central throne of iniquity, infidelity, perfidy and crime seemed to us to be thus overthrown to its base; and we regarded its wide spread ruins, like the traces of the deluge, as a monument to the world of God’s eternal abhorrence of oppressions, violence and blood – as a lesion of awful admonition to all those, who have been abettors or admirers of the French league of atheistic philosophy and hostility against the most sacred principles and institutions, against the most consoling hopes, against, in short, the virtue and happiness of mankind. We considered this league as effectually broken in the overthrow of the despot. In his fall, we saw the head of this serpent bruised. And we rejoiced to see the death wound, as it then appeared, thus inflicted upon the head of the venomous best in Europe extending downwards, till the tail of it, as we may say, which had twined itself about the Genius of America, felt the unexpected stroke, and writhed in sympathetic agony. Divided as it now was, from its head, and but a fragment of the original monster, although like a monster of the polypus species, it continued to retain feebly the power of life and motion, yet it must ere long have perished of itself, had not the imprudent Hercules, that came to our shores to destroy it, in attempting to tear its poisonous folds from the Genius of our republic, unhappily wounded that Genius in the attempt. ¹

This touched our pride of country, and awakened in all a determined spirit of resistance, an united zeal to defend our soil and our cities against every attempt of the enemy, to repeat the humiliating scenes which had been exhibited at Washington and Alexandria. Those, who from principle, abhorred the war in its origin, its entire character and conduct hitherto, now, that it had assume da new character, stood ready to repel the foe that should have the temerity to invade the soil, which they had inherited from their fathers, and which had been consecrated by their blood to liberty and independence.

Dreading and preparing for the worst, the people assumed, as one man, a determined attitude of self-defense. While we had nothing to hope from our own government, except that the necessity of making peace must soon grow out of their inability to prosecute the war, we had every thing to apprehend in the approach of the enemy with his whole force, from the natural disposition of man to avenge, when he becomes strong, an injury inflicted on him when he was weak. At the same time, we had something to hope from the moderation, magnanimity, and desire of peace, previously manifested by the nation, with which we were contending, notwithstanding our government had been the assailants in the unrighteous contest.

Such, for some time, had been the state of things, and of men’s minds, in regard to the unnatural and hopeless war in which, while all Europe had rest, we found ourselves involved. And when we recollect the gloomy aspect of affairs in our country, at that time, and the appalling prospects, which were opening before us – the nation without revenue, the treasury empty, public credit gone, the people shrinking from the oppressive burden of taxes, that was lain and coming upon them, many states beginning reluctantly to contemplate temporary separation of their fortunes from those of the general government, as their only security from ruin – all eyes in the mean time, turned with anxious waiting to receive intelligence from our commissioners at Ghent – the thoughts of all recoiling from the distress, the devastation and bloodshed, which must be the result of another season of hostilities, should England determine to prosecute the war with her undivided strength, and with that spirit of resentment and animosity, which the time and circumstances, in which it had been declared by our government, might seem to justify; – already many thousands reduced from competence to poverty, and other thousands with the same disheartening prospects before them; – when we recollect all this, we cannot wonder at the unexampled rejoicings, and the fervor of thanksgiving to Heaven, which the people manifested at the conclusion of a war, which had been waged at incalculable expense without the attainment of a single object, a single claim, for which it was professedly declared. What stronger evidence could we have that the war was no war of the people’s choosing, that in its whole character and in all its aspects, it was odious and had become insupportable to the great mass of the nation, that the almost frantic joy with which the return of peace, of bare peace, without brining with it the shadow of an equivalent for its absence was universally welcomed.

True it is, we saw nothing of this joy – I speak not here of those brave men, who have fronted danger and fought the battles of our defense “by flood or field” and how have covered themselves and their country with all the glory that can be derived from arms; but we saw nothing of this joy, I say, in those sauntering “dogs of war,” who have been distinguished only by wearing about them the badge which showed to what master they belonged, and who heard the tidings of peace, so grateful to the people, with selfish and sullen regret, that they could no longer fee din idleness at the public charge. We saw, indeed, nothing of this joy in the servile pimps an spies of government, who had been thriving upon the distresses of their fellow citizens, and whose occupation and gains were now at an end. We saw nothing of this joy in the many thousand occupants of new offices, which the war had created, those patriotic pensioners upon cabinet patronage, and who, like so many devouring locusts, had overspread the country, and consumed tis resources. But we saw this joy in all its fullness and sincerity, in those private and peaceable citizens, who could gain nothing by the war, who beheld in the peace a limit to those wasteful expenses, of which they must pay their full proportion out of the hard earned fruits of the sweat of their brow; and who, had the war continued, must have presented their own breasts to an invading foe, in place of that defense, which they had a right to demand of the national government, but which had been to the last denied them. We behold this joy in parents, who in another season of hostilities, were anticipating the dreadful spectacle of their sons lying mangled and breathless courses upon the field of battle – in wives, who were foreboding a final adieu from the husband of their youth – in children, who, catching the contagion of their mothers’ fears, beheld the demon of war robbing them of their fathers.

These rejoiced and still rejoice in the event which bade them dismiss their melancholy anticipations, and welcome the heart cheering prospects of quietness in our borders, of returning propriety, of domestic tranquility, and of fathers, husbands, and sons waiting the gentle summons of nature, instead of the abrupt and appalling signal of battle, to resign their spirits to God, who gave them. And in unison with this joy were all the better feelings and sympathies of the human heart. If some dark and perturbed spirits, “who delight in war,” refused to join in the loud chorus of gratulation and gladness, which rang from one extremity of the union to the other, the bright and lovely train of the civil and domestic virtues, the smiling attendants upon peace, were heard mingling their mild voice in the common joy at the return of their long banished patroness and queen. Humanity rejoiced that the earth ceased to be crimsoned with the blood of man, spilt by the hand of his brother; and that the sword was stayed from adding to the number of windows and orphans. Religion, peaceful daughter of heaven, was glad and hymned new anthems of praise to the God of peace, that her voice, which speaks good will toward all men, was no longer to be drowned in the horrid din of battle, in the groans of expiring nature mingling with the savage shouts of victory. Patriotism exulted that our rapid progress to national ruin was arrested and that happier prospects were once more beginning to open upon our suffering country. Justice triumphed in the vanishing of those unholy visions of conquest, which had so long haunted the disordered imagination of our rulers, which had carried fire and sword into so many peaceful villages of Canada, and which have rendered that province the scene of such boundless waste of treasure, of so many signal defeats and disasters, and of one of two splendid and dear bought, but useless victories. In abort, truth, reason, and common sense, so long exiled from the counsels of the nation, hail with gladness this auspicious pause in the reign of delusion, absurdity, restrictive energy, and mad experiment. And who, that loves his country, will not devoutly pray that the pause may be perpetual?

II. From our hasty retrospect of “the things, which our eyes have seen,” we return to notice, as we proposed, some of the important lessons, which we ought to learn form them, and to “teach our sons and our sons’ sons.”

Let the first be lesson of gratitude to the God of our fathers. However ardent, and strong and lasting this gratitude may be, it can hardly equal what we ought to feel for our deliverance from the confusion and ruin, which but recently seemed inevitable, and that we have escaped, with no heavier loss and suffering, great as these have been, from the rash plunge of the nation into the awful perils of war, at a period when the unexampled terrors and miseries of war in Europe solemnly admonished our favored country to remain at peace, and to mitigate, if possible, instead of adding to the woes of an afflicted and bleeding world.

2. We ought, in the next place, to derive new and deeper convictions, from the things we have seen, of the superintending and controlling providence of the Sovereign of the universe, in the direction of human affairs.

In the astonishing change and revolutions, which have marked the age of wonders, in which it is our lot to live, especially in those which have occurred in Europe within the few last years, the supremacy of God, and the agency of his Providence in the government of the world have been so visibly and remarkable manifested, a that even the blind, one would think must see, the hardened feel and be constrained to acknowledge, “that verily there is a God who judgeth in the earth, who enlargeth of straiteneth the nations, who setteth up on end putteth down another, and who doeth all his pleasure among the inhabitants of the earth, as well as among the hosts of heaven.” When we saw the remorseless oppressor of nations ready to take the last step in his march to universal empire, and we were in read lest the whole Christian world must been beneath the sway of an infidel and ferocious despot, with what ease, how speedily, and in a manner how unexpected did God abase to the dust the pride and the might of “the terrible one,” and exalt the weak to the throne of the mighty.

Fear not, then, ye who tremble because the head of the dragon² is again lifted up. Let him and his angles renew their impious war. The arm of the Almighty hath not waxed feeble. He hath still his Michael and his angles, by whom he hath once given response to the world, and who, when he commissions them, shall again prevail against he dragon; and in the appointed hour, the monster shall be consigned to a safer prison than the islands of Elba.

3. A third lesson, which we have been impressively taught by “the things we have seen,” – and this is another reason for banishing our fears for the result of the renewed contest in Europe – is, that “the triumphing of the wicked is short.” Never, perhaps, since the generation, which God in his wrath swept from the earth with a flood, – never certainly, in any age, or portion of the world that has been shone upon by the blessed lights of Christianity, has there been such a general and open contempt of all religious and moral obligation, such insolent defiance or denial of the divine government and authority, as has been seen in those parts of the old world, which adopted the principles, and afterwards felt the power of revolutionary France. When we saw this colossal power wielded by an individual, “at whose name the world grew pale,” when we saw him successful in all his enterprises of unparalleled daring and guilt, when we saw his humble admirers and obedient followers sitting in the high places of power in our own country, the entire world, to our desponding fears, seems destined by its incensed Creator to fall under the empire of the wicked.

But when they were rearing the last battlements of their Babel, whose impious height had long insulted the Heavens, and from which they began proudly to dictate their laws to the whole earth, we saw their chief in company with numbers of his satellites suddenly hurled from its summit by the hand of retributive justice. We saw him, for a time, and as we hoped forever, left in miserable banishment to “the vultures of his mind,” his own reflections; and like the wretch in the hell of the poet, to admonish by his doom guilty rulers and their adherents in every country to learn righteousness and to fear God. ³ And notwithstanding his unexpected and, wet rust, short reprieve from this doom, it has given us condoling assurance, in which we will rest, that although men without religion, without virtue, without pity or remorse, “join hand in hand,” abuse power, and “frame mischief by a law,” yet shall not the wicked go unpunished. “As a dream, when one awaketh, so, O God, when thou awakest, shalt thou despise their image. And the righteous shall rejoice, when he seeth the vengeance.”

4. We have, again, been taught, what indeed was foreseen by the considerate and has now been made manifest to all by our ill-fated war, that our form of government, our institutions and habits, disqualify us for engaging in wars of conquest. Events have shown that the attack made upon Canada was as impolitic, as it was cruel and wicked. The crying sin of blood-guiltiness was strictly chargeable, in the view of all men of Christian feelings, upon the authors of that measure; to the honor of New England, it will be remembered that by a large majority of its inhabitants, the measure was regarded in the light of an unprovoked and murderous assault upon peaceable and unoffending neighbors. Nor ought it ever to be forgotten by us, or “our sons, or sons’ sons,” that while the war was thus entirely offensive, a war for conquest, and consequently unjust, God was against us; and we accordingly met only with defeat, disaster, and disgrace. But the moment the character of the war was changed, and become a war of defense, and therefore just, God was with us; and, in every instance of importance, except in the attack of the enemy upon the immediate seat and citadel of improvidence and imbecility, the head quarters of the redoubtable heroes of Bladensburg, we were successful in repelling invasion.

5. This nation, moreover, in addition to the innumerable lessons that have gone before in past ages, have received another, and a very serious one, from the things they have recently seen and suffered, upon that inherent vice and ultimate destruction of all republics, party spirit – a blind devotion of the people to the men, who, to obtain office and power, inflame their passion, and flatter their prejudices and pride of opinion. The people of this country have been taught by bitter and costly experiment, to what evils the indulgence of these passion, these prejudices and this pride of opinion may lead. They have seen for what purposes their antipathies to one nation, and attachment to another have been so industriously cherished by incessantly proclaiming and exaggerating the injuries of the one, and anxiously concealing or excusing those of the other. They have seen that their flatters, and the fermenters of strife and war, have achieved nothing for their country, which they promised – have obtained no security against the violation of “trade and sailors’ rights” and while they have been enjoying the emoluments and honors of office, the people have deprived from their counsels no other fruits than general embarrassment and distress, loss of public and private property, and an entail of taxes, which neither they nor “their sons, nor sons’ sons” will probably see cancelled. The people must, we think, have been feelingly persuaded of the truth of the remark long since made, that “party is the madness of many, for the gain of a few.” We trust that the lessons upon this point, so dearly purchased, will not be lost upon the citizens, who have to pay for it; and that they will learn from it to judge of political as they do of religious profession, by its fruits – to distinguish the true friends and able guides of their country from the smooth and fawning pretender to patriotism and disinterested love for the dear people; and, in future, to trust with office those men only, whose known principles and tried virtues entitle them to the public confidence. To have been once deceived by men who promised fair, proves only that we charitable believed them honest and were mistaken. “But when men,” says an eminent statesman, ⁴ “whom we know to be wicked, impose upon us, we are something worse than dupes. When we know them, then their fair pretenses become new motives for distrust.”

Tempests, engendered in the natural world, by a foul and heated atmosphere, if they sometimes destroy the fruits of the field and the labors of man, are usually succeeded by a purer air, and a brighter day. Noxious insects, pestilent vapors, and obscuring mists, are dispersed. Objects are seen through a clearer medium, and in a new light; and more distinct and correct impressions of them are conveyed to the mind. We will hope that, in like manner, the tempest and fury of the passion, that have been excited among us, and the storms of war produced by them, now that they are spent and gone by, will be followed by moral and political consequences equally salutary and beneficial to our country. And, great as have been the gloom, and distress, and ruin, which have marked their course, we might pronounce the evil incurred small, compared with the good obtained, should we find that they have also swept away, and that forever, “the refuges of lies,” by which an abused people heave been made the victims of series of oppressive and calamitous measures, the effects of which will be felt long after the present generation shall have passed away.

As it is from experience and by sober reflection upon event, that nations as well as individuals learn wisdom, it is, therefore, the bounded duty of the citizens of our republic not only that they retain in remembrance and meditate much and often upon the things they have witnessed and endured for the last few eventful years, that, soberly viewing the causes and pondering the consequences of these things, they may gather from them the instructive lessons we have noticed and others equally obvious and important; but they are bound also to teach them to their children and to warn them of the dangers to which their prosperity and liberties will ever be exposed, from the arts of ambitious and corrupt men and from their own passions and prejudices.

God, by his servant Moses, enjoined it upon the Israelites, as in our text, to be ever mindful of the astonishing events which they had witnessed alike in their deliverances and their chastisements. They were commanded to teach them to their children, “to their sons’ sons,” that the salutary lessons which they inculcated might be transmitted and perpetuated among them. And it is from what others or themselves have experienced, from recollection of their errors and miscarriages, and reflection upon their causes and consequences that men are admonished, instructed and disciplined into prudence and virtue. This is the great end of God’s various dealings with individuals and nations. For this, history unrolls her faithful records. For this, the faculties of memory and reflection hold so distinguished a place in the endowments of the mind. To consign to oblivion, therefore, when they are past, evens, which deeply affected us while passing – to forget our calamities when they are removed and to avert the attention form the true causes and immediate authors of them or to attribute them to false causes or imaginary instruments, is “to despise reproof and to hate instruction;” is not only, like obstinate children, to suffer the infliction of the rod without deriving from it any equivalent for the smart, but is also to invite a repetition of its strokes.

Surely then, it is not expecting too much from the good sense and calculating character of our fellow citizens that they will divest themselves of the unreasonable prejudices, and attachments of party, the immediate or remote cause of most of the evils they have suffered – that they will turn from their political idols whom they have found to be “vanity and a lie,” to the men under whose auspices they were once prosperous and happy; and that they will yet furnish a refutation of that severe maxim of the statesman before cited, that “the credulity of dupes is as inexhaustible as the invention of knaves.”

III. I hasten in the last place to name to my indulgent auditors – for time will hardly permit me to do more – certain objects, in the promotion of which every patriot and philanthropist, and certainly the appointed guardians of a Christian commonwealth, will feel themselves urgently called upon to exert their influence from the extraordinary character of the times and state of the world in which we live.

