(There is an outline and a select dictionary at the end of this Address.)
Friends and Fellow-Citizens:
The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the Executive Government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this previous to the last election had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well
as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be
retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me, and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead; amidst appearances sometimes dubious; vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging; in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave as a
strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free Constitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to your solemn contemplation and to recommend to your frequent review some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget as an encouragement to it your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual
happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined in the united mass of means and efforts cannot fail to find greater strength, greater resource, proportionately greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalries alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. They have seen in the negotiation by the Executive and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event
throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties – that with Great Britain and that with Spain – which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very
idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community, and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Toward the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that for the efficient
management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours a Government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest Guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This Spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true and in governments of a monarchical cast patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness – these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, “where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice?” And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in times of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct. And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation prompted by ill-will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject. At other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility,
instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.
So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak toward a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are
liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by our justice, shall counsel.
Why forgo the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish – that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good – that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism – this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined as far as should depend upon me to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Though, in reviewing the incidents of my Administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow citizens the benign influence of good laws under a free government – the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
George Washington
OUTLINE
Retirement from office.
He realizes people must be thinking about his replacement, therefore he declines re-election.
He has thought it through, and feels like it is in everyone’s best interest.
He wanted to retire earlier, but foreign affairs and advice from those he respected caused him to “abandon the idea.”
Now that everything is calm, he is persuaded that the people will not disapprove of this “determination to retire.”
He is convinced his age forces retirement, and he welcomes the opportunity.
He offers gratitude for the people’s support.
He offers a blessing “that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence. . .”
Scope of the Address.
His sentiments are for the people’s “frequent review,” he wanted us to read and re-read the Address.
His only motive was as a friend.
He felt no need to recommend a love of liberty – it was already there.
Unity of Government.
Unity is a “main pillar” of “real independence”:
for the support of “tranquility at home”
for “your peace abroad”
for “your safety”
for “your prosperity”
for “that very liberty which you so highly prize.”
Common attributes of unity:
same religion
manners
habits
political principles.
The most commanding motive is to preserve the “union of the whole.”
The North, South, East, and West all depend on each other.
Unity leads to greater strength, resources, and security.
Unity will help “avoid the necessity of . . . overgrown military establishments” and will be the main “prop of your liberty.”
He questions the patriotism of anyone who tries to “weaken its bands.”
It was unity that brought two valuable treaties:
with Great Britain
with Spain.
Government for the whole – via the Constitution – is indispensable; not just alliances between sections.
the adoption of the Constitution was an improvement on the former “essay.”
respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, and acquiescence in its measures are fundamental maxims of true liberty.
the people’s right to alter constitutions is the basis of our political system.
Spirit of Party.
Parties are “potent engines” that men will use to take over the “reins of government.”
Washington warns against parties’ “baneful effects”:
leads to the absolute power of an individual
“discourage and restrain” the spirit of party
leads to “jealousies and false alarms”
“animosity of one part against another”
can lead to “riot and insurrection”
opens “door to foreign influence and corruption”
“it is a spirit not to be encouraged.”
Spirit of Encroachment.
Leads to “a real despotism.”
There is a necessity of “reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power.”
If a problem arises, correct it by an amendment, not by “usurpation.”
Religion and Morality.
Are “indispensable supports” for “political prosperity.”
Are the “firmest props of the duties of Men and Country.”
The oaths in our courts would be useless without “the sense of religious obligation.”
“And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion.”
“Reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.”
“Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge.”
Debt.
“Avoid occasions of expense by cultivating peace . . . .”
“Timely disbursements to prepare for danger” are better than “greater disbursements to repel it.”
Avoid debt: in time of peace, pay off debts..
Public opinion should “cooperate” with their representatives to pay off debt.
Some taxes are necessary even though “inconvenient and unpleasant.”
Foreign Policy.
We should exercise “good faith and justice towards all nations.”
“religion and morality enjoin this conduct”
we should be guided by “an exalted justice and benevolence.”
Replace “inveterate antipathies” (hatred) and passionate attachments with “just and amicable feelings.”
“passionate attachments” produce a variety of evils
these attachments will lead you into “quarrels and wars”
they will also lead to favoritism, conceding “privileges denied to others.”
Foreign “attachments” are “alarming” because they open the door to foreigners who might:
“tamper with domestic factions”
“practise the arts of seduction”
“mislead public opinion”
influence “Public Councils.”
“Foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government.”
“The great rule of conduct for us”: “as little political connection as possible.”
we should fulfill obligations, then stop
we should not get involved in Europe’s affairs.
Our “detached and distant situation . . . enables . . . a different course.”
“Steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world.”
However, we may have “temporary alliances, for extraordinary emergencies.”
Maintain “a liberal intercourse with all nations.”
Conclusion.
Washington hopes his counsel will:
“help moderate the fury of party spirit”
“warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue”
“guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism.”
He believes himself to be guided by the “principles which have been delineated” above.
A “neutral position” is the best course to take regarding the “subsisting war in Europe.”
that neutrality is the right course has been “admitted by all.”
our “motive has been to endeavor to gain time for our country to settle and mature” until America has “command of its own fortunes.”
Washington asks “the Almighty” to correct any unintentional errors or defects from his administration.
He looks forward to retiring and enjoying “good laws under a free government.”
Closing words.
VOCABULARYacquiescence – agreement without protest. Consent.
actuate – put into motion. Motivate.
admonish – to counsel against. Caution.
alienate – to cause to become unfriendly. Exclude.
alliance – a formal pact between nations. Partnership.
animosity – bitter hostility. Hatred.
antipathies – strong feelings of hatred or opposition. Aversions.
apostate – abandoning one’s principles. Defective or Traitorous.
appellation – a name or title.
appertaining – relating to.
apprise – to give notice; to inform. Notify.
arduous – demanding great care, effort, or labor. Difficult.
artifices – subtle but base deceptions. Tricks.
assuage – make less burdensome or painful. Relieve.
auspice – protection or support. Authority.
auxiliary – giving assistance or support. Supplementary.
avert – to turn away. Prevent.
baneful – causing death, destruction, or ruin. Harmful.
belligerent – inclined or eager to fight. Hostile.
beneficence – a charitable act or gift. Kindness.
benevolence – an inclination to do kind or charitable acts. Goodness.
benign – tending to promote well-being. Beneficial.
beseech – to call upon earnestly. Request.
bias – to cause to have a prejudice view. Distort.
conceded – acknowledged as true, just, or proper. Given.
conjure – to call upon or entreat solemnly. Call upon.
consigned – turned over to another’s charge. Delivered.
consolation – the comforting in time of grief, defeat, or trouble. Comfort.
William Symmes (1731-1807) graduated from Harvard in 1750. He was pastor in the North Parish in Andover (1758-1807). The following sermon was preached on May 25, 1785 in Massachusetts.
A
SERMON,
PREACHED BEFORE
His Honor
THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR,
The Honorable the
COUNCIL,
AND THE
TWO BRANCHES OF THE
GENERAL COURT,
OF THE
COMMONWEALTH
OF
MASSACHUSETTS,
MAY 25, 1785:
Being the ANNIVERSARY of
GENERAL ELECTION.
By WILLIAM SYMMES, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE FIRST CHURCH IN ANDOVER.
AN
Election SERMON.
I. CHRONICLES, XXVIII. 8
Now therefore, in the sight of all Israel, the congregation of the Lord, and in the audience of our God, keep and seek for all the commandments of the Lord your God; that ye may possess this good land, and leave it for an inheritance for your children after you forever.
It has generally been observed by historians of the best hearts and information, that the rise and growth, the decay and fall of States and Empires, have corresponded in a great measure to their virtues and vices. These have been deservedly considered as the great hinges on which the fates of nations turn. If in every instance their advancement to splendor and power is not to be ascribed to the influence of moral principles, degeneracy and dissolution of manners have never failed to pull down their banks, and lay them open to such an inundation of miseries, as have at last overwhelmed them in ruin.
To prevent so sad a catastrophe, and ensure their civil happiness, the Ruler of nations and Father of men, required his ancient favorite people to employ themselves in that holy service, to which they were bound by his laws, and their own consent.
Their kings were expressly required to write a copy of the law, which was to form their private character, and be the rule of their administration. Nor was there any other test whereby abuses in government could be rectified, or the faith of the church and worship of God restored to their primitive purity.
Accordingly David, who was by divine commission a ruler and a prophet, and by principle a devout patriot, having subdued the enemies of the State, and established the regular course of justice, near the close of his life prescribes, in the passage before us, the only means whereby a professing people can secure the continued favour of Heaven, and consequently their own and their children’s freedom and happiness.
Invested with the supreme authority in the State, he assembled the princes and heads of the twelve tribes at Jerusalem. Constrained by the social affections of a good and great mind, and ardently wishing the prosperity of the people committed to his care, he in the most solemn manner impresses the charges of God upon them.
“All Israel, the congregation of the Lord,” are supposed to be present by their representatives, in whom they had reposed an honorable trust. A faithful discharge of the proper duty of their station obliged them to deny themselves for the general good, and use their utmost efforts to promote the interest and increase the happiness of their brethren.
A stranger to the insolence of little minds in an elevated station, the Jewish monarch addresses the assembly of the elders in the soft endearing stile of brethren; gives them a sketch of his own history, and points out his successor by name, who should perform that pious service which he himself had designed, and would gladly have executed, had he not been denied that honor.
Solicitous to support the distinguishing character given him by the unerring Judge of real worth, he reminds the “assembly of the mighty” of the peculiar presence of the Deity; gives him the attractive title of the “Lord our God,” which imports parental affection, and covenant privileges: And then fixes their attention to the main point, endeavouring to persuade them to “keep and seek for all the commandments of the Lord their God.”
Their punctual obedience is required for their own sake, but principally as a fit and probable means of diffusing a similar spirit of piety and virtue among the people; and as the only course they could take to secure to the present, and transmit to future generations, the possession of that good land, and a fair inheritance of civil and religious privileges.
In some instances there is a similarity of circumstances betwixt the ancient congregation of the Lord and us. Were they a people nigh unto God; since their rejection we have been taken into a like visible relation to him? Were their long and arduous contests for freedom happily terminated? Our redemption from the hand of the enemy is completed by the establishment of “peace in our borders.” Did their civil constitution secure the rights and privileges of the people, ours is like to theirs before they trespassed in asking a king? Our religious advantages are greatly superior, and our land is perhaps as good and fertile as theirs, were it equally cultivated. And the late revolution in America, tho’ not effected by the wonder-working rod of a Moses, was accomplished in the course of the divine administration under the auspices of a leader, great and good next to him: And in a manner which carries evident marks, and signatures of his hand, who “changes the times and the seasons, who removeth kings and setteth up kings,” and possesses all perfections in their highest exaltation.
Thus circumstanced:–
The advice given in the text to the rulers and people of Israel, is as suitable and proper for us as it was for them. We have as much to gain by complying with it, and as much to lose by slighting and neglecting it.
That the following discourse may coincide with it, and in some degree be adapted to our circumstances, and the occasion of the present solemnity:
The nature and extent of the charge in its primary reference to the rulers of a people, first offers itself to consideration.
And then secondly,
The natural and moral tendency of a general subjection or disobedience to the divine government.
The first object of our consideration and improvement is the nature and extent of this all-important duty, of “keeping and seeking for all the commandments of the Lord our God,” more especially as it concerns the rulers of a people.
Such are the perfections of the ever-blessed God, that he will not, he cannot enjoin anything unsuitable to the nature and powers of his creatures. Such is his supreme commanding authority, that in whatever way and degree his will is made known to men, either by reason or revelation, from that moment they are laid under indispensible obligations to obedience. Nor can they refuse their immediate compliance, or neglect to regulate all their conduct by the laws of Heaven, without injury to themselves, and injustice to their maker. Hereby rulers (to say the least) are equally bound with the lowest order of their confederate fellow-citizens.
“The weightier matters of the law,” are not a few. “Thy commandment,” faith the inspired Psalmist, “is exceeding broad.”—So extensive as to reach every man, and direct his behavior at all times, and in every station and condition in life. So equitable as to require improvement in proportion as men are distinguished by power, wealth, or other advantages for doing good.
What a wide extended field of service is here opened before the trustees of the Commonwealth? As the offices they sustain are by divine designation, and it is in the power of their hands to abound in God’s service; they are under additional obligations to “Keep and seek for all his commandments.” Their talents for improvement are many, and that injunction of the Lord of Christians, “occupy ‘till I come” merits their particular regard.—An upright punctual discharge of the duties of their station demands their time and utmost efforts, their assiduous persevering attention.—
Seeking implies positive industrious exertions in the use of all proper means, to obtain the end proposed. If he that runs may read those divine precepts that regulate the common actions of life; we may not from hence conclude that those who move in a higher sphere can obtain all needed information at so cheap a rate. Many cases may occur in which a virtuous ruler may not easily discern the path of duty and safety. To remain heedlessly ignorant, is inexcusable. To act while his mind is in suspense, is inconsistent with his character. What other course then can he take, but to seek for more light, and pursue that line of conduct which has had the sanction of his reason, conscience, and the revealed law of God. “The cause which I knew not, I searched out,” said an eminently worthy and beneficent magistrate in ancient times.—
The maxim “that public affairs cannot be transacted without corruption and iniquity” however zealously abetted by mercenary courtiers, or whatever reputation it may have acquired by customary practice in regal governments; its aspect on a republican form is very unpropitious. Experience evinces that monarchies may flourish in some degree for a time, tho’ probity be not the favourite virtue of those in power: But the very existence of free republican States depends upon the reign of justice. This comprehensive virtue is, in a manner, “all in all.” Nothing can atone for the want of it in the legislative, judicial, and executive departments. The prophet describing the humiliating, unsafe, and even wretched situation of the Commonwealth of Israel at a particular period, does it in this expressive language: “Justice standeth afar off, truth is fallen in the street, and equity cannot enter.”—
But what saith the scripture of civil government? One apostle saith, it is the “ordinance of man”—another saith, it is the “ordinance of God.” There is a sense no doubt in which the latter position is as true as the former. And if civil government be in any sense the ordinance of God, and the laws of virtue, which are the laws of God, are not to interfere in the administration of it: Is not this quite what has been ironically termed, “a divine right of governing wrong?”
A submissive respect paid to all God’s commandments, at the same time that it raises a ruler above the pursuits of injustice, and a faulty ambition, is perfectly consistent with the greatest degrees of political wisdom that are subservient to the honor, preservation and support of society.
It is not in an immediate way that the Governor of the world usually dispenses good or evil to communities or individuals. He employs means and instruments in accomplishing the purposes of his providence, and the designs of his grace. It is by helping men, by improving and heightening their faculties, assisting and invigorating their endeavors; that he prepares them to receive, and bestows upon them temporal and spiritual blessings. Nor does he in this way of conferring his favours “give his glory to another.” For all the natural and gracious endowments of men are equally his free gifts, are derived from the same source, and applied by his unerring direction to effect the designs of his wise and universal government. “It is the same God who worketh all in all.”
In conferring favor on a people, especially in effecting any great revolution, he employs the fittest instruments, and raises up men of piety and public spirit, of prudence, penetration and fortitude, to do great things, and if necessary, to suffer gloriously. Persons possessed of such qualities, are most likely to render essential service to their country. The Jews never had a better king than David, to whose honor it is recorded, “that he fed them according to the integrity of his heart, and guided them with the skillfulness of his hands.”
The annals of other nations furnish examples of men invested with the most important offices, who, disdaining every mean illusory artifice, were very successful in transacting the affairs of the public. Slight advantages may be sometimes gained by perfidy and deceit: But no acquisitions of power or property will counterbalance the loss of honor. In every mode of government, especially in a republic; the reputation of being just and faithful to its engagements, is of the last importance.
Insidious politics are the proper element of loose unprincipled minds, engrossed by private selfish views—How often has the pretence of mysteries in government served for a cloak of unrighteousness? Whereas the art of governing well requires a sacred regard to truth and equity: And in some exigencies, a profound judgment and sagacity to take the best expedients.
Prudence and caution constitute another trait in a ruler’s character, of the utmost importance in our present circumstances. In “keeping and seeking for all the commandments of God,” and knowing that “a kingdom divided against itself cannot stand;” he will follow after the things which make for peace. Whilst the war continued, many things concurred to unite these States in their common defense, to strengthen the confederacy, and hold them together, to the great disappointment of their enemies. They have now, as it were, entered on a new stage of existence. If they are not summoned to unite for protection against the foreign enemy, the union can be continued and cemented only by friendly hearts, pacific counsels, and conciliatory measures. The advice Joseph gave to his brethren is good at this time, and claims the particular attention of those who are at the head of our affairs: “See that ye fall not out by the way.” Happy for us if rulers supreme and subordinate, are directed and instructed by the maxims of prudence and discretion, “in the things of our peace.”
The light of nature condemns such a confidence in God, as hinders the wise and industrious use of means for safety. At the same time, the success of the most opposite means, and best concerted measures, always supposes the divine concurrence. Had not the “God of peace and love been with us” hitherto, and blessed us, our mouths had not now been filled “with songs of deliverance.” He has still all times and hearts in his hand, and can so influence our public counsels, as to strengthen and perpetuate the union: Even as he “bowed the hearts of all the men of Judah to David, as the heart of one man.”
As in a good constitution of government there is no absolute power but that of the laws; a reverential regard to the divine presence and approbation will have an happy influence in making and executing such as are wise and salutary. The Father of the universe has not imposed his laws upon men merely as tests of obedience; but as lessons to prevent their ruin, and teach them how to be happy. A model, which eternizes the benignity of those human laws which are suggested by preventive wisdom; a standard of benevolence, from which subordinate legislators should never deviate. Acting in character as the “ministers of God for good to men,” they will ever esteem it more eligible to prevent crimes, than to punish them.
It being the sole end of government to secure the civil happiness of the community, (and, as far as may be, of every individual) it is fit and proper that the laws by which men submit to be governed, should be as few, clear, and easy in their application as possible. For laws themselves, when needlessly multiplied, become a vexatious and intolerable burden.
The laws of Heaven, being a transcript of perfect rectitude and benignity, no objection can weigh against their being executed. In like manner human laws ought ever to be so mild and equitable as to interest the community in their punctual execution, and in no instance fail of being enforced. “Either” (says a writer) “never attempt anything, or go through with it, is an excellent maxim, and nowhere more rationally applied than in the matter of legislation.” It is necessary to civil happiness that government be supported and respected. But will this be the case, if good laws are evaded with impunity? What has a greater tendency to weaken the authority of a state, than to continue laws in being which “the powers that be,” cannot, or care not to execute? Every sincere friend and lover of his country, must wish to see the dignity of the Legislature preserved; and consequently regret every instance, in which it is disparaged by the contempt that is case upon its institutions. If the occasion allowed me to mention one instance only, it should be the law that relates to grammar-schools. It having been of so long standing, the presumption is, that it is a good one. Should it not then be carried into execution, according to its full meaning and extent?
This Commonwealth is favored with divers valuable literary institutions, which owe their existence and endowments to the well directed liberality of particular patriotic members of society. A charity recommended by this circumstance, that the community reaps the benefit of it whilst the donors are living. But these institutions were never designed to interfere with the law above-mentioned, or to prevent general education: Much less to vie with the University in the neighborhood, to which we look up for that degree of literature, that is requisite to complete an education for the learned professions. May all that love and seek its prosperity, prosper.
We have had a long and arduous contest for freedom and independence; and the “mercies of our God have been upon us according as we hoped in him.” He hath said in his never-failing providence, “Let there be light.” He spake, and it is done. A day of the gladness of our hearts has succeeded a long and dark night of affliction. But what would have been our present situation, had not light and knowledge been spread among the people? Would our “Souls have made their boast in the Lord,” this day, for unexampled privileges, had he not been on our side, not only controlling the councils of men, and the events of war, but by the gospel and general education, diffusing a cultivated patriotic spirit, fatal to the evil genius of despotism? Will “wisdom and knowledge be the stability of future times, and strength of salvation,” if the minds of children and youth are neglected? Especially if they are not taught to esteem “the fear of the Lord their best treasure.” It is true in a political as well as religious sense, that “fools die for want of wisdom.”
Other nations have been chiefly concerned to cherish lucrative and commercial arts: Perhaps the singular honor is reserved for America, of making it the principal object of her attention to improve human nature, and produce the greatest degree of moral worth.
The fathers of the people, bound by the ties of nature, religion, and interest, cannot be indifferent to anything that has a tendency to strengthen and improve their morals. However opposite men’s sentiments are respecting the interposition of civil authority in matters of religion; one thing is clear, that a constitution of government, that bids fair to be durable, must make provision for curbing the lusts, and bounding the riotous appetites of men. But if piety be an essential part of morality, how can the secular power take cognizance of the one, without interfering at all with the other?
Every man who is so happy as to have free access to the sacred scriptures, has a right to search them. It is his duty to endeavour to understand them in their true sense, and regard them as the only writings that can authorize the religious sentiments he imbibes, or the mode of worship he prefers. And when all the members of a community enjoy the free use of their reason in matters of religion; when they are left to pursue the dictates of their own consciences, which are subject to God only, and no particular mode of worship is established by law; where is the grievance if public worship is required in some mode or other, to preserve order, and prevent the infection of bad examples?—
We cannot set too great a value on our civil and religious liberties: But we can place ourselves in no point of view, in which we can have the least colour of right to any kind of liberty that disturbs the peace of society, or discharges us from the service of God.
Constant experience shews the influence of example to be greater and more powerful, than that of precept. The guardians of the Commonwealth, by copying the law of God in their lives, will be likely to influence the public manners in some proportion to the elevation of their rank and dignity. Or should “the generation in which they shine as lights be faithless and perverse, they shall not lose their reward.” By their righteousness they shall deliver their own souls.”
The greatest assemblage of civil virtues, will not always screen a man in a public station from censure. The venal, the licentious may reproach him: but having the verdict of conscience in his favor, he has the approbation of his Maker, and the ineffable consolation that his “judgment is with the Lord, and his reward with his God.
It is as true that society cannot subsist without order and government, as that man was made for society, and if those who “rule over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God;” then no person can plead an exemption from the duty of submission to wise and just government. The same absolute authority that requires fidelity in rulers, obliges the people to honor, support, and obey them in all things lawful. This is to act on the principles of an equitable requital for necessary and useful services, agreeable to an express ordinance of the apostle Paul: “Render therefore to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honor to whom honor.”
These sentiments may derive some support by considering secondly,
The natural and moral tendency of a general submission or disobedience to the divine government.
The adoption of the Hebrew nation to become the peculiar people of God, did not hinder them from abusing their privileges by numberless sins and rebellions against him. When he gave them his laws, it was supposed that they might refuse to obey his voice. Therefore he annexed promises to their obedience, and threatened to dispossess them of the good land which he had given them, if they refused and rebelled. Every engagement to reward them with prosperity if they “kept his ways,” implied a threatening that he would “visit their transgressions with a rod.” In this light we are to consider the animating motive to obedience in the text, “That ye may possess this good land, and leave it for an inheritance for your children after you forever.”
By many signal instances of Providence in our favor, the great Proprietor of all things hath enabled us to keep possession of the good land which he gave to our fathers. A country which well repays the toils of the husbandman, and would do it in a more ample manner, were agriculture (the most useful and necessary of all arts) better understood among us. We not only enjoy those things which constitute the riches of a soil; but also those privileges, civil and religious, which are “the glory of all lands.” What should we not do that we may possess ourselves, and transmit so rich an inheritance to posterity?
Next to self-preservation, the welfare of succeeding generations will be uppermost in every mind, not debased by infidelity, or laid waste by unbounded ambition and avarice. Can we view our cotemporaries, and look down into posterity, without the tenderest emotions of joy or grief, as we conceive good or evil to be coming on them? Is it not from the religion and morals of our country, that we must take our prospect of the happiness or misery of the present and future generations?
Virtue and vice are not more opposite in their nature, than in their effects. If men diseased in mind, and vicious in practice, confounded them in speculation; when they feel the different effects of them, they shew that they are not insensible of the reality of moral distinctions.
Nor is reigning vice less productive of infelicity to national communities, than to individuals. The former have as little reason as the latter, to expect prosperity in a course that naturally tends to ruin and misery. What the prophet says of Israel has been often exemplified in the fate of other nations; “thou hast fallen by thine iniquity.” As the connection between “living after the flesh” and that “death is the wages of sin,” cannot be broken; so the general prevalancy of vice in a nation has never failed sooner or later to involve it in national calamities and ruin.
It naturally tends to create dissentions, and disband society. It produces an opposition to the most apposite schemes, and best concerted measures to promote the common good. It diverts men from that seasonable and regular attention to important affairs, upon which the welfare of a people depends. It exhausts their treasures, and impoverishes them; ruins their reputation, and brings them into contempt. It enervates their spirits, debilitates their understandings, infatuates their counsels, lulls them into security, and lays them open to innumerable calamities.
The kingdoms of Israel and Judah, are remarkable examples of sin and judgment. If they are deemed an exception to the rest of mankind, let the point be decided by the fate of other nations. Have not their vices been their ruin? Was not the declension of manners in the states of Greece, attended with that of empire and dominion? By gratifying a taste for expensive living, and other arts of effeminacy and luxury, they lost their freedom. A Roman historian dates the corruption of his country from the destruction of Carthage, and ascribes the ruin of the Commonwealth to Grecian refinements, in voluptuous manners.—“Asia, conquered by the arms of Rome, in its turn conquered Rome by its vices.” This passage may supply the place of many examples. If in every instance the decline of nations has not been in the same proportion as they were remarkable for their vices; this has commonly been attended with the loss of liberty and territory, as its natural and proper effects.—
The same thing has a moral tendency to produce the same unhappy events. When irreligion prevails in a land, and gross immoralities abound; they put a people out of favor with the great sovereign of the world, break down the hedge of his protection, and open a gap for all manner of evils to rush in upon them. According to the established order of Providence, prevailing iniquity causes a separation between God and his people. “He turneth rivers into a wilderness, and the water springs into dry ground: A fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein. If God depart from us, our glory and defense will depart: And we can expect success in none of our undertakings. It will be “in vain to rise up early, to set up late, and eat the bread of carefulness.” If the Lord be not our helper, the business and labor of the city and of the field, will perish.—
A nation favored with gospel privileges, cannot flight and neglect their religious advantages, without endangering their civil liberties. If they have reason to “tremble for the ark of God,” their temple of freedom totters to its very foundation. But when impiety and profaneness, luxury and extravagance, become national; it does not require an omnipotent arm to sink such a people. If left to themselves, they will do the business effectually. The poison may be slow in its operation, but not the less fatal in the event.
On the contrary:
A practical acknowledgment of the divine authority by rulers and people, has a natural and moral tendency to make a nation prosperous and happy.
We live under a civil constitution, formed with a particular view to support the honor and power of government, and protect the rights of the people. But the wisest rules are of no advantage to those who do not observe them. The best civil institutions will not promote the public happiness, unless they are supported by able and upright magistrates; and the people in general are disposed to “lead peaceable and quiet lives in all godliness and honesty.” It is the character of a people that renders them happy at home, respected abroad, and constitutes their strength. Their best defense (under God) is the regularity and hardiness of their manners.
The path of the just is safest and best for every man. No person in any other course can secure true self-enjoyment: Nor in any other way advance the public happiness, than by serving the will of God in his generation. If he be a magistrate, he will maintain his just character, keep in view the ends of his institution, and by putting salutary laws in execution, “be a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well.” If he be in a private station, he will “study to be quiet, and do his own business.” Supposing this to be the real character of the community, all things will be in a regular train; exhibiting a hopeful prospect of prosperity in times to come. For in the nature of things, probity and integrity create confidence. Industry and frugality, tend to opulence. And benevolence, truth and justice, promote peace, unity and good order.
“He that tilleth his land,” saith Solomon, “shall have plenty of bread.” It is not God’s ordinary method to rain down bread for the food of men, as he did manna for Israel in the wilderness. He blesseth the labor of their hands, and maketh their fields yield their increase; or the fields of others from whence they may be supplied. He ensures the advantages of commerce, and smiles upon the industrious endeavours of the citizen in the way of his calling, that he may have wherewith to procure the fruits of the earth.
Happy America! If its inhabitants, detesting the degenerate manners of Sodom, and the vile language of Ashdod, prove sober, industrious, and “temperate in all things.” Thrice happy, if they sincerely love and venerate the civil and sacred institutions of their country. Then vice, the prolific source of misery, will be discountenanced and abhorred; the virtues of the mind preferred to the ornaments of the body; and our public and private interests have the glorious smiles of God upon them.—
If those who govern are inspired with integrity, wisdom, courage, and vigilance for the public safety; and the governed with worthy and good affections; we shall then unite in pursuing “the things of our peace.” Society will be improved, our understandings enlarged, our morals refined, and the interests of time will not interfere with those of eternity. “Happy is that people that is in such a case; happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”
Can we wish for greater encouragement to “keep and seek for all the commandments of the Lord our God: Since while we do thus, we may expect that the “hand of our God will be upon us for good,” and upon our posterity! At the same time, we shall take the right course to prepare ourselves for going up into the house of our God, and to have our feet stand within the gates of Jerusalem above; “whither the tribes go up, the tribes of the Lord, to give thanks unto the name of the Lord.”
Such are the observations which this text of sacred scripture has suggested. And by the blessing of God they may be of use seriously to remind this respectable audience, that “pure and undefiled religion before God and the Father,” is the first bond and tie to all duty, and the great means of national prosperity. It was this principle that influenced the conduct of our ancestors, and animated the expressions of their concern for the welfare of their country, and the flourishing circumstances of its civil and religious interests, in all generations: Induced by similar sentiments and impressions, “the elders of the congregation of the Lord” are now assembled “to enquire in his temple;” and with others,” to seek of him a right way for ourselves, for our children, and for all our substance.”—
A tribute of unceasing praise is due from us to the supreme Ruler of the universe, for that established form of government, which allows and encourages all ranks of men to pursue their religious interests. And while so many at the present day appear to have thrown off the divine government, and affect to “despise the commandment of the Lord;” the exemplary regard which the heads of our tribes continue to pay to divine institutions, is a “way of well-doing” that has a peculiar tendency to “put to silence the ignorance of foolish men.”
The civil fathers of the country, and particularly of this Commonwealth, being honored with the highest title that men can bestow; a title that infers an obligation to do everything which the good of the State requires; can never be supposed to lose sight of the sole end of their exaltation above the multitude of their brethren. Having introduced the important public concerns of the ensuing year, with the “word of God and prayer,” you will bear it in mind that your debates will be “in the audience of our God;” your motives of conduct open to his inspection; and that your duty, honor and interest, are all comprised in the real conscientious service you render, or use your best endeavors to render, to the community.
The character of David in his political capacity, is worthy of being emulated by all who are at the head of our affairs. He ruled justly, in exact conformity to the divine will. An high degree of national prosperity and honor, being the result of an administration founded on mild and equitable principles; the people congratulated themselves upon the multiplied favors shewn them on the part of Heaven. We read that they were “joyful and glad of heart, for all the goodness that the Lord had done for David his servant, and for Israel his people.”
The gentleman who without intermission since the commencement of the constitution, has been seated in the second chair of magistracy and government, has obtained in his re-election a renewed and sure token of respect, and a substantial proof that his past services have been well received.
When the privileges of election are extensive, and the body of the electors properly jealous of their liberties; the less rotation in office, the stronger the proof, that such a people enjoy one of the greatest of all temporal blessings, an incorrupt Legislature.
We doubt not the honorable Senate will continue to deserve that great share of public confidence and respect, so justly due to so important a branch of our civil constitution.
The honorable House of Representatives, by making probity and equity the standard of their proceedings, will, we trust, justify the public wisdom in assigning them a station of so great moment, to the honor, safety and welfare of their country; and uniting with the other Branch of the Legislature in the elections of the day, will strictly regard that ancient rule;–“Take wise men, and understanding, and known among your tribes,”—men of real worth, capacity and integrity—men who reverence the awful government of God, and “set no wicked thing before their eyes.” Other principles or qualities are often productive of good to the community; but are too weak to bind men to strict duty at all hazards. Conscience bears witness to a man’s fidelity and uprightness of intentions; and will hold him fast, when all other obligations are disregarded.
Our dependence under God (honored fathers) is upon “your keeping and seeking for all his commandments,” which are “pure, enlightening the eyes,” and of universal utility, for “in keeping of them there is great reward.” You have it in the “power of your hands to do worthy deeds” for the honor of God and the general good of the community.
The improvement of agriculture, the present state of the militia, of commerce, and manufactures, deserve your serious attention. We have a hopeful prospect that we shall not feel the rod of tyranny and arbitrary power. How greatly would it relieve our apprehensions, and refresh our spirits, were those things that have a malignant influence on society, suppressed; a spirit of industry, sobriety and frugality, invigorated; a regard for the Lord’s day, revived; and a taste for religious and moral pleasures, more generally cultivated.
To you, gentlemen, the guardians of our liberties and laws, have we in a great measure confided our national liberty, honor and independence; even all that is, or ought to be dear to us. “The Lord will be with you while you are with him.” “He is with you in the judgment.” And though you now sustain the character of “God’s,” you are admonished by the “fall” of others 1 (lately your associates in honor and power) that you must “die like men.” A tribunal awaits you, before which no titles of honor, but that of Christian; no mark of distinction but that of moral goodness and worth, will avail anything. God grant that in your political, and every other capacity, you may finally receive the plaudit of your Judge.
Of all people we shall be the most inexcusable, if we are not “obedient to the voice of the Lord our God, whose goodness has been so signally manifested in the dispensations of temporal and spiritual blessings. When we consider “how great things he hath done for us,” should not our hearts glow with gratitude, and our obedient lives proclaim his praise? Should not all the powers of the creation conspire to exalt his name? His authority binds all ranks of men to strict duty, to “keep and seek for all his commandments.” He requires rulers in pursuing the ends of their institution, “to serve him with a perfect heart, and with a willing mind,” and that all others should do all they can to strengthen their hands, by assisting in the execution of good laws, promoting peace and good order, and cheerfully contributing to the support of government.
Were the present prevailing follies and vices, exchanged for their opposite virtues, such an alteration of habits and moral qualities, would in many instances lessen the burden of taxes; which we may reasonably suppose, are now s light as possible, since those who impose them are equally bound to observe the laws, and pay their proportion of the public expense.
What a pleasing sight would it be to see all ranks and professions contributing by their prayers and endeavors to the safety and prosperity of our country. Then might we hope that the “Lord our God would care for our land, and we should see the good of his chosen.” If “we keep his covenant, and remember his commandments to do them; the wilderness shall blossom as the rose, and it shall be well with us, and our children after us.”
But let us not forget what we are,–creatures made for another state of existence. Delightsome as our native soil may be; it is “not our rest.”—In this life, we have no permanent city. “Our fathers where are they? We also are “strangers and sojourners on the earth:” Therefore we “look to another, a better country, that is, an heavenly.” If we are the true subjects of a kingdom which is not of this world, we shall through the voyage of life, be fed with the “bread which came down from Heaven.” We shall “have right to the tree of life:” And the Lord our God will give us to rejoice in the view of our interest in the “unsearchable riches of Christ, the blessings of the perpetual hills, and of the everlasting mountains.”
May that God who has been our “dwelling-place in all generations, rejoice over us to do us good.”
Happy for us, if with seriousness and assiduity we practically regard that advice and caution, which the Hebrew law-giver in the last year of his life, gave to the people committed to his care, for whom he had a sincere affection. “When thou hast eaten and art full, then thou shalt bless the Lord thy God, for the good land which he hath given thee. Beware, that thou forget not the Lord thy God, in keeping his commandments, his judgments, and his statutes.”
FINIS.
Endnotes
1. Hon. Jeremiah Powell, Esq; President of the Council, in the most perilous stages of the war; and a member of the Council after the commencement of the Constitution, Hon. Josiah Stone, of the Senate.
Samuel Wales (1748-1794) graduated from Yale in 1767. He was a minister in Milford (1770-1782), and professor of Divinity at Yale (1782-1794). Wales preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 12, 1785.
The Dangers of our national Prosperity; and the Way
To avoid them.
A
S E R M O N,
Preached Before the
G E N E R A L A S S E M B L Y
of the
S T A T E of C O N N E C T I C U T,
At
H A R T F O R D,
May 12th, 1785.
By SAMUEL WALES, D. D.
Professor of Divinity at YALE-COLLEGE.
Do ye thus requite the Lord, O foolish people and unwise? Moses.
Justice standeth afar off; for truth is fallen in the street, and equity
Cannot enter. And he that departeth from evil, maketh himself a prey
And the Lord saw it, and it displeased him. Isaiah.
Justum et tenacem propositi virum,
Non civium ardor prava jubentium,
Non vultus instantis tyranny
Mente quatit folida;–
Si fractus illabitur orbis,
Impavidum serient ruinae. Hor.
At a general Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the 2d Thursday of May Anno Dom. 1785.
ORDERED that the Honourable Roger Sherman, and Pierpont Edwards, Esquires, return the thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Doctor Samuel Wales, for his Sermon delivered before the Assembly on the 12th inst. And desire a Copy thereof that it may be printed.
A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
GEORGE WYLLYS, Ses’ry.
DEUTERONOMY VIII. 11, 12, 13, AND 14.
Beware that thou forget not the Lord thy God, in not keeping his commandments and his judgments and his statutes which I command thee this day:–Lest when thou hast eaten and art full, and hast built goodly houses, and dwelt therein; And when thy herds and thy flocks multiply, and thy silver and thy gold is multiplied, and all that thou hast is multiplied;–Then thine heart be lifted up, and thou forget the Lord thy God which brought thee forth out of the land of Egypt, from the house of bondage.
These words contain a divine instruction to the people of Israel, respecting their state of prosperity in the promised land. The instruction is not typical or merely local, but of a moral and universal nature. It may therefore with propriety, be applied to all people in every age, whenever they are in a prosperous state. With singular propriety may it be applied to the people of these United States, who, after the severe distresses of unnatural war and civil discord, are now happy in the blessings of peace and plenty. Let me then request the indulgence of this very respectable auditory, while, in order to apply to ourselves the divine caution of our text, I endeavour,
I. To point out some of those evils which, as a people we have reason to fear in our present national prosperity.—And then,
II. To exhibit, in a very concise manner, that line of conduct which we ought to pursue, in order to secure through the divine favour the continuance of those blessings which we now enjoy.
A political discussion of these points, it is presumed will not be expected nor desired. It is proposed to consider them especially in a moral and religious view. Indeed never should it be forgotten that all the measures of civil policy ought to be founded on the great principles of religion; or, at the least, to be perfectly consistent with them: otherwise they will never be esteemed, because they will be contrary to that moral sense of right and wrong which God has implanted in the breast of every rational being. But to proceed,
I. Let us attend to some of those evils which, as a people, we have reason especially to fear in our present national prosperity. That we have been and still are greatly blessed with national prosperity, I conceive, will not be doubted. We have been often delivered in a most signal manner, both from the secret stratagems and the open assaults of our enemies. Great is the salvation which heaven hath wrought for us in the full restoration of the blessings of peace. The Lord hath done great things for us; whereof we are glad. He hath given us a very extensive country abounding with the richest gifts of nature. With sufficient ease do we procure all the necessaries, together with most of the conveniences and delicacies of life. Could we procure them with more east or in greater plenty, we should not be in so desirable a situation as we are now. A proper view of all our various blessings will lead us to conclude that we are indeed the most highly favoured people under heaven. God hath not dealt so with any other nation.