1. The passing age has been remarkable for its wild speculations, extravagant theories and daring experiments in government, in morals and religion. The people in our own country, as well as in others, have been taught new doctrines upon these subjects – doctrines sanctioned no more by the sober conclusions of reason than by the voice of experience. Their tendency has been to inflate the minds of the uninformed with an overweening sense of their own lights, of their own important – to weaken their respect for the sound maxims, the salutary principles and usages of our fathers – to loosen and in to many instances, to sever the sacred bonds which bind man in allegiance to his God, in equity and in love to his neighbor, his country and his kind. The effects have been answerable – such as we have witnessed have felt and deplored. The order, virtue, happiness, and stability of our republic have been sensibly impaired – its very existence endangered. To remedy these evils if possible, to repair these breaches will be regarded by every good citizen and magistrate as an object of the first importance. And, if this is ever to be affected in any good degree, it must be brought to pass by the same means by which our fathers founded and built up the social edifice which they left to us strong and beautiful, and taught us by their example how to preserve and enjoy.

They were well aware that no free government could be long supported but by the united influence of knowledge, and virtue and the fear of the Lord generally diffused throughout the great body of the citizens. To promote, maintain, and extend the influence of these qualities they bent all the energies of their powerful minds. To this end looked all their public institutions and laws, all their instructions in the pulpit, the college, the school, and in families – those natural seminaries which under Christian parents are of all others foremost in importance as they are in order, in forming the human mind in imbuing it with pious sentiment and virtuous principle.

In order, then, that our free and equal forms of government, our invaluable institutions and usages may recover of the shocks and long survive the changes which they have recited from the licentious and innovating spirit of the age, the united and persevering exertions of the wise and good in every station, aided as far as may be, by the influence of legislative authority, must be strenuously employed to bring back the people to “the old paths and good ways,” in which our fathers walked – to re-establish the authority of the plain and sure maxims, and to put in more general and vigorous operation those tried and effectual means of diffusing knowledge, virtue, and piety, by which the sons of the Pilgrims that have preceded us, formed of New England “a mountain of holiness, a habitation of whatsoever things are true, honest, just pure, lovely, and of good report.”

Knowing therefore the conditions upon which alone the prosperity and permanency of our republican institutions can be insured, the genuine patriot, whether acting in a private or official capacity, will feel himself bound as he would secure, and transmit to his children the rich privileges which he has inherited from his fathers, to exert his utmost ability and influence to enlighten public opinion, to correct and elevate the public morals, to foster the interests and extend the influence of useful learning and pure religion.

2. I would name another object, which is beginning to excite much attention among the reflecting and benevolent in our own country, which is of universal interest to mankind, and in the prominent of which legislators and rulers might, if disposed, do a great deal. The object is no other than to do something, if possible, to bring into discredit and disuse the barbarous and horrible practice of determining national differences by the sword. I know that a proposition of an attempt to abolish wars will be though by many a proof of little else than of a good natured madness in the proposer. But by Christians it ought to be heard with respect and a readiness to cooperate in any measure that may tend to a “consummation so devoutly to be wished” by all the friends of humanity. Surely, our religion gives no countenance to wars, scarcely of defense, and in no case to offensive wars. If wars, as we know from the sure word of prophecy they will, are one day to “cease to the ends of the earth,” how is this great change in the world to be accomplished? Not, we have all reason to think, by miracle, and at once, but gradually, by the combined influence and agency of Christian principles and Christian societies formed for this very end. Traffic in slaves, not long since, was as universally tolerated, as war. But Christian philanthropy and Christian perseverance have already done much and are still going on prosperously to complete the extermination of this infamous practice from out of the limits of Christendom. Were a combination formed in this country, in this state, of the friends of human happiness, aided by legislative concurrence and authority, and let them make their appeals to Christians everywhere, to cooperate in their attempts to impress all hearts which they can influence with abhorrence of the savage customs of war; and perhaps, in tie, by the blessing of God upon their benevolent exertions, the Christian world may owe as much to a New England Association for the abolition of wars, as Africa does to the bond of British philanthropists who led the way in the abolition of the inhuman traffic in slaves. There never was a time more favorable than the present for an attempt of this kind. Should the peace of Europe be speedily re-established by the fall of the outlaw, who hath broken it, as we devoutly hope, government and people, exhausted with the waste and smarting with the wounds of war, will be universally in a condition to listen to an appeal made to their interests and feelings upon this subject. ⁵ We may at least calculate with assurance, that the legislature of this, and we trust of the other states of the union, will persevere in their endeavors to obtain the constitutional security recommended by the late New England convention, against a repetition of an offensive war, like that from which we have recently escaped.

3. Indulge me in the mention of one object more which merits even more than all the extraordinary interest and exertions which it has so generally produced in the Christian world, and which of all others will, perhaps, be eventually found the most efficient means of accomplishing the object last mentioned, I mean the diffusion of the Holy Scriptures.

Although we doubt not the glorious work will proceed effectually in the hands of the societies and individuals engaged in it, et I would respectfully ask whether it be not an object deserving the liberal patronage of legislative bodies. While this patronage would ensure to these bodies the augmented respect and confidence of their pious constituents, would it not contribute to awaken a more general attention throughout the community to that Sacred volume, which should appear as thus it would, to be an object of peculiar esteem and reverence to the highest order of men in the state? Every friend of Zion, every Christian philanthropist, whose heart glows with the benevolent desire and daily breathes to Heaven the fervent prayer that the kingdom of Christ that blessed empire of light and love, of righteousness and peace, may be extend and established throughout the world and built up in all hearts, must have witnessed with holy joy and exultation the wide spread and still extending triumphs of British charity in the distribution of “the words of eternal life” in all ands and in all languages. What fountains of consolation have thus been opened to the poor and afflicted in those countries which have been swept with the desolating tempests of war? While a night of double darkness, of infidelity and gloomy despotism was brooding over the fairest portion of continental Europe, form the Bible societies in England, the sun of righteousness seemed to arise with new brightness and healing in his beams. In that fortunate isle, while the upas of atheism, rooted and nurtured in France, was spreading wide its baleful shade, dripping with poison to the souls and destruction to the bodies of men, we have seen the tree of life flourishing with unexampled luxuriance, reaching forth its branches and expanding its leaves for shelter and for medicine to the weary and bruised nations. We have shown that we can vie with the men of that illustrious land of our ancestors in wielding the weapons of death and in managing the engines of destruction. Let us emulate them in their more noble and Godlike efforts to save, to enlighten, to console mankind. When appointed to this service it was my pleasing hope that I might be permitted to congratulate my fellow citizens upon the established repose of Europe, as well as of our own country. But the unsearchable counsels of God have appointed otherwise. While we almost imagine that we heard resounding through the world the echoes of the angelic song, which once announced from Heaven peace on earth and good will to men, the terrific genius of destruction again welcomed into fickle and perfidious France, startled us with new alarms of war. Again,

“Red battle stamps his foot and nations feel the shock.”

It is not for us to penetrate or arraign the purpose of God in suffering this. He governs the world; the wrath and crimes of no created being can pass the bounds which he assigns. Confiding in his goodness, it becomes us to submit with silent reverence to what we cannot comprehend. While we sympathize with Europe again convulsed and bleeding, let it renew our gratitude to that kind Providence which hath made us to differ. And God, of his mercy, make us wise to preserve and worthy to enjoy, this distinction, till it is lost in the universal and permanent repose of the world.

Your Excellency, during “the troublesome times” we have seen has given your constituents a decisive and endearing proof that your heart corresponds to this wish in the spirit of a sincere disciple of the Prince of Peace, with the feelings of a lover of his country and of his kind. So long as we remember “the things which our eyes have seen” will not forget but will teach it to “our sons and our sons’ sons” what we owe to this guide who, under God, hath conducted the people and guarded their rights with a wise and paternal vigilance through all the perils that have encompassed them. If Your Excellency has had no part nor lot in the glory of those magistrates who have sent their citizens to gather laurels and to find the cypress in the wilds of Canada, Your Excellency has that which will be far more soothing in the silent and solitary house of life and its close that which is far more illustrious in the esteem of the wise and good, the glory of having sanctioned no measures that have carried mourning and distress into the dwelling of a single family in the state.

In ancient Rome, he that in battle had saved the life of a citizen was rewarded with a civic crown and was honored as a father by the person preserved. The citizens of this Commonwealth between whom and the deadly contagion of a camp and the weapons of an invaded people, Your Excellency has effectually interposed the shield of the Constitution have no civic crowns to give. But they have repeatedly given the highest mark they have to give of their gratitude and respect; and the same time they acknowledge, in each repeated acceptance of it, a new obligation conferred by Your Excellency upon themselves.

The Christian patriot derives his first best earthly reward from the consciousness of upright intention in the discharge of every trust reposed in him by his fellow citizens; the next, from seeing them manifestly benefited by his services; and next to this, form the uniform and often repeated proofs of their cordial attachment and confidence. His last exceeding great reward, to which he steadily but humbly looks is that transporting eulogium form his final Judge, “well done, good and faithful servant; enter thou into the joy of the Lord.”

Your Honor will accept our respectful congratulants upon being again called to fill the office of Second Magistrate in the Commonwealth; and upon which is far more grateful to your Honor, the reviving prosperity of our country which promises to the benevolent increased means of experiencing what your Honor so well knows, “how much more blessed it is to give, than to receive.”

Counsellors, Senators, and Representatives of the Commonwealth; we rejoice with you that the new political year is ushered in with so much happier auspices than the last. You will not need that I should remind you of the high and solemn responsibility which rests upon you in your official character. No one, surely, of your honorable body, can have received the trust reposed in him by his constituents, without feeling the importance, not of the honor, but of the duties attached to it. Least of all should we suppose it possible for a man to take this trust lightly upon him, when an impression of the calamities, which an abuse of it may bring upon his country is so fresh and deep in his mind, as it must be in the mind of every man who remembers what he has recently seen and felt.

Bringing with you, to the counsels of the state, this impression, you will give your sanction to not measures affecting the common interests of your constituents, till looking as far into all their bearings and issues, as the ken of human foresight, assisted by the lights of experience and reason is permitted to penetrate, you conscientiously believe them to be good and salutary. When entered upon the exercise of your legislative functions, you will feel yourselves to be standing upon holy ground. You will, therefore, as becomes the place and your character put off and remove far from your minds, the narrow prejudices and blinding passions of party, the sordid considerations of private interest or personal ambition, as most unworthy to enter into those solemn deliberations and decrees on which depend, in no small degree, the order, security, and prosperity of the Commonwealth.

We may confidently expect from the civil fathers and guardians of the state, all that can be done by legislative authority alone, or in concurrence with the exertions of societies or individuals, to aid the great interests of humanity, to enlighten public sentiment, to improve the public morals, to preserve and increase, in the public mind, a reverence for the name, the word, the Sabbaths, and worship of God, to invigorate and extend the influence of our inestimable civil, literary, and religious institutions.

In all your labors for the promotion of these most important objects, we, the ministering servants of God, are by our office, and form the nature of our charge when faithful to it, “fellow-workers together with you.” We have, therefore, a claim upon your countenance and support, so long as we quit not our sphere. And, if you sometimes find a brother among you, and concern for his flock prompt the question, once put by Eliab to the shepherd, son of Jesse, “Why hast thou come down hither? And with whom hast thou left those few sheep in the wilderness?” Add not, we beseech you, the uncharitable charge laid by the churlish Eliab to his brother, “I know thy pride, and the naughtiness of thy heart; for thou art come down that thou mightiest see,” and mingle in “the battle of contentious partisans.” Your honorable body will rather impute to him a generous zeal to aid you in promoting the great interests of our common Christianity. At least, let the presence of our brethren serve to remind you, that these interests are intimately connected with the great interests of all the state and of our country – that however excellent our constitution and laws, there can be no permanent order, security, or happiness in our republic, unless the citizens composing it are, generally, influenced by the awful sanctions of religion, the hopes and fears of eternity.

Confiding in the wisdom of your counsels in the integrity and patriotism of your intentions, in your zeal for the common welfare not doubting that you will act under a just sense of your accountability to your constituents, and, we trust, to the Searcher of Hearts, we bid you God, speed in the duties before you. May you honorable acquit yourselves, respected Rulers, of your allotted parts in the accomplishment of those high destinies, to which, we trust, it was in the counsels of God to raise this nation, when we planted our fathers in this good land. And while we hail it, as an omen of better days to our country, that so many of our brethren in various parts of the union misled by the false lights of the age, are retuning to the sound maxims of policy and of morals, exemplified and bequeathed to them by the Father of our Republic, we will hope that its glory, emerging like the sun from the clouds that have transiently obscured the brightness of its morning’s rise will hold on its way, like that luminary, with increasing splendor, till it reaches the western ocean, emitting its wildest blaze of effulgence, the moment it touches the waves.

Endnotes

¹. The destruction by the British cruisers of our fishing-craft, and o four dismantled coasting the merchant vessels, in our small harbors, laying defenseless towns, and even salt works under contributions, especially the burning of the public buildings at Washington, excited a very general indignation in all parties. And Mr. Randolph has asserted, and probably with reason, that, but for these glaring acts of indiscretion in the enemy, “nothing could have sustained Mr. Madison after the disgraceful affair at Washington. The public indignation would have overwhelmed, in one common ruin, himself and his hireling newspapers.”
Mr. Randolph’s Letter to Mr. Lloyd.

². Rev. 12 ch. 7 ver. & c.

³. “Phlegyas que misserimus omnes
Admonet, et magna testator voce per umbras:
Discite justiniam moniti, et non temnere Divos.”
Virg. Aen. Lib. 6, ver. 618, & c.

⁴. Mr. Burke.

⁵. See an excellent pamphlet upon this subject, entitled “A Solemn Review of the Custom of War,” & c.

This election sermon was preached by Rev. Brockway on May 11, 1815.

SERMON,

PREACHED AT HARTFORD,

BEFORE THE

HONORABLE GENERAL ASSEMBLY,

OF THE

STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 11, 1815.

BY DIODATE BROCKWAY, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN ELLINGTON.

HARTFORD:
PRINTED BY HUDSON AND GOODWIN
1815.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford in said State, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1815.

ORDERED, That the Hon. Jonathan Brace, and Peleg Martin, Esq. present the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend DIODATE BROCKWAY, for his Sermon preached before this Assembly on the 11th instant, and request a copy of the same, that it may be printed.

Not by might, nor by power, but by my Spirit, saith the Lord of hosts.

The first temple, the most splendid edifice that was ever reared by men, continued in its glory but a few years. It was successively robbed of its treasures by Shishak, Joash, Ahaz, and others, and at last utterly destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar. At the head of a powerful army this wicked monarch overran a large part of Asia, and plundered, as well as conquered, the provinces through which he passed. He did not spare even the temple of the Lord: but after sacrilegiously enriching himself with its costly furniture, he demolished it to its foundation. In about half a century it began to be rebuilt by order of Cyrus, who had previously invaded the Assyrian empire, and succeeded in the reduction of its magnificent capital. The benevolent Cyrus liberated the enslaved captives of Judah, and ordered them to return to their own country. Over these redeemed captives he appointed Zerubbabel Governor, to whom he delivered the sacred vessels of the temple which Nebuchadnezzar had carried to Babylon.

In the rebuilding of the temple, there were difficulties, to human view, insurmountable. The Jews had just returned from a seventy years captivity, and were but poorly furnished with the requisite means, for accomplishing such an undertaking. The opposers of the work, also, were numerous and powerful. Under such discouraging circumstances, how could it proceed? Our text is the answer. Not by might, (or as is rendered in the margin, by army,) nor by power, but by my Spirit, saith the Lord of hosts. These words clearly express the divine efficiency in the work. They show that no human power was adequate to the successful prosecution of it, encumbered as it was with so many difficulties, and embarrassed with so much opposition.

Though the text primarily referred to the rebuilding of the temple, it admits of a more general and extensive application. It is literally true, when applied to all the labors and enterprises of men. Considered in this more general, and extensive sense, I derive from it the following sentiment:

The success of all human efforts depends entirely, and exclusively, upon the providential and all-powerful influence of God.

This sentiment necessarily results from the perfection of God’s character; and is exemplified in such of his works as are accomplished by the instrumentality of men.

I. The sentiment derived from the text necessarily results from the perfection of God’s character.

Isaiah, whose conceptions of the Most High were enlarged by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, and whose lips were touched with a live coal from the heavenly altar, thus speaks of the glorious supremacy of God: “Who hath measured the waters in the hollow of his hand, and meted out heaven with the span, and comprehended the dust of the earth in a measure, and weighed the mountains in scales, and the hills in a balance? Behold, the nations are as a drop of the bucket, and are counted as the small dust of the balance: behold, he taketh up the isles as a very little thing. It is he that sitteth upon the circle of the earth, and the inhabitants thereof are as grasshoppers; that stretcheth out the heavens as a curtain, and spreadeth them out as a tent to dwell in; that bringeth the princes to nothing; he maketh the judges of the earth as vanity. There is no searching of his understanding. He giveth power to the faint; and to them that have no might he increaseth strength.”

Infinite power, wisdom, intelligence, goodness and purity, are but different names to express the character of him, who is the source of being, and the fountain of blessedness. In God is concentrated every possible perfection that can ennoble and exalt him. He is, in himself, incomparably great, glorious and incomprehensible: the source and centre of all power and efficiency. By the breath of his Spirit we are quickened into life; by the strength of his power we move and are sustained; and by his unerring wisdom we have our place and sphere of action assigned us. He has an intuitive knowledge of the conceptions of every mind in the universe, and with a power which nothing can resist, he controls the passions and purposes of the myriads of creatures which he has made. His influential and governing providence is co-extensive with his works; it is concerned in those events which appear to be the most trifling and casual; in the fall of a sparrow, in the trembling of a leaf, and in the motion of an insect. So entirely dependent are we upon his influence, that, it is not in man that walketh to direct his steps. God is the only independent agent in the universe. He governs with underived, and uncontrolled authority, and he alone has the right and power to do what seemeth him good. It is evident, then, from the character, and from the dominion of the Lord, hat the success of human efforts depends upon his aid and blessing. “Behold he taketh away who can hinder him? There is no wisdom, nor understanding, nor counsel against the Lord.”

II. The sentiment derived from the text is exemplified in those works of God, which are accomplished by the instrumentality of men.

Under his head of discourse, will be considered the instruments which God employs in building his spiritual temple, the Church; which he uses in building up and governing states and empires; and also those which he employs to conquer and destroy them.

1. Let us consider the instruments which God employs in building his spiritual temple, the Church.

The manner in which Christianity was first propagated, and the dispensation of redeeming mercy established, through a crucified Saviour, was a practical exposition of these words of the apostle Paul: “But God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to confound the wise: and God hath chosen the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty; and base things of the world, and things which are despised, hath God chosen, yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are: that no flesh should glory in his presence.” The success which attended the labors of the apostles, the first preachers of the gospel, could not be attributed to human wisdom, learning, nor power. They were in general poor, humble and illiterate men, selected, not from the lists of the wise, mighty and noble, but from the lower walks of life. Such were the first propagators of the gospel, the founders of that kingdom which is established in mercy, truth and justice, and the conquests of which are eventually to extend from sea to sea, and from the river unto the ends of the earth. The work upon which they entered, calculating according to the wisdom of this world, was at once the most difficult, hazardous and hopeless, of any ever undertaken by men. Their preparation for this work, so far as it respected human acquirements or aid, was comparatively nothing. They went forth declaring the testimony of God concerning his Son, not with excellency of speech or wisdom; yet their speech and preaching were in demonstration of the Spirit, and of power.

In laying the foundation of that spiritual temple, of which that of Solomon was a type, the apostles were not only destitute of earthly support and aid; but they had to encounter the powerful opposition of men high in office and authority; in short they had to encounter all the opposition, which wealth, talents, and authority united, could give. In the name of their Master, and girded with His strength, they embarked in their holy warfare, successfully using the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God. With a bold and persevering, but well tempered zeal, a zeal which was not to be terrified by menace, nor discouraged by opposition, they broke through the hatred and unbelief of their own countrymen, the Jews; and the deep rooted and long established prejudices of the gentiles. The doctrines and precepts which the apostles taught, though opposite in their nature and sanctions to the dispositions of unholy minds, yet proved in the hands of the Spirit, quick and powerful, and sharper than any two edged sword. With the seventy disciples, their coadjutors, they went into almost every part of the then known world, gathering and establishing churches. By their preaching an amazing change was effected in the religious state of mankind. Contemplating the success which attended their mission, they might without boasting exclaim in the language of Paul, “The weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God to the pulling down of strongholds; casting down imaginations, and every high thing that exalteth itself against the knowledge of God, and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ.”

The history of the reformation in the sixteenth century, shows what can be accomplished by the labors of men, when those labors are accompanied with the blessed influence of God’s Spirit. Under the most discouraging circumstances, this work was commenced by a few individuals, and was carried on against the combined opposition of earth and hell. The success which attended the labors of Luther, Calvin, Zulinglius, Melancthon, Cranmer and their colleagues, in exposing the heresies of Popery, in disseminating the pure doctrines of the gospel, and in reviving its discipline, can be attributed to nothing less than the special blessing of God upon their exertions. In defiance of the decisions of courts and councils, and raised above the fear of inquisitions, banishments and burnings, they faithfully preached the doctrines of the cross; protestant converts were multiplied; and so great and extensive were the blessings connected with the reformation, of which, under God, they were the authors, that it is justly considered as furnishing a new and important era in the history of the church.

No class of men so eminently need assistance from above, in the discharge of their official duties, as the ministers of Jesus Christ. Their work is great, their responsibility awful, and their strength weakness. They are to guide the blind in paths that they have not known, and like their divine Saviour to go about seeking that which was lost. Though they are said to be laborers together with God; yet such is the disproportion between the instruments employed, and the object to be accomplished by their ministry, as makes it demonstrably certain, that neither is he that planteth anything, neither he that watereth; but God that giveth the increase. The Great Head of the church has ordained, that the kingdom of holiness on the earth, shall be built up, by the instrumentality of men, who have no sufficiency of their own; that it may be acknowledged to the glory of his grace, that the work is accomplished, not by might, nor by power, but by the Spirit of the Lord of hosts.

2. The instruments which God employs in building up and governing states and empires, furnish a practical illustration of the sentiment derived from the text.

All ranks among men, from the highest to the lowest, (though they may not be conscious of any divine influence,) have their place and work assigned them, by Him who is wonderful in counsel, and excellent in working; whose providence it is to make the conduct both of the virtuous and vicious, subserve the designs of his mysterious and perfect government. The holy decrees of the Omnipotent God cannot be frustrated, nor the scheme of his providence broken, by the wicked counsels, and feeble efforts of creatures who inhabit his footstool. “There are many devices in a man’s heart; nevertheless the counsel of the Lord standeth forever, the thoughts of his heart to all generations,” He that sitteth upon the circle of the earth, controlling the elements, whose will the wind and the waves obey, and by whose decree the destiny of all nations is fixed, has a commanding influence over those who are employed in forming codes of laws, and into whose hands are committed the rights, liberties and lives of his people. Legislators and Statesmen, whether Christian or pagan, derive their wisdom and power from the great Governor and Legislator of the world. His secret, but powerful, agency is concerned in raising them up, moulding their minds, forming their characters, and fitting them for the stations which they occupy. They are God’s ministers, by whom he dispenses civil blessings, or executes national judgments. If they enact righteous laws, pursue an upright policy, and maintain a wise and just administration; it is because the Most High has given them a spirit of wisdom, and of love, and of a sound mind: for he hath said, Counsel is mine, and sound wisdom: I am understanding. If rulers pursue a destructive policy, by reason of which, vice and licentiousness are encouraged and systematized, peace, order the prosperity banished from society, and the choicest blessings of life swept away by their ruthless hands, it is because the Lord hath mingled a perverse spirit in the midst of them, and given them up to infatuated counsels. He who is infinitely wise and powerful can never want instruments to accomplish his purposes, as all creatures are subject to his dominion, and controlled by his will. If he designs to chastise a people for their wickedness he can give them Legislators, whose laws, like those of Draco, shall be written in letters of blood. If Athens filled with dissensions is to be quieted, he can raise up and qualify Solon for the work. If the Spartan government, rent by faction, and enervated by luxury, is to undergo a reform; if industry and useful arts are to be encouraged, and peace and order restored to a distracted people, a wise Providence can accomplish all this by the instrumentality of a Lycurgus. The wisdom and power of the Universal Governor, are exercised in fashioning the minds, as well as the bodies of men. With a skillful hand, unnoticed, indeed, by the gross vision of infidels, and with a touch too delicate for them to perceive, he sets in motion and guides those secret springs of the mind, which produce great characters, and splendid actions.

We have the testimony of God in his word, that his Providence is intimately concerned in the elevation of men to seats of magistracy and power. By me, saith Divine Wisdom, “kings reign, and princes decree justice. By me princes rule, and nobles, even all the judges of the earth.” There is no power, saith the apostle Paul, but of God, the powers that be are ordained of God. The Providence of God is not less concerned in influencing the policy of civil magistrates, than it is in raising them to office, and clothing them with authority and power. “The king’s heart is in the hand of the Lord; as the rivers of water he turneth it whithersoever he will.” By civil rulers, who are the ministers of God’s mercy or wrath, he carries on his designs, and executes his eternal purposes in the kingdoms of men. When he gives them in mercy they bear the names of their subjects in the breastplate of judgment, upon their heart, for a memorial before the Lord continually. When he gives them in anger, he hardens their spirit, and makes their heart obstinate, yea, firm as a stone, and hard as a piece of the nether millstone. It becomes a people then to rejoice when the righteous are in authority, for they are ministers of God for good, and to mourn when the wicked bear rule, for they are the rod and staff of the divine indignation. For this reason, weak, unprincipled and tyrannical rulers are to be viewed with terror. They are awful tokens of God’s displeasure, and as really the executioners of his merited vengeance as the pestilence, famine and tempest. Sinful nations are often punished, by having rulers set over them, who, like the princes of Zoan, are fools; or brutish like the counselors of Pharaoh.

Weak and wicked Magistrates, rendered vain and giddy by their elevation, may flatter themselves that they are independent of Him who girds them with power. They may say in the blasphemous language of the king of Babylon, “I will exalt my throne above the stars of God; I will ascend above the heights of the clouds; I will be like the Most High.” He who breaks the sceptre of rulers, and cuts off the spirit of princes, and is terrible to the kings of the earth has them in derision; he lets loose or restrains their rage at his pleasure, making their wrath praise him, and restraining the remainder of wrath. When they have performed the Lord’s work, his strange work of judgment, and accomplished the purpose for which they were raised up, they shall eat of the fruit of their own forward way, and be filled with their own mischievous devices. The sovereign disposer of events, can bring good out of their evil designs and wicked policy. He can disappoint their devices, or take them in their own craftiness. To use the language of another, “he can execute his decrees, by a pious Joshua, or an impious Nebuchadnezzar; by a holy David, or a haughty, insolent, blaspheming Sennacherib.”

When a people forget that God is their only safe refuge, and the rock of their salvation, and look to their rulers for protection and prosperity, as if they were the only guardians of their lives and fortunes, they are prepared to be covered with shame and confusion, like the people of Israel, when they strengthened themselves in the strength of Pharaoh, and trusted in the shadow of Egypt. Lamentable was the state of Jerusalem, when the Most High, to punish its devoted inhabitants for their insensibility and self-confidence, poured out upon them the spirit of deep sleep, and made the vision of all as the words of a book that is sealed. This awful prediction of the prophet concerning them was then accomplished, “The wisdom of their wise men shall perish, and the understanding of their prudent men shall be hid.” Civil rulers, by a wise and righteous policy, may do much to promote the happiness, and secure the liberties and prosperity of their subjects; but are not to be considered as the independent authors of national happiness, or ruin. To God, and to him exclusively, doth it appertain to speak the word, concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to build and to plant it; or to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it. His throne is the seat of power, and his own infinite mind the fountain of all wisdom, counsel and understanding. He will be known and acknowledged as the hope, the strength, and the salvation of Israel. Vain then is the confidence of rulers and subjects who place their safety and defence entirely in their own resources, in their fleets and armies, fortifications and arsenals. After all human means of security are used, the protection of the Almighty is the only effectual safe-guard of a nation. “Except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain.” When we render, therefore, to Caesar the honor which is his due as the minister of the Lord, the glory of all national blessings must be ascribed, not to Caesar, but to Caesar’s God.

3. The sentiment derived from the text, may be exemplified by the achievements of Generals and their armies.

When the Lord mustereth the host of the battle, when he girdeth his armies with strength, and giveth them the weapons of his indignation; they fight but to conquer. When this is not the case, they cannot prevail. Before their enemies, they become as small dust, and the multitude of the terrible ones as chaff that passeth away. “The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong. There is no king saved by the multitude of an host; a mighty man is not delivered by much strength.” Those military chieftains who, impelled by the lust of ambition, avarice, and dominion, have waded to conquest through rivers of blood, and filled whole kingdoms with desolation and mourning, are to be considered as the sword of divine justice. To men who look only at the instruments, and regard not the operations of the invisible God who employs them, they may appear to go forward in the work of destruction in their own strength: yet their power is derived from above, and when they have accomplished the work for which they were commissioned; ¹ when God has performed by them his work of vengeance as in mount Perazim, as in the valley of Gibeon, he will speak unto them in his wrath, and vex them in his sore displeasure. By a divine decree their bounds like those of the sea are fixed, over which they cannot pass—“Hitherto shalt thou come, but no further; and here shall thy proud waves be stayed.”

Sennacherib king of Assyria, with his army of which he boasted, in the pride of military glory, that it was invincible, besieged the fortified cities of Judah, and compelled them to surrender to his arms. The inhabitants of these cities, (as the sacred historian informs us) “were of small power, they were dismayed and confounded; they were as the grass of the field; and as the green herb, as the grass on the house tops, and as corn blasted before it be grown up.” God had given their insolent invader a charge, to take the prey, and to take the spoil, and to lay waste these cities into ruinous heaps. His strength and the weakness of those whom he besieged, cease to be mysterious, when both are viewed, as they ought to be, in their connection with the decree of heaven. The extent of his commission, was the extent of his power. Before the walls of Jerusalem he ceases to be formidable and is easily vanquished; for so had the Lord ordained. “He shall not come into this city, nor shoot an arrow there, nor come before it with shields, nor cast a bank against it. By the way that he came, by the same shall he return, and shall not come into this city, saith the Lord. For I will defend this city to save it, for mine own sake, and for my servant David’s sake.” This decree was not accomplished by might, nor army, nor by human power; the destroying angel commissioned from on high, “went forth and smote in the Assyrian camp, an hundred and four score and five thousand: and when they arose in the morning, behold they were all dead corpses. So Sennacherib king of Assyria departed, and went and returned, and dwelt at Nineveh.”

The victories obtained by Nebuchadnezzar were foretold in prophecy. Egypt, Phenicia, Canaan, Judea, Persia, Media, and many other nations were subdued and ravaged by his armies. A stranger to disasters and to defeat, meeting with nothing to check his impious career, nor to discourage his exertions, he sweeps away, like an overwhelming deluge, everything that opposes his progress. Such was the vast extent of his conquests, and the greatness of his tyrannical power, that the prophet Jeremiah styles him, the hammer of the whole earth. The same prophet represents him as flying with eagles’ wings, from victory to victory. But what is this military tyrant before the power of the Highest, when he cometh forth to make inquisition for blood, and to show himself the avenger of crimes? By a memorable act of divine justice, in which the hand of God is distinctly seen, he is driven from his throne, and from the society of men: “To the intent,” (saith the prophet) “that the living may know that the most High ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, and setteth up over it the basest of men.” What then are mighty conquerors, that they should glory, as if by the strength of their own arm they had gotten the victory? They are only the ax and the saw in the hand of God; and shall the ax boast itself against him that heweth therewith? Or shall the saw magnify itself against him that shaketh it?

The late triumphant tyrant of France, who watered whole kingdoms with tears and blood, and peopled them with widows and orphans; who filled the world with terror by his military achievements, and increased human misery, it is believed, beyond what was ever before accomplished by any one individual of our race; though he meant not so, neither did his heart think so, was executing upon guilty nations the just and long threatened judgments of God. In tracing the progress of his arms, a progress everywhere marked with blood and carnage, and rendered awfully solemn by the sound of death groans, we discover the footsteps of a mysterious and righteous Providence. The wars in which he was so successfully engaged, were the Lord’s, in which he was pouring out the vials of his wrath upon those nations which had received the mark of the Beast, and shed the blood of saints and prophets. Notwithstanding the success which long attended the tyrant’s arms, he who rides upon the wind, and directs the storm of battle, had fixed the bounds over which he could not pass. Having undertaken with an immense army, ² and with vast military preparations, to penetrate into the interior of Russia, he confidently expected to overturn its government, and subjugate its inhabitants, in the same manner as he had overturned and subjugated those of other countries. Little did he imagine that he should be obliged, like the impious Sennacherib, to return in disgrace to his Capital, with only a fragment of that mighty army with which he commenced his expedition. The angel of the Lord smote his forces, and they became dead corpses. They were destroyed by the sword, and by famine; and their carcases became meat for the fowls of heaven, and for the beasts of the earth. The face of the spoiler was turned back and the oppressors consumed out of the land which they had invaded. How applicable are the words, which God addressed to the blasphemous invader of Jerusalem, to the merciless invader of Russia: “Therefore will I put my hook in thy nose, and my bridle in thy lips, and I will turn thee back by the way, by which thou camest.” He could not stand before the power of Him, who maketh the elements ministers of destruction, who giveth snow like wool; who scattereth the hoar frost like ashes; and at whose rebuke, both the chariot and horse are cast into a dead sleep, and the arrows of the bow, the shield, and the sword, and the battle are broken.