But security in happiness is not the lot of humanity. This is equally true of all mankind, whether we consider them as individuals or as united in society. In the midst of all our present public happiness, dangers surround us and evils hang over our heads.
The greatest evil by which we are endangered, and which indeed is the source of all others, is the want of true religion. It is true, the superior blessings which we enjoy are well calculated to promote religion, to promote each of its essential branches, piety and charity. And such affects would those blessings naturally produce, did we improve them as we ought. But through the perverseness of our nature there is much danger that we shall use them for very different purposes. When we are favoured with a profusion of earthly good, we are exceedingly prone to set our hearts upon it with an immoderate affection, neglecting our bountiful Creator from whom alone all good is derived. We bathe and bury ourselves in the streams, forgetting the fountain whence they flow. This is indeed a very disingenuous behavior towards the Father of mercies. It certainly discovers a very sordid disposition, a depraved and contracted mind. Such a disposition, however, is but too natural to man in his present degenerate state.
We are much more inclined to murmur at God’s justice in adversity than to acknowledge his goodness in prosperity; more ready to view God as the author of evil than as the author of good. In the distresses of the late war, though they were most evidently brought upon us by the instrumentality of men, we were nevertheless much more ready to impute them to the hand of God, than we now are to acknowledge the same hand in the happiness of peace, and the other rich blessings of his providence and grace. When our wants are very pressing, we are willing, or pretend to be willing to apply to God for relief. But no sooner is the relief given than we set our hearts upon the gift, and neglect the giver; or rather make use of his own bounty in order to fight against him. The reason is, because we are more inclined to love the creature than the Creator, to be lovers of pleasure rather than lovers of God. On this account, Moses with peculiar emphasis warns the Israelites to stand on their guard against such impiety in the days of their prosperity: Beware that thou forget not the Lord thy God.
If we now attend to matters of fact we shall find no reason to think more lightly of the dangers before us. The history of the Israelites shews us that they greatly needed the caution which Moses gave them. Scarcely a prosperous period in their history can be pointed out which was not followed by a decay of piety, and a corruption of morals. This was the case soon after their happy settlement in the land of Canaan. This was the case very frequently in the times of their Judges and Kings. And this was eminently the case with respect to their highest state of wealth and power under the reign of Solomon. The very great prosperity of this happy reign produced very unhappy effects, even upon that wise king, as well as upon his court, and his subjects. The profligacy of his court may be seen in the history of his life: and that the moral state of his subjects was also exceedingly corrupt, appears from their conduct immediately after his death. Even in the good reign of the pious Hezekiah, ingratitude and irreligion were the consequences of success and prosperity. Hezekiah rendered not according to the benefit done unto him: for his heart was lifted up; therefore there was wrath upon him, and upon Judah and Jerusalem.1 The character of Israel, as drawn in the spirit of prophesy by Moses may, with the utmost propriety, be applied to them in every stage of their prosperity. They have corrupted themselves, their spot is not the spot of his children: they are a perverse and crooked generation. Do ye thus requite the Lord, O foolish people and unwise? Is he not thy father that hath bought thee? Hath he not made thee and established thee? But Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked, thou art waxen fat, thou art grown thick, thou art covered with fatness; then he forsook God which made him, and lightly esteemed the rock of his salvation. They provoked him to jealousy with strange gods, with abominations provoked they him to anger.2
Nor was this pernicious effect of abused prosperity peculiar to the people of Israel. It has, in one degree or another, been common to all people in every age of the world. It has been the case even with the Christian Church. The consequences of outward prosperity have been often more fatal to the Christian cause than those of adversity. Indeed the distresses and persecutions of the Church have often produced a very happy effect in the advancement of true Christianity. Hence that observation in primitive times: “The blood of the Martyrs is the seed of the Church.” But the like happy effect has seldom if ever followed from a state of external peace and opulence. The first great instance of signal prosperity granted to the Christians in the beginning of the fourth Century under Constantine the great, was soon followed by a great loss of fervent piety, and a sad corruption both of doctrines and morals. And the same sad effect has followed from many instances of their prosperity in succeeding ages; particularly from the flourishing state of many protestant Churches since the grand emancipation from the Papal See. Indeed wealth and power have been and still are the great supporters of that man of sin who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God, or that is worshipped.
Wealth, with its common attendants, idleness and pleasure, were the ruin of Sodom and Gomorrah. “Behold, this was the iniquity of Sodom, pride, fullness of bread, and abundance of idleness was in her and in her daughters.” 3 These same things were the ruin of mighty Babylon. “Thou that art given to pleasures, said the prophet, that dwellest carelessly, that sayest in thine heart, I am, and none else besides me.”4 In what a striking manner were these words verified in the day of her fall! The same things brought destruction upon each of the four great monarchies, and upon most of the other states and kingdoms which have fallen, one after another in the successive ages of time. And the very same things have proved ruinous to individuals without number. Surely we have no reason to call the proud, happy, or to look with a covetous eye upon the glare of earthly greatness. Misery lies hid beneath it, and destruction is its usual attendant.
Since then a prosperous state has been so often followed with such an effect both on public communities, and on individuals, have we not reason to fear a similar effect from our national prosperity at the present day? Is it not a sad truth, that since the commencement of the late war, and especially since the restoration of peace, the holy religion of Jesus, that brightest ornament of our world, is, by many less regarded than it was before? And are not sacred institutions of the Gospel more neglected and despised? Are not the friends of Christianity treated with more disregard? Are not infidelity and profligacy of manners, viewed with less concern, and by many considered as matters of trivial consequence? Still, we ought with the highest gratitude to acknowledge the sovereign grace of Almighty God, which has, in some places, been manifested in the support of his own cause. In several of our States he has been pleased to excite in the minds of many individuals, here and there, an unusual attention to divine and eternal things. He saw us unpurified by the furnace of affliction: He saw us disregarding him while he spake to us in the whirlwind, the earthquake, and the fire. Yet has he been pleased to speak to us not only by the still voice of peace after war, but also by the omnipotent voice of his holy Spirit; inviting us to become the subjects of the Prince of peace, and making numbers in one place and another, as we trust, the actual possessors of that peace which the world can neither give nor take away. To his great name be all the glory ascribed.
But notwithstanding some pleasing appearances of true religion, in several places, we have too much reason to fear that “The unthinking many” are abusing our present prosperity in such a manner as to produce a very different effect. We have reason to fear that they are fast growing into that state of irreligion which has been noticed already. The symptoms and effects of this evil are already too manifest; and will probably continue and increase unto more ungodliness, unless vigorous measures be taken to prevent them. Some few of these evils which may be called symptoms and effects of irreligion I beg leave particularly to mention.
In the first place, One of them which we have much reason to lament and fear, is ingratitude, vile ingratitude both to God and to man. During the troubles of the late war, how ardently did we wish for peace? While our lives and liberties were endangered; while our very existence as a nation, was in doubt; while we were threatened with all the horrors of a crushed rebellion and all the vengeance of a very potent enemy peculiarly incensed against us; how eagerly did we long after that independence, that established liberty and national happiness which we now enjoy? We then saw and felt our need of help from God. While the horrid contest was long doubtful, we acknowledged that the issue must be determined by the sovereign disposer of events. At some periods victory and success were so greatly in favour of our enemies, and our own affairs were, in many respects, so exceedingly embarrassed, that the stoutest hearts were almost ready to fail. At some seasons there seemed to be no way left but To stand still and see the salvation of the Lord. This salvation we sought of him; nor did we seek in vain. His own arm brought salvation. By a series of the most visible interpositions of his providence, he has made wars to cease thro’ the land, and blest us with all that our hearts desired.
But alas! what poor returns have we made to our great Deliverer! Witness our cold hearts and our irreligious lives. How much less inclined are we to return him sincere thanks for these favours now, that we were to ask them of him in the times of our distress? How small are the emotions of gratitude in our hearts, towards the God of all our salvations! And what little honour do we bring to his name by our lives and conversation! With too much propriety may we apply to ourselves these words of the Psalmist: When he slew them, they sought him: and they returned and enquired early after God. And they remembered that God was their rock, and the high God their Redeemer. Nevertheless they did flatter him with their mouth and they lied unto him with their tongues. For their heart was not right with him, neither were they stedfast in his covenant.25
Nor have we been guilty of ingratitude towards God only; we have been guilty of the same evil towards man. Although this be a less evil than the former, it is nevertheless an evil which we ought to condemn and reform. We are certainly under great obligations to those who have voluntarily taken an hazardous or an expensive part, in effecting our late happy revolution. They have been, under God, the Saviours of our country. They have been instrumental in effecting one of the most happy and interesting events which have taken place in the present age, or in any other. Their merit is certainly great. Yet after all, are they not too much in the situation of the poor wise man, mentioned in sacred writ, who by his wisdom delivered from impending danger, the city in which he dwelt, but was nevertheless soon universally forgotten? Do we gie them that praise, that respect, that reward to which they have a just claim? That we have not yet afforded that reward which they justly claim, cannot be denied. This thought leads me to say,
2. That another particular evil into which we have fallen, and by which we are much endangered, is injustice, injustice to the best and most deserving friends of our country. Those are certainly to be esteemed some of the most deserving friends of the country, who have willingly lent her either their lives or their property in the late important struggle. To such persons we are under obligations not only of gratitude but of justice. Their voluntary sacrifices have, through the divine blessing, purchased for us our lives and fortunes, our liberties, our independence, our peace, and in a great measure, all our temporal happiness.
Whether all who thus served their country acted wholly from disinterested views, is a question which we ought not to ask them, and which, with honour, we cannot ask. That many of them acted from the most generous and patriotic motives, cannot be doubted by a candid mind. The least that we can do for them, according to strict justice, is to afford them a reward equal to the full import of our promises. This, however, with regret be it spoken, has not been done. But in lieu of this, many who have generously loaned their property to the country in the season of her most pressing want and danger, have for a long time been unable to obtain a single farthing either of the principle or of the interest, though both have been long justly due. 6 And whenever any payments of annuities have been attempted, they have been generally, if not universally made in a depreciating medium which immediately annihilated in their hands a very considerable part of its nominal value. In a similar way have we effected most of the payments which have been made to our armies. Indeed as to most of our public securities, there has uniformly been a wide difference between their real and their nominal value. This is a difference which never ought to have existed: a difference manifestly contrary to the nature and claims of justice and truth. And after all, the faithful Soldier who has in the face of the greatest discouragements and dangers persevered in the service of his country to the close of the war, receives a very considerable part of his pay in a paper medium which he is obliged to sell or barter for one eighth part of its nominal value, one half quarter only of the value for which he receives it.
Gladly would I draw a veil over this part of our national conduct, were it possible, and could it be done with propriety. But it cannot be done, it ought not to be attempted. The best and wisest thing which we can now do with regard to this matter, is, to reprobate our own conduct and reform it for the future. Let us not pretend any longer to excuse ourselves by promising and promising that we will do justice to our creditors at some distant period of time. Such promises re easily made and commonly of little worth. Nor do they by any means answer the demands of justice provided they should be hereafter fulfilled. For justice requires punctuality with respect to the time of payment as really as with respect to the sum which is due. A failure in the former of these points, is often more pernicious than in the latter. Let us no longer plead inability in our own vindication. I hope indeed this plea may be made in vindication of some of our past deficiencies, but I fear it can by no means justify them all. It is, at best, but a very dishonourable plea because it is so often used merely as a mask for injustice, and always can be used in one shape or another by those who are unwilling to pay their debts.—As a people, we are not poor, but rich, and have large resources of public revenue. If we are but willing to do justice, and do not needlessly embarrass the hands of government, we shall be under no necessity of defrauding or injuring our creditors. If we cannot immediately pay them the principle of our debt, we can, at least, pay the interest, and thereby at once place our credit on a more respectable footing.
Britain, loaded with a debt more than thirty times so large as ours, and carrying an annual interest larger than our whole debt, nevertheless pays the interest punctually, maintains her credit, and can borrow money from her subjects at pleasure. At the same time her civil list and other annual expenses are far greater than ours even in proportion to her wealth, and perhaps greater almost in the same proportion with her national debt.7 Whatever difference there may be between her source of revenue and ours, or whatever difference there may be between her and us in any other respect, still with regard to public justice to her creditors, she affords us an example which we ought not to behold without self-condemnation.
Our public injustice is attended with consequences most deplorable and alarming. It exposes us to the high displeasure of that God who from everlasting to everlasting, loveth righteousness and hateth iniquity. It rends to render public fraith contemptible and is highly injurious to our national character. It gives too much countenance to the reproach of our enemies who have stigmatized us with the character of a knavish, faithless people; covering the most iniquitous designs under the garb of liberty and the cloak of religion. It is hurtful to many literary and religious institutions; while the monies which were charitably given for their support are detained and perverted to a very different purpose. It is attended with great cruelty towards widows and orphans, towards the poor and needy, and many other individuals who have suffered extremely for the want of those monies which are their just due, and to which they have an indisputable claim.
The cries of such persons enter into the ears of the Lord of Sabbath. Is not this unjust detention of property, in a particular manner attended with cruelty to the generous Soldier, who has nobly braved fatigues, and dangers, and deaths, for our sake, who has faithfully adhered to our cause while thousands deserted it, while thousands and ten thousands of his brethren perished around him by the horrors of sickness and the sword, and the far greater horrors of British prison-ships, and jails? Who of us would be willing to endure the like fatigues and be exposed to the like dangers for the contemptible reward which we now afford the Soldier? Who would not think himself affronted by the very proposal of so small a reward for so great a service.
This public injustice destroys some of the most important ends of civil society; such as an equal administration of justice, and the security of property. It involves us in some of the worst evils of tyranny and despotism, while we are flattering ourselves with the pleasing names of liberty and independence. It tends to destroy all confidence in the Public, and to create a distrust of Government. For if such a flagrant violation of justice may be practiced in many instances; or what one right have we which is properly secured? If the Public, as a body, will allow themselves, in any one instance, to injure an individual, every member of the Public is in constant danger. For who can tell where the injury will fall next? If one part of our property may be detained from us for a long time, contrary to the plainest promises, without our consent and without any unavoidable necessity; how can we know but that another part may be soon as unjustly wrested from us in the very first instance? In either case the injustice is equally real and equally manifest: and which would be the greater evil of the two, can be determined only by concurrent circumstances. If our property must be taken or detained without our consent, what great choice is there as to the mode, whether it be taken by fraud or by force, whether we be robbed by an highwayman or cheated by a knave? In this latter case we have often the long pain of repeated disappointments, which does not take place in the former.
Further, is it certain that Government will never again want the voluntary aid of individuals, aid which she cannot compel them to yield? Should she be a gain in such a situation what encouragement would individuals have to afford the needed aid? Will they not be ready to fear that all State-policy is founded merely on Machiavelian principles, and that public bodies will practice fraud in order to accomplish their own ends, whenever they can do it with impunity?—Honest minds hope that such fears are groundless, and that some public Communities at least, as well as some individuals, mean to make justice a rule of conduct. If this be the case, let us make it manifest by our own conduct; if it be not the case, let the truth be known, that faithful citizens and honest men may be no longer deceived and duped out of their property. Heu pietas, heu publica fides!
But the most pernicious consequence of our public injustice is still to be mentioned. It has a fatal influence upon the morals of the people at large. It is like the sin of Jereboam the son of Nebat; it makes Israel to sin, and thereby still further provokes the Lord God of Israel to anger. It is a trite observation and a very just one, That example has more influence than precept. And if our public conduct may be adduced by knaves and sharpers, as an example and pretext of injustice, will it not have a greater tendency to promote this evil than all our laws will have to prevent it? Too many are there of that smooth-speaking class of people, who mean to get their living out of others; who, whenever they can run into debt, consider it as so much clear gain; because, forsooth, they can make ample payment by fair promises and soft words, by complaints of the scarcity of money and the hardness of the times. Better payment than this they do not wish to make. The words of their mouths are smoother than butter, but war is in their heart: Their words are softer than oil, yet are they drawn swords. To our reproach and our shame, we are already too much inclined to dishonesty. It is already practiced by too many to the detriment of the Public, and to the ruin of their own true interest both temporal and eternal. Too many motives are there already to this accursed evil, too many are its friends and votaries. For Gods sake let it not have any more. Many even of our religious societies have long conducted as if they thought it no evil to violate the most explicit and solemn covenants with the ministers of religion by withholding from them the stipulated support. If the religious scarcely escape this evil, what may be expected from the ungodly and profane? There is, however, a generation that are pure in their own eyes, and yet is not washed from their filthiness. Let this wise maxim be remembered by us all, and particularly by those very religious people who make high professions of Christianity, and yet at the same time bid defiance to the plainest rules of justice, and trample under foot the most sacred obligations of truth and plighted faith.
3. Another particular evil by which we are endangered, is the want of true patriotism. By true patriotism I mean a real concern for the welfare of our whole country in general. This patriotism is a branch of that extensive benevolence which is highly recommended by our holy religion, and is at the same time most evidently consentaneous to the dictates of sound reason. Genuine patriotism of the best kind, is peculiar to those only who are possessed of a principle of true virtue. Some semblances and imitations of this patriotism are nevertheless to be found in those who are not, on the whole, of a truly virtuous character. Yet even these imitations of pure patriotism have often proved very beneficial in civil society.
While the war lasted our patriotism was eminent and produced the most happy effects. Common danger was a common bond of union, cementing us together. But a this bond has now in some measure ceased, there is danger that our union will not be so great as will be necessary for the general good. There is danger not only that factions will arise in particular States, but that particular States will attempt to pursue their own particular interests without a due regard to the common good, and perhaps in direct opposition to it. But we should remember that these States are, by voluntary and solemn agreement united as one nation, one body, of which each particular State is a member. And the eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee: nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you: but the members should have the same care one for another.8 It will doubtless be necessary not only that individual persons, but also particular States should often give up, in many cases, their own particular interest for the common benefit. To do thus is generous, is wise, is necessary for our existence as a free and independent people. Some generous examples of this kind have been given, and it is to be hoped they will be universally followed. If we are unwilling to act on this liberal scale we shall be in perpetual danger of that evil which our Saviour points out when he tells us, “That every kingdom divided against itself cannot stand. But is brought to desolation.”
It was the want of this extensive patriotism that ruined the States of Greece. A party spirit, a spirit of jealousy and discord prevailed among them, and divisions and wars exposed them for a long time to the invasions of the Persian Empire, and finally subjugated them all to the Macedonian yoke.
If the same spirit prevail among us we have no reason to suppose but it will produce the most unhappy consequences. Human nature is the same in every age, and similar causes will produce similar effects. In this view we may see how much it concerns us to support our grand bond of union, or, in other words, to maintain the rights of our honourable Congress, and even to enlarge their powers, should this be proved necessary for the general good.—
That want of patriotism, of which we speak, produces very different effects in persons who are in different situations of life. It is nearly the same thing with selfishness. It often leads the ambitious and aspiring to seek their own promotion by very improper means. It leads them into a mad pursuit of low popularity, to the violation of honour and honesty and to the neglect of the public good. For not these things, but popular applause and their own advancement in office are the objects of their first concern. And they sometimes have their reward: but a very contemptible one it is. True popularity for the real esteem of the virtuous and the wise, procured by a steady course of benevolent and virtuous conduct, is well worthy of pursuit and is indeed the greatest earthly good that we can enjoy. This popularity is not procured by time-serving, by flattery or any improper compliances. It is seldom if ever gained without a manly opposition, in some cases at least, to popular prejudice and vulgar error. The man who can make it appear that he conscienciously acts from a virtuous principle will command the veneration even of the most unprincipled, and of those who oppose him. But the same of the popular drudge, that same which is gained by low arts of deceiving the ignorant and abusing their prejudices, to the public detriment, is not only unworthy of a Christian, but beneath the character of an honest man. If the same spirit prevail among us we have no reason to suppose but it will produce the most unhappy consequences. Human nature is the same in every age, and similar causes will produce similar effects. In this view we may see how much it concerns us to support our grand bond of union, or, in other words, to maintain the rights of our honourable Congress, and even to enlarge their powers, should this be proved necessary for the general good.—
That want of patriotism, of which we speak, produces very different effects in persons who are in different situations of life. It is nearly the same thing with selfishness. It often leads the ambitious and aspiring to seek their own promotion by very improper means. It leads them into a mad pursuit of low popularity, to the violation of honour and honesty and to the neglect of the public good. For not these things, but popular applause and their own advancement in office are the objects of their first concern. And they sometimes have their reward: but a very contemptible one it is. True popularity or the real esteem of the virtuous and the wise, procured by a steady course of benevolent and virtuous conduct, is well worthy of pursuit and is indeed the greatest earthly good that we can enjoy. This popularity is not procured by time-serving, by flattery or any improper compliances. It is seldom if ever gained without a manly opposition, in some cases at least, to popular prejudice and vulgar error. The man who can make it appear that he conscienciously acts from a virtuous principle will command the veneration even of the most unprincipled, and of those who oppose him. But the same of the popular drudge, that same which is gained by low arts of deceiving the ignorant and abusing their prejudices, to the public detriment, is not only unworthy of a Christian, but beneath the character of an honest man.
This same selfish spirit, when it possesses the minds, of the common people, has this bad consequence, among many others, that it subjects them to an undue influence in the choice of civil rulers. Possessed of this spirit, they will not regard the probity or abilities of the candidates for office; but will be very ready to give their voice for those to whom they happen to be particularly attached by any private and sinister motives; for those by whom they are most humoured in their prejudices and follies; and especially for those who most loudly exclaim against the payment of public debts and most vigorously oppose taxation however just or necessary. All such operations of selfishness, whether in popular demagogues or in the people at large, in whatever shape they appear, tend ultimately to the public detriment and to the encouragement of deceit and dishonesty.
4. A fourth evil by which we are threatened is a disregard of civil Authority. Great is our privilege in choosing our own rulers, and, by them, of making and executing our own laws. But this privilege we are in great danger of abusing, for this strange reason, because it is the effect of our own voluntary act. While the people at large are too ready to yield to this temptation, even rulers themselves are in danger of relaxing too far the reigns of government, thro’ fear of displeasing the people by whom they are chosen to office. But certain it is that no State can be long happy or even answer the most important ends of civil society, unless government be revered and the law obeyed. Tyranny and despotism are undoubtedly very great evils, but greater still are the dangers of anarchy.
Those persons who have the most power in their own hands are in the greatest danger of abusing it. No people on earth have so much power in their own hands as those of the United States. All the powers of government are at their disposal. We ought therefore to be much on our guard against the abuse of this power. The abuse of this power may perhaps produce tyranny or aristocracy; but the proper use of it will be the best way to prevent them both. Never let us forget that the dignity of government and the energy of the law, are essential to the continuance of our public happiness and prosperity. Reason and experience teach us this lesson, while the more special voice of God enforces the same, by commanding every soul to be subject to the higher powers. 9
5. I will only add once more, in the fifth place, that we are in much danger of the evils which arise from luxury and extravagance in our expenses. After all that has been said in favour of foreign trade and foreign luxuries, it still remains a demonstration in politics, that when our imports exceed our exports, the course of trade is against us, and we are constantly growing poor. This, it is to be seared, is our state at the present, especially on account of those very extravagant importations which we have made since the peace. Our very great consumption of foreign luxuries not only impoverishes the country to an high degree, but at the same time, tends directly to enervate both our bodies and our minds, to produce indolence and pride, and to open the door to every temptation and every vice. In this case, as well as many others, experience is a faithful teacher. And if we consult the experience of mankind in every age, and in every part of the world, we shall not find a single instance wherein luxury and extravagance have sub served the true interest of a people. But instances in which they have proved hurtful and ruinous are to be found in abundance. And to Republican governments they have proved more fatal than to others. By cultivating industry, frugality, and a patriotic spirit, Rome extended her conquests wherever she pleased, and was revered as the Arbitress of kings and the Mistress of the world. But by adopting the luxuries of Asia where her arms had proved victorious, she soon enfeebled her true Republican spirit and prepared the way for her own ruin. Let not the same scene be again acted over in America. America has by her noble exertions repelled the force of Britain. But if America persists in her present rage after British gew gaws and foreign luxuries, she must expect the fate of Rome, her ancient predecessor; or at least, that very unhappy consequences will ensue. To prevent these impending evils we need the exertions not only of the sons, but also of the daughters of America. Very great are your influence and importance, my fair hearers, in this respect, as well as in many others. Be assured that economy and frugality with an elegance of dress, on the plan of that modest apparel recommended by St. Peter, would add more grace to your charms and more dignity to your characters than all the tinsel of British ornament, or the greatest extravagance of foreign dress.—
II. It now remains that we exhibit, in a very concise manner that line of conduct which we ought to pursue in order to secure, through the divine favour, the continuance of those blessings which at the present we enjoy.
In the first place, it is, I conceive, sufficiently evident that we ought most earnestly to endeavour after a reformation of those particular evils aforementioned, and at the same time, to use the best means in order to prevent them for the future. We must first cease to do evil or we shall never learn to do well.
In the second place we must use our best endeavours to promote the practice of virtue and true religion.
I will not indeed presume to assert, that God’s conduct towards nations under the gospel, is exactly parallel to his conduct towards the ancient Israelites. They were under a dispensation of grace different from ours, and, for a long time under that peculiar kind of civil government which has been called a Theocracy. National blessings are not promised, and national judgments are not threatened under the gospel in like manner as they were under the law. The gospel being a more spiritual dispensation, its blessings and its curses are of a more spiritual nature, and less obvious to the view of the world. They are designed, in a special manner, to prepare persons for the more full retributions of eternity. This we know is the case with regard to the blessings conferred, and the chastisements inflicted on the children of God. And that this is also the case with regard to the judgments inflicted on the man of sin and his followers, we are expressly told: God shall send them strong delusion, that they should believe a lie: that they all might be damned. 10 Still, this is certain, that by the constitution of nature which God has established, vice tends to the misery, and virtue to the happiness not only of individuals, but of public Communities. The practice of religion must therefore be considered as absolutely essential to the best state of public prosperity, it must be so, unless we may expect happiness in direct opposition to the constitution of nature and of nature’s God. “Righteousness exalteth a nation: but sin is a reproach to any people.”11 This is the course of nature, this is the voice of heaven, this is the decree of God.
In the third place, we ought especially in the use of all proper means, to pray fervently for the effusions of the divine Spirit.
Without a divine and supernatural influence, true religion will never prevail. This is a doctrine clearly taught in divine revelation and perfectly consonant to the dictates of reason. It has been taught even by heathen Philosophers, such as Socrates and Plato, Cicero and Seneca. It has been acknowledged, in one shape or another, in every nation and in every age. Indeed it may be considered as a doctrine of natural religion. Nor is there anything enthusiastical or unreasonable in this doctrine, any more than there is in that other great doctrine of natural religion “That in God we live and move and have our being.” Divine influence is absolutely necessary both in the natural and in the moral world. All creatures of every kind, from the most exalted Seraph before the eternal throne, to the smallest animal which escapes our sight, are wholly dependent on God. Our souls and all their powers are in his hand, and he can form and incline them at his pleasure, in full consistency with our most perfect freedom of action.
That divine influence which is necessary in order to a pious life we are taught to expect from the operations of the third person in the holy Trinity. We cannot therefore do a more faithful or important service for our country than to pray fervently and perseveringly to the Father of mercies, that he would by the energy of the Holy Ghost, form the hearts of this people to an holy life, and thus “Purify unto himself a peculiar people, zealous of good works.”12
In the review of our subject, I think we may justly make this reflection: Let us not flatter ourselves too much with an idea of the future prosperity and glory of these United States.
While we thus flatter ourselves, we are in danger of expecting the end without a proper attention to those means which are absolutely necessary in order to obtain it. Young States are like young men; exceedingly apt, in imagination, to anticipate and magnify future scenes of happiness and grandeur, which perhaps they will never enjoy. It has lately become very fashionable to prophesy about the future greatness of this country; its astonishing progress in science, in wealth, in population and grandeur: to tell of Lockes and Newtons, of poets, philosophers and divines greater than have ever yet lived; of towering spires, and spacious domes, of populous towns and cities rising thick throughout an empire greater than the world has ever seen. Such representations may perhaps be beautiful in poetry and declamation, but cannot with equal propriety be admitted, in an unqualified sense, into serious and didactic prose. And true indeed it is, Providence has here laid a foundation for a very flourishing and mighty empire. But although the foundation is laid, the superstructure is not yet finished, nor ever will be, unless we use the proper means. And whether we shall use such means or not, is a matter of very great uncertainty. Foundations for happiness have been often laid where happiness has never followed. This is no less true of States and Kingdoms than of individual persons. It is remarkable that many places which were in ancient times, the seats of mighty States aud empires, and might perhaps have continued with increasing greatness to the present time, had proper means been used, are nevertheless now covered with ruin and desolation, or at best, in a very depressed and miserable condition. What is become of Nineveh and Babylon, and those mighty Empires of which they were the capital cities? What is become of Persepolis, of Antioch, of Jerusalem, of Carthage, of Athens and Sparta? And how wide is the difference between ancient and modern Rome? Had the inhabitants of such places, from age to age, known the things of their peace and pursued them, their glory might have remained to the present day.
If we abuse the signal favours which God has granted us, we have no right to expect that he will favour us in the like manner for the future. Although it be possible we may be a flourishing and happy people, it is equally possible we may be far otherwise. When we have reached the pinnacle of our hopes, it is often connected with evils far greater than the loss of that envied height would have been The fashion of this world passeth away. The greatest worldly good is often succeeded by the greatest evil; the greatest happiness by the greatest misery. Who would have thought, after the happy establishment of peace between France and Britain, twenty years ago, that the late war between Britain and America, with all its attending horrors, could possibly have taken place so soon?
When God gave Israel their request, but sent leanness into their souls, 13 these two things, taken in their connexion, were the greatest curse that could have befallen them. When Jephthah had ended a successful war against the children of Ammon, and thereby become the savior of his country, he seemed to have gained the whole desire of his heart, even all that happiness for which he had most ardently wished. But this same event which made him so happy a man was closely connected with two sore evils which came nearer to his heart and more sensibly affected him, than all his former concerns respecting the Ammonites. It was connected with the mournful affair respecting his only child, and it was the occasion of a very bloody civil war in which, beside others, forty and two thousand Ephraimites were slain with the sword. And thus, as in ten thousand similar instances, the occasion of his greatest happiness was turned into the occasion of his greatest misery.
So, although we have gained that for which we most ardently wished, an happy period to the late war, yet we can by no means be certain but that some far greater evils are now before us. We may be over-run and ruined both for time and eternity by a torrent of vice and licenciousness, with their never-failing attendants, infidelity and atheism. We may be left to destroy ourselves by intestine divisions and civil wars: or we may be visited with such sickness and pestilence as would so produce a far greater destruction than any war of what kind so ever. God has many ways, even in the present world, to punish the sins both of individuals and of nations. He has ten thousand arrows in his quiver, and can always direct any or all of them unerring, to the victims of his wrath. No possible concurrence of circumstances can screen us from the notice of his eye or the power of his hand. Never, never, can we be secure but in the practice of true virtue and in the favour of God.
From long and general custom, it will, I conceive, be expected that I do not close this discourse without some of those addresses which have been usual on the present occasion.
At the first place, I beg leave, with great veneration to address myself to his Excellency our Governor and Commander in Chief.—
May it please your Excellency,
It is with great pleasure we behold you at the helm of government in this sovereign and independent State. While we sympathize with you under the burdens and difficulties of your very important station, we cannot but congratulate you on a variety of circumstances which are peculiarly satisfactory. Highly honourable, in many respects, is the office which your Excellency fills with so much honour. Much dignity is derived to it from its high importance and extensive utility. It has been rendered honourable by a long succession of worthy and eminent characters, who have filled it from one time to another, and particularly by that very illustrious and immortal character, your immediate predecessor in office. Great is the honour of having a place in such a succession as this, and much greater still the honour of appearing in it, as your Excellency does, with a venerable dignity. Connecticut can boast of a number of her sons in the vigour of life, who are equal to the first offices in government. Yet, by the suffrages of a free and discerning people, your Excellency, though far advanced in life, has been raised to the first chair of government. A greater mark of esteem could not have been given; an equal one, probably never was given by this state or by any other.
Very great is the public esteem for those abilities with which the Fountain of wisdom has endowed you, and for that large store of knowledge which you have acquired from a most extensive reading in the various branches both of civil and sacred science. And yet all good men rejoice that you are thus highly esteemed, not merely for your natural or acquired endowments, but more especially for the moral virtues and your sacred regard for the religion of Jesus. May your singular piety and wisdom, your extensive influence and most excellent example, contribute much to prevent those public evils by which we are endangered. This effect in some good measure they have already had, God grant they may have, in a still greater degree, the same happy effect for the future.
We cannot but view your Excellency as a Moses, a Joshua or a Samuel, giving the most important instructions at the close of a most useful life. With painful apprehension of our great loss, and yet with joy in the prospect of your far more exceeding gain, we view you as an Elijah ready to mount the fiery car and ascend to your native heaven, followed with the most eager exclamations of your country: “my father, my father, the chariot of Israel and the horsemen thereof.”14 Whenever that time shall come, mournful to us but joyful to you, may a double portion of your spirit descend and rest upon your successors in office and upon all our civil rulers. May your Excellency have, both while with us and when taken from us, all the peace and joy of that holy religion to which you have so devoutly adhered. May the God of all consolation be your support through life and your portion forever. Amen—
May it please your Honours and the Gentlemen of the other house of Assembly.
While prosperity is dangerous to a people in general, it is peculiarly so to those who are elevated above the common walks of life. Honour, power and wealth are attended with strong temptations, temptations which in most instances have proved too powerful for man. Indeed they have been and always will be too powerful for him, unless when he calls in foreign aid, even the aid of almighty grace. They who are possessed of those worldly goods, those envied distinctions, it is to be feared, often have their portion in this life only, and are therefore of all men the most miserable. Hence that ancient objection against the Saviour when here on earth, “Have any of the rulers, or of the Pharisees believed on him?” 15 Hence his own proverbial observation: “It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God.” 16 Hence his question to the Jews: “How can ye believe, which receive honour one of another, and seek not the honour that cometh from God only?” 17 Hence we read of those among the chief rulers who, in spite of conviction, refused to confess Christ, because “They loved the praise of men more than the praise of God.” 18 Hence the observation of St. Paul: “Not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble are called.” 19 But although we thus speak in order to stir up your pure minds by way of remembrance, yet we hope better things of you, venerable Fathers, things which accompany salvation, and things which have a favourable aspect, both on our civil and on our religious concerns.
Singularly happy has Connecticut been, even from the beginning, in a Legislature friendly not only to civil liberty but also to true religion. And this most excellent character, we trust, may with propriety be applied to this present honourable Assembly. May all your public measures and your whole conduct, be a demonstrative proof that our hopes are well founded.
In a particular manner, may your vigourous exertions be directed against those evils by which we are threatened in our present prosperous situation. More especially, may such measures be adopted as shall be well calculated to restore public faith, and to free this State, so far as possible, from the crying guilt of public injustice, which will otherwise be our reproach and perhaps our ruin. In the name of all honest men, let me presume to entreat you, Honoured Fathers, that such measures be not neglected. The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.20 The measures necessary to the exercise of public justice will accord with the judgment of all wise politicians as well as with the judgment of God and of all good men. Such measures may possibly be burdensome, in some degree to the people. But weak or wicked we must have been if we ever hoped to gain the glorious prize of independence, without bearing burdens and particularly a very considerable burden of expense. The prize which we have gained, well improved, will infinitely more than counterbalance all the expenses we have borne or ever need to bear. Every honest man will gladly bear his proportion of such burdens, rather than to transgress the eternal law of righteousness and truth. Every man who has the smallest pretensions to honour or spirit, will willingly bear his proportion, rather than to be guilty of the meanness, the baseness of cruelly defrauding the most faithful servants of the Public, in order to save an inconsiderable expense to himself. Every man who is unwilling to forward those measures which are necessary in order to the exercise of public justice, ought to lie under the imputation of shameful ignorance or a more shameful dishonesty. After all, such measures may perhaps through the weakness of human nature, be unpopular with many and meet with opposition. But should they be opposed by multitudes numerous as the army of Xerxes or the more numerous future armies of Gog and Magog, still, while engaged in the cause of righteousness, we may say as the prophet did when he and his servant were surrounded by a mighty Syrian host: “Fear not; for they that be with us are more than they that be with them.” All the hosts of the Lord in heaven and on earth will support us, while the Lord of hosts himself will be on our side. “For the righteous Lord loveth righteousness, his countenance doth behold the upright.” He has given the strongest evidence in his word and in his works, particularly in the great work of Redemption, given the strongest evidence of his unalterable determination to support the cause of righteousness and truth. Righteousness will finally prevail over iniquity, and truth over falsehood.—Indeed were we designed only for the present world, even then the practice of justice and the other moral virtues, would undoubtedly be the safest and the happiest course not only for individuals but for States and Kingdoms.
In the executive department of Government, it is greatly to be wished not only that impartial justice may be administered, but that it be done with dispatch and with as little expense as may be consistent with the dignity of Government. Unhappy indeed is the case when a legal process is attended with such expense, delay and other embarrassments that one had better lose his just dues than to recover them by a course of law. Not a few instances of this kind have taken place. Can no measures be adopted which may serve to remedy so great an evil?
The University of this State, the education of youth and the advancement of literature, are kindred objects of such eminent importance, that it is presumed they will not pass unnoticed by this honourable Assembly. May you, Honoured Fathers, in your great wisdom and benevolence, adopt such measures with regard to each of them as shall be worthy of yourselves and most conducive to the true interest of the Public. And may all your measures be such as shall evince to the world that you are not only our worthy and faithful civil fathers, but also that you are, at the same time, acting in a far more amiable and honourable character, even that of Nursing fathers to the church of Christ.
I now beg the patience of this auditory, while, with the most affectionate esteem and reverence, I address myself to my fathers and brethren in the sacred character.
Reverend and worthy Sirs,
Although Christ’s kingdom is not of this world, yet is it perfectly friendly to civil government. It requires us to obey and honour civil rulers, and to conduct ourselves as peaceable and useful subjects of the State. By serving God and your generation in this way, much good may be done, and much has been done by the members of your venerable order. Great was your influence and great your merit in producing the late glorious revolution. And although by the temporary losses which most of you have sustained during the arduous conflict and even to the present day, you have doubtless borne more than your equal proportion of the expenses of the war, yet will this burden be considered as trifling when compared with the peace of a good conscience and the salvation of your country.
Your virtuous exertions are now again greatly needed in preventing those evils with which we are threatened in our present prosperous state. No order of men have equal advantages with you, to warn the people against the encroachments of power on the one hand, and the evils of anarchy on the other; and at the same time to instruct them in all those various duties which they owe to civil rulers and to their country.
Let us however, never forget that civil and secular affairs ought to be viewed by us as matters of no more than a secondary consideration. The weightier matters of the law and the gospel ought always to engage our chief attention, our highest concern.
We are Ambassadors for God to a revolted world. In the guilt and wretchedness of this revolt, we ourselves are personally involved. Jesus in extremest agonies both of body and soul, has died for our salvation. He has gone into heaven to prepare mansions of glory for his faithful followers. Hell from beneath is moving to receive the despisers of his grace. Satan and the powers of darkness, in conjunction with the world and the flesh, are plotting the destruction of men. The people of our charge are daily passing the vale of death and receiving the retributions of eternity. The eye of omniscience is continually upon us. He who walketh in the midst of the golden candlesticks and holdeth the stars in his right hand, hath said, “All the churches shall know that I am he which searcheheth the reins and hearts: and I will give unto every one of you according to your works.” We watch for souls as those who must gie an account: If unfaithful, an aggravated doom will be our portion: if faithful, we are unto God a sweet savour of Christ in them that are saved and in them that perish. And who is sufficient for these things? What manner of persons then, ought we to be in all holy conversation and godliness? With what fervor and fidelity ought we to preach the pure doctrines of the gospel and the unsearchable riches of Christ?—Death will soon put an end to our labours. Let us be animated by the promised presence of our great Lord and Master and by his voice which now speaks to each one of us in particular, saying “Be thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life.” Amen.
Let me now conclude with one word to this whole numerous and respectable Auditory.
Fellow Citizens and fellow Christians,
Great are the benefits of good government. But let us not imagine that these benefits are to be expected by us, unless, as a people and as individuals, we are willing to perform those duties which we owe to our civil rulers and to the Public in general. Unspeakably great are the blessings of the gospel. But let us not imagine that ministers or churches or any power whatever can force these blessings upon us without our consent. They are not, they cannot be ours unless we live as the gospel directs.
We are happy in being now met together in this large Assembly and on this great occasion. But before the next return of this Anniversary, how many, who are now here, will belong to the great congregation of the dead, and be fixed unalterably in their eternal state! Who, where, now in this assembly are the persons thus destined so soon to another world? Perhaps none more likely than the person speaking, were we to form our judgment from apparent symptoms. But if this be the case with him, he is not alone. Others will also travel with him the same dark road of death. And what one individual here present can say that he is not one of this number? Are we all prepared for our eternal state? In that state we shall all soon be found, while other busy mortals, like ourselves, will take our places on this stage of life. And never, never shall we all meet together again, till we meet with the assembled Universe before the tribunal of our final Judge.
The God of all grace enable us so to live that we may at that solemn period, be found on the right hand of our Judge, and, by the sentence of his mouth, have our portion assigned us with a far greater and more glorious assembly than the present; even with the general assembly and church of the first born which are written in heaven; with the spirits of just men made perfect, with an innumerable company of angels, with Jesus the Mediator of the new covenant and with God the Judge of all.—Blessing and honour and glory and power be unto him that sitteth on the throne and unto the Lamb, forever and ever.—Amen.
6. Since the above was written, the author is happy to find that provision has been lately made for the payment of some part of the interest of our national debt, to which debt he here referred.
7. The national debt of Britain is 280 millions sterling, carrying an interest of L9500000. The national debt of the United States is not far from 9 millions in the same money.
Moses Hemmenway (1735-1811) graduated from Harvard in 1755, a classmate of John Adams. He preached at Lancaster, Boston, Townsend, Wrentham, and New Ipswich after graduating college; then settled as pastor of Wells (1759-1810). This sermon was preached by Hemmenway on May 26, 1784 in Massachusetts.
A
SERMON,
PREACHED BEFORE
HIS EXCELLENCY
JOHN HANCOCK, Esq.
GOVERNOR;
HIS HONOR
THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;
THE HONORABLE THE
COUNCIL,
AND THE HONORABLE THE
SENATE,
AND
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
OF THE
Commonwealth of Massachusetts,
MAY 26, 1784.
BEING THE DAY OF
GENERAL ELECTION.
By MOSES HEMMENWAY, A.M.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In the House of Representatives,
May 26, 1784.
ORDERED,
THAT Mr. Smith, Mr. Bragdon, and Mr. Hill, be a Committee to wait on the Reverend Mr. Moses Hemmenway, and thank him, in Behalf of this House, for the Sermon delivered by him, this Day, before His Excellency, the Governor, the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and to request a Copy of the same for the Press.
SAMUEL A. OTIS, Speaker.
AN
ELECTION SERMON.
Vth Chap. to the GALATIONS, 13 Ver.
“For brethren ye have been called unto liberty; only use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh, but by love serve one another.”
When Moses, being called by God from an obscure state of life, to stand before a court, and deliver the message of Heaven to them, would have excused himself, alleging that “He was not eloquent,” his false modesty was frowned upon; his pleas were all over-ruled; and he was animated to his great work, with a promise of special assistance from God: “I will be with thy mouth, and teach thee what thou shalt say.”
This instance may, I think, encourage us to hope for divine assistance, whenever we are by the providence of God called to undertake services for which we may seem too unequal. It is this hope emboldens me now to appear in this place: and it is also hoped that the present attempt, undertaken in obedience to authority, may be favorably accepted, or at least excused.
On this occasion, it will not, I presume, be expected, or desired, that I should attempt to go beyond my own line, or affect to discourse as a connoisseur in politics; but that I assist as a Christian Minister at the solemn acts of religious worship which are this day publicly offered by a Christian State to the supreme King of nations, whose ordinance civil government is; from whom all the authority of rulers and all the rights of subjects are originally derived; to whom the mutual duties of all orders of men are to be ultimately referred; and by whose blessing alone, communities, as well as individuals, can be happy.
The knowledge of ourselves is confessedly a capital and fundamental point of true wisdom. “The proper knowledge of mankind is man.” And of this there is no branch which more deserves the attention of everyone, than to understand our duty on the one hand, and our rights and privileges on the other. For want of clear and just apprehensions of these things, some have been ready to imagine that there is a kind of opposition between duty and right; or in other words, that the bonds of duty are a restraint and abridgment of liberty; and that liberty is a license to do whatever we please.—Hence different men have inclined to different extremes. Some by urging the obligations of duty in such a manner as tends to beget and cherish a spirit of bondage, and by lying heavy burdens on the consciences of men in things where God has left them free, have entrenched on the rights and liberties of mankind. Others, in their unguarded zeal for liberty, have relaxed the bonds of duty, and have given and taken too much encouragement to licentiousness, “using liberty for an occasion to the flesh.”
But our duties, and our rights or privileges, if rightly stated, are so far from interfering, or being inconsistent, that they mutually infer, establish, and support each other.
The apostle, in the words now read, appears to have had both the mentioned extremes distinctly in his view. As there were some who, by endeavouring to impose the observance of the abrogated ordinances of the Jewish law, encroached on the rights and liberty of Christians, St. Paul asserts these their rights, reminds his Christian brethren that Christ had made them free, and exhorts them to stand fast in their liberty to which they were called, and not be entangled with a yoke of bondage. At the same time he cautions them against the opposite extreme of abusing liberty for an occasion to the flesh; or of indulging themselves in a carnal licentious life; and then directs them “by love to serve one another,” and not think such mutual subjection to be any way unsuitable the honor they were called to, of being the Lord’s free men.
But whatever may be the special occasion of the words, and however we may expound them in reference to that occasion, we may, I think, be allowed to consider them as applicable to all those liberties which belong to us either as men, or as citizens, or as Christians. GOD has called us to liberty in all these different respects; and the gospel furnishes us with a good warrant to assert and claim these our rights. And though the main design of the sacred writers be to instruct us in the great concernments of our eternal salvation; yet they have also given us to understand, that liberty, in a more general sense, is our indefensible right. Christianity is indeed alike favorable to the liberty of subjects, and the rightful authority of rulers; and is the best security and support of both in their proper consistency with each other. And we are more beholden to the oracles of GOD than to the schools of philosophy, for just and generous notions of the rights of mankind.—A Christian, besides his peculiar spiritual privileges, holds his natural and civil liberty by a stronger handle than any other, and can maintain it to better advantage. He has by the gospel, a new covenant right to the common privileges of humanity, as well as to those special ones he is entitled to as a child and heir of GOD. That state of liberty to which he is called, and which he is authorized to claim and maintain, comprehends those natural and civil rights which belong to him as a man, or as a member of the commonwealth, as well as those special privileges which appertain to him as a subject of the kingdom of heaven. If I should therefore take occasion to offer some considerations on LIBERTY in this general view, the argument would, I conceive, be not foreign to my text, nor unsuitable to the present solemnity, nor unworthy of the attention of this grave and respectable audience.
Here are three points which require to be distinctly considered, as the time will allow: and I shall take them in the same order in which they lie before us in our text.
First. That GOD has called us to liberty?
Secondly. Liberty ought not to be used for an occasion to the flesh, or a pretence for carnal and licentious indulgencies.
Thirdly. It is our duty, and no infringement of our rights and privileges, to serve one another in love.
First. GOD hath called us to liberty.—
It is his declared will, that mankind should be free. The cause of liberty is the cause of GOD, which he approves, favors, and befriends. The law and light of nature make it evident that liberty is the right of all mankind. But the scriptures make it yet more evident that the people of GOD, the subjects of his heavenly kingdom, are entitled to, and invested with, this invaluable privilege, of which they have in the gospel an authentic charter, ratified, sealed, and sworn by GOD himself.
But it seems necessary that we here examine what we are to understand by that liberty which we claim as our right, by virtue of a Divine grant. For thou we are generally forward to profess ourselves to be its friends and advocates, and the love of it is said to be natural to us; yet there are many who do not well understand what they say, or whereof they affirm, in their flourishes on this subject. Indeed, if the matter be duly considered, we shall have reason to think that none but persons of real virtue are heartily friendly to true liberty, or desire the enjoyment of it either for themselves or others, whatever flattering encomiums they may bestow upon it.
When we speak of liberty as our right or privilege, we must be supposed to mean something valuable, dignifying, and desirable; something which our nature and state are capable of; something which is consistent with our moral agency, and our being under the obligations of law, and duty to our maker and our fellow-creatures.
Hence it follows clearly, that human liberty cannot consist in lawless licentiousness, or in being independent, and not subject to any authority; or in being allowed to invade the rights of others; to act unreasonably, and make ourselves and our fellow-creatures miserable. Far be it from any of us to imagine that the state of liberty, to which God has called us, dissolves the bonds of our duty, or confounds the essential differences of right and wrong: or to conceive that an exemption from the obligations of morality, and from subjection to rightful authority, would be any desirable privilege.—A lawless person is the basest, most odious and contemptible creature in the world.
Every man is necessarily subject to the authority of God. This is indeed an argument of our imperfection and dependent state. But we are so far from having any reason to be uneasy at it, that it is matter of joy and glorying to us that the Lord is our king. And his authority over us is so far from depriving us of any desirable liberty, that it is indeed the basis, guard and security of it. We therefore claim it as our right to be free from every yoke of bondage which can justly be accounted any grievance, because we are the servants of God, who allows none to tyrannize or usurp authority over any, and forbids our submitting to such unauthorized claims. And though we are required to be subject to our lawful superiors in families, in church and state, yet God requires us to yield this obedience not with a slavish, but a free and liberal spirit—we are to be subject to the higher powers in the Lord, and for the Lord’s sake, whose ordinance they are. And while we obey their lawful commands, it is our right and duty to disown them for our absolute masters. For we are not the servants of men, but of God alone.
If I should attempt a definition or description of liberty in general, considered as a right or privilege claimable by mankind, I would say that it consists in a person’s being allowed to hold, use and enjoy all his faculties, advantages, and rights, according to his own judgment and pleasure, in such ways as are consistent with the rights of others, and the duty we owe to our maker and our fellow creatures. Liberty must never be used but within the bounds of right and duty. God allows us not to hold, use, or enjoy anything to the injury of anyone. A licence to do wrong and encroach on the rights of others, is no part of that liberty which God has granted us; nor is it any restraint of our true freedom for us to be restrained by laws from wicked, unreasonable and injurious actions.
But that we may understand more distinctly the nature and extent of our liberty under the government of God, we may consider ourselves in three different states—1st. As individual persons in what is called the state of nature, that is previous to such confederation as forms a civil community.—2dly. As united and incorporated into a political society.—3dly. As members of the church of God.—Answerably to these several states or capacities, we may consider that liberty which we claim as our right as coming under a threefold distinction and denomination: supposing anyone to be in a state of nature, he has then a right to NATURAL LIBERTY: if we consider him as a member of a civil body, he has a right to CIVIL LIBERTY; and if a member of the Christian church, he is entitled to CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.
NATURAL LIBERTY does not consist in an exemption from the obligations of morality, and the duties of truth, righteousness and kindness to our fellow men; nor does it give anyone a right to seize by force or fraud whatever he may have a mind for, how much soever it may be to the damage of others; as some have most absurdly taught. The obligation of the law of God, which we are all under, and which requires us to love our neighbour, and do as we would be done unto, does not take its force from human compacts. Our natural rights are bounded and determined by the law of nature, which binds us to be subject to the will and authority of God, to love and worship him; to be just and benevolent to our fellow creatures, doing them all the good in our power, and offering no injury or abuse to anyone. It is therefore no violation of our natural liberty and rights for us not to be allowed to do wrong, and to be restrained by force and punishments, from invading the right and property of others.
But in a state of natural liberty, everyone has a right to be exempt from subjection to the authority of any man. There is also a right to think, speak, and act freely, without compulsion or restraint; and to use our faculties and property as we please, provided that none are thereby injured, nor the obligations of morality infringed. Liberty of conscience is also the natural and unalienable right of everyone: a right of which no man can be justly deprived; which can never be forfeited, never given up to anyone upon earth. Our Supreme Lord allows us not to subject our consciences to the authority of any but himself alone. If therefore anyone should consent to give up this previous branch of liberty, and acknowledge any man as the Lord of his conscience, such an unwarrantable act would be null and void.—In a state of natural liberty, men have also a right to form such associations with others, and enter into such confederations, and submit to such laws and constitutions, as shall be for the general good. In other words, they have a right to form into a civil society, and authorize fit persons to exercise the powers of government necessary to effectuate the good ends for which the social union is formed.
But it is to be carefully remembered, that no man has ever any rightful liberty to consent to any constitution or compact inconsistent with his own safety and welfare, and that of his fellow men: for instance, to authorize any to govern unrighteously and oppressively.—The establishing a pernicious tyranny is a great injury to mankind, and so is beyond the limits of our natural rights. No human laws or covenants can give any authority or validity to an act which God disallows: and if any people have been so imprudent and blameable as to consent to, and put themselves under a tyrannical government, they are so far from being bound in honor or conscience to support it, that it is their duty to overthrow and abolish it as soon as they can—As individual persons in a state of natural liberty have no right or leave from God to make themselves miserable, or to injure and oppress others; so they have no right or leave to join and concur with others in any measures inconsistent with the interest of mankind.—And as no society has a right to oppress any of its members, it cannot convey to anyone a rightful authority to oppress. All tyrannical government is therefore an unauthorized invasion of the rights of mankind, and no obedience is due to it.
A just apprehension of our natural rights is very useful and necessary in order to our conceiving aright the nature and extent of CIVIL LIBERTY, which is next to come under our consideration. And we are now to view mankind as united together in political societies or states, that so the united wisdom and strength of a community may be employed to advantage for the good of the whole, and of the several individual members, in a consistency with the public interest.
That the human species were formed and designed for civil union, appears from the rational faculties, and social affections which God has given them. It appears also from their moral character, and state, and the need they stand in of mutual assistance, in order that their rights and properties may be better secured, and enjoyed to greater advantage. The state of nature, tho’ attended with some peculiar privileges, is yet very unsafe, and subject to great and manifold difficulties and disadvantages. Civil polity is evidently for the interest of mankind: and in a well constituted and regulated state, subjection to civil government is no way prejudicial to true liberty. For though some of our natural rights and property are, as it were, put into a common stock, under the management of the community; yet this is supposed to be done by our own free consent, and in the prudent exercise of our natural liberty. And as each one continually receives his share of the vast profits thence accruing to the community, and has his most important rights so secured and improved as to be much more valuable; he is, upon the whole, a great gainer by all the expense he is at for the public service, and enjoys more liberty for the restraints he submits to.
Nay, further: since civil polity is evidently for the good of mankind, and since no individual ought to hold his natural right of independence, if it stands in opposition to the general interest—it would seem that men’s entering into civil society was a matter of duty as well as right; and that they may be justly compelled to it, when the general interest so requires.—
Now, in every civil body there must be a governing authority and power, to be exercised on the behalf of the community, over the several members—ordering matters of common concernment for the good of the whole: and the rightful authority of those who are entrusted with the powers of government, is the ordinance of God. They are not only the trustees of the state, but the ministers of GOD, who ratifies their commission, requiring every soul to be subject to them, and not resist them on their peril, in the due exercise of their authority.
From the brief account here given of a state of civil polity, it is plain that civil liberty divides into two branches, which will require some distinct notice. It includes the freedom of the state considered as a system or collective body. It includes also the freedom of the several parts or members of which the community is composed.
The FORMER BRANCH of civil liberty is possessed by a people, when they hold and are allowed freely to exercise the rights, powers, and prerogatives of FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES. These are much the same with those of an individual in the state of natural liberty and independence; of which we have given some account: and are alike limited by the law of nature and of GOD, who is the sovereign of nations as well as of particular persons. But it is to be observed, that free states have also right to rule their own members: whereas individuals have no natural right which properly answers to this.
Notwithstanding what has been so boldly pretended by some, of the transcendent authority, and omnipotency of the supreme civil power, and of those who are entrusted with the administration of government, it is plain that the whole authority of a state over its members is limited. The liberty and authority of a free commonwealth to enact and execute laws and ordinances for the public good, must be always understood with this limitation, viz.—that the sacred rules of righteousness are not to be violated at any rate. The liberty and sovereignty of a state implies no right or authority to serve its own interest by unjust or immoral measures; even though such measures should be thought for the public advantage. It has no rightful liberty, under any such pretence, to violate the laws of GOD, or the rights of any of its members, to oppress or injure any of its neighbours, or falsify the public faith. That common maxim, “that the safety and welfare of the people is the supreme law,” how much soever it has been applauded, is, therefore, unfound morality, unless it be understood and applied in an invariable agreement with that divine rule, “that evil is not to be done that good may come.” Every man has his private, unalienable rights, particularly the right of conscience, which he ought to hold and use without restraint or disturbance from any human authority. There can scarce be a worse mistake than to think that the laws of morality must give way to serve any interest, whether public or private; or that all personal rights in the subjects are absolutely at the disposal of the supreme civil power.
The liberty of a state may be violated and abridged several ways. It is so when a foreign authority, to whom the state owes not subjection, claims and exercises a governing and controuling power over it. This is also the case when a part of the state, without right, seizes on the powers of government, or hinders the free exercise of them: or, when those who are entrusted with authority, stretch their prerogatives beyond due bounds, to the enslaving of the people. If the whole authority of a state over its members be limited, as has been shewn, much more is the authority of rulers so, who have not the whole authority of the state put into their hands to be used by them as they please, but only so much of it as is judged to be needful to fit them to answer the end of their appointment. The supreme civil authority remains always in the community at large, whose will and order is the supreme law of the state. And they have always a right, when their rulers are evidently unfaithful and unworthy of their trust, to restrain them and revoke their powers.—They have a right to alter and reform their laws when they are found to be pernicious; any law or compact to the contrary notwithstanding. Civil rulers are indeed to be considered as the ordinary representatives of the state, and the laws enacted by them as the will and law of the state, when the contrary does not appear: but surely such laws ought not to stand in force against the manifest will and interest of the community.—For a people to be so enslaved, either to their rulers, or even their own laws, as not to be able to exercise their essential right of sovereignty for their own safety and welfare, is as inconsistent with civil liberty, as if they were enslaved to an army, or to any foreign power. Whatever form of government a people may choose to be under, the supreme civil authority remains always attached to, and diffused through the whole body: nor can they give it up without injuring and enslaving themselves, their fellow-citizens and their posterity, which they have no natural right to do.
It is therefore a wise provision in our frame of government, that an orderly way is left open, and pointed out, for the state to revise its civil constitution, and make such amendments as may be found necessary. Alterations of this nature, are not, indeed, to be attempted for light reasons, since they are always attended with inconvenience and danger. But when the safety and interest of a people requires that such alterations be made, they have an indefeasible right to make them.
Having thus far considered the first great branch of civil liberty, and then touched a little on the rights of a free state, I will now attend to the other branch, which includes the rights and privileges of the several members of a political body IN THEIR INDIVIDUAL AND PERSONAL CAPACITY.—Liberty is the right of every member, as well as of the whole body, or system. And a person may justly be accounted a free citizen, when he is allowed to hold and use his natural rights and faculties, together with the civil privileges proper to his rank in the commonwealth, according to his own judgment and pleasure, in such ways as are consistent with his obligations to the community, and his fellow citizens, and with the just and reasonable laws of the state.
The order and interest of a civil society require that there should be different ranks of men, with different civil rights and privileges annexed to them; and subject to different restrictions. Nor is the true liberty of any rank infringed by this subordination, but rather secured, improved and enjoyed by all to better advantage. But through the several ranks in a political system may rise one above another in a long scale of subordination, yet we may conveniently distribute them all into two general classes, viz. Rulers and Subjects. Indeed in a free state the right of authority and the duty of subjection are interwoven, and, as it were, incorporated together through the whole system, so that they are mutually tempered by each other. They who are vested with most authority are yet fellow-subjects with their inferiors, who are governed by them. They are not only alike subject to the law of GOD, but also to the law and authority of the state, whose ministers they are. And the lowest orders of men have a rightful share in that sovereignty or supreme civil power which is lodged in and diffused through the whole community.
As the bounds of civil liberty are determined by just and reasonable civil laws, it is plain that when RULERS are allowed freely to use the powers committed to them for the public good, and enjoy the privileges annexed to their rank, they then enjoy that civil liberty which is their right. But when they are overawed and controlled in the exercise of their rightful authority, or are not allowed the privileges they have a right to, their civil liberty is then infringed. But as rulers have no rightful liberty to claim and exercise powers to which they are not entitled by law, or to violate the rules of righteousness, or to oppress the community, or any of its members, by hindering them from holding and using their just rights, their liberty is not infringed in the least, if the state interposes its sovereign authority, when it is necessary to restrain them from effecting unrighteous and pernicious designs; which, whenever they attempt, they act without authority. GOD never gave them authority for any such purpose: the people never meant to do it: they could not do it if they would: they had no such authority to give.
And though subjects, as such, have no rightful claim to the peculiar civil privileges of rulers, they have yet a right to civil liberty, and to all the privileges of citizens of their rank, unless they have forfeited them by some high misdemeanor. And they may justly be said to enjoy this their right, when they are allowed the free use of their natural unalienable rights, the most important of which are, the rights of conscience; and also to speak and act, to use and dispose of their property, to hold and enjoy every rightful privilege, without disturbance or control, in such ways as are not injurious to any, or contrary to the reasonable laws of that civil body of which they are members. And though such laws as lay the subject under needless and burdensome restraints may justly be accounted an abridgment of liberty, yet no one has any reason to complain that he is denied the liberty of a free citizen, when he is restrained by human laws and penalties, from vice and immorality, and obliged to yield due obedience to civil authority, and observe such ordinances, and pay such taxes, as are necessary for the support of government, and to maintain the order, peace and welfare of the commonwealth.
Natural and civil liberty is the right of every man and member of a civil community. But there is yet another branch which belongs peculiarly to Christians, and which we may therefore fitly term, CHRISTIAN LIBERTY.
The gospel does not curtail any of our natural rights, or civil privileges, but allows and acknowledges them, and ratifies the right which Christians in common with other s have to the enjoyment of them. But the new covenant contains a grant of special privileges, and those of the highest importance. It calls us to, and invests us with the “glorious liberty of the children of God.” The apostle seems to have had the peculiar privileges of Christians most directly in his view, when he said in our text, “Brethren ye have been called to liberty.” It seems therefore but fit that some distinct notice should be taken of these, though the time and present occasion will not allow of enlargement.
The liberty we are called to as Christians, does not in any measure relax the obligation we are under to be subject to the authority and laws of GOD, and also to submit ourselves to those who, under him, have rightful authority, whether economical, political, or ecclesiastical. But the gospel calls us to liberty from the bonds of guilt, the condemning power and curse of the divine law, and from the obligations to punishment which sin had laid us under, which is a most miserable bondage. We are also called to liberty from a slavish subjection to the power of sin, and of Satan the God of this world, who rules in the children of disobedience, and leads them captive at his will; than which what slavery can be more wretched, abject and ignominious? We are called also to liberty from a slavish spirit in the service of GOD, and of one another; so that a Christian is not driven on in the way of his duty against his inclination, but acts with a cheerful, free, and ingenuous spirit. “Where the spirit of the Lord is there is liberty.” We are also discharged from subjection to any master or dictator on earth, in matters of faith and worship; and are to acknowledge no lawgiver to the church but Christ alone. We have liberty to use the ordinances instituted by Christ for the edification of his church, and to have communion with him, and his saints in them, and that without any human inventions, or unscriptural terms of communion imposed on us. Finally, we may think, and speak, and act, and use our spiritual privileges with all freedom, according to the measures of wisdom and grace given to us; nor may any human authority forbid or restrain us from it.
I have taken the freedom to enlarge a little in opening the nature and stating the extent and proper bounds of NATURAL, CIVIL and CHRISTIAN LIBERTY; because the right understanding hereof might, I conceive, be of great use to us: and at this day in particular, it may seem to be a matter which needs to be considered with some special attention. In the next place, I am to shew “that we have been called to liberty.” It belongs to us by virtue of a divine grant—we claim it as our RIGHT; and blessed be GOD, we hold and enjoy it as our INHERITANCE. The expression “ye have been called to liberty,” may be taken both ways, and may signify either that GOD has given us a right to liberty, or that he has given the possession and use of this right. In the former sense, he calls us to liberty, by declaring to us that it is his will that we be free, and requiring us to assert and maintain our right. In the latter sense, he calls us to liberty, when he gives us the possession of it, and breaks those yokes of bondage which had been imposed upon us.
That God has called to the RIGHT of liberty; that he allows us to claim and maintain it, against all who would bring us into bondage; that he favors the glorious cause, and would have us stand up for it, is evident from the light of nature, and from the oracles of divine revelation.
The light of our own REASON and CONSCIENCE, that “candle of the Lord” which he hath put within us, makes it plain that we have a right to be free. There is no need of long and subtle trains of reasoning in the case. We appeal to the moral sense, the inward feelings and resentments of every honest heart. Can it be right that men, made in the image of God should be slaves? That fellow servants of the same Lord should usurp and tyrannize over one another? Are not the pretences urged to justify such usurpation so weak, so pitiful, so unfair, that it is a painful exercise of patience to a man of reason and virtue, and generous feelings, to have his understanding and heart affronted, and harrowed with them? It is true, the interests of society require subordination: but this deprives none of liberty, but helps all to enjoy it better. In short, if equity, requires us to do to others as we would that they should do to us; if the plainest and surest dictates of our reason are to be believed; if the law of nature be of force, then liberty is our right; and consequently it is the will of God that we be free. Nor is it easy to determine, whether the injustice of those who would put a yoke of bondage on their brethren, or the meanness of those who would tamely stoop to take it on, be the greater reproach to human nature.
If we now turn our eye to the oracles of DIVINE REVELATION, we shall find clear and manifold evidence that God approves and favors the cause of liberty, and that tyranny is most offensive to him—This appears in his delivering the Israelites from a state of miserable bondage, and punishing their oppressors with a mighty hand, and stretched-out arm. It appears in the laws and form of government he gave them; whereby liberty and property were secured to everyone. It appears in the awful threatnings denounced by the prophets against the enslavers and oppressors of mankind; and which have been terribly executed. It appears in the whole strain, spirit, and tendency of the doctrine and religion taught and inculcated throughout the scriptures; which is to promote the practice of goodness, righteousness and truth, with all other divine and social virtues; and to dissuade men from all acts of injustice or unkindness, whereby the rights or liberties of any might be violated. It appears further, from express directions and exhortations to Christians, that they stand fast in their liberty, and be not entangled with a yoke of bondage; nor be the servants of men; nor call any man master upon earth; nor exercise lordly dominion over one another. Finally, it appears from the example of Christ, and the apostles, prophets, and holy men, whose characters and conduct are recorded for our imitation; who spoke and acted with the most ingenuous freedom, and most reverse to a base servile spirit. These hints might be copiously illustrated from the scriptures, 1 which might be both instructive and entertaining. But I must wave it.—
But this call to liberty, which we are now considering, may be understood to import God’s giving us the ACTUAL POSSESSION of, as well as a right to this invaluable privilege. And here this divine goodness deserves our grateful notice, that, through the kind and wonderful disposals of providence, mankind enjoy so much liberty. For though it is a melancholy truth that there is much tyranny and oppression in the world, and all are more or less entangled with yokes of bondage in some kind, and are not so free as they ought to be; yet it must also be acknowledged, that as every degree of liberty which men enjoy, is the gift of God, so there are none but have a share of this sweet blessing: and indeed the greater part enjoy considerable degrees of it.—Notwithstanding the despotic claims of tyrants, we see that their pernicious and oppressive power is restrained by God in ways innumerable. These fierce beasts are chained, their horns are shortened, their mouths muzzled, and they are diverted from their purposes. By this means men often enjoy no small share of liberty, even under those forms of government which are most unfriendly to it.
It is, however, to be observed, that as God has a sovereign right to deal out his own gifts in what measure and proportion he pleases, so he calls different men to different kinds and degrees of liberty. Though the natural rights of men may, in general, seem much alike, they being, in this respect, “all FREE and EQUAL;” yet it is in different degrees that they are permitted to use them. According to the different civil constitutions which men are under, their civil liberty is larger, or more restricted.—And, indeed, under every form of government it is necessary that some ranks and denominations of men should be allowed more ample civil privileges than others. And as to Christian liberty, this is the peculiar right and privilege of the disciples of Christ: no others have any lot or portion in this matter. And though all Christians are free indeed, and are by the special grace of GOD, entitled and admitted to the liberties and privileges of his heavenly kingdom; yet all do not enjoy them in like measure: nor is the liberty of any perfect in this world; but is more or less entangled and restrained by the power of sin and Satan, and the men and things of the world. It will, however, gradually work itself clear of all these clogs; and our call to the glorious liberty of the children of GOD, will, in the heavenly state, have its full effect.
As it is a great happiness to a people when their civil constitution and laws are favorable to civil and religious liberty; so there is perhaps no part of the world more happy, in this respect, than these United State, or that have been called by Divine Providence to the possession and enjoyment of such a degree of liberty as we have been.
If what has been offered under this first head should seem too long, abstruse, and speculative, I will endeavour to make some atonement by being shorter, plainer, and more practical in what remains.
OUR SECOND GENERAL POINT is, “That they who are called to liberty should be careful not to abuse it for an occasion to the flesh.” They should not run wild because they are free; or take encouragement to indulge themselves in a lawless and licentious temper and practice.
It is a great evidence of the weakness and folly of men that they, in general, can no better bear that state of freedom to which they are called; and when they have such a price in their hands, they so seldom use it wisely and soberly, and to advantage. Their lusts and passions are ready to break out into wild excesses when they find themselves free from outward restraints. The apostle, well aware of this danger, has left this caution in the text, “use not liberty for an occasion to the flesh.” And St. Peter also speaks to the same effect; “As free, but not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness.” We are pleased with the thought of being free; but how often do we shew that we have not a heart rightly to improve our privileges? When we get the helm into our own hands, what wild courses do we often steer! When we find ourselves at liberty to direct our steps, how prone are we to turn aside into crooked paths!
We cannot therefore be too much on our guard against these licentious abuses: for, besides our liableness thereto, it should be considered that they are highly criminal. When we make an ill use of liberty, we shew ourselves most unworthy to have it, and deserve to have our talent taken from us. It is ungrateful to GOD, and injurious and uncharitable to men. It turns our glory into shame, and exposes to reproach that perfect law of liberty by which we profess to be governed.
The public abuse of liberty draws after it also a train of the worst consequences. It is, we may say, “the root of all evil.” It makes our privileges become our grievances, and turns our blessings into curses: yea, it destroys liberty itself, and is an inlet to tyranny and slavery. True liberty is a tender thing: it languishes and dies under licentious abuses. Rulers, by abusing their liberty, betray their trust; and their authority degenerates into tyranny. And when subjects abuse their privileges, and become disorderly, ungovernable, undutiful, factious, and irreligious, their social union is greatly weakened, and they suffer the worst effects of slavery, while they have only an empty shadow of freedom. It is true virtue, and religion, and subjection to the laws and ordinances of GOD, that can only preserve the liberty of any people. Without this, declarations of rights and forms of government are vain: And I know not whether it be not better for a licentious people to be under a despotic government than any other. Such a people may well expect to come under such a government, as the natural and penal effect of their vices—Thus it befell the Israelites as they had been forewarned: “That if they would not serve the Lord they should serve their enemies, who would put a yoke of iron on their necks.”
No less prejudicial is the abuse of religious liberty to the spiritual interests of the Christian church. From this source an inundation of infidelity, and manifold corruption in doctrine, discipline, worship, and practice, with most uncharitable contentions, and schisms, have issued, which have made terrible havoc in God’s heritage. Hence—But I must leave it to my hearers to pursue these reflections. The evils flowing from this source are so many, that it is impossible to give a detail of them.
For the like reason I can only suggest a few short and general hints, respecting the several ways in which we might be in danger of abusing our liberty; a point highly worthy of special attention, and which I had thought to have considered more particularly: But on such a subject one would hardly know where to stop. I shall therefore only say, we should take heed that Liberty of thinking for ourselves, or the right of private judgment become not an occasion of infidelity, or skepticism, or of our being carried away with unsound doctrines, and our minds corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ. Liberty of speaking our thoughts must not be abused to the dishonor of God, and religion and virtue; to the encouragement of vice, or hurtful errors; to the detriment of the commonwealth; or to the injury, grievance, or scandal of anyone. Liberty of conscience must not be abused into a pretence for neglecting religious worship, prophaning God’s Sabbaths and ordinances, or refusing to do our part for the support of government and the means of religious instruction. In a word,–as we would avoid the abuse of liberty, let us all take heed that we use it not irreligiously, by transgressing God’s commands, or by neglecting or prophaning his worship and ordinances: nor undutifully, by refusing due honor and subjection to rightful authority, in families, churches or commonwealth: nor injuriously, unkindly, and uncharitably, to the wrong, the damage, the grief and offence of our brethren: nor inordinately, exceeding the bounds of moderation, sobriety and expediency, even in things that are in themselves lawful.
As a preservative from these, and all other abuses, let it be our care thoroughly to imbibe the spirit of the gospel, “that perfect law of liberty,” and have our sentiments, our temper, and manners, formed by its divine doctrines and rules. Let us cherish in our hearts the fear and love of God, with that benevolence and charity which is the fulfilling of the law, and which only can effectually correct the inordinacy of those selfish affections which are the malignant root of these abuses. And, to add no more, let it be our care to understand, distinctly, the nature and extent of our liberty, and of our duty, in their connection and consistency with each other; and that our freedom can no otherwise be maintained and exercised, so as to be any real privilege, than by our being the servants of God, and “by love serving one another.”
This was the THIRD POINT contained in our text, viz.—That it is our duty, and no infringement of our liberty, to serve one another in love. Though God has made us free, yet it is no disparagement to be, in a liberal sense, servants to each other: nay, it is our honor to be so-this gives true dignity to men of the highest rank. It is a very honorable character given to David, a great and excellent King, that he SERVED his generation by the will of GOD—And a far greater King, even David’s Lord, and the heir of all things, when he assumed our flesh, and dwelt among us, “came to minister,” and “was with us as one that serveth.” We ought, as the apostle directs to “be all of us subject one to another.” Rulers, as has been observed, are all of them FELLOW SUBJECTS with other members of the civil body, and hold their authority under the state. They who exercise the highest ordinary powers of government do it as the trustees and servants of the people; and it is their duty to serve the Commonwealth faithfully, and not tyrannize over any. And it is no less the duty of everyone, whatever his rank may be, to perform the services properly incumbent on him, with like fidelity. But as the duty of mutual subjection was considered at large upon the last anniversary of this kind, I shall insist no further upon it.
There is one thing, however, our text suggests, relative to the mutual service required of us, which should not be passed over unnoticed: and that is the principle by which we are therein to be moved and actuated. “By love serve one another.” Love must be the vital spring to put every member of the body in motion, and set the whole system at work in a circulation of services, and then they will be all free. We act most freely when we are prompted by love. If we have a sincere and warm affection one to another, our services will not be performed with slavish reluctance, but in the full enjoyment of liberty. A ruler, or a subject, who is of a truly public spirit, who tenders the interest of his fellow-citizens, and sympathizes with them in their joys and sorrows, will rejoice in an opportunity of serving them; nor will he grudge the pains it costs him. Love makes his services easy, pleasant and free: and he never enjoys his liberty more to his own satisfaction, than when he is most engaged in the service of his generation.
The REFLECTIONS with which it is time to close this discourse must be confined to the present occasion.
We in this land have great reason to bow our knee before God in humble thankfulness that he has called us to liberty. He has not only given us a right to natural and civil liberty in common with others of our fellow men, but has also given us the possession of this invaluable blessing, and that in such a degree as few in the world are favored with.—It is an happiness almost peculiar to these United States, for an enlightened people to have the opportunity of deliberately forming and freely choosing the plan of government under which they are to live. And though we do not presume to say that there is nothing amiss or defective in our civil constitution; (it is the prerogative of God alone to have his work all perfect) yet the form of our government, and spirit of our laws are, to speak modestly, favorable to the free enjoyment of our natural rights, so far as can consist with our political union, and the interest of the commonwealth. And we should be unthankful to GOD and man, not to be sensible of, and own the wisdom and fidelity of those who had the chief hand in this important and arduous work. Besides the ample civil privileges which are secured to all orders of citizens, we rejoice to find that the right of enslaving our fellow men is absolutely disclaimed. That inhuman monster SLAVERY, which has too long been tolerated, is at length proscribed, and is no longer suffered to lie with us. And it is devoutly wished, that the turf may lie firm upon its grave. The rights of conscience also, in matters of religion, are strongly guarded, and the door is happily shut and fast barred against ecclesiastical establishments by human laws, which have done so much hurt in the world. Everyone is now fully at liberty to worship GOD in the way which he judges to be most acceptable to him, while he demeans himself as a good citizen. Nor should we forget our Christian privileges in having the ordinances of the gospel administered among us, which we may with all freedom attend upon for our spiritual edification, if it be not our own fault. Add to this the sovereignty and prerogatives of FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, which at length are acknowledged and solemnly recognized as belonging to us. How much reason have we to account ourselves happy that our lot has fallen to us in pleasant places, and we have so goodly an heritage. Blessed are our eyes which see the things we see, and our ears which hear the things we hear. And blessed be the Lord who hath visited and redeemed his people; who hath called them to liberty, and grante4d them the blessings of peace, that we, being delivered out of the hand of our enemies, might serve him without fear, in holiness and righteousness before him, all the days of our life.
And is it not then our duty to stand fast in this liberty to which GOD hath called us? We should shew ourselves most unworthy of our birthright, if, like Esau, we should sell it for a contemptible price; nay, if we should sell it at any rate. Liberty is a pearl of too great price to be bartered. We may fitly accommodate the words of Solomon; “She is more precious than the rubies; and all the things thou canst desire are not to be compared to her. Length of days are in her right hand, and in her left are riches and honor. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace. She is a tree of life to them that lay hold upon her; and happy is everyone that retaineth her.” We have done ourselves great and lasting honor by our brave, vigorous, and, by the blessing of GOD, successful and effectual defense of our civil liberty. Though in respect of right, we were free born, as every man is; yet it is with a great sum that we have obtained the possession of this our inheritance, clear of the encumbrance of being dependent on, and subject to the control of foreign power. To secure the continued enjoyment of the prize which has been won with so much expense of blood and treasure, is surely an object worthy of the attention of everyone. And we can do nothing better for this purpose than to make it our most serious care to use our liberty aright, that is, piously, equitably, charitably, and soberly; and that we abuse it not for an occasion to the flesh.