What, then, are the armies of confederated nations before the wrath of Him, who maketh the pillars of the earth tremble, and removeth it like a cottage? We have seen the tyrant and oppressor of Europe, who overturned the thrones of powerful Princes, and drove nations before him like a flock to the slaughter, cut down to the ground, and cast out like an abominable branch. We have seen his tents in affliction, and the curtains of his land tremble. We have seen his territory invaded, his capital besieged and taken, by the same armies that had fled before him in the heart of their own countries. We have seen him compelled to resign his command in the cabinet and in the field; to abdicate his throne, and to retire into obscurity, from the presence of those who could not forget his intrigues and bloody crimes. In view of such events we are led to exclaim; “Is this the man that did shake kingdoms; that made the world as a wilderness, and destroyed the cities thereof?” Success does not always and necessarily follow the best concerted plans, and cool command of the greatest generals, and the undaunted bravery of the best of soldiers. If men go not forth to battle in the strength of the God of armies, their hope shall be as the giving up of the ghost; a stripling shall slay their champion; five shall chase an hundred, and an hundred shall put ten thousand to flight.

That the success of human efforts, then, depends entirely and exclusively upon the providential and all powerful influence of God, appears from the instruments which he employs to accomplish his designs in the moral and political world.

From the truths which have been exhibited, we derive the following consequences.

I. God, alone, is worthy of our supreme confidence.

Our subject places God on the throne, and all created intelligences at his footstool. It teaches us that men are but instruments in his hands, and that he directs all their purposes and efforts, to the unfolding of his counsels, the display of his character, and the accomplishment of his will.

The ministers of the cross, are frail dying men and can accomplish nothing, without the aid of God’s Spirit. In vain do they lift up their voice like a trumpet, to shew the people their transgressions, and the house of Jacob their sins, unless God bless his word and make it fruitful. But they prophesy with success, even to dry bones, when he saith, Come, O breath, and breathe upon these slain that they may live. That they may habitually remember that their sufficiency is of the Lord, the words of our text ought to be indelibly imprinted on their hearts, and on the altars at which they minister.

Legislators and Magistrates, as our subject teaches, have no sufficiency of their own. They may exalt themselves, and be exalted by others, yet they shall die like men; for the Holy one standeth in the congregation of the mighty; and judgeth among the Gods. Ineffectual would be the labors of the wisest Magistrates, and the restraints of the best laws, if God, by his providence, did not succeed the former, and sanction with his own authority the latter. It becomes civil rulers, then, humbly to acknowledge their dependence upon the Universal Ruler; and to seek his blessing, without which they bear the sword in vain.

The great Disposer of events, as we have seen, directs the movement of armies, and in awful majesty presides over the field of battle, enthroned on a cloud of fire and smoke, giving victory or defeat as seemeth him good. Who then is worthy of our supreme confidence, and on whom can we safely place it, but Him, whose is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory? Who else can destroy effectually and forever; and where is any other that can save us in all our cities? Cease ye from men, who swell in houses of clay, whose foundation is in the dust, who are crushed before the moth. Put not your trust in princes, nor in the son of man, in whom there is no help. Trust ye in the Lord forever: for in the Lord JEHOVAH is everlasting strength.

2. It follows as a consequence from what has been said, that good men have abundant encouragement to persevere in their exertions, to promote human happiness.

From the immutable purposes and powerful influence of God, means derive all their importance and efficacy. Though it is not by might, nor by power, that the temporal and spiritual interests of men are advanced, and important reformations effected in Church and in State; yet the merciful character of God, the testimony of his word, and the history of his providence, furnish indubitable evidence that he will prosper the labors of the Wise and the Good. On these the divine blessing may be importunately sought, and confidently expected. It is impious to imagine that a benevolent God will not as readily lend his influence to succeed the endeavors of his friends, in promoting virtue, order, and happiness, as to uphold and strengthen tyrants and conquerors, while they are filling the earth with crimes, misery, and woe.

In laboring to reform the public sentiment and practice, whether religious, moral, or political, there are motives enough to inspire hope, to invigorate exertion, and to encourage perseverance. In such a work virtuous magistrates and subjects ought to unite their efforts. In the worst of times, and when the prospect of success is the most unflattering, it is highly criminal in them to sit down in despair and give up all for lost. Who has told them that God will not bless their efforts, and say to them as he did to Jacob, I will help thee saith the Lord, and thy Redeemer. When dissolute principles and practices are spreading in the community like an epidemical disease, much might be done to counteract their influence, to stay their progress, and to change the character of society for the better, if all who love their God and their country, exercising that confidence in him which he allows, would rid themselves of the disheartening suggestions of sloth and unbelief, and engage as one man in the glorious work of reformation. The time is coming, when all the friends of order and virtue will be thus unitedly engaged; and when, strengthened by the Spirit of the Lord of hosts, they will labor with becoming zeal and astonishing success. Then it will be acknowledged from fair experiment, that authority, example, and persevering exertion are as powerful, in the cause of virtue, as in the cause of sin. Iniquity will stop her mouth; the drunkard will not be seen reeling through the streets; the Sabbath will not be profaned by bringing in sheaves and lading asses, and carrying all manner of burdens to market on that holy day.

Those who are laboring to evangelize he heathen, may derive encouragement from our subject. When we can assure ourselves that our efforts accord with God’s purposes, we may be certain of their success. His decree has said, that the gospel shall be preached to every creature; that all nations, barbarous as well as civilized, shall be converted to the Christian faith; and that the earth shall be filled with the knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea. The Spirit of the Lord of hosts will accomplish all this by the instrumentality of men. What encouragement, then, have those who are engaged in the Missionary cause to increase their exertions, until the banner of the cross shall wave in every land, and the kingdoms of this world become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ!

Finally, as all national blessings depend on the providential and all powerful influence of God, the only sure way to national exaltation and glory, is for rulers and people, by upright conduct, to conciliate his blessing.

It is not to be expected, that God, in his treatment of communities, will now depart from that line of conduct which he has uniformly pursued from the beginning. He prospers or punishes them in this world, according to their national character; for it is only in this world, that they are capable of being rewarded or punished in their public capacity. The history of nations in all ages, has been a practical comment on that sententious saying of Solomon, “Righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin is a reproach to any people.” When rulers pursue an upright policy, and their subjects lead quiet and peaceable lives, God will approve and bless. “The work of righteousness shall be peace; and the effect of righteousness quietness and assurance forever.” This will be literally the state of all nations in the Millennium, for the earth will then be filled with just rulers and virtuous subjects. Kings shall be thy nursing fathers and their queens thy nursing mothers. I will make thy officers peace, saith the Most High, and thine exactors righteousness. Violence shall no more be heard in thy land, wasting nor destruction within thy borders; but thou shalt call thy walls Salvation and thy gates Praise.

The highly privileged State, in which it is our happiness to live, has been blessed with a succession of wise and virtuous rulers, who have acknowledged their dependence upon God, and sought his blessing. That revolutionary storm which has swept away the liberties and happiness of states and nations, has beat in vain against the happy constitution and government of this State. These have remained entire in their principles, and uniform in their operations. Let not this be improved as a subject of unhallowed rejoicing, and of party triumph; but of devout gratitude, and humble thanksgiving. May a merciful God, still vouchsafe his protection and blessing to us, and continue our Judges as at the first, and Counselors as at the beginning.

Meeting our beloved Chief Magistrates and assembled rulers on this joyful Anniversary, we would unite with them, and our fellow citizens at large, in mutual congratulations for the return of peace. Let us not forget to ascribe this blessing to the goodness of Him, who stilleth the noise of the seas, and the tumult of the people, and maketh wars to cease unto the end of the earth. It becomes us to rejoice with trembling, and cease not to pray that the great disposer of events, would make our peace as a river, and our righteousness as the waves of the sea. We are not to imagine that all our dangers have vanished, and that the return of peace has left us nothing to fear. Our individual and national sins expose us to the judgments of heaven; and God calls upon us to repent and reform, so that iniquity shall not be our ruin. Our liberties and sovereignty need still to be guarded with a watchful and jealous eye. The preservation of our rights and privileges still requires the attention, and unwearied exertions of the wisest and best men. To you, Respected Magistrates, as the ministers of God, we have committed them for safe keeping. We confide in you because we believe you will take counsel of the Lord, and seek his influence on which depends everything dear and valuable to us as men, as citizens, and as Christians. Go then to the business for which you have convened, accompanied by our prayers for your personal happiness, and public usefulness. O! Thou, who givest wisdom unto the wise, give wisdom and knowledge to thy servants, that they may go out and come in before this people, as those that are sent for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well.

All in this assembly, whether ministers of religion, or ministers of state, all of every rank, office, and condition in life, are taught by our subject, where to look, and on whom to depend, for civil and religious blessings. “Every good gift, and every perfect gift, is from above, and cometh down from the Father of lights.” The temporal prosperity or ruin of every nation on the face of the earth; yea, more, the temporal and everlasting happiness or ruin of every individual, in every nation, is connected with the favor or frown of God. Who then that loves his country, or values his soul, can neglect to pray for the smiles of Providence on the former, and the blessings of grace on the latter? From a full conviction that our help must come from God, let us with one heart address to him the prayer of David, “O God, thou hast cast us off, thou hast scattered us, thou hast been displeased; O turn thyself to us again. Thou hast made the earth to tremble; thou hast broken it: heal the breaches thereof, for it shaketh.”

1.Some have thought it an illiberal reflection upon the character of a just and merciful God, to assert that such cruel monsters are commissioned by him, for their bloody and destructive work. Such persons seem to forget that God has a perfect right to use such instruments in accomplishing his designs, as he pleases; and that it is no more unjust, or cruel in him, to make wicked men the instruments of his vengeance in destroying their fellow men, who have filled up the measure of their sins, than it is to accomplish the same work, by a volcano, or an earthquake, by pestilence, or famine. No one thinks of calling God, unjust or cruel, when he depopulates whole cities by the plague, or destroys whole provinces by an earthquake.

2.The following, is said to be a list of the army with which Bonaparte commenced his Russian Campaign. Poles, 60,000; Saxons, 20,000; Austrians, 30,000; Bavarians, 30,000; Prussians, 22,000; Westphalians, 20,000; Wertemburghers, 8,000; Badeners, 3,000; Darmstadters, 4,000; Gotha and Weimers, 2,000; Wurtzburgh and Franconia, 5,000; Mecklenburg, Nassau, and small Princes, 5,000; Italians and Neapolitans, 20,000; Spain and Portugal 4,000; Swiss, 10,000; French, 250,000. Including 60,000 cavalry, besides 40,000horses for artillery and other military purposes.

Peter Eaton (1765-1848) graduated from Harvard in 1787 and was a classmate of John Quincy Adams. He was pastor of a Church in Boxford, MA (1789-1845). The following election sermon was preached by Eaton in Massachusetts on May 26, 1819.

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE

His Excellency JOHN BROOKS, Esq.

GOVERNOR;

His Honor WILLIAM PHILLIPS, Esq.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR;

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL;

AND THE TWO HOUSES COMPOSING THE

LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS,

ON THE

ANNIVERSARY ELECTION,

MAY 26, 1819.

BY REV. PETER EATON,
Minister of a Church in Boxford.

Ordered, That the Hon. Israel Bartlett and William B. Banister, Esquires, be a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Peter Eaton, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Sermon, delivered yesterday, before His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant Governor, the Honorable Council, and the two branches of the Legislature; and to request a copy thereof, for the press.

Attest,
S. F. McCLEARY, Clerk.

It is the happiness of our constituted authorities, to assume the reigns of government, at a period of profound peace. Europe, which has drank of the cup of suffering, to the very dregs, is hushed to silence and repose. Peace, which is continually consolidating by time, has succeeded to noise, to tumult, confusion and blood. Our own country presents the most flattering prospects, and inspires the most animating hope. Conflicting opinions, and party prejudices, are yielding to the sway of better feelings; and we enjoy the reign of uninterrupted peace, increasing prosperity, and equal laws.

The speaker is happy, that his own inclination, and sense of duty, are in perfect unison. While the former would lead him to avoid all political discussions, the circumstances of the day forbid him, to combat party prejudices, or intermeddle with political creeds. It would be arrogance in him, to presume to dictate to our Legislators, the path of duty they are to pursue, or the measures to be adopted. We rejoice, that the civil affairs of the Commonwealth are confided to those, who are much better informed than himself; with whom, in the fullest confidence, we entrust our dearest privileges, and of whose capacity and disposition to guard them, the prosperous condition of the Commonwealth is the best proof.

Shall mine be the attempt, as it is the appropriate duty of my office, to exhibit the efficacy, the salutary influence, and enforce the principles of our holy religion. The tranquil state of the public mind, encourages this attempt: and I am animated with the hope, that my respected audience, are disposed with candor, to listen to such a discussion. For a guide to our meditations, I would select that passage of scripture, recorded in

ROMANS, III. 1, 2.
What advantage, then, hath the Jew? or what profit is there of circumcision? Much, every way: chiefly, because unto them were committed the oracles of God.

The apostle states and answers an objection anticipated from his preceding reasoning. This was the truth he endeavored to establish, that the want of privileges did not render the condition of the Gentiles utterly hopeless, nor the enjoyment of privileges, in which the Jews gloried, such as being the descendants of Abraham, and heirs of the promises, furnish them with a sufficient foundation of confidence. He expresses more hope of the virtuous heathen, than of the vicious Jews. If, then, the enjoyment of privileges would not avail to the felicity of the one, nor the want of them form an inseparable bar to that of the other, the inquiry was natural, what advantage does the enlightened Jew possess over the ignorant Gentile? The answer is, “chiefly, because unto them were committed the oracles of God.” This was a treasure granted to them, not vouchsafed to any other nation; a treasure, in the view of the apostle, of inestimable worth. Were the Jews favored, because they enjoyed the writings of Moses and the prophets; how much more highly are we favored, who enjoy the writings of the apostles, and of that Divine Teacher, who came from God?

The peace, order and prosperity of a nation, not less depend upon its religious than civil institutions; both are connected with the vital interest of the state.

It is well known to have been the object of certain philosophers, to prostrate religion, and bring it into contempt. So far from giving it the credit, of producing any salutary influence upon morals and the great interests of the community, it has been represented a mere political machine, managed by artful men, for the accomplishment of party purposes, and most fit to operate upon the weak, the credulous and the superstitious. It is my wish to rescue religion from this reproach. The object of the present discourse, is to trace the influence of religion upon the temper and conduct; especially, to exhibit the favorable tendency of the Christian religion, and consider its high claims to veneration and support.

My theme is noble and sublime; it not only claims the attention of the Divine, but of the Legislator and Statesman. What especially I regret it, my incapacity to do it justice.

If it be a fact, that religion is a delusion, the fruit of priestcraft and cunning; if it has no salutary influence upon the present life, upon our civil and literary institutions; if the hopes of future good which it encourages, are fallacious, let it be discarded forever. Let not a burden be imposed on the community, nor the credulous deceived by a fabulous theology. But, if it be a blessing, and one of the richest blessings of Heaven; if it has the best influence upon our present state, and future hopes, may it receive that support of which it is deserving.