This caution against the abuse of liberty ought to sink deep into our hearts; for here seems to be our greatest danger. Our conduct, at the time when attempts were made to wrest our privileges from us, is a witness for us, that we were not insensible of the value and importance of them. By the blessing of Almighty GOD our struggle is now happily terminated, and we are now unbuckling the harness, having accomplished our warfare with desired success. WE ARE A FREE PEOPLE. We have maintained our claim to liberty effectually against those who disputed it; and have indeed more liberty than we at first thought of claiming. And if we are so wise and sober as not to abuse it, we trust in God that we shall be happy ourselves, and leave this fair inheritance to succeeding generations. But we flatter ourselves, if we think that our having legal securities of civil and religious liberty will ensure our prosperity. Nay, if our privileges are licentiously abused, we shall have no solid advantages of them, but they will rather prove, as was said, intolerable grievances. The name itself of liberty has been reproached, I had almost said blasphemed, on account of these abuses, which have given occasion to some to call it a popular idol. And we shall make an idol of it indeed, if it draws away our hearts from the service of God, and emboldens us to strengthen ourselves in wickedness, and bless ourselves in our own hearts, saying, we shall have peace though we walk in the imagination of our hearts.” That people only can be truly free and happy who have the Lord for their God, their law-giver, and king; and who demean themselves as his obedient servants. O that there were such an heart in us, that we might fear the Lord, and keep all his commandments always, that it might be well with us, and with our children forever.”
Our honored RULERS will consider themselves, as, under God, the guardians of this PRECIOUS DEPOSITUM, which divine providence has put into our hands. In this light we view them, and not with an evil eye of malignant jealousy, as those who would willingly rob the commonwealth of its crown, or steal the jewels out of it; that is, abridge our privileges, to extend their own prerogatives. As the places of highest authority are disposed of by the free suffrage of the people, they are to be considered as marks of great confidence in the wisdom and fidelity of those whom they call to fill them; and as public testimonies to their merit. Nor will they take it amiss to be stiled the servants of the people; but will accept the title as it is meant, for a title of distinguished honor. For it holds equally true in a free commonwealth as in the church, that “He who is greatest, is most eminently servant of all.”
We have confidence in our civil fathers, that their upright and faithful endeavours will not be wanting to secure and perpetuate the blessings of peace and liberty, which God hath given us, and to promote the true interest of this people; and that their integrity will preserve them and us. While the measures of righteousness are faithfully observed in their administrations, we doubt not but that they will, by the blessing of God, be crowned with good success. “Unto the upright ariseth light in the darkness,” to direct, cheer, and comfort them, in their greatest difficulties and straits. It is “by righteousness that the throne of government is established, and the nation is exalted.” And indeed the grand secret of political wisdom is to maintain a steady, thorough and untainted integrity: a secret hidden from those serpentine politicians, who think it necessary to turn aside into crooked paths to compass their designs. Unfair artifices and intrigues may sometimes answer a present turn; but they do more hurt than good: they breed worse distempers than they remedy or prevent. Whatever designs cannot be carried by fair measures, had better not be carried by fair measures, had better not be carried at all. God will curse that policy which sets the rules of righteousness at defiance. If this sentiment should be ascribed to the simplicity of one who is unexperienced in the affairs of the world, it may be confirmed by the attestation of the great HARRINGTON, who says, “That the pretended depth and difficulty in matters of state is a mere cheat. From the beginning of the world to this day you never found a commonwealth where the leaders having honestly enough wanted skill enough to lead her to her true interest, at home and abroad.” And, that I may not seem to have gone beyond my own line, a yet greater authority may be adduced; even that of the wise and inspired king Solomon, who says, “He that walketh uprightly walketh surely; and the integrity of the upright shall guide him.”
Alas! for that people whose rulers think it can be good policy to break over the sacred rules of justice. We hope in God that the conduct of our public affairs will never fall into the hands of those who are given up to such an awful infatuation. If indeed we could persuade ourselves that the world was governed by chance, such a strict adherence to these rules might not seem needful, or fit to be insisted on. But under the government of a righteous GOD, we may be sure that unrighteous measures can never be for the true interest of a people. It is the blessing of GOD that must render the means successful we make use of to answer our ends. What madness then must be in their hearts who imagine that GOD will annex a blessing to the presumptuous transgression of his own laws!—It is ordered indeed for the trial and discipline or virtue, that it should sometimes have to struggle with great difficulties and opposition, which might be avoided if we would let go our integrity: but the avoiding these difficulties in this way, will, without fail, run us into much worse ones. The advantages of unrighteousness are dearly bought. If our country, nay, if the world can no otherwise be preserved than by violating the rules of truth and righteousness, IN THE NAME OF ALL THAT IS SACRED LET IT SINK. But while the throne of GOD stands unshaken, we may trust in him, and not fear that we shall ever be losers by our fidelity and obedience to his laws.
That corrupt craft, and those cunning contrivances, which politicians have often had recourse to in state affairs, when they were resolved to carry a favorite point at any rate, have been the disgrace of policy, and the pest of states. They who turn aside into these crooked ways, will soon find themselves in a perfect labyrinth. Tricking will soon sink a man’s credit and reputation, and lose him the confidence of mankind, which is of the utmost importance in order to a successful prosecution of designs of public concernment. Unfair artifices are an insult upon the moral government of GOD, who knows how to take the wise in their own craftiness and turn to foolishness the counsels of the Ahitophels, who applaud themselves most in their skill and address.
It may well discourage wise observers from attempting to promote the public interest by iniquity, that such attempts are constantly found to be of unhappy and pernicious consequence. The laws by which GOD governs the world must be quite altered, the course of nature must be reversed, before it can reasonably be hoped that unrighteous schemes will operate for the real advantage of a people. And it is the fervent wish of those who have the true interest of their country most at heart, that there may be a full and fair experiment made what effect a strictly righteous and equitable administration of government will have upon the national interest. And they have raised expectations, that in that case we should soon see our public affairs in a situation much to our satisfaction and honor, and the honor of virtuous policy, which would appear in its proper dignity after such a triumph over its intriguing rival. The eyes of the world are turned to observe our conduct at this important period, which will be likely to fix the stamp of honor, or the brand of infamy, on our national character. We hope our rulers will not be less tender of the honor of the commonwealth than of their own, or that of their families: and that they will not give occasion to any to apply to them what has been observed by some, “That such deeds have been often done by bodies or communities of men, as most of the individuals of which such communities consisted, acting separately, would have been ashamed of.” And it is also to be remembered (which ought much more to move us) that the eye of the great KING OF NATIONS is upon us to observe whether we will be obedient to his laws: and he is, as it were, saying to us in the words of the prophet, “Prove me now herewith, whether I will not open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing.”
As for those who sneer at righteous policy, integrity and public spiritedness, and who represent all men as being alike perfectly selfish, I shall only say, that if the picture of mankind which they give us was taken from their own hearts, we will not dispute their skill in drawing, but will own it may be a striking, yea, a shocking likeness of the persons who sat for it. But let them go—My honorable hearers know, as every honest man does, that there is such a thing in the world as integrity, and virtue, and public spirit, and that it is no hypocritical pretence.
As righteousness is the root and bias of liberty, I have not, I hope, wandered from my subject in inculcating a due regard thereto in the administration of government. And it is also hoped that the freedom of speech which has been used on this occasion, (a freedom which the presence of those before whom it has been taken, has no tendency to check, but rather to inspire and animate,) will not be deemed an abuse of liberty. But if more has been said than may be thought needful, or if any expressions should seem to warm or bold, they will I hope, be candidly imputed to an honest zeal for public virtue, and for the liberty, the interest, and the honor of my dear country; and to an earnest and inexpressible desire that this vast political structure, which to the wonder of the world has rose so suddenly as a temple of liberty6 in North-America, the building of which has been carried on so far with such happy success, may receive the finishing touch to the utmost advantage, and may stand as a glorious and lasting monument far more grand and magnificent than MAUSOLEUMS, PYRAMIDS, OR TRIUMPHAL ARCHES.
The present state of our affairs is such as calls for the utmost attention of our civil rulers, and affords them uncommon opportunities for services of the most important kind. It is, I think, needless, and might seem presumptuous, for me to go into a detail of those objects which claim their special attention: their own more just, penetrating, and comprehensive views, will readily suggest the vastness of their trust, in having the care of the liberties and properties, the religion and morals, the means of education and literary improvement, of this people; besides such regulations as are necessary to maintain and strengthen that connection between the several parts of this united system of states, which is of so much importance to the welfare of the whole. We are not insensible of the difficulties they have to struggle with,–and sympathize with them on that account. But these should rather animate than discourage them. THESE ARE THE TRIALS AND PROOFS OF VIRTUE, whereby it is distinguished from counterfeit pretences, and is found unto praise, and honor, and glory. If they are faithful they may expect to displease some: but they will have the applause of their own consciences, and of the best friends of their country: their children will rise up and call them blessed, and GOD himself will think on them for good. “The armour of light” will repel the darts of calumny which may be thrown at them. They will only need to stand forth in open day. The light will render them invulnerable; and their being known will be their security.—And GOD forbid that any of us should be backward to support them in their faithful endeavours, or that we should cease to pray for them, that GOD would be with them: that their hearts may be encouraged, and their hands strengthened with a double portion of his spirit: that they may be inspired with the wisdom, integrity, fortitude, and unfainting resolution necessary to prosecute and accomplish their designs for the public good. “We wish them a blessing from the house of the Lord; yea, we bless them in the name of the Lord.”
This day may well be accounted the day of the gladness of our hearts. We enjoy, at length, the blessings of peace and liberty:–Blessings,–for which, saints, now with God, have earnestly prayed—heroes, of glorious memory, have fought and bled—and patriots have worn out themselves with care, travail and exertion. The joy of reaping the harvest which has been sown and watered with so much tears and blood, is reserved for us. This day, UNITED AMERICA sees the issue and fruit of her travailing throes, and is satisfied. The fight of so sweet and lovely a birth, comforts and rejoices her, after her agonizing labor.
This day, we have the happiness to see our CONGREGATION, even the legislative assembly of the commonwealth, established before the Lord—our NOBLES from among ourselves—and our GOVERNORS proceeding from the midst of us. We view this august body as representing the whole republic, vested with its majesty and authority; the distinct branches of which unite and concentrate in the Governor, the common representative of the whole state. As his EXCELLENCY and his HONOR are here present, it would seem scarce decent for us to give them their due encomium, or to express freely how worthy we esteem them of the pre-eminence to which they are advanced; but their continued and often repeated election to the highest seats in the Commonwealth, speaks louder and more significantly than words can, the peculiar esteem and confidence of the people, and in such a way as leaves no suspicion of flattery.
We regard his EXCELLENCY in particular, as most eminently authorized to act as the guardian of our rights, and take care that the Republic receive no detriment. His prerogatives and powers we consider as a wise provision for our security against the pernicious effects of that narrow policy which may prompt some to aim at serving their own particular connections in ways prejudicial to the general interest, or injurious to other parts of the state—Nor do we wish that the due exercise of these powers and prerogatives should be cramped or discouraged; but that they be exerted with all freedom and firmness for the good of the people, whenever it shall be needful. It is, we doubt not, his sincere aim to improve those talents with which GOD has distinguished him, in promoting the true interest of the Commonwealth, and of the United States.—May he have the sublime satisfaction of seeing the accomplishment of his wishes, and the success of his endeavours, to serve his generation.—And the honorable COUNCIL will, we trust, be always ready to assist and co-operate in these arduous and important services, with their wise, upright, and faithful advice.
The honorable SENATORS and REPRESENTATIVES of the Commonwealth, who sustain and exercise so great a share of its authority, and in whom the people repose so much confidence, will not take it amiss to be reminded of the expectations and just claims of the State, that its interests be faithfully attended to and pursued by them, not only in the elections of this day, but in all other matters on which they may afterwards have occasion to act. Their views will be as extensive as the field of service they have before them; and not only the interests of their particular constituents, but that of the whole Commonwealth, yea, of the whole United States, will be duly regarded in their deliberations and resolves—liberality of sentiment, love to their country, a truly public spirit, with untainted, unshaken integrity, will give dignity to their proceedings, and throw light upon their paths: whether they consider themselves as the ministers of God, or the trustees of the people, they can no otherwise support the dignity of their character, or answer the just expectations of God and man, than by a faithful discharge of the duties of their station; nor should it be forgotten that all mankind of whatever rank, must another day stand before an impartial tribunal, where an account will be taken how every talent has been improved, and a recompence will be adjudged to everyone according as his work shall be. Happy then will he be beyond expression, who has maintained his integrity in a corrupt and ensnaring world; who has kept “a conscience void of offence towards GOD and towards man;” who can hold up his face before the Judge and say, “Remember, O Lord, how I have walked before thee in truth, and with a perfect heart;” and who will receive from him an answer of acquittance and approbation, “Well done good and faithful servant, enter into the joy of thy Lord.”
Will this grave and venerable audience bear with me while AI add one reflection of general concernment;–that if we would enjoy true liberty, we must not only maintain our civil privileges, and guard against a licentious and malicious abuse of them, but it is above all things necessary that we be delivered by GOD’s special grace from the bondage of guilt, and the slavery and service of sin and Satan, and that we be called effectually to the spiritual freedom of the children of GOD. Little reason shall we have to boast of liberty, or bless ourselves in our external privileges, if we are the ignominious servants of corruption. This spiritual liberty, Christ has obtained for all his true disciples: and it can no otherwise be enjoyed by any of us, than by taking his yoke upon us, learning of him, and continuing in his word”—Then shall “we know the truth, and the truth shall make us free indeed.” It is the true Christian alone who is the LORD’S FREE MAN, and a denizon of the new Jerusalem. An honor and privilege to which we cannot maintain our claim, unless we realize our profession of Christianity, by serving the Lord Christ with all good fidelity, and serving one another in love. Be this the object of our greatest care and ambition. We may then with hope and earnest expectation, wait for the day of our complete redemption. The GRAND JUBILEE will at length be proclaimed by the sound of the Arch-Angel’s trumpet, which will call the sons and heirs of GOD to the CONSUMMATE LIBERTY of his heavenly kingdom, and induce them to the inheritance incorruptible, undefiled, and that fadeth not away, reserved for them.
May this be the lot of us all, through the grace of GOD our Saviour.
Huntington was born in Connecticut, and growing up, his father urged him to a clothier; but Joseph had other plans. He loved learning, and his pastor encouraged him in that pursuit. He entered Yale, graduating in 1762, and shortly thereafter became pastor at First Church in the city of Coventry, where he remained until his death. Along the way, he earned a Doctorate of Divinity from Dartmouth, and became a member of the Board of Trustees at Dartmouth. Several of his sermons were published, including the following one, which was preached in front of the Connecticut Governor and state legislature on May 13, 1784.
It was on this day that long-time Governor Jonathan Trumbull retired from office. He was the only governor of the thirteen states to serve in that capacity throughout the entire War. He probably did more than any other single individual to supply men, munitions, and materials to General George Washington. Washington called him “Brother Jonathan,” and whenever he needed counsel or a listening ear, it was to Governor Trumbull he turned. Trumbull had originally studied for the ministry and had served as a preacher of the Gospel, but when his state called him to the helm of government, he did not refuse. He held that post for fourteen years before resigning at the age of 73.
Why did he leave office? As he told the legislature, he wanted to return to his ministerial studies because “at the evening of my days, I may sweeten their decline by devoting myself with less avocation and more attention to the duties of religion, the service of my God, and preparation for a future and happier state of existence.” Matthew Griswold (an active patriot during the War) became governor on Trumbull’s resignation—a transition that occurred on the day that Huntington preached this sermon to the state governmental leaders.
God ruling the Nations for the most
glorious end.
A
S E R M O N,
In presence of his Excellency, and both
Houses of Assembly.
HARTFORD, May 13th, 1784.
By JOSEPH HUNTINGTON, D. D.
“For the moth shall eat them up like a garment, and the worm
Shall eat them like wool; but my righteousness shall be forever,
And my salvation from generation to generation.”
Jehovah.
At a General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1784.
ORDERED, That William Williams, Esq. and Capt. Jeremiah Ripley, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev’d Dr. Joseph Huntington, for his Sermon delivered before the Assembly on the 13th instant, and desire a Copy Thereof that it may be printed.
A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
George Wyllys, Sec’ry.
DEUTERONOMY, xxxii. 8.
When the Most High divided to the nations their inheritance when he separated the sons of Adam, he set the bounds of the people according to the number of the children of Israel.
JUST thoughts of Deity are sublime and exalted thoughts; such are the sentiments of the great legislator and judge of Israel, in my text, while he has in full view the attributes and character of that being who is over all.
Moses had seen much of the glory of his Maker in Egypt, at the red sea, in the Arabian deserts, especially on Mount Sinai, where his infinite majesty, his awful and endearing glories, beamed forth conspicuous in giving the law. More was then seen of God than ever had been seen before.
This great man having sustained the toils and burdens of an eminent public station forty years; and having conducted the chosen tribes to the borders of the promised land; the divine poem out of which my text is taken, was put into his mouth, and designed for the benefit of the people of God, in every age of the world.
The burden of the song is the infinite rectitude, greatness and glory of God; the exceeding depravity and perverseness of sinful man, the wisdom and blessedness of obedience, and the folly and misery of rebellion against heaven.
In the fourth verse the prophet speaks of the eternal Being in most becoming language. “He is a rock, his work is perfect, all his ways are judgment, a God of truth, without iniquity, just and right is he.”
And in my text three points of doctrine meet our view, and demand our serious attention.
I. All nations of the earth are at the absolute disposal of the Most High, to be divided and separated at his pleasure.
II. His express will that mankind should live on equal terms, as brethren.
III. That all the nations of the earth shall be subservient to his own peculiar nation and kingdom.
These thoughts, with their application, may improve the present hour.
I. All nations of the earth are at the absolute disposal of the Most High.
“When the Most High divided to the nations their inheritance.” Here God appears inhabiting eternity, and having in his own infinite mind a most glorious and perfect plan, relating to all the future inhabitants of the world; the situation, numbers, rise and fall, of the various states and empires that were to overspread the earth.
God determined all these things, in his boundless wisdom and goodness, before he began to operate in his providence; that point in the vast round of eternity cannot be conceived of, when he had not so decreed.
He saw all his works, and all the works and ways of men, the whole business and result of the world, as clearly before he began to create, as he will at the consummation of all things.
What God has determined shall be done, is often in sacred scripture, spoken of in a past tense, as already done; instances in the prophets are many; and the manner of expression is designed to impress our minds with a sense of the divine immutability.—“My counsel shall stand and I will do all my pleasure.” “He ruleth in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of the world, and none can stay his hand.”
What is past we all know to be certain, and what God has determined and foreknown is equally certain. So when future scenes of glory and blessedness to mankind, were opened to saint John, scenes that require many ages for their accomplishment, he that sat on the throne said, “It is done: I am alpha and omega, the beginning and the end.” 1
If any stumble at this part of the divine character, let them remember God is incomprehensible: if any would thence infer that there is no freedom of will, or moral agency in men; no desert of praise or blame; let them look into their own bosoms, and consult the certain feelings of their own hearts.
The divine decrees and certain foreknowledge, are necessary to the perfection of Deity, and perfectly consistent with the entire freedom and moral agency of intelligent creatures; and if men or angels cannot explain all that is connected with these doctrines, it only verifies that we cannot “by searching find out God, or the Almighty unto perfection.” We know not what it is to be God, to think as God thinks and decree as he decrees.
The divine Being in his wise fixed purpose, “divided to the nations their inheritance, and separated the sons of Adam,” long “before he had formed the earth or the sea or the highest part of the dust of the world.”
But before the days of Moses he had in part unfolded his infinitely wise and good purposes, in the movements of his Providence. The world was created and the human kind to replenish it: The garden of Eden was given to them as their inheritance in the days of innocence but for rebellion against heaven they were soon turned out of it.
Nothing but sacred history looks back to this early period, there we find mankind multiplied and spread abroad on the earth, in how many tribes or nations we are not informed; but may argue from the long period of time before the flood, about seventeen hundred years: And the longevity of the people, that a great part of the world might be inhabited.
No doubt the numerous children of Adam were before the flood separated in many divisions and dilated far and wide on the face of the earth.
After the deluge we find the small remains of mankind on the mountains of Ararat, which divine the present empire of Persia from Circassian Tartary, on the north: whence they first moved south-east and lived together in one growing family or tribe about an hundred years.—From whence they journeyed westward as far as the river Euphrates; near the place where the garden of Eden was situate, in quest, it is supposed, of the ancient paradise, but found it was wholly demolished by the flood. Yet vainly fond to build something in imitation of it. They had also the same disposition natural to the nations ever since, viz. to hold together as long as possible and extend one general empire: But he who saw fit to separate the sons of Adam, laid the grand foundation of it, in his Providence, at this time.
For while, on the plains of Babel, they were attempting to “build a city and a tower whose top might reach to heaven” the Almighty confounded their language.
The language of paradise, and that spoken by God’s covenant people to this day, was in all probability the Hebrew tongue: But now the Almighty wholly obliterated from the minds and memories of most of them, that ancient language, leaving only one division of the people to retain it, and impressed on the minds of all the other divisions respectively, a different dialect, which each immediately spoke with the same freedom, with which they before spoke their native tongue.
How many different languages were now given we are not told, nor how many distinct nations or tribes were made in consequence; God meant it to “separate the sons of Adam” 2 and they were scattered abroad on all the face of the earth.
All the languages now in the world were radically contained in the various dialects which God then gave on the plains of Shinar; though with much composition and variation; as no man ever invented a language entirely new, this seems the prerogative of God himself.
And the Most High in rolling on his purposes, has, in every age, made use of this as one great medium, even diversity of language, to make or keep the nations distinct and separate.
But to proceed, infinite Wisdom has many other means, which all co-operate for the same end.
The enormous growth and extent of nations, and empires, has often brought them to division.
So the vast extended empires of Greece and Rome, after covering a great part of the world, broke to pieces under their own weight.
Again God has often made this the event of war foreign or intestine, and many new nations have rose out of blood.
Also, a tyrannical and oppressive spirit in potentates and rulers has often had the same effect.
These have made many people so uneasy as to throw off the yoke of subjection, and set up distinct by themselves. Witness Egypt, in ancient days; the cruel tyranny of the Monarch lost him the best part of his subjects, the people of God, the many thousands of Israel. God’s purpose was fulfilled, as in all things; but the tyranny of Pharaoh was the means.
Witness also the despotic language of that unexperienced young Prince in Israel: No sooner had he answered the supplicating tribes “my little finger shall be thicker than my father’s loins” than a grand division in the nation took place.
Many examples might be adduced; but we have a recent one almost without a parallel. How well connected and quiet was the great British empire, from the accession of the Prince of Orange, till after the death of George the second? And how did every branch of the empire dread the thought of disunion? But, when a British King became a tyrant, and the Parliament a band of despots, and would be content with nothing less than to bind a great part of the empire in chains of perpetual slavery, yea, in all cases whatsoever; when they caused the sea and the waves along our coast to roar with their hostile thunder, and our defenceless towns to flame to the midst of heaven. When they plunged their daggers in the breasts of an innocent people, and called upon us the savages of the wilderness, with all their infernal massacres, our feelings were greatly changed. We once loved Britain most dearly; but Britain the Tyrant, we could not love; our souls abhorred her measures; when matters were pushed thus far, we desisted from all our humble prayers to deaf ears and unrelenting souls. We rose from the dust where we had been long prostrate—our breasts glowed with noble ardor—we invoked the God of our fathers, and we took the field; and we have found that “there is none like the God of Jesurun who hath rode on the heavens in our help and in his excellency on the sky.”
And yet further; God has often made the lawless ambition, and proud aspiring spirit of men instrumental of making new kingdoms, or dividing ancient ones. As in the case of Nimrod, a proud and lawless man; a man of blood in contempt of heaven, “a mighty hunter before the Lord,”3 he soon began a kingdom distinct for himself.
The proud spirit of Jeroboam contributed to the same end, in conjunction with the rashness of the young king and his raw counselors.
Moreover, prospects of gain and worldly advantages, have often laid the foundation of future empire. With these views many times a few adventurous people have emigrated from their native land, and when success has crowned their exertions, and they have so increased in numbers and wealth, and become so favoured with learning, as to be fit for a distinct empire, the event has seldom long delayed.
And, indeed, there is the same reason, and it is equally the design of divine providence, that when any people become adult—are blessed with numbers, wealth, knowledge, and in all regards equal to the management of national affairs, they should then become distinct and independent, as that the branches of a family should be so, when adult and capable to manage for themselves. Successful emigrations are the seeds of future empire.
Add to all these religious persecution, which God has made instrumental of new states and empires. Those who have true religion, prize it far above all sublunary enjoyments; the rights of conscience they hold as their dearest rights; and when they are persecuted and may not enjoy the worship and ordinances of God, as they judge agreeable to his will, they will combine and defend themselves, if in their power, and have a commonwealth of their own, and rulers of their own spirit and principles. Witness the united Netherlands. What floods of trouble and blood did they wade through, much actuated by a sacred regard to the rights of conscience. The great empire of Spain was divided in consequence, and the United Providences assumed sovereign power, with the most happy constitution, perhaps, then in the world.
This hateful persecution led the way to all the growing greatness of the United States of America. The sufferings of our progenitors, many and great, for their religion and strict piety, impelled them to forsake their native land, and all the affluence they enjoyed there; they preferred a waste, howling wilderness, with their God, and his ordinances unpolluted, to all the wealth and splendor of their native Albion. The God whom they served forsook them not; he commanded the deep in their favour, and guarded them from the power of the numerous heathen savages: they made him the glory in the midst of them, and he was a wall of fire round about them. “The wilderness and the solitary place was glad for them, and the desert rejoiced and blossomed as the rose.” 4
Considered as a people, these were the days of our early youth; and in all the great things God has done for us of late, he has remembered us “the kindness of our youth, and the love of our espousals, when we went after him in the wilderness, in a land not sown.” 5
By these, and the like means, the Most High has thus far effected his purpose, and thus all the numerous nations of the earth have been formed:–the temper and the exertions of men concerned, have been, in many instances, very wicked; but God is holy and pure; and when we behold Jehovah taking occasion from the wickedness of men, to accomplish his own most glorious purposes, and display his own character, in the most amiable and astonishing view, who shall not adore him!
II. We next take notice of the manifest will of heaven, that mankind should live on equal terms as brethren.
This is fully intimated in two expressions in the text, the first is, “their inheritance.” Here we behold Deity as universal parent giving portions to his children: He is absolute proprietor, has whatever he pleases to give, and imparts to his great family according to his sovereign good will: What he gives to each nation in the course of his providence is equally theirs respectively, and each individual has his property alike confirmed by the father of all.
An empire, or commonwealth newly formed, hath its own inheritance, all its rights and privileges, as firmly established as the most ancient empire in the world. The inheritance of a small nation is as truly theirs as that of a great one.
The power there is in great and war-like nations to plunder and destroy those that are weak and small, gives them no more right so to do, than the wealth of the rich gives them right to oppress and swallow up the poor that are about them.
Potentates who have, in their ambition, pride, and other lusts, robbed many millions of their substance, in former and later ages, and slaughtered millions more, because it was in their power, have been the most atrocious murderers, the most execrable robbers, and the most horrid wretches that ever disgraced human nature.
The other expression in the text which I have alluded to is this, “the sons of Adam,” all near kindred, of one common nature, children of one father. The Apostle seems to comment on this when he says, God “hath made of one blood, all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation.” 6
Human nature has one common feeling of pleasure and pain, wants and necessities, sorrows and troubles are common, all have a quick sense of injury and abuse, all rejoice in kindness received.
Tyrants bent on slaughter and the misery of mankind, ought to realize that the multitudes they rob and murder, feel plunder and death just as they themselves would were it their woeful lot to fall into such merciless hands.
“Separated the sons of Adam.” Here the branching out of nations, is represented under the idea of the branching out of families; and as an aged parent who is blessed with a number of families, formed out of his own house, calls them all his children, and looks on the whole only as his own family still, tho’ dispersed in several branches. So, in very deed the whole world is but one complicated family.
No parents are so unnatural as to be willing that one of their household should be tyrant and despot over the whole, to vex, oppress, and slaughter the rest at his pleasure; or that the stronger children should be cruel to the weaker.
Had Adam seen all of this kind that has since fallen out in his family, he would have wept more bitterly than the poet feigns, when he saw the Lazar house, with all its dreadful stores of complicated misery,
“Sight so deform what heart of rock could long
Dry-ey’d behold? Adam could not, but wept,
Though not of woman born; compassion quell’d
His best of man, and gave him up to tears.”
Milton
As individuals and families are brethren and neighbours to each other, so are societies, towns, states and nations, and should always act the fraternal part, and the neighbour, with that amiable spirit which Jesus describes in his parable of the neighbour. 7
All are under that divine precept “whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them, for this is the law and the prophets.”
It is the law of reason, the law of nature, and enforced by the whole of divine revelation.
However mankind have lost a spirit of love, and whatever hatred they often have to one another; yet they are all very near kindred; and the great parent, who is love “sees and abhors them, because of the provoking of his sons and his daughters.”
There has never been any intermarriage from without the family of Adam, to divide the blood, and make the kindred more distant; the family is now very great, it has many branches, but it is still one, it remains the same; and if we do not feel our connection with all the human kind to be very near, very tender, we are past feeling, and our spirit is opposite to nature, to reason, and to our common father, the fountain of love.
And here again the horrors of wanton, offensive war appear in their proper colour. It is only Cain murdering Abel his brother.
In this men sin more against nature than ever apostate angels did. Well might the poet exclaim,
“Oh! Shame to men: devil with devil damn’d
Firm concord hold: men only disagree.
They live in hatred, enmity and strife,
Among themselves, and levy cruel war,
Wasting the earth each other to destroy.”
But God will bring final glory to himself and his church out of all nations. And here we fall in with the third general head proposed, viz.
III. The divine determination, which shall not be frustrated, to make all nations subservient to God’s own peculiar nation and kingdom.
“He set the bounds of the people, according to the number of the children of Israel.”
Whatever more immediate, or special reference this may have to the situation of the seven nations of Canaan, and adjacent kingdoms, yet no doubt the words have that extensive sense I have intimated; the phrases are wholly indefinite, the nations—the people—the sons of Adam—and the whole analogy of scripture warrants the idea.
God, from eternity, in his most glorious plan, his infinitely kind decree; set the bounds of all nations, with a most tender regard to his own covenant people, in every age, wherever they might dwell, or whatever their number might be; and in his almighty Providence carries the whole into effect.
There are many phrases in sacred scripture which denote the covenant people of God, in one age of the world, as well as in another: In these, and in future days as well as in ages past. Zion, Jerusalem, the seed of Abraham, the seed of Jacob, the children of Israel, and the like, are expressions well known of this import. The children of Israel, and the like, are expressions well known of this import. The children of Israel are the church, the people of God in every age.
Were it not for the concerns of religion and immortal happiness, there would be nothing worthy of God, as the author and disposer, in the creation of the world, or in the kingdom of providence. Separate from any connection with eternal glory, all the mighty movements, and all the glory of the kingdoms of this world are but solemn trifles: But in this connection of great importance.
Immortal happiness is for immortal souls, and not creatures but God himself is their portion. Among the covenant people of God, the way of happiness is displayed, and God exalted in the glory of his grace.
So we find that king that God has set on his holy hill of Zion reigning for his church, “Far above all principality and power and might and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world but also in that which is to come: And hath put all things under his feet, and gave him to be head over all things to the church, which is his body, the fullness of him that filleth all in all.” 8
In the context we find “the Lord’s portion is his people, Jacob is the lot of his inheritance.” So God says “I gave Egypt for thy ransom, Ethiopia and Seba for thee,” and speaking of Zion “all my springs are in thee.”
The affairs of the world, in every empire, every place, will finally result in this, “be still and know that I am God; I will be exalted among the heathen. I will be exalted in all the earth.”
Much of the divine conduct in the kingdom of providence is not to be investigated by man: Yet we can easily see enough to illustrate the point now in view; want of time forbids my giving many instances; let a few suffice as a specimen of the whole.
Look back into Egypt in the days of Jacob, and succeeding ages. God had set their bounds not far from Canaan where Jacob dwelt: He had made Egypt in those days superior to any other empire in the world, for power, wealth, arts and sciences. And this with design that they should be an asylum for his covenant people: That there they might be fed in days of famine, and might greatly increase. The great learning of Egypt was for the education of Moses, that he might well sustain the important character afterwards devolved on him. Aaron and other leaders, yea the whole people of God, no doubt, were much the better for the many schools and the learning of Egypt, to sustain their respective characters in the great scenes that were before them. Even the gold of the nation was laid on the tabernacle of the Most High. Their great kindness to Israel, for a time, and their hard dealing afterwards, conspired to advance the interest of the people of God. Again.
The nations situate between Egypt and Canaan, in the way that Israel took, had their bounds for the same end. “He led them forth by the right way, that they might go to a city of habitation.” When the hosts of Israel came out of Egypt they were not acquainted with war; nor had they instruments of war, sufficient to encounter the mighty nations of Canaan; but by fighting their way through smaller opposition, conquering the Amorites and the people of Bashan with their kings, and breaking through other hostile resistance, they became expert in war, and well equipped with swords and bows, helmets, spears and shields taken from their enemies.
These manoeuvres made Joshua a great general, and taught the whole army of Israel all military achievements, and so prepared them to face all the mighty warriors of Canaan in due time, with all the gigantic sons of Anak in their front.
There were many and great miracles we know, in conducting the people of God to the land of promise and their settlement there; but all that might be done for them in the common course of Providence was done in that way: Thus God has ever dealt and ever will.
We may look next into the land of Canaan, and we shall find the Most High planted and supported seven nations there, to cultivate the land and prepare it for his own people, that they might find it a land flowing with milk and honey, and very commodious for their residence. The pious governor of Judea speaking of this, says, “They took strong cities and a fat land, and possessed houses full of all goods, wells digged, vineyards and oliveyards, and all fruit-trees in abundance, so they did eat, and were filled, and became fat, and delighted themselves in thy great goodness.” 9
In the days of David, what vast territory round about had the nations cultivated and made fertile, which that great warrior, at the command of God, brought into the possession of Israel?
In the days of Solomon, how did the nations of the east submit and minister to the people of God?
They have also had protection whence it was not expected. “Let mine out-casts dwell with thee, Moab, be thou a covert to them, from the face of the spoiler.” 10
The vast Persian empire, with Cyrus their renowned prince and general were for the same end. Persia was then mistress of the world, and Cyrus the greatest general in it; all for the people of God, “to say to the prisoners go forth, and to them that sit in darkness shew yourselves.” In this way the church of God was delivered from her Babylonian captivity. And some of his successors did much for their resettlement in the holy land.
The growing greatness of the Grecian empire, in the days of Philip, and more especially in the time of his son Alexander, was ordered in Providence with the same view to favour the cause of religion, and prepare the way for a widespread of divine knowledge. A great part of the world then received law from the Greeks and also their language; a solemn, elegant and copious tongue, most fit for the promulgation of the New Testament. This language was extensive among the nations when the evangelists and apostles wrote. And had it not been for a dispensation of Providence of this kind, it had been impossible, without mere miracles, that the New Testament should have been, in any measure, so extensively read as it was, at the time of its first promulgation.
The greatness of the Roman empire when the Most High placed Constantine at the head of it, is another proof of his regard to his own people; great, very great, were the privileges they enjoyed in the days of that monarch. Though alas in their abundant favours they soon after waxed wanton and apostatized from the way of holiness.
Passing over many examples, I shall add but one more so conspicuous, indeed, that we must not be inattentive to it. I mean the great monarchy of France, great in wealth, power, numbers, and learning. Great and much honoured in the prince that now sits on the throne: All this indeed to protect the rights of mankind, to patronize liberty, and serve the cause of religion in such a day as this. Not only to divide to us our inheritance and separate us from the rest of the sons of Adam, but to promote the glorious cause of liberty and religion among the nations.
In these instances and many more that I would name, would the time admit, we can clearly see the ways of divine Providence, and investigate the footsteps of the Most High; and we may rest fully assured that all other nations from the beginning to the end of the world shall finally appear to have been subservient to the same glorious purpose. And when they have answered this great end they fall and rise no more; but the kingdom of God stands firm on an everlasting basis. As it is written, “The moth shall eat them up like a garment, and the worm shall eat them like wool; but my righteousness shall be forever, and my salvation from generation to generation.” 11
IMPROVEMENT.
From what has been said we learn our duty and interest as a people. We have lately received our inheritance, as a distinct sovereign empire, from the great disposer of all things, and a better God never gave to the sons of Adam; a land as fertile as the land of Canaan, and of much larger extent. He hath given us the best civil constitution now in the world, the same in the general nature of it, with that he gave to Israel in the days of Moses. And it is remarkable that our number of people is about the same with theirs in the days of Moses—i.e. about three millions. Israel had thirteen free independent states, or tribes, one of them, viz. that of Joseph being subdivided: out of these states their supreme Council or general Congress was chosen, by delegates from each, often called their Sanhedrim. Each state managed its own internal police, each had a General Assembly, composed of their best men, at the free election of the people, often called the elders of the tribe: their government was theocratical; so for substance is our free elective government, according to that old maxim, vox populi vox dei. And they had their executive courts and officers in various stations, for substance answering to ours. No matter for the difference of names, titles and phrases, where the substance of things is the same.
We may well argue from the wisdom and goodness of God, that this general plan of government is the most perfect, and best for men, as God himself devised it and give it in the greatness of his love, to his own peculiar people. Had any other been better in the nature of things, God would have given them a different one. So when they rejected it for monarchy, they rejected the wisdom and goodness of God, and were great loafers. They had the light of divine revelation; we in a far more glorious manner. Canaan was their inheritance, Columbia is ours; and our southern dominions cover the same climate in which they dwelt.
Now our great duty and interest is to secure and improve our blessed inheritance, and hand it down to posterity. There is but one way to do this, and that is to keep the commandments of our God. This will secure to us every blessing, and make us “high above all nations,”—“great in name, in praise and in honor;” but if we rebel against God we shall be miserable. We must, above all things, attend to true religion, and practice every moral virtue, even that righteousness that exalteth a nation, and fly from every vice and abhor the ways of immorality.
Our danger at this day lies in that shameful irreligious temper that is too obvious in many—a man that condemns true religion is a disgrace to human nature and a great curse to his country. We are endangered by many vices—injustice and extortion, idleness and luxury, profane swearing, the sure mark of a thoughtless sinner; profanation of the holy Sabbath, intemperance, lasciviousness and wantonness, pride and extravagance, the Lord in his infinite mercy deliver us from all these.
But there is one abominable vice that is so pernicious to us every day, and so immediately threatens us with dissolution and anarchy, that I must bear my testimony more largely against it.
It is that unreasonable, raging spirit of jealousy pointed against all in power, especially against those in the most burdensome and important trusts. Jealousy is the rage and distraction of men, as well in civil as domestic life. We elect all our rulers, and often enough in all reason: we choose such as we esteem men of the greatest wisdom and probity: we have no jealousy of them until we exalt them into office, and burden them with a great weight; then we turn jealous, for no reason but because they are exerting all their wisdom and goodness to pour out blessings upon us, and sacrificing their lives to make us happy. They are as good men after they are in office as before, but we have a very different spirit towards them. Nay, some are not ashamed openly to say, we ought to, we must keep a jealous eye over our rulers in every station in order to secure our privileges; which, by the way, is just as good sense as to say that a woman ought to be very jealous of her husband, that so she may live happily with him, and all domestic concerns may go on in peace.