We remark, that the professed religion of a nation, will have a powerful influence upon their temper and conduct, their customs and laws. The observation of the prophet may be admitted as a maxim; “all people will walk, everyone in the name of his God,” the general impression, in regard to the ruling Deity, cannot fail to have an operative influence, upon the temper and manners of the people. Hence, among Pagan nations, who have their thousand Gods, we find an infinite diversity of character, of customs and laws. The opinion formed of the presiding Deity, gives a cast and complexion to the worshipper. Some of the Pagans imagined heir Gods were vindictive and cruel. To appease them, when incensed, altars were continually moistened and smoking with the blood of human victims. Such were the Gods of Mexico, such the Gods of Carthage. How cruel, ferocious and barbarous were the people! Others viewed their Gods impure, the slaves of passion and lust. Shall we look for purity among the votaries, or wonder that temples were raised in honor of Venus? Will anyone hesitate to practice that, which is sanctioned by so high authority? Mercury was a thief, Jupiter a debauchee, Venus a prostitute, and Juno a scold. This we believe to be one reason of the low standard of morals among Pagan nations; the dishonorable views they had of their Gods. The natural tendency, then of the popular religion of the ancients, was to corrupt. So far from operating as a restraint upon the vicious propensities, it encouraged indulgence. The character of their deities was formed by their own polluted imaginations, and adapted to their depraved dispositions. The better informed, observing the superstition of the multitude, and its mighty influence upon their character and manners, incorporated with it certain virtues. To secure to them weight, to render them venerable, they were deified. Philosophers took an active interest in the religion of their country, and gave such a direction to the public mind, as would favor their own designs. Under their artful management, religion was made subservient to political purposes, and became an engine of state. Experience and observation had taught the wise and enlightened, that laws, the most rigorous, enforced only by human authority, were insufficient to restrain the ignorant populace. They were deeply impressed with the importance of an established religion; of something which should be held sacred by the people, to give security to civil institutions. It is believed the nation cannot be named, that enjoyed the blessings of a regular government, who were without a religion. That envied pitch of greatness to which ancient Rome attained, was not less owing to her religion than her patriotism. The favorable responses of her oracles, or predictions of the Haruspsex [ancient Roman religious official who interpreted omens], were considered as certain pledges of success. Lycurgus, having completed his system of laws, though not insensible to the weight of his influence and character; yet, dared not hazard them upon his own reputation, but repaired to the temple of Delphos, to obtain the sanction of Apollo. Not only, did the statesman avail himself of the influence of the popular religion, to give energy to law, and security to civil institutions; but the warrior had recourse to it, to enkindle the valor and encourage the hopes of his soldiers.

My business, however, is not with heathen mythology. Permit me to conduct your minds to that pure system of truth, with which we are favored, and trace its influence upon laws and customs, upon rulers and people. A cursory view of this system and its effects, must enhance its value in the estimation of every reflecting mind.

1. The Christian religion is favorable to the interest of science and literature. This remark is confirmed by the fact that all the science and literature in the world, at the present day, is confined to Christian nations. Who can place a finger, upon a spot on the globe, irradiated by science, where Christianity is not enjoyed? Wherever a door has been opened for the admission of Christianity, knowledge has followed in the rear; or, if preceded by science, it has meliorated the condition, and enlarged the views of the nations which it has visited. These are not vague assertions; we will recur to facts.

Many of the arts have been the result of necessity, and received their birth in the early ages of the world. The various condition of nations have led to inventions to remedy evils, which they experienced, or procure advantages of which they were destitute. The ancient Egyptians and Chaldeans, the Greeks and Romans have been justly celebrated for their discoveries and improvements; yet, in regard to general literature and science, how much do they lose in comparison with the moderns! In what did Egyptian and Chaldean learning consist? In what, the learning of the schools, in the early ages?

There is a prevailing habit, of attaching a kind of sanctity to everything that bears the mark of antiquity; names and discoveries are rendered venerable by time. We feel no disposition to derogate from the honor of the ancients, for they had to originate everything. Though they brought few things to perfection, they elicited light, they furnished a clue to direct future inquirers. Of their improvements in poetry, mathematical science, oratory and sculpture, they might boast. We also admire the systems of morals, established by their philosophers; not, however, so much on account of the perfection of those systems, as that they should have attained to such correct views, while they enjoyed very limited means of information. If in oratory they excelled, it is to be remembered, this is rather the language of nature, than art. The moderns have greatly improved upon their systems of mathematics and astronomy. If their Homer stands unrivalled, and their sculpture is unequalled; who will repair to them, for lessons upon jurisprudence, ethics, philosophy, or general literature?

Before the introduction of Christianity into Britain, Ireland, Germany, and Gaul, these nations were enveloped in ignorance. After enjoying its cheering light, how soon did they begin to emerge, from a state of gross darkness? It had a revivifying power and influence, upon every community which it visited. It found Europe drunk in barbarism. If we look back eighteen hundred years, what a spectacle is presented! Refined, enlightened Europe, was the habitation of savages. Nations who can now boast of their legislators, civilians, judges, philosophers, and theologians, were then the sport of druidical delusion. No sooner did the gospel shed its light on these benighted nations, than they were roused as from a slumber; the arts and sciences were cultivated, barbarous customs abolished, and the condition of nations meliorated. Its happy influence upon Ireland, was inevitably perceptible. The following honorable mention is made of her, after receiving Christianity. “The Hibernians were lovers of learning, and distinguished themselves in those times of ignorance, by the culture of the sciences, beyond all other European nations. They were the first teachers in Europe, who illustrated the doctrines of religion, by the principles of philosophy; among whom, were men of acute parts, and extensive knowledge, who were perfectly well entitled to the appellation of philosophers. They refused to dishonor their reason, by submitting it implicitly to the dictates of authority. ¹ Who can doubt the auspicious influence of Christianity, upon the literary institutions of our own country? In proof of our position, that religion is friendly to science, we need only compare those sections of our country, where religious order and worship prevail, with those portions, which are destitute of religious instruction. It is somewhat curious to observe, how religion and literature go hand in hand. In those favored spots, where are to be found the most valuable religious institutions, you discover the most general information and improvement; where religious instruction is not enjoyed, what lamentable ignorance and darkness! Let us extend our views to our western regions, on which the sun of righteousness has scarcely dawned; we find the minds of the inhabitants rough and uncultivated, like the country in which they dwell. The dissemination of knowledge among the people, we believe to be friendly to the diffusion of religion. The mind being enlightened, is better enabled to discern the excellency of its spirit, principles, motives, tendency, and, of consequence, its value. Religion, in return, pays homage to knowledge, by fostering those habits which are favorable to its increase.

2. We will now trace the influence of religion upon government and laws. It is one of the firmest pillars and most effectual supports of civil government. Religious principle has the best effect upon rulers; it secures their faithful services, and is a guard and preservative from intentional error. The truth of the observation of Solomon, has been confirmed by the testimony of ages; when the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice; when the wicked bear rule, the people mourn. A sense of moral and religious obligation, is the surest earnest and pledge, that the legislator will enact equal laws, and that the judge upon the bench, will decide, without favor or partiality.

Religious sentiment in the ruler, not only encourages the expectation, that we shall realize our best hopes; not only impels him to consecrate his time and talents to the public good; but it has also the most salutary influence upon the governed; effectually binding them to the observance of law and order. The following considerations, may give authority and efficacy to law: self interest, popular opinion, fear of punishment, and religious sentiment. Self interest is an universally operative principle, pervading every breast, and acting with greater or less force. The requirements of public law and private interest, are sometimes in unison. When private interest enforces the observance of law, it cannot be clothed with greater authority. But, not unfrequently, they are at variance. The former, may be promoted by the violation of the latter. How often in this case, does experience teach, that human laws are feeble barriers in the way of the selfish passions of men? In vain you direct the views of those to the public good, who are destitute of patriotism.

It is acknowledged, that public opinion is a safeguard to human law and duty. Despotism wields an iron scepter; it can bear down all opposition; and enforce laws, the most contrary to public opinion. The community must yield to the yoke of oppression, and pay a forced homage to tyranny.

In a popular government, like that, under which we live, it is necessary that the laws should be accommodated to public sentiment, to secure to them a cheerful obedience. If condemned by public opinion, it is in vain to attempt to enforce them. Of this, the Grecian law giver was convinced, when asked, “whether the system of his laws, was the best which could be devised;” his answer was, “the best that the people were capable of receiving.” Under a free, popular government, a regard must be had to the temper, the feelings, and the habits of the people. When laws meet the public sentiment, that sentiment will give to them stability, yet not communicate to them a universal efficacy. The virtuous citizen can only obey for himself. What numbers are there, in every community, who are the enemies of all law, and impatient of every restraint?

A regard to character, may influence some to uprightness of conduct; yet, how many, are indifferent to personal reputation, and to public opinion; who neither esteem the applause, or fear the censure of the world? In this case, there remains only the lash of the civil law to operate a restraint. But even this restraint is removed, in the secrecy of retirement, when hope promises concealment of transgression. We contend, that religious principle only, will ensure the universal observance of public law. A sense of moral and religious obligation, is a more effectual security for upright conduct, than law, armed with the greatest terrors. Conscience exerts a mighty, an irresistible influence. She speaks with a voice he most deaf must hear. May it be further considered, it is religion only, which gives sanctity to an oath. It derives all its solemnity, all its binding power, and influence, from invoking an omniscient, ever present Deity, who abhors perjury. Lay aside religious principle, and what is there to secure the observance of an oath, but a principle of honor?

May I be permitted to repeat some observations of him, whom we delight to recognize as the father of his country. “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who would labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness; these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume would not trace all their connection with the private and public felicity. Let me simply ask, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice? Let us with caution, indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education, on minds of a peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail, in exclusion of religious principle.” ²

Of the importance of religion to society, public peace, and social happiness, we have been taught by a modern example. A great and powerful nation, within our recollection, have made an experiment; an experiment, the simple contemplation of which, causes us to shudder. A sect of philosophers, entertaining the most exalted opinion of human nature, and flattering hopes of that state of perfection to which man might be raised, by the cultivation and improvement of reason; viewing religion as a clog to his progress, and a bar in the way of attaining to the perfection of his nature; by systematic and unwearied exertions, at length prepared the public mind for an awful crisis. An explosion took place, the restraints of religion were burst asunder, and man was free. What was the consequence? Too shocking to describe! All the ferocious passions were let loose. A nation distinguished for its philanthropy and refinement, became a nation of monsters. The land was deluged with blood and crimes. A standing monument, a solemn warning to every nation, to guard against a similar experiment.

There is this imbecility in human law, which is irremediable; the offender must be convicted, the charge proved by indisputable evidence, before it can punish. The consequence is, that numerous transgressors escape with impunity. Religious principle, in this respect, possesses a decided superiority. It takes cognizance of every action, inspects the motive, operates in retirement, when secluded from the view of the world, as well, as when under public notice. It raises a tribunal in every breast, before which it arraigns the transgressor, and pronounces sentence upon secret faults, equally, with open offences. Human laws do not so much address the hopes, as the fears of men. They derive their authority more from the penalty with which they are armed, than the reward which they promise. They are framed on the presumption, that mankind are influenced much by fear, little by hope. This may be the case with certain abandoned characters; those who have reached a high pitch of depravity. Still, it may be admitted as a question, in regard to the great mass of mankind, whether hope or fear is the most operative. Human law is armed with a lash; it has little to allure. It is clothed with everything to alarm fear, little to inspire hope. Religious principle possesses this important advantage, it addresses both hope and fear. It presents on the one hand, glory, honor and peace; on the other, infamy, disgrace and ruin. As mercy is a distinguishing attribute of religious sentiment, its tendency is to divest laws, of all unnecessary rigor and severity. The criminal code of our own State, is not only an evidence of the enlightened views and humane feelings of our legislators, but of the prevalence of religious sentiment. To our religion also, are we indebted for the cultivation of all those mild and amiable virtues, which sweeten human life and adorn the human character.

That the Christian religion should have a salutary influence upon all those, by whom it is believed and embraced, would be a natural expectation. A system, so mild and beneficent, breathing peace on earth, and good will to men, cannot fail to have the best influence on those, who acknowledge its authority. But the fact, we believe to be unquestionable, that it has a beneficial effect upon unbelievers themselves. Their tempers are softened, their manners improved, their vicious propensities restrained by that very religion, they profess to reject and despise. Religion sheds her savory influence over a whole community; the beneficial effects are not confined to open, avowed friends; it is the parent of innumerable blessings to its enemies; gives a cast to the manners, and a tone to the morals of a nation. The infidel is profited by its effects upon others; and if not made better himself, is restrained from those excesses in vice, to which, otherwise he would proceed.

3. We will consider the influence of Christianity on customs and manners. Wherever its cheering light has shone, it has abolished the barbarous customs of sacrificing human victims. This practice prevailed, not only among the most ignorant Pagans, but the most enlightened nations; was not confined to a narrow compass, but was of universal extent. The impression was received, that such sacrifices were acceptable to the Gods; were efficacious in averting their anger, in conciliating their favor; and the more honorable the victim, the more acceptable to the Deity. The Carthaginians reduced to an extremity, in searching for the cause of their pressing calamities, imputed it to the anger of Saturn; Saturn, indeed, was angry, because, only the children of slaves had been offered to him in sacrifice. To appease the enraged Deity, to atone for past neglect, two hundred children of the first families in Carthage, were immolated upon the altar of the cruel God. We turn with disgust and horror from such scenes, to bless our God for a religion which has taught us better. Wherever the Christian religion has been introduced, it has abolished this cruel rite. Let it not be said, that the progress of civilization must claim the honor. Numerous instances might be adduced, in which the abolition immediately followed the introduction of Christianity.

Suicide, abhorrent to the better feelings of our nature, is expressly forbidden by the divine law. This practice was defended by the greatest philosophers and moralists of antiquity. Seneca, Plutarch, Quintilian, gave to it the sanction of their high authority. Their disciples were taught, either to despise the ills of life; or if calamities were pressing, to quit their post. Poverty, misfortune, dishonor, were considered sufficient to justify self murder; indeed, that not any were required longer to preserve life, than life was pleasant. At the present day, among some Pagan nations, we see the torch applied to the funeral pile, and the deluded follower of a false religion, expiring amidst the shouts of an infatuated multitude. We cease to wonder philosophers should countenance the practice, while their religion presented to them, little to hope, or fear from the future; especially, when it furnished no adequate motives to endure with fortitude, the trials of life. Nor is it a matter of surprise, that their disciples should regard suicide as an innocent act, when recommended by those revered for their wisdom, and honored for their virtue. If our religion has not cured the malady; it has checked the progress of the disorder. This divine philosophy furnishes us with motives to suffer with patience, and inspires feelings which revolt at the thought of self destruction. It teaches us to consider afflictions of a medicinal nature, designed to cure our vices and improve our virtues. The public mind is so far enlightened by our religion, the public feelings so far improved, that the public voice, as the only apology, pronounces the suicide a lunatic.

Christianity is justly entitled to the honor of abolishing that barbarous custom, the show of gladiators. This became a mere pastime at Rome. As their Gods were cruel, this belief served to render mankind obdurate; to stifle all the tender feelings of human nature. The impression was received and cherished, that departed heroes were delighted with carnage. For their entertainment, and to honor their memories, tragedies were acted at their funerals, and their graves bedewed with blood. In some nations, the aged were exposed a prey to the beasts of the desert; in others, infants, in whom the torch of life just lighted up, were by violent hands destroyed, and the murderer was the author of their being. Our hearts sicken at the recital of numerous Pagan rights, so abhorrent to the spirit of our religion.

Shall I, however, request your patience, while I mention one custom more, sanctioned by public opinion in the dark ages, now condemned, but still existing—dueling. We blush, that this relic of barbarism is still preserved. It originated in ignorance, under the false impression, that divine interposition would decide with rectitude. Competitors for office decided their claims with the sword; controversies between individuals were decided in a similar manner. This practice was encouraged by the highest authority of state. Their ignorantly, yet firmly believing, that truth and ignorance would be made manifest by the result, that divine interposition would decide with rectitude, pleads strongly in their favor. Their sin was the sin or ignorance. They did not contend under the false notion of honor; they were not hurried into the field by wounded pride, but it was an honest, sincere appeal to an higher power. Not so with our modern duelist. He outrages all law, human and divine. Is he a husband? He pierces the heart of the wife of his bosom. Is he a parent? His tender mercies to his children are cruelty. Is he a son? He brings down to the grave, the grey hairs of those he is bound to reverence and honor. He rushes to his solemn account, stained with blood. We are impressed with surprise, that a custom founded ignorantly upon principles which are now exploded, forbidden by human, divine law, and public opinion, which subjects families to such acuteness of sorrow, should still exist. While religion and humanity reprobate the custom; the tears of parents, widows, and orphans, plead against it; we are unable to find a single argument in its support. Is it such a virtuous and noble deed, shedding the blood of a fellow being, that it can wipe away dishonor? Standing as a mark to shoot at, will this save a sinking character? If this is honor, the assassin may die on the bed of honor.