Our rulers in every station, are open and accountable to their constituents in all they do; and if criminal, are subject to law and punishment, even as any private man, and we may turn them out of office when we please. But still the people will inspect them with a jealous mind, and the certain consequence is, they judge very falsely and abusively of them.
A man under the force of jealousy, never yet judged right in any case, and never can. Jealousy will soon find enough in the most perfect character in the world to make it a very bad one. That old poet who so greatly excelled in his discernment of human nature, has told us the very truth.
“Trifles light as air,
Are to the jealous demonstrations strong
As proofs of holy writ.”
Shakespeare.
Jealousy makes men uneasy with the best administration, and with the best men at the head of it; uneasy with all their rulers do, and they will stone for a good deed as soon as for a bad one. It makes men rebellious, obstinate and heady, and obstructs a multitude of blessings which good rulers are pouring down on the people they love.
We expend much to maintain authority, as indeed they ought to have an honorable support; and would we only let them do us all the good in their hearts, and in their power under God, they would repay us a thousand fold. But what can the good patriots do? First we must be jealous of them, next we certainly think them wicked, and then we destroy their influence and their good names together. Thus we loose our benefit and our cost of supporting them. We bind them hand and foot, and are like a man who should hire a number of the best workmen at a great expence, to build him an house, and as soon as they began to operate with all their skill and fidelity, should load them with chains,–pay might continue, but the work must miserably proceed.
Let our rulers as well as others, be weighed in an even balance: jealousy makes the balance very uneven: let us judge of those in power as well as of other men, with all that charity which the Apostle describes, and which, without solid reason, “Thinketh no evil.”
I am as much engaged for liberty, in the utmost extent of it, as any man on earth; I would have all in power elective by, and accountable to the people; and if in any case criminal, on fair trial, let them not be spared. But this hydra of jealousy and evil surmise, it is not liberty, it is tyranny, it is confusion, it is death. Proud, selfish, wicked men take the advantage of it; they lust for offices, for which they are utterly unfit; but they must first remove those worthy men that hold them: they make or propagate a thousand lies, to stir up the jealousy of the people, enrage the multitude, and clear the seats of honour for themselves. And when such brambles get in power, “a fire soon comes out of the bramble and devours the cedars of Lebanon.”
If this vile spirit may have its full growth and universal sway, we shall soon have few men of wisdom and probity, in seats of honour and trust; and the good will adopt the words of the prophet, and lament over our land, saying “A fire is gone out of the rod of her branches, which hath devoured her fruit, so that she hath no strong rod to be a scepter to rule: this is a lamentation and shall be for a lamentation.” 12 God grant we may e delivered from this iniquity, and all other land defiling crimes, practice every virtue, and serve the God of our fathers with a perfect heart. And shall not all the goodness of God, to our fathers and to us, especially, recent, wonderful favours lead us to repentance, and engage us to universal holiness?
God had determined from eternity to divide us our inheritance, a he hath lately done; his Providence began to operate in the days of our fathers though they had no thought of the result of it.
Thus all those cruel persecutions that were under the kings of the Stuart family, served, in the Providence of God, to bring into this land people of the bet principles and morals; it is especially true of this part of it.
God established a glorious church in a dreary wilderness: and those words in the context are as applicable to them as to Israel of old, “He found him in a desert land, in a waste howling wilderness; he led him about, he instructed him, he kept him as the apple of his eye.”
Our fathers were men of solid wisdom, piety and virtue, and therefore it was their early concern to promote learning, to establish seminaries, which have been wonderfully blessed for that end; to provide for the support of a learned orthodox gospel ministry, to guard the churches: then Moses and Aaron were brethren indeed, and they went hand in hand, “Thou leddest thy people like a flock by the hand of Moses and Aaron,” our civil constitution was excellent while inviolate. The people amazingly grew, in numbers, and the Most High was their defence in all their perils: he was then laying the foundation for what we now see; and in all the movements of the great and complicated wheels of Providence, as in the high and dreadful vision of Ezekiel the prophet, “a man, that man who is God, fat above upon them,” rolling us into future empire.
With the same view, God has raised up so many statesmen, and military commanders, and so many renowned pillars in sacred characters. And as the time of separation drew near, a spirit of learning, liberty, and a martial spirit greatly increased. The all wise Being knew what instruments would be most proper in every department. For this end our late General was born with all his greatness of soul; called into military service in the days of youth, and trained up with every noble accomplishment. And the hearts of the whole nation wonderfully united in him. Divine Providence ordering all the circumstances of the late war, calls aloud upon us to love and serve the great Ruler of all.
When our tyrannical enemies first attacked us, it was with a force just enough to rouse and invigorate us; but by no means equal to a conquest. Had they fallen upon us, with all their might, unarmed, unprovided as we then were, what would have become of us? They pressed upon us, with increasing force, just fast enough to confirm our union and martial spirit, and prepare us to give them the reception they deserved. “Howbeit they meant not so, neither did their hearts think so,” all this was of God.
The forming of the great council of our nation was indeed wonderful; our association, bill of rights, articles of confederation, and alliance, display divine wisdom and goodness; our naval achievements, especially when we were weakest, have shewn that God is mighty.
We have been favoured with such uncommon health through the states in general, for seven or eight years past, that not more of our people have died in proportion to their number, than has been usual in time of peace, notwithstanding the reeking sword, and the horrible prison-ships of our enemies. The more than ordinary fruitfulness of the seasons, has, perhaps, been a counterbalance to our extraordinary consumption, during the war. And surely God has brought great good to us, out of one very great evil, faithless depreciating paper currency, indeed one of the worst things that ever a people are scourged with: yet Providence has so ordered, that it has answered the end of a mighty tax upon us, and has made even filthy rags a cord for the necks of our enemies.
The goodness of God is to be noticed in many battles, from the first effusion of blood at Lexington, to the grand decisive scene at Gloucester and York-Town. Even all the delays and retreating of our General, shew us that he was guided from on high; like another Fabius, cunctando reflituit rem.
The kind spirit towards us infused into several princes and nations of Europe, was from on high, and when proud, haughty Britain bows at last, we see God is mightier than Britain.
I only hint at these things as so many motives to induce us to love and serve the God of our fathers. He has given us a glorious and honourable peace, “That being delivered from our enemies, we should serve him without fear, in righteousness and holiness, all the days of our lives.” And may we not reasonably hope God has done all these things to prepare the way for the most glorious effusion of his holy spirit in this western world: and to bow the hearts of millions to himself? That the latter day glory may soon break out here in its meridian lustre and diffuse over all the world, soon darting its blessed beams to the farthest borders of the east. Oh blessed day! “Come Lord Jesus come quickly!”
Nothing now remains but the usual addresses, and the character of our first magistrate, demands our first and most respectful notice.
May it please your Excellency.
We doubt not but thoughts of the greatness and glory of God, and his overruling hand in the kingdom of Providence, like those now offered, but much better suggested in your own mind, have been your support and consolation from the days of youth. More especially when your burdens and cares have been the greatest.
Very few men, since the world was made ever lived so much for the public, as you have done. After a liberal education, in early youth, your Excellency was immediately called into public office, and the burden of complicated public offices has been your lot ever since. And though it has ever been abundantly manifest, that your Excellency never fought promotion, or popular applause; but always made truth and righteousness your guide, as well when you knew it to be unpopular, as at other times: Yet he who gave all your rich endowments (and to his name alone be the praise) knew what to do with you, in his great love to his people.
When our late troubles began, your Excellency’s lot was very singular; when to avoid perpetual slavery, it became necessary to oppose the tyranny of Britain; your brethren in office, the other Governors all forsook you, but you did not forsake your God and the people you loved. Your Excellency stood alone, but you stood firm, “The archers shot at you and you was sorely grieved by the enemies of our peace; but your bow abode in strength, and your hands were made strong by the hand of the mighty God of Jacob.”
It was not for want of the highest opinion of your Excellency’s abilities and integrity, that self seeking men and enemies to liberty have labored to make you trouble: But that they knew you stood firm against the measures of all such, and was the chief support of our righteous cause, and the liberties of your country. I presume your Excellency has often thought of those words of the great Roman patriot, “Nemo his viginti annis, reipublicae hostis fuerit, qui, non eodem tempore, mihi quoque bellum indixerit.” Cicero.
This is more or less the lot of all great and good men, in public character.
In leading us out of a provincial, into an independent state, your Excellency had the path to beat: You walked before us in a rough and rugged way; but God remembered his promise, “Thy shoes shall be iron and brass, and as the day is so shall thy strength be.”
When the wrath of a tyrant king roared against you as a lion, and your Excellency, above all, was marked out for a victim, you endured not fearing the wrath of the king, choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, so dear to you, than to enjoy any emoluments how great soever they might have been, had you, like many others sought the royal favour. So long as the storms bear, the thunders roared, the lightning’s glared around your head; all the while the tempest so black and dreadful, you set steadfast at helm without a covert. Your Excellency then, desired no man to take that seat of peril: But now you have rode out the storm and conducted us into the desired haven of peace, your Excellency has requested that you may retire another take the now more peaceful seat. On this I have no remark to make, it is wholly needless at present: The whole nation will speak; posterity will not be silent.
If we have disobeyed your Excellency this once, and have not released you, we beg your pardon: and earnestly entreat your further blessings, in the character you have so long sustained. If the people have obeyed, and have granted your Excellency retirement, you retire, Sir, with every possible honour: And may the residue of your days be happy, and your immortality glorious!
And when your Excellency shall be taken up from us, to shine as a star of the first magnitude, in the kingdom of your Father, forever and ever, your name shall live, historic pages will shine with your deeds, and generations unborn shall know you well. “In Freta dum fluvii current, dum montibus umbrae Lustrabunt convexa, polus dum fidera pafcet; Semper honos, nomenq; tuum laudesq; manebunt. Virgil
The address next turns to his honour the Lieutenant Governor, the Honourable Assistant Counsellors, and the whole Venerable Assembly of the State.
Venerable Fathers,
I shall meddle with no policy, but what lies within my own profession, as a preacher of righteousness: As such, I may stir up your pure minds, to attend most zealously, to the suppression of all vice and immorality, for this end let us always have, not only the best laws, but the best men to execute them, men of ability, men that pay a sacred regard to religion and virtue, in their own example. Your Honours will continue to be nursing fathers to the church of God, and will promote the interest of that kingdom which shall finally triumph over all.
The interest of learning will engross your great attention and patronage, as it is the strength and glory of a nation—what could we have done in our late contest with Britain, had we been destitute of learned men? We have fought to as good purpose with the pen as with the sword.
I beg leave, earnestly, to recommend the University in this State, to the intimate acquaintance and most cordial friendship and munificence of this Honourable Assembly, it is exceeding happy when a college is embosomed in the bare love and friendship of those that are first in the affairs of state; and when there is any distant reserve between them it is very unhappy, the college surely is a most valuable interest and brilliant ornament to the State. Your Hon. Ours see what learned and excellent instructors the college is furnished with; as also the great increase of students: But alas! the edifices and the finances how adequate? How happy if that seminary might always be embraced and nourished by this Honourable Assembly, as a darling child, by a kind indulgent parent? Whatever can be done to add to the strength and glory of the college, will be well done: And should a liberal stream of bounty flow to it, annually, out of this fountain, we should find our account in the blessing of heaven on the whole State, and on our land. All inferior schools in this State claim your kind notice and favour, your Honours will think upon them for good: But our great and growing university pleads for your special intimacy and liberality, that, as times change, and necessities require, nothing may be wanting to make it most respectable in every view, and most useful to persons of all ranks and professions. This is an happy era to do everything noble and important for such a seminary.
Moreover, your Honours know what demands on this state, and on the nation, are justly made, by those who have lent us their livings to support the war, or have served an hard service in it. You know likewise what just obligations we are under to nations beyond the water, who have lent us their aid. Most certainly it is high time that this state, and every state, and all in conjunction, so far as demands are national, make full provision to pay every honest debt, and till this is done public guilt lies upon us. The cries of suffering individuals from whom we withhold their bread, enter into the ears of the Lord of Sabbath; and when foreign nations make just demands, we shall find God will vindicate their claim. We are not poor; we are far from a state of bankruptcy; in a large and good land, flowing with rich treasures. Pray point out the best way and oblige us to do what is right to all men.
Those that have lent us their money and are now suffering for want of it, are sons of Adam as well as ourselves, and ought to live on equal terms with us, and not be wronged and oppressed because the public are many, and mighty, and can do as they please.
Those who have fought our battles for us are our own brethren: And even foreign nations to whom we are under just obligations, with the other states, the whole in union, are children of our own parents. To be just, righteous, and faithful is humanity. Righteousness is religion pure and undefiled.
A state or nation ought ever to be as upright and faithful, in dealing with an individual, or a community, as one neighbour with another: It lies with your Honours to concert effectual measures, that this state, and, as far as to us appertains, the whole nation may be so.
The great fountain of light, grant your Honours all wisdom in this dark and trying day, support you under all your burdens and cares, make your days many, and fill them with growing usefulness, in mercy to his people. And may we at last see you all in exalted seats of glory!
I next turn to my Reverend Fathers and Brethren in sacred character.
Much Honoured and dearly Beloved.
It is our peculiar happiness, that our lives and labours are more immediately employed in that kingdom and interest, which is dearer to God than all things else, and to which all his other works are made subservient.
We have every motive to be faithful, and rejoice with exceeding joy. The kingdom of Jesus on earth is often not in apparent splendor, or in much favour with the world; but all the concerns of it are ever moving forward, with a divine dignity, and rolling on to a most glorious and universal triumph. Our lot in this kingdom is the happiest lot. We are not indeed in the way to attain the wealth and splendor and other dying allurements of this world as we might in other employments: But the very business of our lives is heaven upon earth; it is to converse with Deity, in all his beauty and glory, through Emmanuel, beaming forth in his word and in all his works, and to preach Deity displayed, God manifest in the flesh, to a lost world. As we love true pleasure we shall be great students, and very active for the good of immortal souls; shall preach nothing but sound, practical divinity, unite in gospel charity, cement in love, “for God is love.”
In the days like these, we are willing to bear our portion of expence and burden with our brethren; and truly most of us have done that, and many of us much more: But yet we are well provided for, and ever shall be; no part of the world was ever kinder to ministers of the gospel than this has been from the first. Our rulers are benevolent fathers to us; our people loving brethren and dutiful children.
And only to except him that is now speaking, and, perhaps, a very few beside, this land has been blessed with the most learned, orthodox, and pious clergy, from its first settlement to this day, of any part of the world. And we see the fruit of our labour, in resisting the torrent of wickedness, which flows dreadful from the human heart; we see good fruit when we are instrumental to enlighten and regulate our people, and form them for moral and social duties; and in all the strength and support we give to the commonwealth. But above all, when God is pleased, by his holy spirit, to make our labours effectual for the saving good of souls; this no doubt he does in some measure, more or less, with the labours of every true minister of Christ. And oh! how glorious and joyful, when the divine spirit is poured out in copious effusions, “as rivers in the wilderness, and as floods on the dry and thirsty ground,” and converts to righteousness become as the drops of morning dew! This hath God done in days past, nor has he forsaken us in the present day. We hear glad tidings from several parts, yea, we do in some measure “see the good of his chosen, and rejoice in the gladness of his nation, and glory with his inheritance.”
And do you not learn, my Reverend Fathers and Brethren, from all the movements of divine Providence and from the prophetic words, “That the time, the set time to favour Zion is near at hand?” Light and true religion have beamed forth from east to west, from the beginning: These goings down of the sun, are the last regions to be thus visited, before the latter day glory. By the isles and the ships of Tarshish in scripture prophecy, is plainly imported all the western islands, and all communications from the western part of the world: And shall not “the isles soon wait on God and the ships of Tarshish first?” “So shall they fear thy name from the west, and thy glory from the rising of the sun,”—God shall return the captivity of Jacob’s tents, and the fullness of the Gentiles shall come in. Shall not Ethiopia soon stretch out her hands to God? Is not the accomplishment of those words now in the pleasing dawn? “Then will I turn to the people a pure language, that they may all call upon the name of the Lord, to serve him with one consent. From beyond the river of Ethiopia my suppliants, the daughter of my dispersed shall bring mine offering.” 13
Your faith and prayer, oh ye sacred ones, will always concur with the good-will of him that dwelt in the bush: And when Messiah reigns in visible glory over all the earth, how will your souls rejoice.
God has now given us a blessed inheritance, and spoke peace to this nation, in its growing greatness; he has spoke peace to some of the nations of Europe, and can soon speak peace to all the world; “Glory to God in the highest, peace on earth, good will towards men.”
I would now close with a word to this great and respectable Audience at large.
My Fathers, Brethren, and dear Friends,
It is of the last importance that we bear in mind the design of the Most High in creating all worlds, and disposing of all beings; this world with all the nations that dwell in it. It is that God may reign; immortal souls concur with him, in his providence and grace, and be happy.
Whatever part we act in this world; whatever we attain on this side the grave; if we have not made religion our great business, Jesus our hope, and God our portion, we shall, in a few days, know we have been but deluded trifles, and sorely regret that ever we saw the light, or had a portion among the living.
A life of religion is the only proper life of rational, immortal man; to know God in his dear son is our best knowledge, and to serve him our best work. Those only who have this temper of mind, and thus lie, are the true children of Israel, to whose happiness and glory, as you have heard, all the nations of the earth shall bow, “To bind their kings with chains, and their nobles with fetters of iron, to execute upon them the judgment written; this honour has all his saints; praise ye the Lord.” 14
We shall all meet no more until the day of the complete triumph of the redeemed of the Lord,
When they shall return and come with songs, to the heavenly Zion, and everlasting joy shall be upon their heads, they shall obtain gladness and joy, and sorrow, and mourning shall flee away.” Oh may you, beloved, all be found among them, in that day! When princes and potentates, and all the great ones of the earth, shall mingle with common people, yea with slaves and vassals, in one great, and undistinguished throng, unless true religion shall gird them with glory: When all the mighty movements of Providence in this world shall cease; and kingdoms, states, and empires be no more, then shall we all know what is the true wisdom and happiness of immortal man; “Then shall ye return and discern between the righteous and the wicked; between him that serveth God, and him that serveth him not.”
Born in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, Clarke grew up in a strongly patriotic family during the American War for Independence. In fact, his uncle, Timothy Pickering, was not only a military general under George Washington and later became Postmaster General, Secretary of War, and Secretary of State under President Washington. Clark graduated from the Boston Public Latin School in 1761, while only six years old. In 1774 at the age of nineteen, he graduated from Harvard. He returned for his Master’s Degree (1777), and then studied theology, receiving his Doctor of Divinity from the University of Edinburgh. He took a job on the staff of First Church of Boston, alongside the great preacher Dr. Charles Chauncy, who himself had been a significant influence in the years leading up to the American War for Independence. When Chauncy died in 1787, Clarke became pastor, where he continued until he suffered a stroke while preaching in 1798, passing away the next day at the age of forty-three. A two-volume set of his sermons were published after his death. The following sermon was the one he preached at the interment of the Rev. Samuel Cooper of Boston on January 2, 1784. (Note: the Rev. Cooper was a highly influential clergyman, identified by Founding Father John Adams as one of the individuals “most conspicuous, the most ardent, and influential” in the “awakening and revival of American principles and feelings” that led to American independence.)
The following sermon was preached at the interment of Rev. Samuel Cooper in Boston on January 2, 1784.
A
S E R M O N
DELIVERED
AT THE
CHURCH IN BRATTLE-STREET,
JANUARY 2, 1784.
AT THE
INTERMENT
OF THE
REV. SAMUEL COOPER, D.D.
Who Expired, December 29, 1783.
BY JOHN CLARKE, A. M. Junior Pastor of the First Church in Boston.
And Samuel died; and all the Israelite—lamented him.
Samuel XXV. I.
A
SERMON, &c.
ACTS XX. 38.
Sorrowing most of all for the words which he spake, that they should see his face no more.
There is not, my respected hearers, a more tender and affecting scene, than the last solemn interview of the apostle with the church of Ephesus. Knowing that he was appointed to bonds and afflictions; and that those, among whom he had been preaching the kingdom of God, would see him no more,–he could not pursue his way to Jerusalem, till he had first dropped a parting tear; and bid his very dear and valued friends a final adieu. From 1Miletus therefore, he sent for the Elders of that church: And, with a tenderness peculiarly affecting, he reminds them of the zeal and fidelity with which he had discharged his duty as a minister of Jesus Christ. He had kept back nothing that was profitable to them. He had taught them in public, and in private. The whole counsel of God he had solemnly declared. And, for the space of three years, he had ceased not to warn everyone, night and day, with tears. In proof of this, he appeals to those who were acquainted with him from his first arrival at Asia; and knew after what manner he had been with them at all seasons.
Having done that justice to his own character, which he was conscious it deserved,–he proceeds to his future expectations. And now behold, says he, I go bound in the spirit unto Jerusalem, not knowing the things that shall befall me there: Save that the Holy Ghost witnesseth, in every city, that bonds and afflictions abide me. But none of these things move me, neither count I my life dear unto myself, so that I might finish my course with joy, and the ministry which I have received of the Lord Jesus. This tender and affectionate speech, joined to the gloomy predictions with which it was interspersed, and the liberal sentiments with which it concluded, melted them into tears. They all wept sore. They fell on Paul’s neck, and kissed him. Sorrowing much on his account, because bonds and afflictions awaited him; but more on their own, because they should see his face no more.
The behavior of the Ephesian Elders on this tender occasion, does no less honour to their feelings as men, than their profession as Christians. As fellow-creatures with the excellent apostle, they could not be unmoved at his approaching sufferings. As fellow-christians, it had been ingrateful to refuse a tear. Religion, blessed be God, does not extinguish the social feelings: It refines and improves them. It quickens our sensibility; points out the proper objects of our affection; and when they are torn from us, it teaches us to sorrow, though not as those who are without hope. The grief therefore, discovered by the apostle’s friends, does honor to their hearts. And the lively sorrow, which marks every countenance, and pierces every bosom in this assembly, is no less becoming our religious character!
A faithful minister of Jesus Christ, is deservedly esteemed by the people of his charge. Such was the apostle Paul to the Christians of Ephesus. And such are all those who imbibe his spirit; and are actuated by his noble and disinterested motives. Under God, he had been the instrument of their conversion. He had built tem up in the most holy faith of the gospel. And he had labored, night and day, to form them to that character, and to qualify them for that felicity, which is the glorious object of the Christian dispensation. In prosecution of this work, he had discovered a great and generous mind. Superior to the motives which actuate other persons, he had studied merely their good. And he was undeterred from the pursuit, though it had exposed him to may temptations, and cost him many tears.
This generous and ardent zeal of the apostle they repaid with the tenderest affection. Sensible of his labours of love, and all he had done, and suffered for the church, they beheld him with eyes of gratitude; and openly acknowledged the obligation. Oppressed, as it were, with the memory of his kindness, they wept fore. They fell on his neck: They embraced him: They gave a loose to all those tender feelings, which had been excited by his pathetic discourse.
At this distressing apprehensions from wicked and unreasonable men, they were most painfully affected. Like the master he served, they saw him despised and rejected of men. They beheld him cited before unjust tribunals; and condemned without cause. And, to complete the horrour of the scene, imagination painted him expiring under the cruel hand of persecution; and sealing the truth of Christianity with his blood. And though he appeared unmoved at these approaching sufferings, they beheld them with extreme anguish. The arrow pointed at the breast of the apostle, already pierced them with many sorrows.
But what more deeply wounded their hearts, was the mournful consideration, that they should see his face no more. This was the last interview they should ever have with their most valued friend. No more should they hear his heavenly instructions: No more should they hand upon his lips; admire his gracious words; or be transported with his divine eloquence! His example also, which had been so bright and dazzling, they were to contemplate no more. The apostle was going from them,–going to bonds and afflictions, to sufferings, and to death. He would therefore, take a final leave of them, in this world, hoping for an eternal intercourse in the world to come!
The tears, which were shed on this occasion, were a tribute due to the memory of the apostle. He deserved them all of his Christian friends. No tokens of regard, which they could pay, could possibly exceed the merits of their benefactor. For which reason, we should justly impeach their gratitude had they not melted at his discourse: And their whole Christian character, had they not sorrowed most of all, because they were to see his face no more. These words, when applied to a common friend, call up the most gloomy ideas; but how emphatically moving, when they refer to a generous benefactor, or any one for whom we entertain an ardent affection!
But, from the same principle we applaud the sensibility, and the undissembled sorrow of these Ephesians, we must enter into their feelings; and imitate theirconduct, when he faithful fail from among the children of men. To learning, patriotism and piety, we can not refuse the tribute of a tear. And when all these unite in the person of a Christian minister, his very dust will be precious to us, and we shall weep, with unaffected sorrow, over his cold remains.
It would indeed, be unpardonable arrogance, to pretend that any of the followers of this divine apostle could have his claim to the affections of their flock. However, there have been persons, in the ministerial profession who were burning and shining lights—who, to the learning of the scholar, united the virtues of the patriot; and to the easy familiarity of the companion, the seriousness and devotion of a Christian. In the church of Christ, there have been servants who were an honour to their order. Well instructed in the truths of religion, they have kept back nothing which was profitable to their charge. Generously concerned for the welfare of their flock, they have displayed the grace of the gospel with a most captivating eloquence; and enforced the precepts of it by a splendid example. In one word, there have been persons conspicuous, not only for the love of God, but the love of their country;–distinguished by their patriotic as well as their religious virtues; and no less beneficial to society, than ornamental to the church of Christ! And when such excellent characters are taken from us, shall we not feel, and lament the loss? Shall we not dress their tomb with fresh laurels? With faithful epitaphs shall we not engrave their stone? And, in our bosoms, cherish the everlasting remembrance of their virtues? Could latest time efface their image from our hearts, we should ill deserve the blessings we derive from them.
The death of an amiable, and distinguished servant of Jesus Christ is a loss, which every good mind will sincerely lament. It is a loss to his family and connexions,–a loss to the people of his charge,–a loss to the learned world,–his brethren of the profession,–the Commonwealth,–and, I will add, it is a loss to mankind! The first have peculiar reason to mourn, when the husband, the parent, and the friend is taken from them. And we should justly charge them with insensibility, did they not melt at the reflection,–that they shall see his face no more. How could they restrain the flowing tear, when they behold those eyes closed in night, which once beamed with tenderness and love;–that tongue locked in silence, on which ever dwelt the law of kindness;–and that visage deformed by death, which always wore the smiles of friendship! Surely, no human heart could be unsubdued by such a spectacle.
Next to his more immediate connexions, the people of his charge will mourn his death. They have lost an able minister, and an affectionate friend. How often have they been warmed by his devotion; and instructed by his discourse? How often have they listened to the gracious words, which proceeded from his lips? And, with what pious rapture have they accompanied him to the throne of Almighty God? When sick, how have they been supported by his Christian admonitions? When oppressed with sorrow, how have they been relieved by his tender application of the promises, and consolations of the gospel? When clouds and darkness hae over-shadowed their minds, how have they been enlightened by his religious conversation? And when ready to despair, how have they been reived by his elevated descriptions of the grace of God, and the merits of a Redeemer! Such reflections will crowd upon the minds of a grateful people, when their pastor is taken from them. They will mourn for the loss sustained by his particular friends; but most of all on their own account, because they shall see his face; hear his voice; and listen to his instructions no more!
Again—the death of such a person, will prove an unspeakable loss to the learned world. By his accurate taste, the brilliancy of his imagination, and the clearness of his judgment, he adorned and enriched the republic of letters. Others therefore, will lament his death, besides those who were bound to him by the ties of friendship or religion.
His brethren in the ministry, will never forget the hour, which consigned their dear and valued friend to the grave. The solemn sound of his funeral bell will dwell upon their ear. And his much loved image will present itself in the silent hour of night; or called up by fancy, will meet their waking eyes, in every place sacred to retirement, or religious contemplation. There will they call to mind his many virtues. There will they review the pleasing scenes in which he partook; and the happy intercourse they mutually enjoyed. And often will they repair to the sacred shrine, which contains his venerable dust. The memory of his virtues will create a sigh; while their bosoms will be wrung with the sad reflection,–they shall embrace their friend, and their brother no more!
Finally,–such a distinguished character, when cut off in the midst of his usefulness, will be an irreparable loss to society. The deadly arrow, which destroys him, will deeply wound the bosom of his country, She will feel, in a lively manner, the afflictive dispensation of divine providence: And will mourn over him as an only child. The man, who to the extensive benevolence of a Christian, unites a generous regard to that society of which he is a member, ought to be had in everlasting honour. His prayers, which have been gratefully received by the court of Heaven, ought not to be ingratefully overlooked by his fellow-men. They should remember how they have seen and heard, should call to mind his noble exertions in their behalf; and how uniformly and zealously he has always studied the public good. This part of his character should be the object of their frequent contemplation. They would they be deeply impressed with the loss they had sustained; and they would bless his memory as a patriot, while they revered his name as a minister and a Christian.
Thus have I described the person, who, as a domestic friend, a scholar, a member of society, but more especially, a minister of religion, deserves to be honoured when alive; and when dead, to be universally lamented. And did such a character never exist but in imagination? Did you never see the original of that portrait, I have thus imperfectly drawn? The grief which clouds your brow, the sighs which rend your bosoms;–and the tears which fall from your eyes, proclaim aloud, that such you esteemed your dear and venerable pastor, whose remains are now before you2; but whose face you shall see no more! Behold, the precious dust of your most honoured friend! Behold, all that now remains of the scholar, the patriot, and the divine! Venerable shade! Why dost thou revisit this sacred habitation? Was it to open our wounds anew! Was it to imbitter the cup which divine providence has poured out to us? Or was it to impress our minds with this mortifying truth—that EVERY MAN, AT HIS BEST ESTATE, IS ALTOGETHER VANITY!
We mourn with you, Christian friends, on this very distressing occasion. You have lost a most amiable and engaging minister; we a most friendly and entertaining companion. Some, in this assembly, mourn a husband, a parent, or a brother dead: And others are now paying the last tribute of respect to a patriot no more! We, who have more lately entered into the ministerial profession, bewail a friend, from whom we expected the greatest comfort; and whose counsel, assistance, and the pleasures of whose conversation, we promised ourselves for years to come. But vain are all expectations from so uncertain a thing as human life. Our friend, and your pastor is called to the mansions of the dead; and we shall see his face no more!
Within these walls, sacred to piety, and the public worship of God, you shall no more hear his voice. No more hall you catch the flame of his rational and animated devotion. No more shall your prayers ascend, clothed with his pious eloquence, an acceptable tribute to the father of mercies. No more shall the great truths of religion be set forth with his beauties of style; or recommended with his engaging delivery. That voice, those powers, and that manner, which once charmed, will charm no more!—Wherefore, give a loose to those tender feelings which his death has excited. There is a luxury in religious grief, unknown to vulgar minds. And the greatest understandings will not think it a weakness, in faltering accents, or a broken voice, to express their sorrow.
Justly should I incur the censure of his friends;–and greatly should I injure the memory of Dr. Cooper, should I not say, he was a peculiar ornament to this religious society. His talents as a minister were conspicuous to all; and they have met with universal applause. You know, with what plainness, and, at the same time, with what elegance, he displayed the grace of the gospel. You know, with what brilliancy of style he adorned the moral virtues; and how powerfully he recommended them to universal practice. When the joys of a better world employed his discourse, can you ever forget the elevated strains in which he described them? And his prayers, surely they must be remembered, when his qualifications for the other duties of his office, and his many shining accomplishments are forgotten! If those, who constantly attended upon his ministry are not warmed with the love of virtue;–if they are not charmed with the beauty of holiness;–if they are not transported with the grace of the gospel, must they not blame their own insensibility? Remember therefore, how you have seen, and heard, and hold fast, and repent.
But the place in which I now stand, was not the only theatre, on which he appeared with such applause: In private, also, he displayed his talents for the office he sustained. With peculiar facility, could he enter into the feelings of others, and adjust his conversation to the particular state of their minds. He could raise the bowed down, and encourage the feeble hearted. In the house of mourning, he could light up joy. He could inspire those, who were approaching the shades of death, with Christian fortitude. And by expatiating on the mercy of God, and the merits of a Saviour, he could revive those who were ready to despair! Thus various and accomplished his character, how justly are you affected on this occasion!
However, the people of his charge are not the only persons who mourn this event. The death of their honourable pastor is a general calamity. It is severely felt by all our societies: And by that, in a particular manner 3, which has been so long united with this church in a stated lecture. It is felt by this town, which gloried in him no less as a citizen, than a minister of the gospel. It is felt by the University, to whose honour and interests he was passionately devoted. The governours of that learned society will testify, how ardently he labored to raise it to superior eminence; and how he encouraged those sciences, the sweets of which he had so early, and so liberally tasted. His death will be lamented by this Commonwealth; and most sincerely, by some of the first characters in it. For with them he was intimately connected, and they distinguished him by every public token of respect.
In one word, his death will be a common loss to these American States; for, as a patriot, he was no less celebrated, than as a divine. Well acquainted with the interests of his country, he constantly and ardently pursued them. But while, as a states-man, he discerned what would tend to our glory and happiness, as a minister of religion, he prayed it might not be hid from our eyes. And you can tell with what fervor he offered up his supplications.
I MIGHT now descent to the more ornamental parts of his character. I might display him as the familiar friend, and the entertaining companion. I might remind you of his correct and elegant taste; and that most engaging politeness, which rendered him so agreeable in every private circle. But why should I aggravate a wound, which already bleeds too much! Why should I call up the pleasing image of a person, whom you shall see no more? Let me rather suggest those consolations, which will enable you to bear your loss with Christian fortitude, and to sorrow not as those who are without hope.
And behold, your 4 redeemer liveth; and he shall stand at the latter day upon the earth. Yet a little while, and5 Lord shall descend from Heaven with a shout with the voice of the archangel and the trump of God! And then shall the dead in Christ awake to immortal felicity! 6 That body, which is now sown in corruption, shall be raised in incorruption: That which is sown in dishonor, shall be raised in glory: That which is sown in weakness, shall be raised in power: And this natural shall be transformed into a spiritual body! Behold, I shew you a mystery! We shall not always remain under the power of the grave; but, in a moment, shall we awake, at the last trump; and our bodies shall be changed. And7Jesus Christ shall fashion them like unto his glorious body, according to the working, whereby he is able even to subdue all things unto himself. Happy day! When they who sleep in Jesus, shall hear his voice and come forth! When they shall be delivered from all the infelicities of this mortal state! When8they that are wise, shall shine as the brightness of the firmament;–and he that hath turned many to righteousness, as the stars for ever and ever!
9In the multitude of your thoughts within you, may these prospects delight your souls. May they support you at the silent tomb, to which you will soon repair; and leave the precious dust of our departed friend. May you realize them at the holy communion, on the approaching Sabbath. And may they be your joy and consolation, whenever you call to mind his amiable character; and remember that you shall see him no more.
And now, brethren, we proceed to the last tokens of respect to these remains. Could that voice, which has so often delighted this assembly, be once more unlocked, I can easily conceive, how you would be accosted by our deceased brother. Forgive me, if I presume to be his voice on this occasion Beloved Charge—Let not your hearts be troubled, ye believe in God, believe also in his Son. 9 If ye loved me, ye would rejoice, because I go to your father and my father; to your God and my God. To that God I now 11commend you, and to the word of his grace which is able to build you up; and to give you an inheritance among all them that are sanctified.12 And now, brethren, a long, a last farewell: Be perfect, be of good comfort, be of one mind, live in peace; and the God of love and peace shall be with you!
A M E N.
The following character of Doctor COOPER, drawn by another hand, is taken from the Continental Journal, of January 22, 1784.
Dr. Cooper was the second son of that distinguished divine, the late Rev. William Cooper, one of the pastors of the church in Brattle-Street: He was born the 28th of March, 1725. While he was passing through the common course of education at a grammar school in this town, and afterwards at the university in Cambridge, he exhibited such marks of a masterly genius as gave his friends the pleasure of anticipating a life eminently useful to his country.
His pious father having designed him for the gospel ministry, was happy to find his son’s inclination meeting his own. Divinity was therefore the Doctor’s favorite study; and having early felt the impressions of serious religion, the honour of being a minister of the gospel weighed down every consideration of temporal advantages.
He early made his appearance as a preacher, and so acceptable were his first performances, and such the expectations they had raised, that he had scarce attained to the age of twenty years before he received a call from the church and congregation in Brattle-Street, to succeed his father who died December 13th, 1743, as colleague with the celebrated Doctor Colman. In this office he was ordained May 25th, 1746, just thirty years after the ordination of his father.
The Doctor did not disappoint the expectations he had raised; his reputation increased, and he was soon one of the most universally acceptable preachers in the country. Through a course of near thirty-nine years public ministry, he conducted himself with such wisdom and integrity, prudence and ability, as procured him the like love and esteem from his venerable colleague, and the people of his charge which his father had enjoyed, and the notice and respect of all the clergy in the Commonwealth. Indeed his whole life was worthy the imitation of all who wish to live admired, or die lamented.
He early discovered a happy talent for composition; his sermons bore the mark of a genius and taste: they were clear and elegant—sensible and truly evangelical, and delivered with an energy and pathos which warmed the heart,–in a stile which charmed the ear,–and with an eloquence which always gained the attention of his auditory.
In prayer he was greatly distinguished;–his thoughts and language were devotional, pertinent and scriptural; well adapted to the particular occasion, and delivered with such humility and reverence, and at the same time grateful variety, as could hardly fail of kindling a flame of devotion in the most dull and lifeless of his fellow-worshippers. When celebrating the peculiar mysteries of our holy religion—how was he carried even beyond himself, with such a flow and fullness of expression, as often bore away the intelligent and spiritual worshippers as on angels wings towards heaven!—
About twelve months after his call and before his ordination, a malignant and mortal fever then prevailing, he was introduced by his reverend colleague to the chambers of the sick, and the beds of the dying. He has often observed, it was a happy introduction to the work of the ministry—It was one means of eminently qualifying him for that part of pastoral duty; and it is universally allowed that few, if any, were more judicious and successful in their applications and addresses to persons in those circumstances.
His religious sentiments were rational and catholic, being drawn from the gospel of Christ; in them he was ever steady, and though a friend to the rights of conscience and a free enquiry, he yet wished to avoid, in his common discourses, those nice and needless distinctions, which had too often proved detrimental to Christian love and union.
It was happy for his country, that his early intension of devoting himself to the work of the gospel ministry, or the cares of that important office to which he was ever attentive, did not prevent his completing his character by an intimate acquaintance with other branches of science besides divinity, particularly with the classicks. Upon their sparkling field he pleasingly roved from flower to flower, and finally became one of the most finished scholars of the present day.
He was a friend to learning, and to the university in which he was educated, and was a faithful member of the board of overseers. After the loss of Harvard hall, with the library and apparatus, by fire, in 1762, he exerted his extensive influence in procuring subscriptions to repair that loss. There having been a vacancy in the corporation in 1767, the Doctor was elected one of that board, and continued a very attentive, firm, and judicious member until his death.
His fame for literary accomplishments, and his character as a divine, became too great to be limited to his native country; it introduced him to the university of Edinburgh, from whence he was complimented with a diploma of doctor in divinity.
Dr. Cooper was an active member of the society for propagating the gospel among the aboriginals of America, the work was pleasing to his benevolent mind, and he was ever watchful that the pious intensions of the donors in those charities should not be disappointed.