If we contemplate the effects of Christianity upon the customs of war, it will appear that its influence has been highly beneficial. Since its introduction, wars have been less frequent. During seven centuries, the temple of Janus was but thrice closed. In reviewing the history of ancient nations, we feel almost compelled to subscribe to the sentiment, “a state of nature is a state of war.” Battles were fought with a savage ferocity. Victors became demons, deaf to the cries of mercy, and callous to the feelings of compassion. Captives were subjected to every kind of torture imagination could invent, and the scene closed with a carnival too horrible to relate. It is recorded to the honor of the “first Christian prince, that he offered a premium to the soldier who should save a captive alive.” Comparing the customs of Christian and Pagan nations, we learn how much we are indebted for our religion. It has enlarged the minds, improved the manners and softened the temper of men. Its spirit is pacific. To its influence may be attributed the tranquil state of Christendom and our own country. It has meliorated the customs of war, impressed the hearts of kings, who have avowed the purpose of governing according to its spirit and laws, honorable to their hearts, and an honorable testimony to our religion. Though Christianity has not proved efficacious in abolishing the custom of war; our hopes are sanguine, it will ultimately accomplish the object. Various appearances indicate the present, to be the dawning of a brighter day. The societies formed in different kingdoms, to give effect to the pacific principles of Christianity, prove an increase of enlightened views and good feelings. Success to those, the object of whose exertions, is to aid in the operation.

4. We beg leave to remark, religion is the surest basis of moral virtue. France has taught Christian nations, a practical lesson, upon this subject; and, by a melancholy experiment, has shown, how feeble are the restraints of moral virtue, separate from religious principle. These philosophers, who prevailed upon her to burst asunder the bonds of religion, were the perfect advocates of moral virtue, which furnishes the most powerful, operative motives to the practice. Would the moralist give the fullest effect to his system, let it be connected with religious principle.

“Talk they of morals!
Oh thou bleeding love,
The best morality is love to Thee.”

If pleasure and satisfaction may be derived from any particular course of action, an inducement is presented to pursue that course. “Happiness is our being’s end and aim.” It is the pole star, toward which human beings are directing their views. Virtue is the pursuit of one, because it promises happiness; sensual pleasure of another, because this is happiness. The greatest apparent good determines the choice of the mind. He who practices self denial, and he who indulges his vicious inclinations, both have the same object in view. And this choice must depend upon the moral complexion of the mind. That the practice of virtue affords pleasure to the pure in heart, is acknowledged; but not to him, who has contracted a high degree of moral depravity. In proportion to the increase of depravity, the moral sense is weakened, the power of conscience diminished, the mental taste corrupted, perverted; of consequence the pleasures of virtue lessened. Does the practice afford satisfaction to a pure mind? Revenge is sweet to a depraved mind. Does the enjoyment of one, consist in suppressing the benevolent feelings, in controlling the evil passions? The enjoyment of the other, consists in their gratification and indulgence. When, then, the violation of the principles of moral virtue promise happiness, what is there to give security to its laws, separate from religious obligation?

“But the beauty of virtue, its consistency with the reason and nature of things, must give to it a binding power.” What interest will the mass of the community take in philosophical discussions of the nature of virtue? Incapable of reasoning themselves, they will listen with no interest to a strain of reasoning from others, which they do not readily comprehend. Would you impress them, truth must be presented so clearly to the mind, that it may be discerned at the first glance, and so forcibly, that it shall be instantly felt. That persons of improved minds, of refined feelings and sentiments, are sometimes influenced to the practice of virtue, from a sense of its fitness, is unquestionable. The conviction produced in the mind, by their own reasoning, is operative. Yet, how large a portion of mankind are incapable of reasoning upon the subject; who are as insensible to the beauty of virtue, as the blind to colors. Display its propriety, utility, fitness; but what will be the effect upon minds indifferent to utility, and blind to moral fitness? That the obligations to virtue may be felt, it must be enforced by the high authority of Him who made us.

Permit me to conduct your minds a step further, to that eventful period, when time will close, and human distinctions be leveled. Who has not been a witness of the consolations religion has imparted, of the patience and fortitude with which it has inspired the mind, and the hopes it has cherished? We cannot recollect the tranquility of an Addison, his dying testimony in favor of our religion, without interest. To him, and to thousands, it has been of more worth, than crowns and diadems. Will it be objected that it is all a delusion? What an innocent delusion! a delusion, if you will have it so, which humanity forbids us to wrest from anyone, when it softens the dying pillow, and comforts the last sad hour. God forbid, we should deprive man of his last hope. The age in which we live, and the country in which we dwell, are distinguished for benevolent exertions to meliorate the condition of man. Systems are in operation to diminish the aggregate of human misery; to lessen the sufferings of the poor; to extend the means of moral and religious improvement, by a mild and gentle discipline; to reform that debased class of the community rendered obnoxious to her laws; to restore the lunatic to reason, and teach the dumb to speak. To the spirit of our religion are we indebted for these humane exertions, these benevolent institutions.

To Christianity it is objected, that it is found inoperative to a large portion of those by whom it is enjoyed. This objection cannot militate either against its truth or moral excellence. That it has a salutary influence upon all those by whom it is cordially embraced, must be conceded. Not having a favorable practical influence upon those, by whom it is rejected, no more disproves its value, than the virtue of a medicine is disproved, because refused to be taken. To test the value of a medicine, it must be taken; to test the value of our religion it must be received and practiced. The increased attention paid to sacred literature, must afford the most sincere satisfaction to the friends of our religion. Christianity has never suffered by investigation and research to the speaker, the supposition appears unreasonable, that no improvements can be made in theology; that we should rest precisely in the spot, where the first reformers left us. Indeed, they were not agreed. Luther, Calvin, and Zuinglius [Zwingli – Swiss Protestant reformer], differed in their conceptions of certain parts of Scripture. In the present age of literary improvement, when the best talents are employed in theological research, is nothing to be learned? Is every art and science susceptible of improvement, except divinity? It is not with Christianity as with mathematical science. The mathematics have for their basis certain unalterable principles. The theorems of Euclid admit of demonstration, being founded in nature. Improvements may be made in mathematical science, the superstructure may be enlarged, yet its fundamental principles remain unaltered. The process of reasoning is different, in establishing physical and moral truths. The former will admit that demonstration, of which the latter is not susceptible. Though the first grand principles, on which Christianity rests, is capable of satisfactory proof, yet, from that volume which contains our religion, numerous systems have been formed, the result of the inquiry and reasoning of fallible men. In mathematics, we recur to first principles; in theology we are often necessitated to recur to ancient customs, manners, laws. In fact, we know not the precise meaning attached to certain words. On this account, the field for improvement in sacred literature is widely extended. One important advantage must be the result of theological research; the better the Scriptures are understood, the more rational and consistent will be our religious system.

If such as have been stated, are the advantages of Christianity to the world, especially to our own country, we earnestly entreat for it the countenance and patronage of those who are advanced to offices of honor and trust. We recollect with gratitude, that the civil rulers of this Commonwealth have been uniformly friendly to religious order. This is recorded to their honor, as well as to the honor of the state. The greatest men, who have adorned any age, have been the patrons of religion. Christianity can claim in the number of her friends, an Addison, Boyle, Grotius, Bacon, Locke, Newton, Washington, Jones. What statesman will feel dishonored to be enrolled upon this catalogue? These men were not only her avowed friends, but placed themselves in the front rank of her defenders. To treat religion with cold civility and decent respect, is not all we ask of rulers. Permit us to say, we wish you to throw the weight of your influence into the scale. This will strengthen our hands, and encourage our hearts, who are her appointed guardians. And this, we believe, would be no less an act of patriotism than piety. My respected auditors cannot be insensible of the weight of their influence and example. Rulers may give a cast, a complexion, a tone to the body politic.

We beg leave to express our high satisfaction in seeing his Excellency again invited to the chair of state. Repeatedly clothed with the first office in the gift of the people, is the best evidence of their confidence. Nor could it fail to have been a source of pleasurable reflection to his Excellency, that under his administration, the asperity of political prejudices and party feelings have been yielding to mutual confidence. It has been the lot of no predecessor in office, to have witnessed the country in a state of greater prosperity. A consciousness of having contributed to allay the spirit of party, and increase the public prosperity, must afford comfort to the benevolent, patriotic mind. An administration, distinguished by enlightened views, guided by a wise policy, and animated by a spirit of moderation, has been duly appreciated by a discerning community. It is our prayer to God for his Excellency, that the evening of his life may be cheered and comforted, in beholding the rising glory, progressive improvement, and uninterrupted prosperity of a country, which has been the object of his best hopes, and shared in his best services.

We rejoice in those expressions of undiminished confidence, which his Honor is annually receiving from his fellow citizens. Religious sentiment being the best pledge of fidelity, we are assured that the Commonwealth will receive all the advantage of his talents and support. Though not insensible to the honor conferred by his fellow citizens, we are happy in claiming those high in office, practically subscribing to the sentiment. “A Christian is the highest style of man.” May a life, which has borne testimony to the truth, and in which so many of the virtues of our religion have been exhibited, experience its consolations, when earth and all its scenes shall be withdrawn. We tender our congratulations to the honorable Council, and are happy, that the important concerns of the Commonwealth are to share in the deliberations, and pass in review of those, who have been taught by experience, and whose knowledge of our civil and political concerns, must render them useful in Council.

The honorable Members of the Legislature, collected from various parts of the Commonwealth, bring with them the feelings and sensibilities, and know the wants of their constituents. Highly important and responsible is this branch of our government. You are not the minions of a chief, whose humble employment it is to receive projects of laws for discussion, or to adopt them without discussion. Yours, is the honorable, responsible office to originate them, to perfect them, to adapt them to the state of the times, to the habits and security of the people. Our protection and prosperity are intimately connected with this branch of our government. To you, we look for equal laws, security of life property, liberty, the encouragement of education, the preservation of order and protection in the enjoyment of that religion, the surest basis of morals, national order and happiness, and individual enjoyment. In the discharge of official duty, you have the example of statesmen and legislators of ancient and modern times. You will profit by their wisdom and their folly, their virtues and their vices. Such long experience have we had of the wisdom of our legislators, the equity of their laws, their careful attention to every part of the community, their attachment to order, learning, and religion, that with perfect confidence we commit to them our dearest rights. Happy the people who are favored with legislators, in whom, with so much confidence, they can confide. May God bless your labors, and your labors be rendered pleasant.

It has been remarked, that in America, our lofty mountains, majestic rivers, and extended forests, show that nature has wrought upon her largest scale. Our country affords the productions of every clime. Its rapid growth and increasing prosperity encourage the most flattering hopes. Blessed with constitutions of civil government, tested by experience, to be equal to the exigencies, and adapted to the habits and character of the people; favored with statesmen distinguished for talents, patriotism, and love of order; enjoying a religion, mild and beneficent; originating numerous institutions whose bounty flows in the channel of Christian charity, forming a swelling stream, which not only enriches and fertilizes our own country, but remote nations; with laws, just and equal, and numerous seats of science for the education of youth, what expectations may we not form of the rising glory of this western world? Some of the nations of Europe are on the decline; all probably have reached the zenith of their glory; while America is rapidly advancing to national eminence. May she be for a name and a praise.

Endnotes

1. Mosheim.

2.Washington.

Zephaniah Swift Moore (1770-1823) graduated from Dartmouth in 1793. He was a teacher (1793-1796) and preached in Leicester, MA (1798-1811). Moore was professor of languages at Dartmouth and president of Williams College for a brief time in 1815. He was the first president of Amherst College (1821-1823). The following election sermon was preached by Moore in Massachusetts on May 27, 1818.

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

ANNUAL ELECTION,

MAY 27, 1818,

BEFORE

HIS EXCELLENCY JOHN BROOKS, Esq.

GOVERNOR;

HIS HONOR WILLIAM PHILLIPS, ESQ.

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR;

THE HONORABLE COUNCIL

AND THE

LEGISLATURE OF MASSACHUSETTS.

By Zephaniah Swift Moore, D.D.
President of Williams College

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS

In the House of Representative,
May 27th, 1818

Ordered, That Messrs. Porter, of Hadley, Hunt, of Northampton, Farley, of Ipswich, Osgood, of Methuen and Page, of Hallowell, be a Committee to wait upon the Reverend ZEPHANIAH SWIFT MOORE, to return him the thanks of this House, for his able and learned Discourse, this day delivered to both branches of the legislature and to request a copy for the press.

Attest,
BENJ. POLLARD, Clerk.

And he said unto them, The Sabbath was made for man and not man for the Sabbath: therefore the Son of Man is Lord also of the Sabbath.

The life of Christ was a life of benevolence. Of him it is emphatically said, “He went about doing good.” He exhibited evidence by his miracles and doctrines, that he was the Messiah and that his kingdom was not of this world. This evidence the chief men among the Jews resisted. They watched Christ, that they might discover some act, for which they might condemn him as a transgressor. No crime did they oftener allege against him, then that of violating the law of the Sabbath. When accused of this, he in no instance intimated that the law of the Sabbath is not of perpetual obligation. He performed no works on the Sabbath, but necessary works of mercy. These the law already admitted. Hence, in every instance, in which the Pharisees accused him of this crime, he effectually silenced them by appealing to the law itself; by reminding them of their own practical interpretation of the law; or by referring them to the conduct of someone, who performed necessary works of mercy on the Sabbath, but whom they never thought of accusing as a transgressor. His disciples, under pressure of hunger, plucked and ate of the corn in the field, through which they were passing to the synagogue on the Sabbath. Of this the Pharisees complained. He answered them by stating the conduct of David and his companions on the Sabbath, when they fled from Saul, and by saying, ”The Sabbath was made for man and man for the Sabbath: therefore the son of man is Lord also of the Sabbath.”

This general assertion very plainly implies that the Sabbath was not instituted for the benefit of the Jews only, but for the whole human family. To prohibit works of mercy on the Sabbath would be contrary to the benevolent design of God in appointing it and would involve the absurd notion that man was made for the benefit of the Sabbath and not the Sabbath for promoting his happiness. As anyone may do works of mercy on the Sabbath, especially might he, who is Lawgiver and Redeemer, and who has so regulated the day as to direct the attention of mankind to the greatest of all mercies, the finishing of his labours for their redemption.

The doctrine inculcated by the text, thus explained, is this,

The institution of the Sabbath is a permanent and a benevolent institution.

To elucidate this doctrine, I shall,

I. Show that the institution of the Sabbath is a permanent institution; and

II. That it is a benevolent institution.

The truth of the proposition, which asserts the perpetuity of the Sabbath, will appear, if we consider.

1. That it was appointed immediately after God had finished the work of creation. At the close of the account, which the sacred historian has given us of God’s creating the visible universe, he adds, “thus the heavens and the earth were finished and all the host of them. And on the seventh day God ended the work, which he had made; and he rested on the seventh day from all his work, which he had made. And God blessed the seventh day and sanctified it; because that on it he had rested from all his work, which God created and made.” ¹ By blessing and sanctifying the seventh day we can understand nothing less, than appropriating it to religious duties exclusively. In this sense the temple and its utensils were sanctified. They were appropriated exclusively to religious services. By such an appropriation only can any portion of time be sanctified. That God did then thus sanctify the seventh day is as plainly asserted, as that he then ceased from creating. It is explicitly said, that he instituted the Sabbath on the seventh day, as it is that he created the lights in the firmament on the fourth day, animals on the fifth, and man on the sixth.

There is no circumstance in the account, which favors the opinion, that the Sabbath is here mentioned by way of anticipation. The reason given for sanctifying the seventh day prohibits this opinion. “Because that on it he had rested from all his work, which God has so wonderfully displayed his perfections, is one design of the Sabbath. In all other instances, in which God has appointed times for commemorating signal events, he has directed the celebration to commence at a period immediately succeeding the event to be celebrated. No reason can be given for a different procedure, as respects the appointment of the Sabbath.

The division of time into weeks or periods of seven days, which early and universally obtained, is a proof that the Sabbath was instituted when God had finished the work of creation. Of Cain and Abel it is said, “in process of time” they brought each of them an offering. The phrase, ”process of time,” literally rendered, is “at the end of days,” manifestly indicating that they had stated seasons of worship. These were probably the end of the days, appointed for labour, or on the seventh day, which God had blessed and sanctified.