When his country had asserted her right to independence, he was anxious to lay a foundation for the encouragement of useful arts, and the growth of the sciences in this land of civil liberty. In his opinion knowledge, as a handmaid to virtue, was necessary to support free governments and promote public happiness. He was therefore one of the foremost in forwarding the plan on foot, in 1780, for establishing an American academy of arts and sciences; and this society, from a sense of his literary merits, elected him their first vice-president.
To his acquaintance with divinity, and the other branches of science, were added a just knowledge of the nature and design of government, and the rights of mankind.—The gospel taught him to wish and promote their happiness, and the shining examples of the first ministers of this Commonwealth in the cause of their country, were ever before his eyes.
He well knew that tyranny opposes itself to religious as well as civil liberty; and being among the first who perceived the injustice and ruinous tendency of those measures of the British court, which at length obliged the Americans to defend their rights with the sword, this Reverend Patriot was among the first who took an early and decided part in the politics of his country.
He did what he could, not only by his prevailing address, his counsels and advice, but by his pen, in conjunction with other distinguished patriots, to alarm the sleepy, animate the timed, support the sufferer, encourage the warrior, and unite the people.
The abilities and steadiness thus manifested in this glorious cause, endeared him to his country, and he was esteemed, consulted and confided in by some of the principal leaders in the opposition—The success of it lay near his heart, and he regarded as friends all who aided it, whether here or in Europe.
He did much to obtain foreign alliances, and his letters were read with great satisfaction by the ministry of Versailles, whilst men of the most distinguished characters in Europe became his correspondents.
When France made a proffer of her friendship in the most disinterested manner, and became the supporter of our freedom and independence, it was necessary to subdue the prejudices against that nation which Britain had early sown in New-England, as also to conciliate the habits and manners of the two nations—Dr. Cooper appeared as one peculiarly formed by heaven for this happy purpose.
He possessed an elevation of thought, a delicacy of sentiment, and quickness of apprehension, which, united with an easiness of manners, and the most engaging address, never failed of gaining the attention and giving pleasure to the most respectable circles. Noblemen of the first distinction in Europe and fame for their literary accomplishments, having been by the course of the late war brought to America, were fond of being introduced to him;–when they had once seen him, they coveted an intimate acquaintance.
The great friendship subsisting between him, Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, was one means of his being known in France; and he gentlemen coming from that kingdom were generally recommended to him by those ambassadors.
When the fleets of his Most Christian Majesty have adorned our harbor, he was always the confidential friend of the gentlemen who commanded; and the many officers and subjects of that august and beloved Monarch who visited him, were ever received with an ease and cordiality that was pleasing, and highly endeared him to them.
When the civil constitution of this Commonwealth, in which he had some share, was formed and approved of by the people, he was, according to the custom of the country, called upon to introduce it with a sermon: this discourse, with others of his writings, have been printed in several languages, and are some specimens of his singular abilities.
The nature of his illness, which from the first he apprehended would be his last, was such as rendered him some part of the time incapable of conversation.—He had, however, intervals of recollection: at these times he informed his friends that he was perfectly reconciled to whatever Heaven should appoint—willing rather to be absent from the body and present with the Lord; that his hopes and consolations sprang from a belief of those evangelical truths which he had preached to others; that he wished not to be detained any longer from that higher state of perfection and happiness which the gospel had opened to his view.
He declared his great satisfaction in seeing his country in peace, and possessed of freedom and independence; and his hopes, that by their virtue and public spirit, they would shew the world that they were not unworthy those inestimable blessings.
With the tenderest expressions of love and kindness to his near connections and friends and the dear people of his charge, who have always shewn him every mark of their love and esteem, he closed this mortal life, and has, we trust, entered into the joys of his Lord.
Thus lived and thus died, the great and amiable Doctor Cooper, and his death is a loss which learning and religion, patriotism and friendship, will long feel and lament.
Joseph Willard (1738-1804) graduated from Harvard College in 1765 and served as a tutor at the College until 1772. He was ordained in November of 1772 at First Congregational Church in Beverly, Mass. In 1780, he was one of the founding members of The American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He was elected President of Harvard in 1781 and served until his death in 1804.
A Thanksgiving
Sermon
Delivered at Boston
December 11, 1783,
To The Religious Society
in Brattle Street,
Under the Pastoral Care
of
The Rev. Samuel Cooper, D.D.
By
The Rev. Joseph Willard, A.M.
President of the University in Cambridge.Thanksgiving Sermon.
Psalm CXVIII, 27.God is the Lord which hath showed us light; bind the sacrifice with cords, even unto the horns of the altar.
This is a Psalm of David; and it appears to have been penned by him, in the way of grateful acknowledgement to God, for some remarkable deliverance, which He had granted him from the hands of his enemies, who had been almost ready to destroy him, and over-run the kingdom of Israel. “All nations compassed me about, says he, but in the name of the Lord I will destroy them. They compassed me about; they compassed me about like bees, they are quenched as the fire of thorns; for in the name of the Lord I will destroy them. Thou hast thrust sore at me, that I might fall, but the Lord helped me. The Lord is my strength and song, and is become my salvation.” Thus was he delivered from the hands of his enemies, and he gives the glory to God—to that God upon whom, he tells us, in a verse proceeding, he had called in his distress; and he is desirous that he should be praised. “God is the Lord, says he in our text, which hath showed us light; bind the sacrifice with cords, even unto the horns of the altar”; i.e. As the omnipotent Lord appeared for us in our days of darkness—in our times of trouble, distress and danger, and hath caused light to shine upon us—hath made a way for our escape, and hath granted us salvation, let us be grateful to him—let us show our gratitude by offering him sacrifices of thanksgiving—let us bring our victims, for this purpose, to the altar, and there keep them bound, ready to be offered to God, to show our gratefulness and the joy of our hearts. Such was the exhortation of David to the people of Israel, when God had showed peculiar favors to him and them; and, in similar circumstances, a people, at this day, should consider the exhortation as directed to them. And in treating upon this text we shall show, that when God has remarkably interposed for a people in their days of darkness or calamity, and granted them light, or signal deliverances and favors, they ought to offer to Him a tribute of thanksgiving and praise.
God is the Lord, says David, which hath showed us light. This implies that he and his people had been in darkness. And here we may observe, that darkness and light are frequently used in a metaphorical sense, in the Holy Scriptures. Darkness is put for trouble, perplexity and calamity. Thus Joel speaking concerning the famine and other judgments under which the Israelites labored, calls the season, “A day of darkness and of gloominess, a day of clouds and of thick darkness.” And Zephaniah prophesying of the judgments of God, which were coming upon Judah, says concerning the time when they should fall upon them, “That day is a day of wrath, a day of trouble and distress, a day of wasteness and desolation, a day of darkness and gloominess, a day of clouds and thick darkness.” These and many other passages make it evident that darkness is sometimes used in the Holy Scriptures metaphorically for trouble and calamity; and it is with propriety thus used. In days of public calamity how distressing is sometimes the prospect? Which way soever we look, trouble and melancholy appear, and gloom is apt to seize upon and overwhelm the mind as darkness in the night involves the body.
We find light in the Holy Oracles spoken of in an opposite sense. It is put for prosperity and serenity of mind, or joy. And when God is mentioned as interposing for his people and removing their troubles and calamities, he is said to give them light, and they are spoken of as enjoying light. Thus, when God made a way for the Jews to be delivered from the wicked devices of Haman, and to be saved from that destruction, in which their enemies were ready to involve them, it is said that they had light and gladness and joy. Many such days had the children of Israel, while they continued to be a nation. After they had been involved in darkness they saw light; they had their troubles removed; and from adversity, through the goodness and mercy of God, they emerged to prosperity.
If we read their history with any attention, we shall find that they had many dark days. Their troubles and calamities were sometimes exceeding great; and they seemed to be threatened with destruction. The greatest scourges they had were generally their enemies, who, when they revolted from God were permitted to make war upon them, and oftentimes to reduce them to abject circumstances and great distresses. These were to them seasons of great gloom and darkness, and they sometimes knew not which way to turn. But when they repented, God interposed for them and granted them deliverance, whereby the clouds were dispersed and light shone upon them. And in whatever way they had light after their darkness it was God who was the Author of it.
David openly acknowledges God to be the Author of the deliverance that he and his people had, from the hand of their enemies, as celebrated in the Psalm from which we have taken our text. Like a man of true wisdom, he perceived the divine government—he saw the providence of God concerned in the important events that took place in his affairs; and as became a man of sincere piety, he freely spoke of it and gave glory to the Ruler of the world; and all who think with propriety and are men of real religion will join with David, and will allow, that God’s hand ought to be acknowledged, in all great and happy events which concern them.
We have enough to convince us, that God is the Governor of the Universe, and doth his pleasure in the armies of heaven and among the inhabitants of the earth. He hath almighty power, infinite wisdom, the strictest justice, and unbounded goodness; he is therefore able to rule in the best manner. Were we to argue only from what reason should dictate to us concerning such a Being, we must be convinced that he would rule in the best manner, if he should undertake the government of the world; and the same reason would dictate to us, that such a Being would not leave it without government: None could be equal to the undertaking but a Being of infinite perfections. God therefore must direct in all or the whole would run to confusion.
God’s providence and government are treated of in the plainest manner, in the Sacred Oracles. By them we are informed that He hath set up his empire among the children of men, and that He disposes of all things concerning them, as he pleases. He is represented as directing the concerns both of individuals and communities or nations. He orders what respects the outward circumstances of each one of us; and as to what concerns nations, he speaks to build and to plant them—and He speaks to pluck up, and to pull down and to destroy.
There are proofs, innumerable proofs of a superintendency over the affairs of men, which they cannot but be sensible of, if they open their eyes and reflect in the least. Such facts must arise to view as must fully convince every unprejudiced mind of providence. Oftentimes are events entirely contrary to human plans, and even to the most sanguine expectations. Men fail, when they appear to be upon the eve of carrying their purposes into execution, and their expectations perish. Sometimes men are as unexpectedly successful in their undertakings. They have been driven to attempt things, in which human probability has been entirely against them, and yet they have carried their attempts into execution. Thus are men taught, that there is Power above who orders and directs in all the affairs of the children of men. This has so often been the case with respect both to individuals and communities that he must be obstinately blind who does not see it.
God sometimes fulfills the desires of the children of men, without any human instrumentality. Thus, by a series of miracles wrought in Egypt, he caused the king of Egypt to let the children of Israel go out of his land, where they had for a long time been groaning under the most cruel bondage. And by working a miracle, he pated the red sea, when the king of Egypt with a large army pursued the Israelites; and after the Israelites had marched through and escaped, he caused the sea to return upon the Egyptians, who followed them, whereby they were all drowned; and thus was a most wonderful and memorable deliverance wrought for his people. In a like miraculous manner, God granted deliverance to the Samaritans, after they had been for a long time besieged by the army of Benhadad king of Syria, and had endured the rigors of famine. The sacred historian tells us, 2 Kings vii[7]th chapter, that, The Lord made the host of the Syrians to hear a noise of a great host, and they said one to another, Lo, the king of Israel hath hired against us the kings of the Hittites and the kings of the Egyptians, to come upon us. Wherefore they arose and fled in the twilight, and left their tents and their horses, and their asses, even the camp as it was, and fled for their life. As remarkable a deliverance God gave Hezekiah from the army of Sennacherib king of Assyria. He had greatly distressed the land of Judea, and by his army and threatenings had thrown Hezekiah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem into much consternation. He boasted what he would do to the kingdom of Hezekiah, and spoke blasphemous words against the God of heaven. But the Almighty soon blasted his purposes. His angel went out, and in one night smote in the camp of the Assyrians, an hundred fourscore and five thousand men; and Sennacherib, without attempting anything farther, returned to his own land. This memorable account we find in 2 Kings xix, and in Isaiah xxxviii. These are a few instances of many that might be produced from sacred Writ, where God, in the most remarkable manner, interposed and granted salvation to his people, without human means; so that the glory could not but be entirely ascribed to him.
But the hand of God does not always appear so immediate and conspicuous, in those great and happy events which a people sometimes experiences; yet his providence may be seen in them; and though human means may have been made use of, the finger of God may still evidently appear in bringing about what takes place. A number of instances favoring this position, may be found in the sacred pages, respecting the children of Israel, which there is not time to mention, but which those conversant with their bibles may easily advert to.
There never has been a nation for whom God has so miraculously interposed, in their days of darkness, as he often did for the children of Israel; and scarcely ever is his providence marked with such very signal footsteps. Yet divine interpositions for other nations have sometimes been so evident, that he must have been willfully perverse who has not owned them. They have sometimes appeared to be upon the brink of ruin; everything has seemed to be fast tending to their overthrow; they have been so enveloped in darkness, that almost ever mind has been filled with gloom, and has presaged the saddest events: But a series of prosperous circumstances have ere long taken place; every undertaking has been smiled upon; ways and means have unexpectedly been found for them to reinstate their affairs, and a train of successes has attended all their operations. Everything has turned out so contrary to human appearances and expectations, that none but an atheistical mind could resist the evidences appearing for the interposals of a divine providence. Even Heathens have remarked such interposals, and have highly celebrated them; and surely it would be a disgrace to those, who are favored with the knowledge of the true religion, when they see such remarkable events taking place, or which have taken place, not to acknowledge the hand of Him who rules in heaven and among the inhabitants of the earth, and who orders things as it best pleases Him. And they who are interested in events, which have been graciously overruled to their advantage and happiness, would conduct entirely unworthy the benefits they have received, should they not acknowledge that they are indebted to the providence of God for them. A humble sense of their dependence upon Him ought to possess their minds, as well when they have received favors, as when they are in want of them. And it is highly provoking to God, when men entirely arrogate that to themselves, for which they have been indebted to his blessing and the success which he has granted to their endeavors, and they have reason to fear lest he should withdraw his favors. But they who have a sense of their obligations to God, for the light and prosperity which they enjoy, and with grateful hearts acknowledge it, may hope that he will be further merciful to them, and will grant them all needed salvation.
Gratitude to God always becomes the children of men, who are continually receiving benefits from his hand; and it in a peculiar manner becomes them, when they have received any signal favors. This was the temper of David, as we find in our text. As the Lord had showed him and his people light, he exhorts to bind the sacrifice with cords unto the horns of the altar. He was ready to offer a tribute of praise to the God of his salvation himself, and to lead others to do the same. This is a conduct which all ought to pursue.
God has been pleased to endue us with passions and affections, as well as reason; and when we see particular actions or modes of conduct, we not only reason upon them, but we immediately feel ourselves impressed with the idea of their propriety or impropriety. When we perceive a malignant temper in any one of our fellow creatures, and see him manifesting it by malevolent actions, not only does our reason tell us that his temper is evil and his actions wrong, but we immediately feel ourselves impressed with the idea of his vileness; and indignation arises in our breasts against him. On the contrary, when we see one of our fellow creatures of diffusive benevolence, who shows the goodness of his heart by frequent acts of kindness and beneficence, and who delights to make all those who are around him happy, our hearts must be immediately impressed with a love of his character; unless we are devoid of the common feelings of the human heart; and if we have been benefitted by him, we shall not only love his character, but, shall feel gratitude enkindled in our bosoms.
Shall we feel thus disposed towards one of our fellow men, in whose character there is benevolence and goodness, and can we see remarkable manifestations of the goodness of God towards us, and not have our hearts deeply impressed with gratitude and thankfulness to Him! None can possibly bestow upon us such favors as God, but all must in acts of goodness fall infinitely short of him; and shall any feel more grateful to a fellow creature, who bestows a few favors, than to that infinitely good Being, who loads us with benefits, and to whom we are obliged for disposing others to do us good? Did men but seriously consider from whence all their mercies flow—that it is God to whom they are indebted for the blessings they enjoy, they could not but feel highly grateful to him. A grateful mind must always be acceptable to God; all therefore should be solicitous that their mind be thus disposed; and if they are truly grateful to him they cannot but be ready to offer him a tribute of praise, and to conduct in such a manner as to glorify him.
To live as God requires is the most substantial praise that men can pay him. This shows that they have a proper sense of their obligations to him, and are studious to glorify him: All therefore should endeavor so to order their whole conversation and conduct, that a tribute of praise may be daily ascending from them, and they may lead a life of thanksgiving. But particular exercises of praise and thanksgiving are a mean of promoting such a character in ourselves and others. They have tendency to excite sentiments of love and gratitude to God, and to lead men to study what His will is, that they may conform thereto.
David in our text, sensible of his obligations to God speaks of offering him sacrifices. There were sacrifices of thanksgiving appointed under the Mosaic dispensation. These we read of in Leviticus vii. The Israelites were directed to offer sacrifices of thanksgiving to testify their gratitude for the favors they received from God; and if these sacrifices were attended with grateful hearts, they were acceptable to him.
Jewish sacrifices, we all know, have long since ceased, but there are ways in which Christians may offer to God sacrifices of thanksgiving. They may have days appointed to meet together at the house of God, to attend to discourses of his goodness and mercy, to sing his praises, and to offer their thankful acknowledgements for his favors, before the throne of his grace. And if they thus meet together, with hearts deeply impressed with a sense of divine benefits, and sincerely join in these acts of worship, they glorify God and are accepted by him.—They also offer him the sacrifice of thanksgiving, while they temperately partake of the bounties of his providence, and at the same time have their affections engaged to him for his blessings. And they who are in circumstances of ease of affluence may offer to God the sacrifice of thanksgiving, by imitating him in his bounty, and bestowing favors, with a true spirit of charity, upon those who are in circumstances of indigence.
But omitting what might be further offered upon this head, I shall now proceed to the improvement.
From what we have heard, let us all be excited to keep in our minds a realizing sense of the providence of God, as continually directing human affairs. And at a time when there are any great and signal benefits, in which we with others are concerned, let us show that we are properly impressed with a consideration of our being indebted to God.
It becomes us to acknowledge a divine providence, when we are partakers of peculiar favors; for however the blessings we enjoy may appear to have been in any measure procured by ourselves, or by any of our fellow men, we or they are but second causes. God is the first cause, and without him nothing can be brought to pass. In all signal blessings, therefore, let us gratefully acknowledge him, and we may hope at all times to have his favorable regards, and those mercies that we farther stand in need of. And, under great and happy events in which it becomes us to rejoice, let us endeavor that our joy may be under proper regulations.
We should enjoy with cheerfulness the prosperity that God is pleased to allot to us; and when we meet with peculiar deliverances and favors, especially of a public nature, in which not only we, but multitudes of our fellow men are concerned, we may be particularly joyous; only we should guard against everything that would not become us as men and as Christians. And we should in a particular manner be glad in the Lord, who is our divine Benefactor. Let us with sincerity pay our tribute of thanksgiving to him, and make our gratitude known by striving to live as well as speak his praises—joining the sacrifice of a pious and Godly conduct to the offerings of our tongues.
Let us now consider what has been offered, as it respects the occasion of our being together at this time.
We are called together by our Rulers, this day, to celebrate the loving kindness of God as it appears in those great things which he hath done for us. And in order that our gratitude may abound, in those happy circumstances in which we now find ourselves, let us take a retrospective view of the state of our affairs, in this land, for some years past. We shall indeed be able but just to glance upon many things; but we shall see sufficient to fill our minds with adoring thoughts of the great Governor of the world, and the highest gratitude to him for his unspeakable benefits.
We have had days of darkness as well as seasons of light. How gloomy was our situation, for several years before the late war, when Great Britain was endeavoring to lay upon us burdens difficult to be borne, and which, if we had submitted to them, would have sunk us to a very abject state. We had to contend with artful men, and those bent upon carrying their purposes, at all events. But in the midst of these glooms God gave us some light. He early raised up those among us, who had wisdom to detect the plots of these men, and firmness to oppose their measures, so that we did not fall that easy prey to them, which they had expected. They took one method after another, to put the shackles upon the inhabitants of this land; sometimes by artful, at other times by violent measures; but there were always found those among us, who could traverse their designs; and though the blessing of God, upon the exertions of our worthy and steady Patriots, the enemies of our Zion were never able to carry these their destructive plans into execution.
How dark was the prospect, when the port of this Metropolis was shut up by a cruel act of the British Legislature, as a punishment for opposing their unjust measure? Soon after which, the Government of the Province was essentially altered, and made a King’s Government, that the people might be brought to humiliating submission; and to reduce them the sooner to this, a military Governor, with a considerable military force, was placed among us. Gloom sat upon the countenances of all but a few, and we trembled for the event of these things. “But though we were perplexed, we were not in despair—though we were persecuted, we were not forsaken.” Many who had appeared Patriots, continued firm in their country’s cause; and God granted a remarkable union of the inhabitants of this land. This Metropolis found friends, through the Continent, to help her under her distresses—this Province found others disposed to make her cause a common one; and by their united counsels they made a glorious stand against the hand of oppression. Thus did light break forth from darkness. Our enemies, who had thought by rigorous methods to intimidate us, were chagrined at finding so determined a spirit of opposition to their schemes, and they were plunged into difficulties which they knew not how to surmount.
But the most trying scenes were still to come. On the memorable 19th of April 1775, hostilities began, bloodshed commenced, which led on to that train of events, which have astonished the world. But how dark was the aspect when war had thus commenced between Great Britain and the inhabitants of her then Colonies! In this Province the war began; and we could not tell how far we should be aided and supported by our sister Colonies, in this last appeal to heaven. But God, who has the hearts of all men in his hand, surprisingly inclined them to aid us; and the determination became general, to withstand the hand of oppression, to the last extremity. Those in this Province, who with so much patriotism and bravery turned out to repel the enemy, at the commencement of hostilities, were soon joined by their brethren, from other parts, so that it was not long before we had a large army collected, and a General at the head of it, in whom entire confidence was placed; and thus heaven appeared to smile upon us in the midst of our distresses. And we had this further happiness, that the Council of the United colonies harmonized in their measures, and strenuously pursued whose plans, which, they judged, would best conduce to secure the liberty and felicity of the people. But although we had thus some light, yet there were dark clouds which could not but give us uneasiness. Our army was for a good while in a very fluctuating state. At the same time, they were almost destitute of everything necessary to carry on a war, while our enemies were well furnished. Yet, God ere long gave us some signal advantages against them, particularly in the ever memorable battle of Bunker-Hill, enabled us to circumscribe them within very narrow bounds, and prevent them from ravaging the country. And after they had been in possession of our Capital, for some months, He was remarkably with us, in driving them from the important post. And how wonderful were the smiles of providence upon us, in procuring those military articles we stood in need of! All the efforts of our enemies to prevent our supply proved abortive. When we were in the greatest straits, some of the enemy’s vessels laden with military stores and clothing, fell into our hands—we soon became able to manufacture military stores for ourselves, in large quantities—foreign ports were opened to us, and freely supplied us with whatever we stood in need of; so that all the endeavors of our enemies to force us into a compliance with their unjust measures, by putting it out of our power to oppose them, for want of arms and military stores, were entirely frustrated.
In the summer of 1776, so large was the British force, both by sea and land, at New York, that human probability was, that they would carry all before them. Yet, the Fathers of our country, our intrepid Patriots did not despair of our affairs; and when they found that all addresses to the throne for justice were unavailing, and there appeared the most determined spirit to oppress this people, deprive them of their invaluable liberties and bring them to abject submission, they nobly dared as it were in the face of the royal fleets and armies, to assert their freedom, declare their independence on that power which was thus injuriously treating them, and to rank themselves among the distinct nations of the earth. This step the people at large had previously authorized the great Council of the States to take, if they should think it expedient; and they have never had reason to repent that it was taken. Such a measure, taken under such circumstances, must immortalize the memory of the then inhabitants of this country, and particularly, of that band of intrepid patriots, who proposed the measure and openly published it to the world, under the signature of that distinguished Patron of liberty, who has ever stood forth to assert its glorious cause, even in times of the greatest hazard.
After this memorable transaction, in the course of the summer, the enemy gained many advantages over us; and in the autumn our affairs wore an extremely dark aspect. Our army was reduced to an handful of men, compared with that of our enemy. But our Commander in Chief, who has ever shown with peculiar lustre in circumstances of difficulty, through the blessing of providence upon his arms in the winter, revived the drooping spirits of his countrymen. His splendid and successful actions of Trenton and Princeton gave a new turn to our affairs; and large recruits soon joined our little army. Our enemies were disappointed in their expectations, and greatly chagrined; and we had light and joy, after great darkness and perplexity.
During the course of the war, God remarkably prevented the ruin of our cause by British gold, when employed for that purpose. A remarkable instance of his kindness we had in the detection of Arnold, one of our Major Generals, in his ungrateful, vile and treacherous designs and plots. Had he succeeded in these designs, such a blow would have been given to our affairs, as we should have severely felt; and the consequences might have been fatal to our cause. But the Lord disappointed him.—While we view, with the utmost contempt, detestation and abhorrence the abandoned traitor, purchased with the enemy’s gold, let us consider, with the greatest gratitude, the footsteps of the providence of our gracious and divine Benefactor, by which his atrocious plots were brought to light and frustrated, when they were upon the point of being executed; and to him be the glory of all!
The military events, after the last mentioned actions of Trenton and Princeton, were various; and to give a minute detail would now be tedious and improper. Our defensive and offensive actions were sometimes signal. Witness Red-Bank, Stony-Point, Monmouth and several other places. But the successes that attended our arms, in two instances, were so important in themselves and so momentous in their consequences, that I cannot forbear briefly describing them.
The first instance I refer to, is the capture of General Burgoyne and his army, at Saratoga, by General Gates and his forces. How gloomy was the prospect, sometime before the event? When our forces were abandoning their strong holds, and leaving all to the enemy.—The enemy, at the same time pursuing, and slaying and taking prisoners many of our soldiers—Numbers of towns, in the northern department, lying open to the ravages of the British troops and to the cruel depredations of the savages—Multitudes fleeing from their habitations and leaving their substance, to escape the sons of violence; and scarcely knowing where to retire—The enemy flushed with success, penetrating into the country, and threatening to over-run that quarter like an overflowing flood! At that time we were ready to think that all these things were against us; and we trembled for the event. But it was not long before we saw that God meant all for good. Many of our militia were inspired to take the field, in their country’s cause. We soon met with great success at Bennington, against a large division of the enemy; after which, they lost ground in every quarter. Their main body was prevented from advancing, by our army, which daily augmented, by great numbers, who voluntarily took the field. Large divisions of the enemy’s army were attacked and repulsed; and the whole, soon after, fell into the hands of our brave General and his troops.
When the news of this capture reached Europe, it filled the minds of our enemies with dismay; and it happily made way for our alliance with the French nation, from which we have received the most important advantages. From that period, the inhabitants of these United States have appeared to the nations of Europe of much higher consequence than before, and their cause of far greater moment. And the example of France induced others, particularly the United Provinces in the Netherlands, to favor our struggles for securing our independence.
The other memorable instance of success was at York Town in the autumn of 1781. Several of the first months of that year afforded us very unfavorable prospects. When the spring opened, we had but a small army in the field, and our enemies were making great progress in the southern States. At the time that General Green was appointed for, and sent to that department, he had almost every difficulty to contend with. When he began his campaign he had but a very small army. But by his merit and enterprising spirit he soon collected a considerable force, and engaged Earl Cornwallis, the enemy’s commander in chief in that quarter. The contest was obstinate, notwithstanding our forces were inferior in numbers; and although the enemy kept the ground, yet they suffered so severely and were in such circumstances, that they were soon obliged to leave it to our army, which was in the neighborhood, and was ready to meet them again, in a few days after the battle.
Our General and army marched to South Carolina, while the enemy proceeded to Virginia, with a full expectation of adding that State to their southern conquests, which they thought secure to them. But their expectations were eventually disappointed, in every quarter. Our arms, by the smiles of a kind providence, were crowned with the most happy success in the Carolinas, and one important post after another fell into the hands of our brave General and army.
When Earl Cornwallis had arrived in Virginia, he found there the brave Marquis la Fayette to oppose him, but with so small a force, that he was able to make but little head against him. The British General, therefore, greatly distressed the people of that State, and the prospect for a time, was in that quarter, very unfavorable to us. But after a while the prospect brightened. Our illustrious and generous Ally the King of France, who had, the year before, sent us a considerable fleet and army, did, on this emergency, furnish these States with a powerful armament, to cooperate with us against the British forces. And what was the event? The united arms of America and France, by the blessing of heaven succeeded according to our wishes. The British fleet severely shattered, and driven from the Chesapeake by the French, and unable to relieve their General, returned to port with disappointment and loss. Our illustrious General and Commander in Chief, with the allied army, approached the enemy, who were strongly fortified, but with such vigor and resolution was the siege prosecuted, that the Earl was soon reduced to the necessity of capitulating, and submitted to such terms as were imposed—terms, indeed, less humiliating and severe than he, who had constantly marked his footsteps with devastation and cruelty, had any right to expect; but not too lenient for the noble and generous mind of a Washington to give—a mind, which has ever compassionated the unfortunate, though by their conduct they have oftentimes been undeserving of pity.
This glorious event was the finishing stroke to the offensive war of the Britons in America. Our enemies were convinced, that to prosecute the war any father would be but to plunge themselves into greater disgrace and wretchedness. Through the year 1782, therefore, there were no military actions among us, worth notice; and negotiations for peace were more thought of than preparations for war. And happily, in the beginning of the present year, peace was settled, and the independence of these United States was acknowledged by Great Britain; and our Plenipotentiaries gained, by the treaty, everything for us that our most sanguine expectations could promise us. Such a great and important revolution in the cause of freedom, and completed in so few years, is not to be found recorded in history; and it must ever appear an event as astonishing as it is important.
I have briefly related these things, my hearers, not to inform of anything new, but to stir up the mind by way of remembrance, and to bring many important things into one point of view, that we may the better see the divine footsteps, and be led to adore that God, who has safely conducted us through the difficulties we have had to sustain, has given us a name and rank among the nations of the earth, and firmly established our freedom.
Freedom! How pleasing is thy name, how grateful to those who have so long been struggling in thy cause! The inhabitants of the United States, who not long since, were ingloriously dependent upon another power, have now the direction of their own affairs; and from that true spirit of liberty, which so eminently distinguishes them, we have everything to hope. Methinks, I see the firmest and most distinguished Patriots, and the wisest and most just Legislators, in long succession, blessing the land. Under their patronage and encouragement, methinks I see agriculture carried to great perfection, by the wisdom and industry of this people, and trade and commerce so extended and improved, as to be highly to the emolument of these States. Methinks I see science flourishing, and improved to the highest degree, under the fostering hand of liberty. Methinks I see virtue and piety encouraged by all ranks of men, and the gospel of Jesus Christ having free course among us; and religious knowledge, and religious liberty, charity and Catholicism eminently prevailing, and this land becoming in all respects, the glory and the joy of the whole earth. Methinks I see the interests of mankind essentially promoted, by our glorious and successful struggles, and the benign influences of our freedom extending far and wide.—But whither am I carried in these pleasing presages? I forbear.—God grant, that expectations so delightful to our minds may never be blasted!
Methinks, my hearers, we cannot take a review of the great and momentous events, respecting these States, which we have been considering, without seeing the interpositions of a divine providence, in the most conspicuous manner, in bringing us out of darkness into marvelous light; and I must think, we all say in our hearts, “If it had not been the Lord, who was on our side, when men rose up against us: Then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us. Then the waters had overwhelmed us, the stream had gone over our soul. Then the proud waters had gone over our soul. Blessed be the Lord, who hath not given us a prey to their teeth. Our soul is escaped, as a bird out of the snare of the fowler; the snare is broken, and we are escaped.”
Great thanks are due to many, both in the civil and military line, who have exerted themselves to carry us happily through the war, in which we have been engaged in the support of freedom, and to secure the independence of these States. But whatever obligations we are under to our Patriots, still it is to God that we must give glory; and while we remember them with gratitude, as we ought always to do, let us principally be joyful in the rock of our salvation, and praise God for raising up of our fellow men to be such extensive blessings to us.
We mutually feel pleasure, my brethren, under prosperous events, in which we are concerned; and we ought not to suppress our pleasure, at such times, but only give it a proper direction. Did we not feel pleasure and joy when providence bestowed peculiar favors upon us, or were we immediately to labor to suppress every pleasurable sensation, at such a time, we should want a great stimulus to gratitude to the hand from whence we receive the mercies we enjoy. To be joyful, therefore, under such circumstances, is not only allowable, but is also a duty; and not to be moved would be greater proof of stupidity than of piety. The wise man says, “In a day of prosperity be joyful;” and we are authorized to it, by examples of good men, recorded in the word of God. But while we give outward demonstrations of joy, let us take care that we do not run into levity and vanity, into extravagance, luxury and excess; but in all our expressions of joy, on this happy occasion, let us conduct agreeably to the rules of reason and religion. Let us indulge to nothing that would jostle out of our minds a sense of the obligations we are under to God; but let us preserve a grateful regard to the providence of that Being, from whom comes every good and perfect gift; and who is the Author of all the happiness we enjoy or can expect. And let us strive to have our joy so operate, that through the blessing of God it may promote in our souls a true love to Him, and a sincere desire to please and obey Him. Thus should we all endeavor to improve the remarkable blessings God has bestowed upon us, and so to rejoice in the Lord that we may be furthered in our way to that blessed world, were there is joy unspeakable and full of glory.
But as God’s hand ought to be acknowledged with gratitude and thankfulness, in all such important events as we have been considering, so it ought also to be, in those things in which it does not appear so conspicuous to us, because they are more common. When the inhabitants of a Community enjoy great health and plenty, they are indebted to God therefore. In him we live move and have our being; and he upholds us from day to day. All diseases are under his direction and control. He can send them upon us, or restrain them, as he pleases. The state of the air may be salubrious or pestilentious, adapted to promote health or to impair it. There may be many other things, which may act as external causes, and may subserve or destroy it. But still, nothing can take place without the permission or direction of God, who is the health of our countenance. To him therefore be the praise and glory, for that health which the inhabitants of this land have, for the year past, enjoyed; and may we all show our gratitude to him, by improving our health in his service.
As God has savored us with remarkable health, so he has given us kindly seasons, and has blessed us with great plenty, filling us with food and gladness. This his goodness demands our grateful acknowledgements; and we ought to make it our great concern, to improve the bounties of his providence, in such a manner, that we may thereby honor and glorify him. May they who have ability be ready to show their gratitude to God, by assisting the poor, and extending their bounty to those who are objects of charity. The poor we have always with us; and they who have a sufficiency of this world’s goods should consider themselves God’s Almoners, and should be ready to expend something feed the hungry and clothe the naked, remembering what St. Paul has said, “To do good and to communicate forget not, for with such sacrifices God is well pleased.”
We have great reason of thankfulness that we have a good Government, and that our Rulers are such, that under their administration we may lead quiet and peaceable lives. And God be praised, that since the last anniversary, we have had so few internal difficulties among us, and that there is so general a disposition to promote good order.
Above all things, my brethren, let us be thankful to God, that he hath continued to us the precious privileges of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Let us strive with the greatest care to improve these privileges aright, which will be the most substantial proof that we are truly grateful for them.
God is calling upon you, my brethren, to consider the importance of improving these privileges, by his present afflictive providence, in interrupting the public services of your justly beloved and valued Pastor, who has, for many years, labored among you in word and in doctrine. While that eminent servant of our Lord Jesus Christ shall be detained from this his sanctuary, may you reflect how you have received and heard. May you consider how you have improved under his ministry. As far as it has had a due influence upon you, may you be grateful to God who has blessed it. If it has not been improved by you as it ought to have been, may you be humble and penitent, and resolve, relying upon divine grace, that you will for the future be more attentive to the great and momentous truths of the gospel.
Notwithstanding you are partakers of the public joy, which is diffused enough through the land, yet it cannot but be damped, by what you feel as a religious Society, on account of the sickness of your excellent Pastor; and in this regard it is with you a day of darkness. I feel you concern—I heartily condole with you under this afflictive dispensation of providence, and consider myself as deeply interested. May a life so eminently useful and valuable be precious in the sight of God. May he graciously restore him to health and to distinguished serviceableness among this people of his beloved charge—to the University of which he is so excellent and beneficial as Governor, and to the public, which he has greatly serve, and which would very sensibly feel his loss.
Blessed be God who is in any measure giving light and hope. May that goodness which is begun be perfected. May the darkness soon be entirely dispelled and perfect day appear. May your Pastor be raised up, and be continued to be a burning and shining light in this golden candlestick, as he has heretofore been, and even to increase in luster; and may you for a long season rejoice in his light.
Finally, that we may all walk agreeably to the light of gospel truth in this world, and that we may finally be received to the world of eternal light and glory above, may God of his infinite mercy grant, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
Ordered, That Jeremiah Powell, Moses Gill, and Ebenezer Bridge, Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Henry Cumings, and return him the Thanks of this Board for the Sermon delivered by him, Yesterday before his Honor, the Lieutenant- Governor, the Council, and the two Branches of the General Court; and to request a Copy of the same for the Press.
S. Adams, President
I Peter V. 5.
Yea, all of you be subject to one another.
Without enquiring into the particular meaning of these words, considered in a sense restrained by their coherence with what proceeds and follows, I shall take them as an independent sentence; in which detached view, they comprehend all those duties of civil and social life, which mankind owe to one another, whatever difference there may be among them, as to their respective capacities and outward condition in the world.
As then are formed for society, and cannot be happy in a state of separation from one another; so their well- being depends upon mutual assistance and support, and a reciprocal interchange of those offices of friendship and benevolence, which their mutual dependence requires, and both reason and religion prescribe.
That all men ought in some sense to be subject to one another, is the plain doctrine of the apostle Peter, in the words just read. This doctrine concerns all societies, under every form and constitution of government, whether monarchal, popular or mixed. It is especially suited to the genius of a commonwealth, founded upon this leading principle, that ˙all men are born free and equal; that is, come into the world on even ground in regard to authority; no one having a right to govern, in virtue of primogeniture or descent from an higher and more noble parentage than others.
The subject therefore is worthy of the attention of this respectable auditory; and the speaker has no doubt but they will afford him their candid indulgence, while he modestly attempts to offer a few thoughts upon it, though he should not be able to handle it, in a manner answerable to it’s dignity and importance.
According to it’s most common use, the word subjection signifies the submission of an inferior to a superior, and applies only to those duties, which men owe to those, who have authority over them. In order therefore to accommodate the doctrine of mutual subjection, to all the members of a community, we must sometimes depart from the strict sense of this word, or vary the meaning of it, so as to make it consist with the differences between men, in regard to their several abilities; and with those distinctions of office, rank and authority, which are necessary in society.
It is evident that the duties, which men owe to one another, and to society, are not, in all cases, precisely the same; but must be different, according to the difference of their respective advantages, opportunities and other circumstances. And when any one fulfils the obligations resulting from his particular condition and station in life; or that arise from the particular sphere of action, whether high or low, in which he moves; he does, on his part, conform to the great law of mutual subjection, and render himself a good and useful member of society.
Every one ought to consider, that he was born, not for himself alone, but for others, for society, for his country; and consequently that he is indispensably obliged to render the best assistance and service in his power, to his fellow- citizens around him, and to contribute his share towards the general interest of the community to which he belongs, This obligation is not confined to a few; but extends to all, from the highest officer in the state, through all subordinate ranks, and inferior orders and degrees, down to the lowest peasant and plebian. For though all are not able to render themselves useful and beneficial, in the same respects; yet there is no one, who enjoys the powers of reason and health, in any tolerable degree, but may, by a suitable employment of his faculties and abilities, not only serve himself, but the public, and make himself a blessing, in some respect or other.
There is a resemblance between the natural body and the body politic. The natural body is composed of many members; none of which are useless; but all calculated to answer some valuable purpose, and sub- serve the good of the whole. What therefore apostle Paul says of the natural body with a view to illustrate the union, which ought to subsist between the members of the Christian church, is equally applicable to civil societies. The body, says he, is not one member, but many. If the foot shall say, Because I am not the hand, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body? And if the ear shall say, Because I am not the eye, I am not of the body; is it therefore not of the body? If the whole body were an eye, where were the hearing? If the whole body were hearing, where were the smelling? But now hath God set the members, every one of them in the body, as it hath pleased him. The eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee; nor again the head to the feet, I have no need of you. Nay, much more those members of the body, which seem to be more feeble, are necessary. God hath so tempered the body together, that there should be no schism in it; but that the members should have the same care one for another. And whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honored, all the members rejoice with it. So that the union and connection between the several parts of the natural body, and their necessary dependence one on another, is an apt illustration of the great law of mutual subjection in civil societies; the members whereof, whether rich or poor, in high life or low, in office or out of it, stand in need of mutual assistance and support; without which it will be impossible to promote the common interest, or to preserve the peace and harmony of the whole.
A man’s being raised above others in wealth or office, does not render him independent on those who are beneath him, in these respects. He cannot say, he has no need of those, who are in a lower condition and meaner circumstances; for, without their aid and service, he would lose the advantage of his elevation; and, like Samson, shorn of his locks, become weak like other men.
The mechanic and tiller of the ground are as necessary in society as the legislator, civil magistrate, or any other profession. The labors of the poor and services of the lower classes of people, in their several callings and occupations, are of as great importance to the general welfare of a state, as the counsel of the wise, the bounty of the rich, and protection of the powerful. If therefore any one, capable of attending to the common business of life, is an unprofitable and useless member of the community, it is not owing to any necessity arising from his outward condition in the world, but to some faulty cause.
Whoever, suppressing a regard for the good of others, confines himself to the narrow circle of his own private interest, does thereby render himself, at best, a nuisance to society. Such an one can have no just claim to honor and respect, let his station in life be what it will. It is not the external splendor of their circumstances, but a constant endeavor to be good, and to do good, according to their abilities, that makes men truly great and honorable. In the sight of God, who respecteth not persons, but in judging of men regards only the moral differences between them, no outward condition is more honorable than another. The true criterion of real worth is a man’s conduct; in that station or post in life, whether conspicuous or obscure, which providence has allotted to him.
It is the business of civil rulers, who are entrusted with the high powers of government, to enact and take care for the effectual execution of such laws, as shall be best calculated to restrain the exorbitancy of the human passions, to guard individuals against insults and outrages, and secure every one in the peaceable enjoyment of liberty, property, and all the blessings of society. And while they employ their authority and power in pursuit of these great ends of their promotion, it is the duty and interest of people at large, to yield a cheerful obedience to them, and a ready compliance with those rules, regulations and laws, which are made and provided, for the benefit of each particular member, in harmony with the prosperity and welfare of the whole collective body.
The grand end of social union and of the institution of civil government, is the good of the whole, and of every individual in consistence therewith. This end may be frustrated, not only by an abuse of powers in rulers; but also by an abuse of liberty in the people. Power abused ceases to be lawful authority, and degenerates into tyranny. Liberty abused, or carried to excels, is licentiousness. Neither of these can consist with the good of society. The former, unresisted, will introduce slavery, and ignominious servitude, among the lower ranks and orders of people. The latter is a prolific source of disorder and anarchy.
When rulers take the advantage of the powers they are vested with, to oppress their subjects and rob people of their just rights, in order to enrich and aggrandize themselves, they counteract the very end of their advancement, and instead of being ministers of God for good, become rods of his school for correction (not to say, ministers of the devil for mischief.) And when people, under pretence of liberty, refuse obedience to lawful authority, and oppose the measures of just government, merely because such measures do not coincide with their private views and separate interests, the principles on which they act, are evidently inconsistent with a state of society, and lead directly back to a state of nature. For where such an excess of liberty is claimed and allowed, as leaves it optional with every individual to obey or disobey the civil authority, according as he shall judge it to be for or against his particular interest, a state of society cannot differ much from a state of nature.
If every man, without compulsion, would strictly conform to the obligations of natural law, there would be no occasion for forming any social connections, or uniting under any forms of civil government. But such is evidently the state of human nature; such the disorder of the human passions; such the power of envy, prejudice and a lust of domination; such the force of evil biases, proceeding from ignorance, contracted views and competitions of interest; that without the introduction of social compact and civil authority, mankind could have no dependence upon mutual help and assistance, nor any security against abuses and injures, violence and rapine.
It being necessary for men to unite in society, and establish civil government, in order effectually to avail themselves of the advantages of mutual succor, defense and protection; without which, their enjoyments would be few and precarious, and their inconveniences and dangers great and distressing: this being the case, every one, who has just conceptions of things (far from claiming a liberty to do whatever his ambition, avarice or partiality to himself might dictate to be right) must feel himself obliged to consult the general welfare, by conforming to the laws of society, constitutionally made by public authority, for the good of the whole; though such laws should sometimes interfere with his private views, and contradict his prejudices.
The public good is the attracting point, the common centre of gravity, which should confine, regulate and govern the motions of all the members of society. When any fly off from this point and take an eccentric course, the coercion of law should be used, to check their irregular motions, and reduce them back to their proper centre, in order that the economy and beauty of the politic system may be preserved, and the bands of society remain unbroken.
That a due subordination may be kept up between the several parts of the politic body; and all the members thereof be made to conspire, in the exercise of their respective functions, to the health and happiness of the whole; effectual care should be taken to prevent government from falling into contempt, To honor those, who are entrusted with the powers of government, is one thing, evidently necessary for this end. This therefore is a duty which we owe to society. And that people may have no excuse for not doing their duty, in this respect, it concerns all civil officers, especially those in high rank and authority, to maintain their dignity, by a decent gravity of deportment, an inflexible adherence to the rules of justice and equity, and a steady application to the business of their exalted stations. Such a conduct, in rulers, has a powerful tendency to attract esteem, and command respect and veneration. But tho’ they should justly merit the highest honors, by a worthy behavior, and a zealous uniform pursuit of the great ends of their promotion, it would not be at all strange, to find some few, disposed to withhold from them due respect and submission. For there always have been, and probably always will be, some in the world, who under the baneful influence of those leveling principles, that cannot brook any civil distinctions and restraints, despise government, and speak evil of dignities. Persons of this description are dangerous members of society, as their principles and practices are subversive of all civil authority, and tend directly to plunge civil government into an universal wrack of ruin.
It deserves to be remembered, that we honor society, when we honor those, who are clothed with lawful authority. For as all lawful authority in rulers, is derived from the people, through the medium of that constitutional compact, which binds them together in one body; so to treat the rulers of a people, with respect and honor, suitable to their public characters, and the offices which they sustain, is a proper expression of that reverence, which individuals owe to the community, as a body. I may add, that as the respect shewn to those, who are in public stations, rebounds to the public; so it also tends to make a people appear respectable, and to give to government the energy, necessary for attaining the ends of it. On the contrary, to withhold respect from those, who have been constitutionally promoted to offices of authority and power, is to cast a slight and contempt on the whole body of the people, and tends to make a society appear mean and despicable, to relax the reins of government and undermine the very foundations of it.
It is reasonable indeed for a people to keep a jealous eye upon those, who are be trusted with power, in the several departments of government. This is necessary to keep them on their guard against all encroachments on their liberties, and to preserve them in a readiness to resist the first approaches of despotism. But suspicions may be carried too far. When upon insufficient grounds, they are indulged to such a degree, as to destroy all confidence in civil rulers, an encourage the impatience of people under the restraints of law, they are of dangerous consequence; as they plant the seeds of faction, a convulsive disease, that threatens the dissolution of the body politic. When faction enters a state, with its usual train of virulence, malevolence and abusive invective, it unstrings the nerves of government, and introduces such disorder and uncertainty into public measures, and such strife and division among people, as are inconsistent with the public safety, security and prosperity. This distemper is generally the offspring of envy and disappointed ambition. Avarice always stands ready to foster and nurse, to increase and inflame it, by groundless criminations of men and measures; especially when the public exigencies require heavy taxes, and expensive exertions.
The inconveniences and mischiefs, that must accrue to society, from this, and every other gross violation of the law of mutual subjection, are sufficient to convince any one of the necessity of a strict adherence to it. Our obligation to avoid divisive principles and practices, and by a constant intercourse of mutual good offices, to endeavor to make ourselves beneficial to one another, and serviceable to society, is therefore a plain dictate of reason and common sense. I would add (if any desire further satisfaction) that this obligation is enforced upon us, in the sacred scriptures, by the authority of the supreme Legislature and Governor of the world. The words at the head of this discourse are the words of an apostle, under the inspiration of God. Another inspired apostle expresses himself to the same purpose, in these words, Let no man seek his own; but every man another’s wealth.- Look not every man on his own things; but every man also on the things of others. The meaning of which is, that men ought not to confine their views to their own private interest, but to extend their regards to the welfare of others, and exercise a benevolent concern and care for the good of their fellow creatures.
This also is a doctrine expressly taught by the great author of our holy religion, when he commands us to love our neighbor as ourselves; and enjoins upon us that comprehensive rule of equity and charity, All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.
It may not be improper to observe here, that the Christian religion recommends itself to the embraces of every lover of mankind, by its being the most benevolent institution in the world, admirably calculated, by it’s doctrines, precepts and sanctions, to promote peace on earth, and good will among men. And whoever duly considers the nature of Christianity, and attends to it’s adaptedness to suppress the corrupt lusts, and restrain the irregular passions of men; to fill the mind with noble sentiments of piety and benevolence, and engage people in pursuits, suitable to the dignity, and conducive to the happiness of their reasonable natures; cannot doubt, but (other things being alike) he, who has imbibed the spirit and principles of this religion, will make a better magistrate, a better legislator, a better judge, and in short, fill every office and department in government, with more honor to himself and advantage to the public; and in private life, make a better subject and a better citizen; than one who has formed his views and sentiments, upon any other system of religion and morals.
It has indeed been objected, as an essential defect in Christianity, by some not well affected to it, that it no where particularly recommends the noble virtue of patriotism. But (not to insist on any thing else) it is sufficient to reply to this objection, that whatever there is excellent and laudable in patriotism, is included in that generous and diffusive benevolence, which is the animating soul of this religion. Virtuous patriotism, far from implying any ill- will to the rest of mankind; is nothing else, but the principle of universal benevolence, exercised as far as a man’s power extends, upon the objects that claim his first regards. Far as no one has ability to carry his good will to all men into effect; so reason will teach every one, that his first obligation is to those, with whom he is more immediately connected, and where providence has assigned him his station and sphere of usefulness. Should a man suppress a particular affection for the society, with which he is most closely united, and neglect the interest of his own country under pretence of exercising equal benevolence towards all mankind; it would be the same thing, in effect as to resolve to be useless, and neglect the good of all. For there is no other way, in which any one can render himself serviceable to those parts of the great community of mankind, with which he has no special connection, than by the exercise of an hearty zeal for the welfare of his own country, and endeavoring, in the most effectual manner, to promote the good of that society, which bounds the sphere of his influence and power. In this sense, and in this way, all men, in all the distinct states and kingdoms of the world, may and ought to be subject to one another. It is thus only that we can fulfill our obligations to all mankind.
True it is, patriotism is but a blind affection, and essentially defective as to any virtuous excellence, if it prompts a man to defend the cause of his country, when his country forms itself into a faction against the rights of mankind, and is wickedly endeavoring to bring other states and nations under it’s arbitrary jurisdiction and government. No one, who will consult the sober dictates of reason, can suppose himself obliged to espouse such an unrighteous cause, or freely to afford any support to his country, in the prosecution of such an evil design. The principle of benevolence to all, clearly forbids this. But the same principle obliges the members of every community, to a zealous exertion, in defense of their rights, laws and liberties, when the same are endangered by the unrighteous claims, and violent proceedings of ambitious enemies. In such a case, defensive war is a duty, founded not barely on the principles of self-preservation and patriotism, but also on the principle of unconfined universal benevolence; it being evidently for the interest of all mankind, that in all parts of the world, those should be opposed, to the last extremity, who are endeavoring to advance themselves upon the ruins of the essential rights of human nature.
The man, who makes the happiness and prosperity of his country, a grand object of his zealous pursuit, and generously risks his life and fortune, when the case requires it, in the defense of it’s constitution and laws, is a character worthy of universal esteem and honor. Such an one, so far as his abilities extend, exercises friendship to all men. What then shall we say of those who, when the rights and liberties of their country, are in danger of falling a prey to the aspiring ambition of proud invaders, who have waged an unjust war against it, stand aloof, and not only refuse to assist in saving it from ruin, but desert it, and, of free choice, join the standard of the enemy? Can such persons make good their pretensions, 1 will not say to patriotism, but to general benevolence? Whatever be their motives, are they not to be viewed as enemies, if actions have any meaning? And should their country, which they have thus neglected, and abandoned to its fate in a time of trouble and danger, be successful in its endeavors to maintain its cause, and defeat the designs of its enemies, must not their admission afterwards to the freedom and privileges of it, be an act of mere favor and special grace, to which they can lay no equitable claim?
Christianity indeed obliges us to love and forgive our enemies, and do good to those who treat us ill. But this obligation does not extend so far, as to exclude a regard to our own safety and defense. It would be unreasonable to suppose, that our good- will to enemies, ought to supercede our obligations to ourselves and to our country; or that we are required to consult their welfare, by methods that would encourage and promote their evil designs, and put us into such a situation, as to lie at their mercy. It is allowed by all, that a vindictive temper is inconsistent with the spirit and precepts of Christianity. Whoever does any thing merely for the sake of revenge, or in order to gratify his malevolent resentments, transgresses the Christian law of benevolence. But a man may take such measures for his own security and defense, as shall operate to the disadvantage of his enemies, and at the same time preserve a Christian temper. If by the conduct of enemies, we are unhappily reduced to this alternative, either to take such measures, as will involve them in trouble and distress; or to suppress our love to ourselves, to our friends, and to society; common sense will teach us on which side our obligation lies. In cases of competition, even private friendship ought to yield to the public good; much more ought benevolence to an enemy to give way to the good of our country; and to remain suspended, as to outward exercises, when the case is so circumstanced, that it cannot be thus exerted, without counteracting the interest of the community to which we belong. A regard to the public ought to swallow up event partial affection, inconsistent with the general interest.
It is to the honor of America, that from the time we were first threatened with British tyranny, to the commencement of the late war; and from the commencement of the war, thro’ all the stages and vicissitudes of it, to it’s happy conclusion; she has produced an illustrious band of worthy patriots, who, unactuated by any unfriendly dispositions towards the rest of mankind, have, with unshaken firmness and fortitude, defended her cause, in the cabinet and in the field, by the pen and by the sword, against the arbitrary claims and hostile violence of her unnatural and cruel enemies. Inspired with the love of liberty, moved by the generous impulse of patriotic virtue, how many, quitting the calm enjoyments of domestic ease and tranquility, have magnanimously encountered and braved all the fatigues and dangers of war, and voluntarily sacrificed their lives for the support of the cities of our God, in the unabridged enjoyment of their religion and liberties! Time would fail me to give a catalogue of those worthies, who, unintimidated by the vaunting menaces and fulminating proclamations of British Rabshakehs, have nobly dared to espouse the cause of American liberty, and distinguished themselves by their heroic exertions; not counting their lives dear, that they might save their country. Their names are written on our hearts, as with a pen of iron, and point of a diamond; and will be consecrated to honorable remembrance, in the annals of America, till time shall be no more: while the name of every envious, sneering scoffer, calumniator, and wicked conspirator, is either lost in oblivion, or doomed to perpetual infamy.
Some, it may be, whose frozen breasts have never yet been warmed with the generous flame of patriotic fire, in order to detract from the merit of the zealous assertors and defenders of the liberties of their country, will pretend there is no such thing as public virtue. But if there are any such contracted souls, who, without a blush, profess to have no social affections, of force enough to give them the least motion out of the narrow sphere of self, it may be best not to dispute feelings with them; but to allow them all that sordid selfishness which they claim, and not affront them by contradiction. But let us not sacrifice our own generous feelings, to their system. They have no more right to impose their feelings upon us, than we have to impose ours upon them.
It must give pleasure to every true friend of human kind, to consider, that the late grand revolution, which has raised so great a part of America into a state of independence, was undertaken, and, by the assistance of divine providence, has been brought about; not from ambitious views, or a fondness for dominion; but upon principles friendly to the rights and liberties of every nation, upon the face of the whole earth. Unprompted by ambition to enlarge her territories by unjust conquests, or to compel any other states or kingdoms to submit to her usurped authority and government, America has contended only for the common rights of men. Her grand aim, her ultimate object in all her struggles and exertions, has been, not to prepare a yoke of bondage for the necks of others; but to free herself and posterity from the tyranny of lawless arbitrary power (that source of plagues to the weak and defenseless part of mankind) and to secure those blessings, without which, the great ends of society, must be lost. With the most perfect cordiality, we have wished, and still wish, to cultivate friendship with all nations, on such a footing, as shall be to mutual advantage, and conduce to the general good of the whole world. In regard even to Britain, persuaded I am, that the inhabitants of these states (with very few exceptions) might safely appeal to the great Searcher of hearts, as a witness to their sincerity, should they declare, that though she has treated them in the most barbarous and provoking manner, and forced them in their own defense, to fly to arms, and engage in a long and bloody war; yet they never wished to see her deprived of freedom, or reduced to inglorious subjection to any power on earth. Though she has cut the knot of kindred- love, and effectually destroyed that predilection, which produced a special attachment to her, in preference to others, yet we are not so implacable and unforgiving, but that we can heartily wish her prosperity and happiness, its common with other nations.
The independence of these American states, being founded on such a broad basis of generous philanthropy, we have reason to hope they will still be the special care and charge of the gracious Parent of the universe, whose tender mercies are over all his works; and that, under his almighty patronage, they will become a permanent flourishing empire, supported by the principles of virtue, religion and liberty without licentiousness.
Let me, on this occasion, with all the sensibility of lively joy, express my hearty congratulations, on the happy cessation of hostilities, after a most distressing, expensive and bloody war. Hail, auspicious, happy day, that has put a stop to the effusion of human blood and the horrors of war, and sheathed the devouring sword; that has crowned our virtuous efforts with glorious success, giving us established independence with the returning blessings of peace, and filling our mouths with songs of triumph! Men, brethren and fathers, I felicitate you, I felicitate my country, on this great, this glorious event; an event, which cannot but cause every patriotic heart to expand with joy, at the prospect of the bright scenes which it opens to view, after a long and gloomy night of sorrow and trouble.
What acknowledgments do we owe to the supreme Governor of the world; who was pleased to hear our cries, in the days of our distress, and to give us persevering courage and fortitude in those trying times, when our affairs wore the gloomiest aspect; when we were involved in awful scenes of havoc, blood and carnage, and surrounded with the depredations and shocking ravages of a war, carried on against us with savage wantonness; who was pleased to defend us, by his mighty power, when we were weak, unprepared and unequal to the conflict, and to enable us to make such a noble stand, and to gain such signal victories, while we were without ally, as gave us respectability abroad, and induced one of the first European powers, heartily to espouse our cause, and assist us by a generous and friendly alliance: who hath been our shield and protection, from the first rise of the war, through all the hazardous progress of it, and hath led forth our armies, under the conduct of a wise, brave and intrepid general expert in war, of singular equanimity in success and disappointment, endued with a soul formed for noble achievements, whom he was pleased to raise up and qualify for the important command which has been committed to him, and to honor as a distinguished instrument of the emancipation of his country? These are the Lord’s doings, and they are marvelous in our eyes.
When we look back on the difficulties and hazards in which we have been involved; when we consider what engines of mischief and destruction have been employed to work our ruin; when we reflect on the perils and dangers we were in, not only from the policy and power, the stratagems and violence of open and professed enemies, but from the insidious arts, treacheries and conspiracies of false and deceitful men among ourselves; who, under the disguise of friendship or mask of neutrality, have constantly endeavored to dishearten and discourage us, to obstruct our measures, retard our operations and disappoint our enterprises, and, at the same time, secretly to aid the cause of those, who had unjustly compelled us, to make our appeal to Heaven, as our last resort: When we consider these things, what reason have we to adore, the merciful providence of almighty God, who, by many signal interpositions in our favor, has finally baffled and defeated the mischievous machinations of all our enemies, both secret and open; disconcerted the plans of those who unrighteously rose up against us, and obliged them (notwithstanding all their pride of power, and vain confidence of reducing us to unconditional submission) to yield the grand point contended for, by negotiating a peace with us, upon the footing of equality and independence! With the greatest pertinency may we now adopt the language of the royal psalmist, and say, If it had not been the Lord, who was on our side, when men rose up against us; then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us; then the waters had overwhelmed us, the stream had gone over our soul; then the proud waters had gone over our soul. Blessed be the Lord, who has not given us, as a prey to their teeth. Our soul is escaped as a bird out of the snare of the fowlers; the snare is broken, and we are escaped. Our help is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.
If we have wisdom to make a good improvement of this happy event, what blessings and felicities, that this world is capable of affording, may we not secure to ourselves and to our posterity? When we look forward, what glorious prospects open to view! How pleasant must it be to every sincere lover of his country, to entertain his fancy with future scenes, and behold, through the medium of probable conjecture, the future glory, grandeur and magnificence of America! To behold her raised superior to all her enemies; extending her friendly arms for the support and protection of other states and nations against the attacks of restless encroaching ambition; and (while none dare to distrust or affront her) offering a refuge and asylum, in her bosom, to the injured and oppressed of the human race in all quarters of the globe! To behold wealth and opulence flowing in upon her, in continual streams, from the inexhaustible sources of agriculture, and a free trade and commerce with all nations! To behold her spreading, by a rapid population, over those vast tracts of uncultivated land, which are now the haunts of wild beasts, and see the wilderness, by the hand of industry, changed into a fruitful field, blossoming as the rose, and yielding, in plentiful exuberance, every rural comfort and delight! To behold her exalted to noble heights of improvement, in every useful art and science; mounting on the strong pinions of virtue, learning, eloquence, religion, philosophy, and other sublime intellectual accomplishments, above Greece and Rome, in their zenith of glory!
These are agreeable prospects; but whether America shall ever realize them, depends much upon the wisdom and virtue of the present generation. Every patriot, from the highest to the lowest order, has now an extensive field opened before him, for the display of his utmost abilities, in providing for the future peace and prosperity of his county. The consequences of our conduct this opportunity, will affect, not ourselves only, but unborn millions.
Every consideration proper to influence the human mind, obliges us to exert ourselves, to make sure of the blessings, which are now offered by the propitious hand of providence, and to transmit the same to succeeding generations. Should we neglect the means necessary for these purposes, the bright day, which now beams upon us, may soon be overcast with clouds; and our songs of triumph end in new scenes of sorrow and trouble.
The British troops are not yet removed. Their withdrawment, as soon as conveniency will permit, is necessary to give us full assurance that the reconciliation on the part of Britain is sincere. Suspicion therefore should not sleep, until they are withdrawn. Prudence, wisdom, reason, require vigilance caution, and oblige us to be on our guard.
Though the land now rests from war; and we daily expect to hear that the definitive treaty of peace is completely ratified, yet it would be exceedingly unsafe for people to lay by their arms, and neglect all military matters. Our country affords so many tempting objects to excite the ambition of other nations (especially of those, who can have easy access, by reason of a proximity of territory) that we can have no security of a lasting peace, or of enjoying long the blessings of freedom, if we should totally withdraw our attention from the arts of war, and be unprovided with the means of defense. Standing armies in a time of peace are indeed dangerous to liberty; but a well furnished and well disciplined militia is of great importance to a state, being necessary either to prevent a war, or to put people into a capacity to defend themselves against any invasion or attack from their enemies. The public welfare requires that our militia be kept on such a respectable footing, as shall render us secure at home, and formidable abroad. But leaving it to the wisdom of our rulers to determine what is best in reference to this matter, let me observe, that
The inhabitants of these states are under the most sacred obligations, not only to consult the happiness of the states, to which they respectively belong, by discountenancing all disorders, suppressing those vices, that are inconsistent with the interest of society, and giving encouragement and support to every virtue, upon which the peace, prosperity and stability of each state, separately considered, depend; but by endeavoring to strengthen those bands of union, which have connected the whole together, as one independent nation. By solemn confederacy and compact every one is bound, to keep the good of all the sates in view, while he aims to promote the good of the particular state with which he is more immediately connected. In order to preserve the union between the states, and establish it upon a permanent basis, whatever is inconsistent with the principles, which, upon the maturest deliberation, have been adopted, as the grand cement of it, must be carefully avoided; and a proper attention be paid to the interest and welfare of the whole. The separate good of the several states, is to be pursued only by such measures, as shall harmonize with the good of all in the confederacy.
Nothing did more encourage Britain to undertake and protract the late war, than a presumption, that it would be impossible for states, so distant from one another; so different, in many respects, in their education and manners; and between which, from situation and other circumstances, there would often be an interference and competition of interest; to unite, or remain long united in one common cause. By mortifying experience she is now convinced of her mistake; having seen the union gather strength and confirmation, under the overruling hand of providence, from the very measures which she took, in hopes to break and destroy it. Chagrined at this disappointment of our enemies, it is possible there may be some among us, who having always been disaffected to our cause, and all along endeavored to alarm people’s minds with presages of divisions and dissensions between the states, may still wish and hope to promote such an event, lest their reputation for foresight should suffer; as Jonah wished for the destruction of Nineveh, lest his prophetic abilities should be called in question. But should any be so inimical as to attempt any thing of this sort, by sowing discord; fomenting animosities; endeavoring to propagate unreasonable jealousies and suspicions, or to nourish and strengthen local prejudices; it is hoped there is wisdom, virtue and resolution enough among the friends of the country, to defeat their evil designs, and (maugre the utmost efforts of every incendiary and mischief- maker) to preserve the union unbroken, and the confederacy uninterrupted and entire.
It is evidently of the greatest importance to these states, both conjunctly and separately considered, to keep the public faith, sacred and inviolate. This is a main pillar in the politic fabric; without which the building must soon fall. This is necessary to gain us honor and confidence among other nations, and to preserve peace and union among ourselves. Every one therefore is obliged to contribute his share towards fulfilling the engagements and promises, made by lawful authority, in behalf of all the states, or of the particular state to which he belongs; that all, whether countrymen or foreigners, who have afforded or shall afford any assistance or service to the public, may receive justly expected rewards; and none have reason to complain that they have been deceived and injured, by depending on public faith. Should any be disposed to violate their obligations, in this respect, the civil magistrate has undoubted authority, and ought to compel them to their duty; for if every one might be left at liberty, to do what is right in his own eyes, public credit would stand upon a precarious foundation, and be continually liable to be sacrificed to the humor, caprice and avarice of individuals.
Though a public credit has been in a declining state, yet we are glad there is an hopeful prospect of its recovery. What particular methods are best for placing it on a firm and durable basis, I have not the vanity to think myself capable of determining. But it is conceived, no method can be adopted for this purpose, but what will require the aid of taxes, in some mode or other; and consequently give umbrage to those (if any such there are) who never can be satisfied, unless they can enjoy the blessings of good government without cost. But he, who has just conceptions of things, cannot sure expect to enjoy the blessings of society, or suppose it possible to support the honor and credit of government, and attain the ends of it, without considerable expense, even in the most peaceable times; much less, in times of danger, difficulty and general calamity.
It cannot be thought strange, that a distressing war, of eight years continuance, has involved us in a great debt. But considering the magnitude of the object, which we have had in pursuit, and the great exertions which we have been obliged to make an order to attain it, our debt is not so great, as might have been expected. Those nations, which are now groaning under the iron yoke of oppression, and despotic government, would think themselves happy, if they could purchase the invaluable blessings of liberty, at so cheap a rate. There is yet another consideration, which alone is sufficient to silence all complaints, on this head. It is this, that if we had been reunited to Britain, and in addition to other expenses, had had a proportional share of her enormous debt laid upon us, it would have hung like a millstone about our necks, and plunged us into inevitable bankruptcy, from which we never could have recovered ourselves. Our present burden, tho’ somewhat pressing, is comparatively light. Let prodigality, luxury, and other impoverishing vices be banished from among us; and let frugality, economy and industry supply their place; and then considering our means and resources, it will not be so difficult to discharge our debt, in the course of a few years, as some may imagine. And while the legislature, in levying taxes, for this and other important purposes, take all possible care to make the burden as light as the public exigencies will permit, and to adjust each man’s share of the public expense to his interest and circumstances, every one, instead of indulging a murmuring temper, should cheerfully endeavor to defray his part, rejoicing that such wise provision is made for judgment to run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream.
Convinced of the necessity of a strict regard to justice, for preserving the credit of government, and mutual confidence between the members of a community, every true friend to society will wish and endeavor to promote it, in all orders of men, from the highest to the lowest. It is an observation of a king, as much celebrated for his wisdom as magnificence, and may be laid down as a maxim, confirmed by the experience of all ages, that righteousness exalteth a nation. According to the natural course of things, and common order of providence, that society has the fairest prospect of prosperity, and lasting felicity, where government, first founded in equity, is administered according to the rules of impartial justice; and where truth, honesty and fidelity are encouraged, maintained and promoted between man and man, in their private intercourse and transactions. In this case, peace and harmony will prevail among the members of a society; who will consequently be in a suitable disposition to serve one another, and to unite in such measures, as the general interest shall, at any time, require. But, when the opposite vices predominate; when faith and truth, uprightness and integrity take their flight; when justice is made a matter of traffic, and is bought and sold for money; when deceit, falsehood, unrighteousness and oppression bear sway without control; then disorder and confusion, schism, tumult and misery, may be expected as a natural consequence and effect.
Though unrighteousness, may sometimes answer a present purpose; yet follow it a little way, in it’s consequences, and it will be found to be the parent of difficulty and trouble, of embarrassment and perplexity. There can be no danger or hazard in adhering to the rules of justice; but what is morally wrong can never be good policy, in reference either to public or private affairs.
There is nothing more manifest, than that the interest of a people is greatly affected, by the virtues and vices prevalent among them. From hence the inference is obvious, that the morals of a people are among the great objects, which claim the particular attention of the legislature and civil authority. It evidently falls within their province, to provide means, by law, for the suppression of vice and wickedness, and the promotion of good morals. In order effectually to answer these ends, care should be taken for diffusion of learning and religion through a society; that people may entertain just conceptions of the dignity and rights of human nature, and be early initiated in the principles of a sober, honest and pious life. The general prevalence of ignorance and irreligion must be productive of very mischievous effects in society. For ignorant minds, unimpressed with a sense of a Deity, of a providence and a future state, must be unprincipled, and prepared, whenever occasions offer, for the most atrocious crimes. I would just add, that an ignorant people, are continually liable to be imposed upon, and seduced into a surrender of their liberties, by the specious arts, eloquence and address of deigning men, whose, enterprising ambition will not fail to lay hold on such an advantage, for the acquisition of power.
Sensible of how great importance it is to the happiness of a people, to be early instructed in the principles of piety and virtue, and furnished with good degrees of knowledge, respecting the things of this world and that to come, our worthy ancestors were induced to take effectual care for the encouragement and support of the liberal arts and sciences; for the preservation of a reverential sense of a Deity on people’s minds; for the instruction of all in religion and good literature. Great and invaluable are the blessings, that have been derived to us, their posterity, from their pious care, in these respects; a consideration whereof should provoke us to imitation; that as we have reason to honor their memory, for the excellent provision they made for our happiness and welfare, so our descendents may have equal reason to rise up and call us blessed.
Our new constitution, while it has provided every guard, which human wisdom can invent, to defend our liberties, civil and religious, against every encroachment of arbitrary power, has authorized our civil rulers to take care of the morals of people, by furnishing then with the means of instruction in virtue, piety and every branch of useful knowledge. They will therefore consider themselves as obliged to adopt suitable measures for the encouragement of literature, the advancement of the sciences, and the preservation of a sense of religion among all orders of men.
To say nothing of other literary institutions, which claim the patronage of our political fathers, and of all the friends of science; let me observe, that the laws providing for the establishment of schools, in our several towns and plantations, are wisely calculated to promote the great ends of society, by affording to all, the necessary means of education and instruction in the most important, useful and profitable branches of learning. But of what service or significance are the best laws, while they lie dormant, and may be transgressed with impunity? A law unexecuted is without life; and can answer no end, but to bring civil authority into disrepute.
As to laws obliging people to assemble for public worship, and provide themselves with public teachers of religion; such laws are evidently well adapted to promote the good order of civil government, and advance the happiness of a people, by enforcing the use of proper means for impressing men’s minds with an awe of the supreme Governor of the world, and engaging them from a sense of their accountableness to him, to fulfill all moral obligation, and live in the practice of the virtues of a good life. And it is conceived that such laws can be no reasonable ground of complaint, so long as the sacred rights of conscience are sufficiently guarded and secured, by leaving people at liberty to choose their own teachers, and modes of worship; and while none are subjected to fines, forfeitures or any disadvantages of a civil nature, for their particular religious sentiments and profession, if they be peaceable members of society, and do not propagate any doctrines, inconsistent with the safety of the state.
To carry the idea of religious liberty so far, as to make it an effectual hindrance to the providing and using necessary means, for the preservation of a sense of religion and moral obligation among the members of a community, is to oppose it to the interests of human society, and to rob civil government of one of it’s main supports. For this most powerful enforcements of obedience to civil authority, are derived a consideration and belief, that there is a supreme invisible Power, presiding over the world, to whom all men are accountable, and who will reward, or punish every man, in a future state, according to his works. Obedience that proceeds wholly from fear of punishment from men, is precarious and uncertain; and will be withdrawn, upon the slightest temptations of pleasure or profit, whenever a person believes, that he can escape with impunity. Religion therefore forms a more steady and permanent principle of obedience to civil government, than any penal sanctions, of a temporary nature by which the laws of men can be enforced.
It would evidently conduce greatly to the happiness and tranquility of society, and facilitate the administration of government and public justice, could people, in general, be persuaded to submit to the authority of the community, vested in it’s rulers, and to obey the laws, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. It is not conceivable how any society should enjoy this advantage, where the public worship of God is neglected, and no proper means made use of, for the instruction of people in piety, religion and morality.
The design of the institution of civil government being the good of the people, they who are entrusted with the management of it, should make this the grand object of their attention and pursuit, and in the exercise of their constitutional powers, use all means and methods, that are of manifest importance and necessity to answer this end. This will make them a terror to evil doers; and an encouragement to them who do well. This will not only command a general reverence; but ensure to them the particular esteem, assistance and support of every true friend to the commonwealth; and cause the censures and calumnies of the envious, malicious and factious, to recoil on their own heads. This will make them public blessings and benefactors; and give them those sincere delights and supporting consolations, which arise from reflections on such good and useful actions, as have greatly contributed to the general interest and prosperity, and advanced the happiness of society.
It might be thought an inexcusable omission, should I close this discourse, without paying a particular honorable attention to the worthy gentlemen, who have lately been vested with the sovereign powers of this commonwealth. Their promotion to such high stations of authority, by the suffrages of a free people, gives them respectability, and entitles them to our confidence.
It affords us singular pleasure, that the highest seat in government, is filled, the fourth time, with a generous, uniform, persevering and resolute patriot; who has acquitted himself with integrity and honor, in the several important departments, in which he has been employed, since the beginning of our late contests. Nor shall we forget, that for the early decided and distinguishing part, which he took, in the cause of his country, he had the honor to be marked out, in conjunction with an eminent compatriot, for the first victim of British vengeance. Our satisfaction on account of his being again chosen first magistrate of this commonwealth, would be without allay, on this occasion, was he not prevented, by sickness, from honoring the solemnities of the day with his presence.
We are happy to find, that the second rank in government, by the voice of the people, is again conferred on a gentleman, who, by an unwearied inflexible attachment to the cause of America, through all the hazardous scenes of the late war, from first to last, has given full proof of his patriotism, and justly merited public respect and honor.
We rejoice that so many other worthy characters, that have approved themselves fast friends to their country, in the most perilous times, are instructed with a share in the administration of government, and the important powers of legislation.
The testimony, which his Excellency; his Honor, the lieutenant- governor; and the honorable gentlemen, that compose the two branches of the general court, have received; and which the council, still to be chosen, will receive, of the esteem and confidence of the people, by their election to such high offices; must be an encouragement and animating motive to them, to improve the advantages resulting from their exalted stations, for the good of the public, the end of their advancement. We know that their business must be particularly difficult and arduous, at such a day as this. Until the body politic shall be cured of those distempers and disorders, which have been introduced by the convulsions of war, it will require great strength and fortitude of mind, to hold the reins, and sustain the burden of government. Great skill and wisdom, great firmness and resolution tempered with prudence, are necessary, at the present crisis, to retrieve public credit; to do equal justice to all; to quiet the agitations of people’s minds; to put the affairs of the public into a proper train and arrangement; to repair the disorders of the political machine, and adjust the wheels and springs of it, in such a manner, that every part may answer its end, and contribute to the beauty, order and usefulness of the whole. We therefore most heartily commend our civil fathers to the blessing of that God, who giveth wisdom to the wise, and understanding to the prudent. May the legislature, and all in authority, from the first magistrate to the lowest officer, be endued with wisdom and armed with prowess, suitable to their stations, and be public blessings.
And let all people, of every class and denomination, seriously consider, how much it behooves them to submit to those, who are in authority over them, and to conform to the constitution and laws of the commonwealth, in order effectually to secure the blessings of civil government. While civil rulers are to be cautioned against an abuse of authority, and exhorted to employ their powers for the good of the public; people are to be put in mind to honor and obey magistrates; to be subject unto the higher powers, and to submit themselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake.
When people give way to a refractory temper; set themselves up in opposition to government; and by continual groundless invectives, endeavor to bring an odium upon their rulers, and upon all public measures; they take a direct method to over- throw all civil authority, and to disband and abolish society. Let people be vigilant and guarded against the encroachments of arbitrary power; but let them, at the same time, take heed, that they deprive not themselves of the blessings of good government, and plunge themselves into all the disorders and mischiefs of anarchy, in order to secure themselves against tyranny. This would be as preposterous, as for a mariner to suffer voluntary shipwreck upon the rocks of Scilly, in order to avoid the dangers of Charybdis. No wise man will run into one extreme, in order to avoid its opposite, while he can steer safely, in a middle course, between both.
Sensible of the importance of good government, the true friends of society will cheerfully submit to lawful authority, and endeavor to encourage and support those, who are in public stations, in the execution of their high offices, for the public good. And while they do thus, they will cultivate in themselves and others, those benevolent dispositions, and those principles of integrity, honesty and justice, which are necessary to preserve peace and amity, good humor, order and mutual confidence among neighbors, and to lay a foundation for those private friendships, which afford some of the most refined social pleasures and delights.
And let it be remembered, that by the virtues of a good life, added to their religious devotions and acts of homage and worship, the people put themselves under the protection and patronage, and secure the friendship of that almighty Being, whose providence governs the world; whose voice all nature obeys; to whose control all second causes and subordinate agents are subject; and whose sole prerogative it is to dispense blessings or calamities, as to his wisdom seems best. A people under the smiles of Heaven must be prosperous and happy. If God be for us, who can be against us?
What happiness might we enjoy, as a people, and as individuals, if every one would, reform his vices; cultivate a meek, peaceable and benevolent spirit; and use his best endeavors to promote the good of others, as well as his own? What blessings might we procure to ourselves and to the community, if with one heart and one soul, we would apply ourselves to the duties, that we owe to one another, as brethren and fellow citizens, and make it our business to fulfill all moral, social and civil obligations? By thus doing, at the same time that we should brighten our prospects into the future world, and, through the merits of our most merciful Redeemer, provide for immortal blessedness in another state of existence, we might also secure to ourselves all the blessings of society on earth, and change this world into a sort of paradise.