Noah observed periods of seven days. Seven days before the flood, God commanded him to collect the animals to be preserved in the ark. When the waters were abated, he sent forth a dove, which returned. After seven days he sent forth the dove a second time, and again she returned. At the expiration of other seven days he sent forth the dove a third time. ² In the history of Jacob and Laban a week is spoken of as a well period of time.

The Assyrians, Egyptians, Indians, Arabians and Persians have, have from time immemorial, made use of a week, consisting of seven days. The same custom prevailed among the ancient inhabitants of Greece and Italy, among the nations of the north and among almost all heathen nations, whether in some degree refined, or in the lowest state of barbarism. ³

This universal agreement in measuring time by weeks, among the nations of the earliest ages and among nations remote from each other, must have been derived from a common source. It is a measure, for which no natural reason can be given. For the division of time, into years, months and days, we can easily account. These are marked by the revolutions of the earth and moon. But there are no revolutions nor appearances in the material system, which mark periods of seven days. This division therefore must have been originally as arbitrary as a division into three, five or nine days. Yet it was from the earliest ages and among all nations without any variation in the form of it. For this there must have been some special reason. Such a reason will only account for its universal reception. “God blessed the seventh day and sanctified it, because that on it he had he had rested from all his works.” Here, and here only we have a satisfactory account of the origin of the division of time into weeks and here only a special and satisfactory reason for it. The division was made by God himself in the law, given to the common parents of our own race, for the sanctification of the seventh day. It is easy to see how this would be transmitted from them to Noah. From the sons of Noah and their families, all nations after the flood had their origin. From the known influence of customs, it is easy to see that this division of time would continue, even among those nations, who had in great measure lost the reason of it and whose religious notions were greatly corrupted.

This also affords the only satisfactory reason for the notions, which the ancient heathen had, of the sacredness of the seventh day. That they had such notions is evident from their poets. Homer, Hesiod and Linus term the seventh the sacred day. ⁴ The Pythagoreans held seven to be a perfect number, the most proper to religion and worthy of veneration. In the Hebrew, which was probably the first language, the word used to express seven, in its primitive meaning, denotes fullness, completion, sufficiency. “It is applied to a week or seven days, because that was the full time employed in the work of creation and to the Sabbath, because on it all things were completed.” From this, heathen nations derived their notions of the sacredness of the number seven. Among them a knowledge of the transactions at the creation was not entirely lost. The opinion, that they derived these notions from the Jews, has no evidence to support it. The single consideration, that the Jews were held in the utmost contempt by all idolatrous nations and all their religious rites were by them ridiculed, renders the opinion wholly improbable. The conclusion then is, that the Sabbath was instituted at the creation.

This conclusion is further supported by the manner in which the subject of the Sabbath was introduced after the Hebrews had left Egypt. Having advanced into the wilderness, they murmured for want of food—God said, “Behold I will rain bread from Heaven for you and the people shall go out and gather a certain rate every day, that I may prove them, whether they will walk with in my law or no. And it shall come to pass on the sixth day they shall prepare that which they bring in and it shall be twice as much as they gather daily.” The people obeyed this injunction and the rulers of the congregation came and informed Moses. “And he said unto them, this is that which the Lord hath said, tomorrow is the holy Sabbath unto the Lord.” ⁵

This account perfectly accords with the supposition that the Sabbath was now revived, the observance of which had been interrupted and perhaps wholly suspended, during the oppressive bondage of the Hebrews in Egypt. But it is wholly inconsistent with the supposition, that it had not before been instituted. The first thing commanded is a preparation for the holy rest. When that is completed, the Sabbath is mentioned as an institution previously known. “Tomorrow is the rest of the holy Sabbath unto the Lord.”

Thus is the truth of the proposition established, which exerts, that the Sabbath was appointed immediately after God had finished the work of creation. As it was then appointed, it was not designed for one individual, or for one nation, to the exclusion of others, but was designed for the whole human family. It was made for man and of course is a permanent institution. It is acceded and in perfect correctness by those who deny the early institution of the Sabbath and suppose it was not given till the days of Moses, that “if the divine command was actually delivered at the creation, it was addressed to the whole human family alike and continues unless repealed by some subsequent revelation, binding upon all who come to a knowledge of it.” ⁶

2. That the institution of the Sabbath is a permanent institution will appear, if we consider that the law of the Sabbath is placed in the Decalogue.

The Decalogue contains not ceremonial, but the moral law. It is an epitome of the permanent laws of this part of God’s moral kingdom. It was written by the finger of God upon two tables of stone, which by his direction were deposited in the ark of the covenant. The law of the Sabbath is here placed not as a new law, but as one already existing. “Remember the Sabbath day.” This language clearly indicates an anterior institution. That there should be no mistake with respect to the time of its appointment, the law itself refers us to the day on which God ended the work of creation.

The very manner in which the Ten Commandments were given, particularly their having been written by the finger of God himself, seem designed to show that they are the permanent laws of this part of his kingdom; and that they form no part of that system of laws which was designed for the Jews only and which was to continue only for a time. The ground on which we conclude any law is of perpetual obligation is this, the reasons for obeying it are the same in every age. This is true of all laws, which result from the unvarying relations between God and man, and between man and man. There are permanent relations, from which result permanent duties. On this ground we conclude the obligation to obey the Ten Commandments is perpetual.

The first requires that we give God the highest place in our affections. The reasons for this are always the same. They cannot very so long as God retains his worthiness and we our faculties. The sixth requires “that we use all lawful endeavors to preserve our own life and the life of others.” The reasons for this are always the same. Take the fourth, and the same rule will apply. No reason can be assigned why man when first created should be required to devote one day in seventh exclusively to religious services, which will not apply to man in every age since. No reason can be given why the Jews should be required to cease on every seventh day from all worldly occupations and devote the day to the social worship of God and other religious services, which will not apply to us and to every nation where the Scriptures are known.

The reasons for the observance of the ceremonial law and of course the obligation to observe it, ceased when Christ finished the work of atonement. But this is not true of the law of the Sabbath. The same reasons for the public and social worship of God exist now, that did from the beginning. The duties of piety are the same. The observance of the Sabbath has the same salutary influence. Men stand in the same relation to God and to a future world. Not a reason can be named for instituting the Sabbath or for observing it in an age which does not now exist in all its force. And it is not to be forgotten that it is a fixed maxim in the Divine government, that no law shall cease till the reasons for enacting it have ceased.

“No duty is more strictly moral, or of more universal obligation, that that of worshipping Almighty god. As it is our duty to join in acts of public and social worship, some fixed time must be appointed for the exercise of this duty. There is, therefore, nothing more of a positive or ceremonial nature in the sabbatical institution, than what arises form the necessity of the case,” and must exist at all times and in all places. To God it belongs to determine what portion of our time shall be exclusively devoted to religious services.

3. That the law appointed the Sabbath is a perpetual law, appears from the Scriptures of the New Testament and from the practice of the primitive Christianity.

Christ, in his memorable sermon on the mount, explicitly says that he “came not to destroy the law,” meaning the moral law contained in the Ten Commandments as is evident from the subsequent part of his discourse. “Till Heaven and earth pass, one jot or one title shall in no wise pass from the law till all be fulfilled.” The Divine law was never clothed with more authority that in this discourse of him who “spake as never man spake.”

In our text he says, “The Sabbath was made for man,” and that he himself is Lord of the Sabbath. After making known to his disciples the destruction, which would come upon Jerusalem and the persecutions which awaited his followers, he said “Pray that our flight be not on the Sabbath day.” In this he contemplated the Sabbatical institution as existing may years after his ascension. “Should the flight of his followers be on the Sabbath, they must neglect the peculiar duties of the day in consequence of the concerns that would press upon them or neglect their own safety through fear of transgressing the command of God.”

On the law of circumcision and of sacrifices, the great Apostle of the Gentiles said much. With his accustomed clearances and force of argument he shows in his epistle of the Hebrews, that the whole ceremonial law was designed to be temporary that the reasons for its continuance had ceased and that the obligation to observe it had of course ceased. But he no where intimates this of the moral law or of any of the Ten Commandments. ⁷ He asserts the contrary when he says, “Do we then make void the law through faith? God forbid; yea we establish the law.” This he could not have said, if the Gospel annulled any part of the moral law and especially so important a part of it as the Fourth Commandment.

The Apostles observe the Sabbath in obedience to the moral law. The primitive Christians did the same, considered the Sabbath a permanent institution. Pliny the Younger, who was Roman governor of Potus and Bithynia, two districts in which the convers to the Christian faith were numerous, in a letter written to the emperor Trajan about eighty years after the ascension of Christ, testifies that the Christians kept a day in honor of Christ. Treanoeus, who was one of the disciples of Polycarp, says “Each of us spends the Sabbath in a spiritual manner, mediating on the law of God with delight and contemplating his workmanship with admiration.”⁸ In this passage Trenoeus is describing not the conduct of any particular number of Christians, but of the whole of them. This is I might add the testimony of Ignatius, Athanasius, Eusebius, and others, all agreeing in the fact that the Christians everywhere observed the Sabbath as a divine institution. This universal practice of the primitive converts to the Christian faith confirms the fact that neither Christ nor the Apostles considered the law of the Sabbath otherwise than a s perpetual law.

That the disciples, after the resurrection of Christ, observed the first day of the week as the Sabbath admits of no doubt. Their meetings for religious worship were on that ay. The inference from this fact is that they were thus directed by Christ. His authority to change the Sabbath from the seventh to the first day of the week, he intimated when eh said “The son of man is Lord also of the Sabbath.” The first day of the week was early distinguished by the title “the Lord’s day,” from its having been appointed by Christ as the Sabbath and from its being kept in commemoration of his having on that day completed the work of atonement.

This change, it is easy to see, instead of implying a repeal of the law of the Sabbath is a strong confirmation of its perpetuity. Should the legislative authority of any kingdom change the day of holding a court, it would be an explicitly acknowledgment of the authority of the law which appointed the court, and a confirmation of its continuance.

Thus evident is it, that the law requiring that one day in seven be exclusively devoted to t he worship of God and other religious services is a perpetual law and binding on all persons where the law is known.

II. The Sabbath is a benevolent institution.

That this is true may be inferred from the known character of God. “The Lord is good to all and his tender mercies are over all his works.” He delights in holiness and in the diffusion of happiness. He is a holy and perfectly benevolent sovereign. In this character he planned and created the universe; and in this character he governs in all parts of his kingdom. Hence we may always know that obedience to any law which he prescribes and the observance of any institution which he appoints is connected with happiness. Men may enact laws and form institutions, the observance of which is not conducive to this end. From ignorance or from a want of benevolence they may err. But in neither of these respects is it possible for God to err. The divine goodness then assures us that the Sabbath is a benevolent institution, and the observance of it conducive to man’s highest happiness. It having been proved that it is an institution of God we cannot doubt its benevolence without impeaching his character.

But we are not left to this argument only though a conclusive one for proof of the proposition which asserts the benevolence of the Sabbath. Its truth appears form the nature and influence of the duties required on the Sabbath. Of these we have a statement in the law as written by God himself. “Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy. Six days shalt thou labor and do all thy work: But the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God; in it thou shalt not do any work, thou nor thy son, nor thy daughter, thy man-servant, nor thy maid-servant, nor thy cattle, nor the stranger that is within thy gates.” That we devote ourselves exclusively to the duties of religion, the pursuits of the world are to cease. And not only are we ourselves, to cease from all worldly occupations but all over whom we have authority are to do the same. We are not to direct nor permit them to do anything, which the law does not permit us to do. They are to be employed in the duties of religion.

God has also by the prophet Isaiah, given us a still more ample account of the duties, implied in sanctifying the Sabbath. If thou turn away thy foot from the Sabbath from doing thy pleasure on my Holy day; and call the Sabbath a delight, the holy of the Lord honorable; and shalt honor him, not doing thine own ways nor finding thine own pleasure, nor speaking thine own words; then shalt thou delight thyself in the Lord. ⁹ This passage deserves peculiar attention, as it not only describes the duties of the Sabbath, but also the temper of mind with which they are to be performed. We are not to do our own ways which relate to our worldly occupations. We are not to find our own pleasure on the Sabbath. All those ways of spending the day, which are contrived for sensual pleasure or for mere amusement are to be avoided. As we are prohibited pursuing our ordinary labors on the Sabbath, so we are also prohibited from making them the subjects of our discourse. Our conversation ought to be suited to the sacred offices of the day.

‘This beautiful passage teaches us also what ought to be the temper of our mind in the holy exercises required. Far from being weary of the spiritual employments of the Sabbath, we ought to account them our pleasure and call the Sabbath a delight as well as holy of the Lord. This day we are to esteem honorable above all other days. This day we are to honor him who is the Creator and Redeemer of the world.’ ¹⁰ This day we are to unite in his worship and to learn from his instructions our duty as subjects of his government as being united in society placed under a dispensation of mercy and preparing for a future state of retribution.

An attention to the duties of the Sabbath is closely connected with the improvement of the intellectual powers of man. It is a well-known fact that these powers are brought to maturity only by proper culture and that their growth depends on the objects with which we are conversant. He who never raises his mind above the world whose whole soul is occupied by objects of sense and the pursuits of this world debases his intellectual nature and rises little above the brutes.

There are objects and truths with which the more intimately we are conversant the greater will be the improvement of our intellectual powers. Such are those to which our attention is directed by the duties of Sabbath. These duties direct our attention to the truths of that science which God himself has taught and which treats of his being and glorious perfections and of the nature and extent of his kingdom. They direct the mind not to the works of man but the works of the ever blessed God; not to the displays of human power and skill but to the displays of infinite power and wisdom; not to the displays of the beneficence of a creature but to the manifestations of infinite benevolence; not to systems of human jurisprudence and civil polity but to the laws and government of Jehovah. The duties and employments of the Sabbath especially direct our minds to that part of the divine economy which relates to this god now placed under a dispensation of mercy by the introduction of the mediatorial scheme in which all the divine perfections appear in their peculiar glory. They call our attention to ourselves as the creatures of God formed by his power, supported by his goodness, redeemed by his love, and the objects of his constant care; to ourselves as made a little lower than the angles, possessing capacities for endless advancement in knowledge and destined by the purpose of God for immortality.

The very nature of these truths, an attention to which is involved in all the duties of the Sabbath shows how closely they are connected with intellectual improvement. If any truths within the circle of all the sciences are fitted to enlarge and exalt the powers of the mind, certainly these are. They are truths which God himself has taught. In point of importance and sublimity they exceed all others. ¹¹ What are the most sublime and interesting productions of human genius, when compared with that volume which bears an impress of the glories of the Divine Majesty which like the sun throws a light on every thing around us, makes the study of the works of nature pleasing and eloquent in the praise of their creator. The influence, then, of the employments of the Sabbath upon the intellectual powers of man, shows its benevolence.

But the benevolence of the sabbatical institution appears with is proper evidence from the influence an attention to its duties on the heart or moral feelings. It is well-known that all human conduct springs from these, and is directed to that which is good or to that which is evil, according as these are virtuous or vicious, sinful, or holy. The capacity for happiness depends for its increase on the improvement of the intellectual powers; but the happiness actually enjoyed depends on the temper of mind or moral feelings. On these the duties of the Sabbath are fitted to have an influence and a most important influence. Their whole tendency is to bring man to that state of moral feeling which is necessary to raise him to his true dignity, to restore him to the favor of God, and to prepare him for endless felicity. Their whole tendency is to deter men from sin and misery, and to influence them to be holy and happy. The duties of the Sabbath do this by bringing into view the character of God, the purity of his law, man’s dependence on him, and a future judgment. They constantly present arguments and motives to duty, the most powerful and persuasive.

To see the benevolence of the Sabbath in this respect in all its extent, we must view man as he is, in a state of moral degradation, and now on trial for a state of endless retribution. The testimony of him who cannot err and facts which speak too loud not to be heard and too plain not to be understood, show that man is alienated from the righteous sovereign of the universe, and has no relish of heart for the sources of heavenly happiness and that he is in his moral feelings unprepared for the employments of those blessed mansions, where all are devoted to God and where all is praise and all is love. To reclaim men from their state of moral degradation, to reunite them to the holy part of God’s empire, and prepare them for mansions of blessedness in the grand scope of the dispensation of mercy. To accomplish this infinitely benevolent design the Sabbath was instituted. It is an institution in which the sons and daughters of God Almighty are to receive their education for eternity. It was appointed with this expressly in view. All its duties and employments have an ultimate reference to this end and to this end have they, in every age of the world, been made subservient.

In every place where the Sabbath has been regarded as God requires, he has come according to his promise, granted his blessing and recorded his name. He has distinguished this institution above all others by making its exercises the means, by the accompanying influences of his spirit, of freeing men from the dominion of sin and preparing them for the kingdom of Heaven. To the appointed exercises of this day do the redeemed in Heaven look back with humble gratitude and praise, as the means of rescuing them from deserved ruin and raising them to immortal glory.

Go through Christendom and search every spot and the conclusion will be that in every place where the Sabbath is regarded by an attention to its duties, there are those who possess a preparation of heart for the society of the blessed. Go back to the garden of Eden and follow down the history of human family to the present time and the conclusion will be the same. Where this institution has been regarded according to Divine requirement, it has been like the river of god on either side of which is the tree of life, whose leaves are for the healing of the nations.

Those in every age who have renounced this institution by neglecting its duties seem to have placed themselves beyond the influence of those means, which God has mercifully appointed for their recovery from a state of moral death to a state of moral life and blessedness. Go to those places where the duties of the Sabbath are wholly neglected and search for those whose life exhibits evidence of that state of moral feeling, which prepared for the kingdom of Heaven. The search is vain. The benign influence of the Gospel of peace is not felt. The fruits of the spirit of God are not seen. No heart is warmed with love to the redeemer; no voice speaks his praise; no cheering hope in distress; darkness and despair are spread over the tomb.

In view of the influence of the exercises of the Sabbath in reclaiming the rebellious and preparing them for future blessedness, what intuitions is benevolent, if this is not? Indeed we shall never be able to comprehend the whole of the good of which it is the means, till we behold that multitude of the redeemed, which St. John in vision saw which no man could number of all nations and kindreds and people and tongues before the throne of God ascribing salvation to him that sitteth on the throne and to the Lamb.

While the exercises of the Sabbath have respect to man, as now receiving of his education for another world and are designed to direct his attention to that world as his proper home and as the place where virtue will receive its final reward, and sin its final punishment, they also have respect to his happiness here. The same state of moral feeling and the same course which leads to happiness in a future life leads to happiness in this. It is the nature of virtue to produce happiness. “As this is its natural tendency, so this is always its tendency. Wherever and how long soever it exists, the happiness of which it is the parent will also exist.” A society be it more or less numerous, possessing that character which prepared for future blessedness will be happy in this world.

If mankind loved God with all the heart there would be no idolatry on the earth, nor any of its attendant abominations. The name of God would not be profaned. There would be no perjuries nor hypocrisies, no ingratitude, pride, nor self-complacency under the smiles of Providence, nor any murmurings under its frowns. If men loved God supremely to honor and obey him would be their constant delight. If they universally loved their neighbor as themselves, there would be no wars, no envying’s, nor strife’s; no slanders, litigations, nor intrigues between neighbors; no persecuting bitterness, fraud, nor deceit; no haughtiness nor oppression among the great; no murders, robberies, nor thefts; no unkindness, treachery, nor implacable resentments among friends; no jealousies nor bitter contentions in families; in short none of those streams of death, one or more of which flows through every vein of society and poisons its enjoyments. Everyone would pursue that course and that only which would be conducive the happiness of those whom his conduct might in any way affect. Peace would prevail in families, in societies, and through the world.

Love to God and love to man constitute true virtue and are the foundation of every virtuous character. So far then as the observance of the Sabbath is connected with the formation of such characters, it is conducive to the happiness of society. To the value of such characters even for the preservation of society, God testified when he said if there were ten of this character in Sodom, he would spare the place for their sake; and Christ when he said to such “Ye are the salt of the earth, ye are the light of the world.”

The benevolence of the Sabbath appears from the influence of an attention to its duties in restraining the vicious and preventing crimes. The public worship of God is necessary to preserve in the minds of men that sense of their accountability to him without which society could not exist. It was remarked by Judge Hale of England that among all who were convicted of capital crimes while he was judge, he found a few only who would not confess on inquiry that they began their career of wickedness by a neglect of the duties of the Sabbath and vicious conduct on that day. Were we to go to the prison of this state, we should probably not be able to select one who after an honest and correct analysis of his character and of the influence which led him to the commission of crimes, of whom it would not be true that he began his downward course by a neglect and contempt of the duties of the Sabbath. Among all that have been sentenced to that prison, not one will be found who had been in the practice of observing the Sabbath till he committed the crime for which he was condemned. Those who interrupt the peace of society by their vices and crimes, are not from among those who observe the Sabbath as God has directed.

The very act of assembling together every seventh day and uniting in prayer and praise to God has a powerful tendency to unite mankind together. On the salutary influence of public worship in this respect, a writer of celebrity observed, “So many pathetic reflections are awakened by every exercise of devotion that most men carry away from public worship a better temper towards the rest of mankind than they brought with them. Sprung from the same extraction, preparing together for the period of all worldly distinctions, reminded of their mutual infirmities and common dependency, imploring support and supplies form the same great source of power and bounty, having all one interest to secure and Lord to serve, one judgment the supreme object of all their hopes and fears to look towards it is hardly possible, in this position to behold mankind as strangers, or not to regard them as children of the same family assembled before their common parent and with some portion of the tenderness which belongs to the most endearing of our domestic relations. The frequent return of such sentiments as the presence of a devout congregation naturally suggests will gradually melt down the ruggedness of many unkind passions.”¹²

That the Sabbath is a benevolent institution appears from its comprising in its design the religious education of the young. God has explicitly required of parents that they give religious instruction to their families. Without stated times for the performance of this duty, it would be wholly omitted. The law of the Sabbath requires that heads of families see that all under their care be devoted on that day to the duties of religion. The law as written by God himself is explicitly on this subject. The observance of it then secures the religious education of the young. It is well known that no education can supply the place of this. Instruction in human science is important; but of infinitely greater importance to their personal happiness and to the happiness of society is the religious instruction of those who are yet beginning life.

As an institution securing by its observance this important object the Sabbath stands above all others, as respects its influence on the happiness of society and as manifesting the wisdom and goodness of god. It makes those the religious instructors of the young whom they love and revere to whose example they have always looked as a pattern for their imitation and of whose ardent desire for their happiness they never doubted. In forming the tender mind the parent has an influence which no one else can have.

Much has been said by theoretical projectors in favor of certain systems of scientific and literary education to the exclusion of that which is religious, which if adopted and pursued would fit men to live under mild laws and secure to them the highest happiness attainable in the social state. These systems al involve this fundamental error that the evils which have been suffered in society and that conduct which renders severe laws necessary have arisen from a bad understanding and not from a bad heart. The history of nearly sixty centuries and the oracles of God teach us that the corrupt passion and vices of men and not their ignorance have been the cause of the evils which have been suffered and of the destruction of nations. It is a maxim, confirmed by universal history that righteousness exalteth a nation but sin is a reproach to any people.

The most effectual security against those vices which debase and ruin a people is to be found in domestic and family instruction; but not in that which excludes religion. No system of education which excludes this will lead to the practice of those virtues which are connected with social happiness and prevent those vices which render severe laws necessary.

Will it be said that most of the good effects which have been attributed to the observance of the Sabbath are to be attained to the religion of the Bible? It is admitted. But this religion has no influence where the Sabbath is disregarded. On this subject we have the evidence of facts. I need only refer you to those places and families in our own land in which the Sabbath is treated with neglect and contempt. There public and family worship are neglected; there many families do not own the sacred Scriptures and those who do neglect to read them. Let the observance of the Sabbath wholly cease for half a century in this metropolis and who would think of looking here for piety or the practice of any of the Christian virtues or even for a single Bible? Let the observance of the Sabbath wholly cease for the same period of time in this Commonwealth and what would be its religious and moral character? Go to those places within the limits of the United States where there has been no Sabbath for only half that period and they will tell you. How vulnerable, how benevolent is the institution which ever has been and still is the means of preserving the religion of God in the world and of perpetuating all its happy influences.

From the doctrine of the text thus illustrated we may see why God has so often manifested his displeasure against those who have disregarded the Sabbath. Transgressions of the law of the Sabbath are oftener referred to in the Scriptures than any others as the procuring cause of the displeasure of God. The reason is obvious. On its observance depends the observance of all the other laws of God, the whole influence of the religion which he has given the progress of the work of redemption and the happiness of man in this and the future world. Hence the same benevolence, the same tender regard to the happiness of man which influenced God to institute the Sabbath, influences him to express in a most solemn manner his displeasure against any people who despise and neglect its duties. When other motives have no influence, exemplary punishment is sure to be inflicted. The history of ancient Israel is fully illustrative of this. The indignation of Infinite Benevolence against those who despise this institution will be proportionate to his regard for the happiness of man and his own glory.

From the subject we may see how we ought to feel in view of the prevailing neglect and open violations of the law of the Sabbath. It is a fact which cannot be concealed that there is no law of God oftener transgressed than this. Instead of devoting the day exclusively to the worship of God and the duties of religion not a few pursue with their wonted eagerness the business of the world. In too many instances other employments take the place of the duties of the sanctuary, other books the place of the Bible and other conversation the place of that which is religious. How have we degenerated in our attention to the duties of this instruction form the practice of our venerable ancestors. In too many instances the evil is increased by the example of those who are high in authority who are respected for their talents and who would not be thought unfriendly to the best interests of our country. Of such may we not say, “Father, forgive them for they know not what they do.” They know not that they are as really violating the law of God as those who clandestinely take the property of others, are acting against the best interests of society and pursuing a course and forming a character which infinite purity must and will condemn. In view of the prevailing neglect and open violations of the Sabbath, we ought to feel that deep concern which the preservation of an institution requires, on which depends the continuance of all that rich inheritance of civil, social, and religious blessings, transmitted to us by our fathers and on which depends the happiness, the endless happiness, of unborn millions.

With gratitude to Him who had distinguished us by his goodness, we behold dour civil rulers presenting themselves before the Lord for his direction and blessing.

His Excellency, the Chief Magistrate of this Commonwealth, has renewed testimony of the approbation of his fellow citizens and will not accept our very respectful congratulations. Confidence that he will, by his authority and example, continue to support the institutions of that God who has, in war and peace, been his protector and benefactor, we wish him his blessing. May he continue to execute his trust with integrity and impartiality and when he shall have finished with the cares of this world may he be admitted to the rewards of the just.

His Honor, the Lieutenant Governor, will accept our cordial congratulations on the renewed expression of the confidence of the Commonwealth in his integrity, public spirit, and patriotism. Having esteemed the Sabbath a delight, holy of the Lord, honorable and having remembered the words of him who is Lord of Sabbath, how he said, “It is more blessed to give than to receive,” may he, when he shall have finished the duties of this lie be admitted to the enjoyment of a never ending Sabbath in the kingdom of the blessed.

The Honorable Council from the dignity of their station and the fidelity with which they discharge their trust, merit and receive our respectful attention. May He, who cannot err in counsel, be their guide and may their receive the reward of the faithful.

The Honorable Senate and House of Representatives will accept our high respects.

The view which has been taken of the perpetuity and benevolence of the Sabbath is familiar to a Legislature which has said “that an uniform and enlightened observance of the Lord’s day is solemnly binding on the conscience of every individual; that without the appointment and continuance of the Lord’s day public instruction and worship would soon languish and perhaps entirely cease; that private worship and the best virtues of social life would share the same fate; that the Scriptures containing the records, the principles, the duties, and the hopes of our religious would pass from the recollection of multitudes of our citizens who now regard them and never become known to the great body of the rising generation; that the powerful and happy influence which they now exert upon public sentiment and morals would be seen no longer; that the powerful and happy influence, which they now exert upon public sentiment and morals, would be seen no longer; that the safety of the State, the moral and religious improvement of the people, the personal security and happiness of all are intimately connected with the uniform and conscientious observance of the Lord’s day.” ¹³

These sentiments are such as add dignity to a Christian Legislature. They are expressive of views and feelings like those of our venerable ancestors. They have gladdened the heart and excited the confidence of every friend to the best interest of the Commonwealth. They assure us that as the guardians of the State you feel yourselves bound to protect by your example, by your united efforts, and by laws so far as laws will protect, the Sabbath from open violation. We are assured that with these enlightened views of the influence of the observance of the Sabbath, you will consider yourselves as “more effectually protecting individuals in the possession of their property, their reputation, and their lives, by interposing to preserve the Sabbath from neglect and contempt than by any other exercise of your power.” We are assured that, collected form every part of the state, possessing a full view of the prevailing violations of the Sabbath and a knowledge of the existing laws for tis protection, if further legislative interposition is necessary, you will interpose. If the fault is wholly in those who are entrusted with the execution of the laws how solemn must be their account to him who are appointed the Sabbath. The oath of the Lord is upon them. Will he accept the excuses which they now offer for their neglect?

You will allow me to observe that by protecting the Sabbath from open violation, you set up a rampart around the paternal government and wholesome laws of the Commonwealth which will better secure their observance than millions expended in erecting prisons. To protect the Sabbath then is the part of kindness and benevolence.

Impressed with a deep sense of your responsibility to God in the care you take of the Commonwealth you cannot for a moment be influenced by the feelings of those who complain of all laws, restraining them on the Sabbath as oppressive and vexatious. You will deeply regret the want of discernment in those who can see no difference between a national religious establishment and the legislative protection of an institution appointed by the benevolent sovereign of the universe for the happiness of the whole human family.

As the legislators and guardians of the rights and liberties of more than seven hundred thousand people, may you be under the guidance of him whose wisdom is infinite, and be the ministers of the God for good.

The subject reminds this whole assembly of their obligation to bless God for the institution of the Sabbath. It also reminds them of their obligation to attend to all tis duties, that they may obtain the blessings of which it is designed to be the means. Duty and interest impose upon as all a sacred obligation to set our hearts to all the words of God’s law and especially to this institution for it is our life.

“If thou turn away thy foot from the Sabbath from doing thy pleasure on my holy day; and call the Sabbath a delight, holy of the Lord honorable; and shalt honor him, not doing thine own ways, nor finding thine own pleasure, nor speaking thine own words; then shalt thou delight thyself in the Lord; and I will cause thee to ride upon the high places of the earth and feed thee with the heritage of Jacob; for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it.”

“Blessed is the man that keepeth the Sabbath from polluting it.”

Endnotes

¹. Genesis II 1,2,3.

². Genesis vii. 4 viii. 10,12.

³. President De Goguet, Origin of Laws, vol. i. p. 230. Grotius, Rollin and others, as referred to by Doddridge, Leet, exxvi.

⁴. These poets are quoted by Aristobulus, a learned Jew, by Clement of Alexandria and Eusebius. By each of them the seventh is called the sacred day. Encyclopedia, art. Sabbath.

⁵. Exodus. xvi. chap.

⁶. Paley’s Prin. Mor. And Plit. Book v. chap 7. The sentiments of this very interesting writer have had a very extensive influence, in weakening a sense of obligation strictly to observe the Sabbath. He wholly mistakes as to the time when the Sabbath was instituted ; classes the law appointing it among those , which were peculiar to the Jews ; and deduces the obligations to observe a Sabbath now from considerations of expediency merely. It is to be regretted that he did not attend with more care to the arguments, which have never yet been answered, in support of the primeval institution of the Sabbath.

⁷. There are two passages in the Epistles of Paul which to the inattentive reader may seem to favor the opinion that the law of the Sabbath has ceased under the Gospel dispensation. Rom. xiv, 15 and Coloss. Ii. 16. A very little attention to the context will convince anyone, that these passages have respect to the ceremonial law which was designed to cease under the Gospel dispensation and that they have no respect to the Sabbath of the fourth commandment, which was appointed at the creation and was never a part of the ceremonial law.

⁸. Unusquiesque nostum sabbatizat spiritulaiter, mulitatione legis gaudens, oppoisnum Dei admivans.” According to Eusebius Trenoeus was born at Smyrna, about the year 140 and was one of Polycarp’s disciples.

⁹. Isaiah lviii. 13, 14.

¹⁰. The Christian Observer, Vol. I, p. 419.

¹¹. The following testimony of Sir William Jones was transcribed by his biographer, Lord Teignmouth, from his own manuscript in his Bible. “I have carefully and regularly perused these holy Scriptures; and am of opinion that the volume, independently of its divine origin, contains more infinite e sublimity, purer morality, more important history, and finer strains of eloquence, than can be collected from all other books in whatever language they may have been written.” Memoirs of the Life of Sir William Jones, page 374.

¹². Paley’s Mor. And Polit. Phil. Book v. chap. 4.

¹³. Report of the Legislature of 1814.