We have therefore every inducement suitable to work upon us as rational creatures, to engage us to conform to the rules of virtue, and comply with the great and comprehensive law of subjection to one another. Let us lay our minds open to the sacred influence of such mighty motives, that we may be happy in our connections, both public and private, in this world; and in the world to come, be admitted to the society of those blessed beings, who, knit together by the indissoluble ties of the most sincere and ardent love, have happy and uninterrupted experience of the most pure, perfect and sublime pleasures of friendship, for ever and ever.
May the benevolent Parent and supreme Ruler of the universe bestow his benediction on us; unite our hearts in love to one another, and in the love of virtue; and dispose us to keep all his commandments always; that, the scenes of our troubles closed, we may see good days; rejoice in the happy effects of his favor to us, and in the promising prospects of the blessedness and prosperity of our descendents, to the latest generation.
This sermon was preached by Charles Turner on a day of Fasting and Prayer in Massachusetts on May 15, 1783.
Due Glory to be given to God.
A
DISCOURSE
CONTAINING
TWO SERMONS
PREACHED IN
CAMBRIDGE
MAY 15, 1783.
BEING A DAY APPOINTED BY GOVERNMENT
FOR PUBLICK FASTING AND PRAYER.
BY CHARLES TURNER
A Discourse, & c.
I Chronicles xvi.29.
Give unto the Lord the Glory due unto His Name.
These words are a portion of a Psalm, composed by a King of Israel, to be sung, on occasion of bringing up the Ark of God, from the house of Obed-edom, into the place prepared for it, in the city of David. It may not be amiss to read them, with some connected sentences, and subjoin a few hints to discover the sense.
Give unto the Lord, says the devotional Prince, from an heart replete with the noblest sentiments of piety; give unto the Lord, ye kindreds of the people, give unto the Lord glory and strength; give unto the Lord the glory due unto his name; bring an offering and come before him; worship the Lord in the beauty of holiness: Let not the praises of Him, who governs the whole world, be confined to the people of Israel. Let all the kindred nations, on the face of the whole earth, join to celebrate the unrivalled glories of his perfections, and his almighty, most gracious, and unexceptionably moral government. Let them assay, in the solemnities of public worship, as well as in other ways, to pay unto him, adoring, grateful and reverential respects, proportional to his merits; in connection with the cultivation of that universal holiness, which appears with such an incomparable beauty and luster, when viewed as most highly agreeable to the divine moral nature and pleasure, most highly becoming the house and worshippers of the Holy One of Israel, and essentially important to our enjoying true and rational happiness, and the continuance of those favors for which we praise our divine benefactor.
We find a vein of expression similar to this, several times adopted, in the devotional sublime compositions of the old testament; nor can I suppose it possible, that the bringing it, once more, into public view, contemplation and use, should be disagreeable to any persons, who are possessed of the true sentiments and feeling of religion and patriotism; in connection with the set of ideas, concerning the uncommon measures of Heaven, towards our Country which must be supposed to crowd in upon their minds, on this occasion.
By glorifying God, or giving glory to His name, we do not, or at least ought not to expect, that we shall be able to make an addition, to the dignity, and honorableness of the Divine Nature, works of creation, and administrations of government; farther than, by endeavoring to render his moral creatures more honorable, in promoting religion and virtue among them. Our part is, to glorify God, by improving the means of grace, maintaining a prayerful regard to the assistances of the Holy Spirit, and using sincere endeavors and exertments, so as to cherish, in our own hearts, honorable and respectful thoughts of that Great Being; and by endeavoring to promote a respectfulness, for the Divine Majesty, in the minds of others—speaking to his honor, in our conversation—joining in the public praises and acknowledgements of Zion, as well as, in more private social worship; and making it manifest, by our whole deportment, in the world, that we esteem the perceptive authority of our heavenly Father, to be worthy of the highest regards, and judge his favor to be better than life; instead of bringing the authority and friendship of God into contempt, in the eyes of our fellow creatures, by our impious and vicious lives and conversations. In the sense I have mentioned it is, that we are, with one mind, and with one mouth to glorify God, even the father of our Lord Jesus Christ. In the same sense, the fruits of righteousness are, by Jesus Christ, unto the praise and glory of God.
A sincere, and conscientious conformity, to the whole system of Christian duty, is the general method, for glorifying God; but attention to the language of our text, leads us to be a little more particular, and enquire, what may be especially incumbent on us, as we are required to give unto the Lord, the glory which is due to his name. He is above the possibility of becoming indebted to us, according to the rules of commutative justice; but glory is due from us to him, in the strictest sense: and if we render glory to him, in any measure proportionate to our obligations, the revenue will not be small.
Our duty is, to pay to the Lord, the highest honors we are capable of, in the use of the powers and advantages, he has been pleased to favor us with; honors, as highly raised, as possible, above those degrees of respect, which it is decent for us to show, to the greatest and most deserving of men, or other beings, in the world he has created; to worship and praise the Lord, with suitable frequency, and with the highest practicable ardors, of well instructed and regulated zeal; and, in the discharge of duty, in our several departments and relations in life, and in all manner of conversation, to exert ourselves for attaining, through grace, to the highest pitch of godliness and virtue, and bringing forth much fruit, whereby our heavenly Father shall be glorified.
To come up to the spirit of our text, uncommon judicial dealings must be acknowledged, and uncommon favors celebrated, with those peculiar exercises of piety, which are suitable to the particular nature, importance and demands of such divine dispensations: and, if we receive blessings and privileges from Heaven, of singular richness and estimation, to use the best diligence for their preservation, and to improve them, in the most virtuous, advantageous and faithful manner, is due grateful respect, to the great and generous Donor of all good; is suitable to that, which is justly expected of them, to whom much is committed; and belongs to a proper conformity, to the demand of the text before us.
In fine, if we would be found, in the happy society of those, who give unto the Lord the glory due unto his name, we must come, through assistance divine, to love the Lord our God, with all our hearts, and with all our souls, with all our minds, and with all our strength, and our neighbors as ourselves. If we come up to this standard, sincerely; and act, as uniformly, as the imperfections of this state will admit, and in the whole of life, under the well-directed influence, of these grandest of all principles, we shall be accepted, through the blood of the covenant, though we fall short of glorifying him, with that strict and high moral perfection, which man might have attained to, in a state of innocency; and, though we fall unspeakably short of glorifying him, adequately to his real and plenary dignity; for that is beyond the sphere, not only of imperfect men on earth, but also of the Angels in Heaven. Said the Lord’s ministers to the congregation, Nehem. 9, 5, Stand up, and bless the Lord your God forever and ever; and blessed be thy glorious name, which is exalted above blessing and above praise.
The reasonableness of paying superlative honors to him is obvious, from the consideration of the transcendent dignity of His nature and operations, who hath set his glory above the heavens. Whatever perfections are most honorable, are possessed by him infinitely; or, however, in the highest degree and manner, in which it is possible for them to be possessed, by any being. It is glorious, to be the author of great and numerous works, evidencing the highest wisdom, the best design, and most amiable goodness? His works are great and manifold, in wisdom bath he made them all—In a wise regard to creature happiness, in connection with the manifestation of his own glory. He is most honorable as Governor of the world. Is there glory in a Throne? He is seated upon one, which is high and lifted up. Is there glory in an honorable court and retinue? He is attended by ten thousand times ten thousand, who excel in strength, nor less in wisdom, and the most honorable accomplishments, of a moral nature. If there be glory in extent of dominion; His kingdom ruleth over all. Is it glorious to reign with unlimited power? He doth according to his will, in the Armies of Heaven, and among the inhabitants of the earth; and none can stay his hand, or say unto him what doest thou? Is it glorious, for an absolute monarch (for such the Great God is, and ought to be) to rule in the most undeviating manner, according to all the highest moral perfections? Numerous periods of inspiration, furnish the most ample attestation, to the excellency of the whole divine government, and administrations, in this regard. Does it belong to an honorable parental ruler, to discover an indignation against immorality, as tending to the misery of his realms; to use suitable chastisements, in terrorem [Latin “in fear”], and with a view to reformation and happiness—chastisements, regulated by perfect justice, and under the most merciful restraints and limitations? The Lord is glorious in holiness; just and true, and kind, in his judicial dispensations: and as he does not afflict, nor grieve, willingly, He has no disposition to exceed the measure, which may be necessary, for answering the great and salutary purpose. Is it honorable to be generous to the ill-deserving; and especially, to confer eminent favors on those, who are meritorious of high displeasure? His tender mercies are over all his works. He does good to the evil and unthankful. He gave his Son, for the redemption of a lapsed world; and, while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us. And if we properly consider the favors, God has, of late years, conferred on the people of the United States of America, in connection with our real character, as to religion and morality. I misjudge, if the generosity and grace, of the Governor of the world, will not appear, with a distinguished luster.
Both the call of civil Authority, and the dispensations of Divine Providence admonish, and invite us, at this time, to blend the exercise of Fasting and Thanksgiving together; and the comprehensive text, and subject chosen, are not unfavorable to such a purpose.
That we should earnestly endeavor, and supplicate the grace of God, that we may be thereby enabled, so to acknowledge, and resent his mercies and his judgments, as to put in practice, all the exercises of unfeigned repentance, is suitable to the season, and incumbent on us, as we desire to give unto the Lord the glory due unto his name.
Says the good old Israelitish General, upon a certain affecting occasion, My son, give, I pray thee, glory to the Lord God of Israel, and make confession unto him.
The holy God, has been visiting this People, in his permissive providence, with a distressing scene, of oppression and war; a war, which has been attended, with unusual difficulties and embarrassments; with considerable expense of interest and lives; and which, soberly speaking, has been prosecuted, by our enemies, with circumstances, of uncommon rage, barbarity and cruelty. These calamities, we did not deserve, from our fellow-creatures; but our sins have been such as to merit them all, at the hand of God: and it is our duty, to glorify his name, by ascribing righteousness to him, notwithstanding all that has come upon us.
Before the commencement of the war (if not since) we imbibed the false maxims, and the vices, of that which we fondly called the Parent State, with a thirst and avidity, which were truly amazing. There appears a judicial pertinency, in permitting our punishment to arrive, from the same quarter; and I have sometimes mistrusted, that the sufferings referred to, were especially intended as a chastisement for our folly, in thus greedily adopting the sins, of an old, corrupted and depraved Country. However, certain it is, that the most of our maritime Towns, which, in consequence of their situation and mercantile connections, had the chief, and most immediate share, in the inglorious importation, of European error, wickedness and folly, have suffered, in a manner, in some degree distinguishing. And certain it is, that, the degree of our guilt, from what quarter so ever it arose, must have been great in the sight of God; otherwise, that infinitely merciful Being, would not have brought, such a discipline upon us. The kind intention of Heaven was, our reformation, in order to our happiness; but how have our manners comported, with the urgent, monitory language of the divine rod?
A more than common, prevailing spirit of self-correction, and an extraordinary exercise of virtues and graces, were justly to be expected of us, upon the alarming occasion. Would it not therefore be a shocking consideration, if, on candid enquiry, it should appear, that people, of the several ranks and ages, are, on the whole, as sinful, or more sinful, than they were, when the war commenced? Some, we trust, have been instructed in the fear of the Lord; but is there more true religion and virtue in the land now, than there was eight years ago? We fear there is less. If we do not judge incorrectly, pride, and avarice, with all the vices which come under the denomination of luxury, disregard to the Lord’s-Days, and Christian institutions, profaneness and deism, have been making advancements, with no moderate strides, even when we have been in the furnace of afflictive discipline; while a general decay and languor of vital piety, has been, by some, and I fear too justly, complained of. It is further remarkable, that the sins specified, in which, we are supposed to have increased, when suffering such heavy judgments, are sins of no inferior magnitude; as, I am persuaded, calm attention to the language of scripture, in relation to them, would convince you.
Disrespect to the Lord’s Sabbaths and ordinances is aggravated, in proportion to the importance of a serious observation of them, in order to preserve, and promote the excellent religion of Jesus Christ, for God’s glory and human happiness.
Pride is said to be the first, if not the greatest of sins. It is one of the most fruitful sources of oppression; it is peculiarly dishonest and hateful to God, as well as odious to men. No wonder then, it should be singled out, as it seems to be, in Divine Providence, for a sin, to be remarkably branded, on many occasions, by judgments in this world; that pride should go before destruction, and an haughty spirit before a fall. Nor is it surprising to find the Prophet saying, that the Lord purposed to stain the pride of all glory. Those instances of most consummate arrogancy, which, in late times, we have seen succeeded, by the fall of those, who were so elated, into some of the most humiliating of all circumstances, afford a striking comment, on those emphatical passages of Scripture, which have a reference to this kind of immorality.
As for avarice, with luxurious sensuality and effeminacy, they are particularly grieving to the holy spirit; no true love to God, or to our Country, can subsist in the heart that is captivated with them; and I may add, no substantial peace and happiness; while they are fruitful in every device, to invade the rights of others, for the accumulation of wealth, or the support of extravagance, and a licentious career.
And what shall we say, concerning the guilt of our numerous profane swearers; in the sea-faring employment, in the army, in seaport towns, and in other parts of the land; whose practice has such a direct tendency, to bring the name of God into contempt, and weaken men’s veneration for a solemn oath, that great and useful band of society. They have made proficiency in this horrible wickedness, even in the heat and rage of those military engagements, which are attended with such imminent danger of dying in an instant, and being suddenly transferred to His tribunal, who has said that, by our words we shall be condemned. To the admonition of the ancient Prophet, to glorify the Lord in the fires, even the name of the Lord God of Israel, in the isles of the sea, they have not attended.
Or what shall be said, concerning our modern gentlemen, who, like the Pharisees of old, are disposed to suggest, that Jesus Christ was an impostor, if not an instrument of the devil, employed to impose a false religion on mankind, for the answering of worldly and base purposes? They would cashier a religion, the most honorary to God, and the best calculated to promote liberty and happiness in society, and the present and future felicity of individuals, of anything that ever made its appearance, upon the stage of this world; and they ought, in my opinion, to be considered and treated as enemies to human kind. How do they dishonor the Son! And by so doing, dishonor the Father also. I do believe, with all my heart, and with all my soul, that deism, in its nature, guilt, malignity and dangerous tendency, comes the nearest to the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, never to be forgiven, in this world, nor in the world to come, of any sin which is, or indeed can be committed, in these later ages of the world, by the sons of men.
While I consider our progress, in infidelity and profaneness, with other vices, when under such an heat of divine wrath, I cannot forbear thinking of those words, in the Book of God, And the fourth angel poured out his vial upon the sun, and power was given unto him to scorch men with fire, and men were scorched with great heat, and blasphemed the name of God, which hath power over these plagues, and they repented not to give him glory.
It may be further observed, without impertinency, that while, during the war, there has been a general decay of piety and virtue, and an increase of several species of heinous sinfulness, amidst the most distressing and awakening dispensations, there has been also a series of great and marvelous interpositions, in our favor. The goodness of God is adapted and designed to lead us to love and gratitude, and in the result to repentance; and the more signal tokens of it appear, in a more forcible and striking manner, to demand our penitential return to the love and service of God. How amazingly have we resisted the design and tendency of the most wonderful dispensations of divine love and commiseration! Nor may we forget, that, in the meantime, we have been blessed with the free enjoyment of those Christian privileges, which gave us advantages for high attainments, in those graces and virtues, which are for the honor of God, and the public utility.
My drift is to convince, that the sin of this People, and especially of the more degenerate parts of the Community, is greatly aggravated in the sight of God. I am not sensible that I have been intemperately high in my colorings; if I have not, the mind must be extremely callous, that does not admit the designed conviction.
It appears to me, that the devil has, in late times, come down to America, in great wrath, and equal cunning; I trust it was because he knew, or at least entertained a well-grounded suspicion, that he was likely to have but a short time. If, while this people, by the singular favor and aid of Heaven, were contending, with so much honor and success, for independency and republican constitutions, it was the plan of the arch-adversary, to tempt them into a scene of wickedness, so aggravated, so dishonorable and provoking to an holy God; and a scene of vice, which is so agreeable to the spirit and purposes of monarchy and tyranny, and so utterly abhorrent to the genius, and to the just expectation of preserving the constitution and blessings of a free republic; that, in this way, he might bring us to put on the inconsistent ridiculous figure of a man, who is industrious, as soon and as fast as possible, to destroy with one hand, that which he is most earnestly contending to build up with the other, I should view it, as one of the most notable devices, that ever was invented in the cabinet of the infernal regions. But if, calling in by prayer, the almighty Arm, to our assistance, we resist the devil, he will fly from us.
On the whole, if it is a sober, truth, that our sin has been so great and aggravated, while we have been contending for freedom, what are the reflections which are suitable on this occasion! Ought we not to be most deeply humbled, in the sight of God, confessing our merit of utter destruction? Ought we not to realize, with trembling, our dependence on infinite grace and mercy, for the prevention of our suffering those calamities of sickness, of drought and scarcity, of discord, and other distressing judgments, which we so highly deserve, and which we are by no means free from danger of? For God may intend to vary the method of his treatment of us, as a judicious and kind parent, when his children appear to be hardened, under one mode of discipline, may be disposed to alter his measures, and adopt some other. And there may be particular danger, that God will bring some terrible mortality to those, whose sins, in the late times, have been as crimson; while he preserves our national privileges, for the sake of the rising, and future generations. Remember the case of those, whose carcasses fell in the wilderness; Those murmurers, who despised the promised land, and desired to return to Egypt; whose children were to enjoy the land flowing with milk and honey, while the rich privilege was denied to the sinful parents. Ought we not to renounce every sin, with the most penitential sorrow, remorse and abhorrence; and devote ourselves to serve the Lord, according to the directions of the Gospel, through the spirit, with the whole heart, our best powers, and noblest exertions? Ought we not to put up most fervent cries for pardon, through the blood of Jesus Christ; for the aversion of deserved judgments, the continuance of enjoyed, and the concernment of needed blessings? And, ought we not to adore the grace of God, in granting us so honorable, and advantageous a peace, as we have now a prospect of; after we have so dishonored and offended him, in the course of the war, as being grace, so divinely generous, as to exceed all astonishment? Highest praise and love, gratitude and devotion must be rendered, if we would give unto the Lord the glory due unto his name; and, if the tear of unfeigned repentance, is not, by such treatment, drawn forth, the heart must be made of steel and adamant.
I know not how, fully to account for God’s disclosing to us the brightness of his face, in such a manner, as he does at present, while we are involved, with so little remorse, in such a scene of impiety and vice as hath been described, without introducing the supposition of his strong inclination, to give before the world, a striking attestation, to the justice of our cause; to manifest the affection and esteem, he entertains for liberty, and his holy aversion to oppressive devices and measures; to discover the distinguishing regard and tenderness, for those greater degree of religion, which, after all our degeneracy, may possibly remain among us, than are to be found, in the land of our oppressors; to pave the way, for the happiness of our infant offspring, and unborn posterity; to make preparation, possibly, for accomplishing in future time, some high designs of his grace and providence, concerning America, and the rest of mankind; and, in the meantime, to try us, in the most extraordinary manner, by mercy, as well as by judgment, with a desire to bring us to repentance, that we may be, a people prepared for the Lord. God grant, that all our hearts, may be properly coincident, with all his high and holy purposes, so far as they may be discovered by us! One of his great and good designs appears, with a sufficient degree of perspicuity; I mean his purpose, by his merciful and judicial dispensations, to teach us the evil and danger of sin; to convince us of the necessity, of forsaking all our immoralities; and the dutifulness of devoting ourselves to serve him, with the most impartial reformation, and grateful affection, in the kingdom of his dear Son.
Although God, for wise reasons, may sometimes see fit, to defer the infliction of those public calamities on a people, which their sins deserve; and to be patient, towards a particular offender; yet does it highly concern each individual sinner, to consider his constant exposedness to death; and that, if he dies without repentance, from that point of time, his judgment will not linger, nor his damnation slumber: Except the addition, which may be made to his infernal woe, at the resurrection and final judgment; and the increase of misery, which may take place, on occasion of his increasing wickedness.
The confusions of the late war, it must be confessed, have not been very favorable to the purposes of sedate consideration; while, at the same time, they have furnished scenes of extraordinary temptation. And these things may possibly be thought to plead some little degree of apology, for our delinquency in time past; but now, God is indulging to us, an opportunity for calm reflection. Behold the goodness and severity of God! If we do not now view them both, in a contemplative manner, and are not, of course, brought to the exercise of a godly reforming sorrow for our sins, we shall be found utterly inexcusable, and have reason to be apprehensive of the most melancholy consequences.
But, according to present appearances, a most glorious, an almighty, most wise and gracious God, has blasted all the proud and invidious, the assuming and avaricious purposes of the sons of thralldom to enslave America; and all the blessings of liberty are ours, unless we choose, through immorality, and supine carelessness, to lose the advantage of those great things, which have been wrought for us, and, through the grace and help of the Most High, have been wrought by us. He is restoring to us the blessings of peace, after an arduous conflict; ascertaining to us an absolute Independency; doing us an illustrious honor, in the sight of the nations; and confirming to us those privileges, which were so highly esteemed by our Ancestry; and for which they suffered so freely, so patiently, and so much!
Scarcely can we enjoy our happiness, in the absence of those Worthies. Their company, at such a Time, the compassion, in a reflection on sufferings, and the mutual gratulations, at the friendly sympathizing interview, would sublimate rejoicing into ecstasy! But we must be content, at present, without their society; and we trust they are blessed, with much higher felicity, than can possibly be enjoyed, by the inhabitants of this world, even in our circumstances.
It might be thought by some (whether justly or not) to savor of malevolence, and therefore to be exceptionable, should we, at this time, adopt the language of the Apostle John, and say, Rejoice over her thou Heaven, and ye holy Apostles and prophets, for God hath avenged you on her; but to engage our hearts, in praising and blessing, and giving thanks to our Fathers God and ours, with elevated strains of sincerest, and most joyful devotion, must by no means be omitted, if we desire to conform to our duty, in giving to the Lord the glory due unto his name. He has been pleased to glorify his power and wisdom, grace and mercy on our behalf, in a very wonderful manner; and our part is, imploring his grace for our assistance, to exert our best abilities, for making his praise glorious.
I believe, and all the people in general, of these United States believe, and, I hope in God, they will forever judge, that such liberty, as that, which is now opening to our view and enjoyment, involves in it, or furnishes advantages for obtaining all that is great and good, and richest, and best, conducing to the happiness of society on earth, to the internal true peace, and self-possession of individuals, and their everlasting life and glory. If, therefore, our estimation be just, and the ardor of our devotion ought to bear a proportion to the value of a blessing received, it is our duty to command our souls, to bless the Lord, by the noblest exertions of the best powers, which heaven has endowed them with.
Other considerations may be brought into view, whereby it will appear, that exalted strains of praise, thanksgiving and blessing, are proper sacrifices, at this day.
If a sense of obligation is justly heightened, as indeed it is, on the receipt of a savior, especially one of great importance, from a benefactor whom we have highly offended and injured; and our sin against the divine majesty has been such, as hath been represented, in a former stage of this discourse, what feelings of grateful resentment ought to possess our hearts, at this time, towards the father of mercies and God of all grace!
Nor may we, with any degree of innocency, forget the favorable appearances of Heaven, of an extraordinary complexion, during our contest, which have led on to the glorious issue, in which we are now called to rejoice.
And what a field here opens! It is the business of a folio, rather than of a sermon; of a year, or an age, rather that of a few days, to exhibit such a representation of these things, as the subject truly merits. Blushing, therefore, with a consciousness of my own deficiency, I must beg you to be contended with a few hints only.
Some of our towns and cities have been, in a greater of less degree, brought to desolation; many of our friends and fellow countrymen have lost their lives in the high places of the field, as well as on the sea; and Lord! How many have perished, by shocking abuse, in a state of imprisonment! The idea is too painful to be dwelt on. Various have been the distressing scenes, which God has called us to pass through; but with what mercies, reliefs and assistances, well-judged, kind and seasonable, have our calamities been interspersed!
Let us consider the American Characters, which God has been pleased to form, to raise up, inspirit, support and succeed, for our relief and assistance, in our distresses—The spirit of liberty, Protestantism and union, which has been diffused through this land, among people of clashing civil interests, and various religious complexions; which thing, we seriously judge, has been wrought by the finger of God. Consider, the patience in pressing trials, and the worthy fortitude and spirit of perseverance, wherewith God has been pleased to endow this people. Consider, in what a manner we have succeeded, and the lives of our people have been precious in the sight of the Lord, even to astonishment, in many, if not most of the encounters, which we have had with the enemy. Consider, how strangely we have prospected by sea, and have been enriched with captures from our oppressors, as the Israelites of old, by the borrowed wealth of Egypt. Consider, the abilities, the navy, and the intimidating reputation of those, with whom we have been called to contend; the endless arts they have made use of , to deceive, to affrighten and discourage, to disunite, to weaken and ruin us; together with the exposedness of our long sea coast, and many maritime towns; and our imbecility, want of resources, and scantiness of preparations, in the early stages of the war especially: and yet, that the enemy have scarcely gained any advantages over us, except such as must naturally and almost necessarily be expected by us, unless we could have flattered ourselves, that God would conduct the war, in our favor, in a manner, not only wonderful but perfectly miraculous. Meditate the powerful alliances obtained, notwithstanding the contempt, with which we had, by many, been generally treated before-time; and the growing interest, which it has pleased God to favor us with, in the respect, esteem and friendship, of almost all Europe: Consider how the supercilious expectations, and anticipated triumphs of our enemies have been blasted, by the illustrious reduction of Two whole British Armies. In fine, let us consider all things as conspiring, in the most wonderful, wise, powerful and kind providence of God, to effectuate such an event, as now captivates our attention. And having our sense of obligation to the Governor of the world highly improved, let us with one heart, and with one voice exclaim, bless the Lord, O our souls, and all that is within us bless his holy name; bless the Lord O our souls, and forget not his wonderful benefits!
The Lord has done great things for us, whereof we are, or at least ought to be glad. By what instrumentality our success has been effected, is, in many respects, sufficiently obvious; and if we were favored with the presence of a Prophet among us, he might possibly be able to give us some further light, and inform use, in how many instances, the Angel of the Lord has been sent for our help and deliverance. We desire, however, to pay no such respects to the means and instruments, which God has employed for our relief and assistance, as would be derogatory from the glory due to Him. While we are sincerely willing to pay, every suitable mark of honor and esteem, to our great and humane benefactors on earth, we reserve and appropriate our religious praises and adorations, to the great Sovereign of the world, to whom alone they are due; in the use of such language at that in 1 Chron. 29: 11-13, Thine, O Lord, is the greatness, and the power, and the glory, and the victory, and the majesty: for all that is in the heaven and in the earth, is thine, thine is the kingdom, O Lord, and thou are exalted as head above all. Both riches and honor come of thee, and thou reignest over all. Both riches and honor come of thee, and thou reignest over all, and in thine hand is power and might, and in thine hand it is to make great, and to give strength unto all. Now therefore, our God, we thank thee, and praise thy glorious name.
Let us realize our immense obligations to the Father of lights, from whom cometh down every good, and every perfect gift. And by the most vigilant, and circumspectful attention to every suitable measure, and precaution, for preserving and perpetuating our dear liberties, civil and sacred; by improving them with diligence, good judgment and sobriety; and therefore so, that they may afford us the greatest, the most, and the best happiness, which this world and state are capable of furnishing; by all good conversation in Christ; and by attainments in the divine life, in some good measure correspondent to the degree, in which he has honored Himself and us, by the signal favors and advantages, which he has been pleased to confer upon us, let us endeavor to give unto his Great Name its due glory. If we will take every the best, and most justifiable method, to make our rich privileges contribute in the best manner, to our essential interest and happiness, the God who is Love, will deign to be pleased, and think Himself honored.
Some persons are disposed to hint, that republican freedom is not a thing to be chosen; because mankind are so immoral, fickle and indiscreet, that they are in the utmost danger of using such liberty, to their own ruin. This a mode of argumentation, genuinely papistical; and if a reasoner of this stamp, is supposed to have in contemplation, his own worldly wealth, power and aggrandizement, I am suspicious, he will lose sight of the public freedom, and view earthly grandeur, as a most important boon, highly worth the grasping after, notwithstanding any supposed danger of his improving it, to his own detriment: Whereas, it appears, to the eye of judicious, benevolent, candid and impartial consideration that the People, are, at least, as likely to make an advantageous improvement of republican liberty, as the great men of the earth are, to make a laudable, and profitable use of their grandeur, wealth and power. The language of the protestant and patriotic friend to liberty and the human race, is this, deny not to the people the immense blessing of freedom, through real, much less pretended fears of their destroying themselves by it; but endeavor to raise the people to wisdom and virtue, that so they may improve their freedom, to the greatest and most happifying purposes.
The security and preservation of our privileges, as well as the due improvement of them, calls for our best attention.
The domineering, and abusive principles of depraved nature, on which the systems of spiritual, and civil tyranny have been erected (notwithstanding that the excellent advantages, of a most moral, benevolent and heavenly religion, has been granted to many) have hitherto generally prevailed, to the suppression, and oftentimes to the speedy interment, of those beams of a spirit of freedom, and those systems of liberty, which have, at one time and another, made their appearance upon the face of the earth; and the history of this world, as to the main strokes of it, appears to be chiefly, a story of injurious, oppressive crimes, and the sins, miseries and calamities, which they have occasioned and inferred; if we trace it, from the days of the mighty Hunter, down to the present period. But, O Lord, how long! Is this stygian current, which has, in so deplorable a manner engulfed the happiness of mankind, never to be stopped? With God, all things are possible. To his almighty grace, we make our humble appeal; but not without a consciousness, that we cannot give to the Lord, his due praise and glory, unless we join our best endeavors, for bringing about so important, and desirable an event. A seasonable enquiry is, What can be devised, in addition to the means, which have been already used, at least in this country, for the preservation of freedom, when once asserted and vindicated?
On a long course of observation and reflection, I have come to the following conclusion, that the habits formed in youth, are amazingly strong, inveterate, and inflexible, and do generally and in the main, go with the man, through the various stages of life, and, through the dark valley of the shadow of death, into the eternal state; and that, the character of the world, as to religion and virtue, liberty and happiness, always has, and probably always will depend, in a very great measure, if not almost entirely, upon education. Solemn thoughts, if they are just, for those who are blooming in life, as well as for those, to whom God has committed the charge of them! If our sentiments are correct, there is perhaps no one subject, which can more pertinently claim the attention of the people of these United States, at this time particularly, than that of education; and especially, the improvement of youth, in that Christian practical godliness, public spirit and virtue, which would exclude the vile oppressing passions from their hearts; and form them, to that true spirit of liberty, which is nothing more nor less than a spirit of true Christianity, considered as extending itself into, and operating in reference to matters of civil and ecclesiastical government and immunity.
If I am not prejudiced in favor of my Country, America is blessed with a genius, which deserves the epithet of singular; and if so, it would be rendering due glory, to the Author of all gifts, and not a little honorable to us, if this genius should be exerted for the investigation of some methods, for the right education of all the children of the people, superior than any, which have hitherto been adopted. If this is not the case, it is my opinion, that this is not likely to be, for a long time, a free country. But, if all the youth were educated, in the manner we recommend, The Kingdom of God would appear to have come, in a more signal manner, than ever it has yet done, at least for numerous ages; the perpetuated enjoyment of that freedom, for which we have suffered, would, under the favor of Heaven, be ensured to us; and we might be induced to think of that Millennial state, the approach whereof, does perhaps at this time appear, by several prognostic symptoms, to be in some degree probable.
I do not wish to prescribe, in a manner, that might have the appearance of assumption; but one proposal I will adventure to risk; and that is, that all in high life, and affluent circumstances, form a Combination, to abate, as to every luxurious superfluity, according to the genius of the heavenly, spiritual, moderate, self-denying religion of Jesus Christ; and devote the monies thus redeemed (which would amount to no small sum) to the promotion of such a Christian, and republican education in the land, as hath been recommended; so much excepted, as it might be necessary to distribute among those, who are in circumstances particularly unhappy, in consequence of the calamities of the late war. This is a measure, not unsuitable to be contemplated, on a day of Fasting, or Thanksgiving. And should the people, of the description I have mentioned, incline to come into it, what a glorious instance of conduct would it be! In every light, how patriotic! This would be, in style and taste, high, to some purpose. How would it gladden, and bless the heart of every sincere, and considerate friend to religion, liberty, and his country! What a figure would the combination make, in the page of history, to the latest ages! And what a due tribute of glory would they bring, to the great God, the bountiful Author of all their riches, and means of enjoyment!
Extremely happy should I be, to be furnished with satisfactory evidence, that the young Gentlemen of the University were captivated with that spirit, which I have endeavored, my present discourse should breathe. We do not censure their inclination to excel, in various arts and sciences, which are embellishing, and in a more moderate degree, useful to society; but our grand wish is, to see their ambition chiefly engaged about those things, which are the most worthy, important and glorious; to see them emulous for excelling, in divine science; in love to God and their Country; in truly Christian, and republican sobriety and economy; in the art of being truly happy, in this world and forever; and in the noble principles, and temper of liberty, which may render them blessings to the Commonwealth, by disposing them to use their best endeavors, for cultivating, and perpetuating its freedom and felicity, in connection with pure and undefiled religion. This would be, to their pious parents, and to all the well-principled people among us, especially at this time, when there is such a decay of that virtue, which is so essential to freedom, like rain upon the mown grass. Let not the apprehension of singularity be terrifying to them. In times of general depravity, singularity is the path of virtue, happiness and glory. They have now an opportunity of distinguishing themselves, on a momentous occasion; Heaven grant, that they may not fail of reaping the honor of it! That they should go forth into the world, fraught with those noble principles and passions, which we are intent upon recommending, is the rather desired, because we trust they will ere long fill those important public stations, which will render their instructions and examples, of great and extensive influence. May they consider, how much the glory of God, and the public good are interested, in the improvement they shall make of their talents and advantages; and herewithall bear in mind, that divine declaration, Him that honoreth me, I will honor; but he that despiseth me, shall be lightly esteemed.
Ministers of the Gospel, in some past years, being impressed with a sense of the inestimable value of freedom, and apprehensive of the slavery, wherewith our land was threatened, exerted themselves to enlighten the people concerning their danger, and prompt them to unite in measures for self-defense. And, if they have not, in the days of depreciating currency, been properly rewarded, by their fellowmen, in respect to temporal things, for their courageous exertions, and labors of love, we believe, nevertheless, that they have the satisfaction of a good conscience, and hope, that governed and animated by superior motives, they will always appear as faithful advocates, for the preservation of those rights and privileges, which are so happily vindicated and established.
It has been said, indeed, by moderns, as well as by them of old time, That ministers have no right to interpose, in reference to matters of a political nature. Ministers, however, have a right, at least to preach the Gospel; and, if they might be the means of its being universally propagated, and practically regarded; to the suppression of the exorbitant pride, ambition, covetousness, lust of dominion, and other vile affections, which now reign among men, all the curious, exalted, wicked and formidable machinery of papal, and anti-republican despotism, would instantly be precipitated headlong to the ground, and dashed to pieces; and, if mistrial endeavors might be blessed, for the continuance of such universal, pure Christianity, the Hydra-monsters of civil, and ecclesiastical tyranny, would no more erect their horrendous terrific heads, to the abuse, and destruction of the human race, and to the dishonor of God, and usurpation of his sacred throne, but would be forever banished from this world.
If we intend our Country shall continue free, there must be a constant attention and concern, for the preservation of its freedom, among persons of every order, and of every age. It is as necessary, that the people should keep up a perpetual watch and guard, from age to age, to prevent the rise of those Tumors in the Body-politic, which would be detrimental, and ruinous to its health and happiness, as it is, that a Christian should maintain a vigilant, unintermiting and persevering struggle, to prevent the usurpation, and predominancy of the principles of corrupt nature, in his own heart.
After all, I seem to hear some person say, the republican politician may theorize, and the puritan preach; but the current, nevertheless, will continue its baneful, sweeping and destructive course. Foreign monarchical principles, luxurious excesses, and superfluities will be catched at, with an accelerating pleasure and appetite; The insinuating intrigues, and devices of foreign courts will prevail, to the dissemination of the principles of party spirit, discord and corruption, in the land; extensive commerce, and accumulated opulence, will support the high scenes of ever increasing sensuality, worldly-mindedness and extravagancy; luxury will be fertile, in the generation of every arrogant, over-bearing, injurious and oppressive passion; they, who, on the basis of vile affections, have ripened an arbitrary system of thought, in their minds, will become more confirmed therein; and others, on the same principles, will contract a despotic, and depraved bias of mind; some will be grasping, aspiring, machinating and intriguing; some will be venal; others will be timid; many will be careless; and all in general corrupt: Hence, the vitals of our free constitutions will be gradually, and imperceptibly eaten out, if they are not destroyed by sudden violence; the famed American structure will fall to decay, and go the way of all the earth!
May God forbid it! May the Great Friend to the rights and happiness of mankind forbid it! Who sent his Son into this world to bleed for us, that we might be free indeed. May the dignity and consistency, wherewith He shall be pleased to invest the United States of North America, forbid it! Forbid it thou Holy Spirit! Whose province it is to promote every temperate, every humble, every holy and heavenly, every just, every kind and social disposition in the hearts of men.
But if such an event should take place, after all the great and wonderful things, which God has done for us, and by our instrumentality; and after all that we have undergone, in the grandest of causes; and I might be supposed to remain in this world, to be a spectator of such an unblessed catastrophe—Farewell, to all future enjoyment in life! Sorrow be thou my companion! Grief and wo my constant attendants, till, according to the destination of an Holy God, I return to the dust, from whence I was taken! Nor am I able easily to realize, if, in the infinite grace and mercy of God, I should arrive to the heavenly world, how I could adequately enjoy the Place, as long as the Idea of such an event, should be retained—Whither has the gale of affection driven me!—tis time to give myself a check—if my vehemence I have been guilty of weakness and eccentricity, I beg you will do me the friendship to remember the pathos wherewith the welfare of our dear country is desired, and forget the rest.
Apprehensions of danger we have; but must, nevertheless, encourage ourselves to hope better things concerning America, and things that accompany salvation, though we thus speak.
Reflecting on all that is past, and anticipating the still greater things, which we humbly trust, the Great God, in his grace and providence, will do, in time to come, for us and ours, you will, without an invitation, join with me, in repeating the following animated Doxologies, which we find recorded, in the Book of the Revelation of Jesus Christ. Blessing, and honor, and glory and power be unto him that sitteth upon the Throne, and unto the Lamb forever and ever, Amen. Blessing and glory, and wisdom, and thanksgiving, and honor, and power, and might, be unto our God forever and ever,
Jonas Clark was born on Christmas Day in Lexington, Massachusetts. He graduated from Cambridge University at the age of 22 and was ordained as a minister three years later. While serving as a minister, he also worked a farm of 60 acres in order to supply his family with food. He continued as the pastor of the church at Lexington for half-a-century.
Doolittle’s 1775 Engraving of Lexington
Clark was an avid American patriot before and during and the American War for Independence. He actively wrote papers related to pressing issues such as the Stamp Act and many of the leading patriots stayed at his home and sought his counsel. In fact, both John Hancock and Samuel Adams were at his home on April 18, 1775, when Paul Revere made his famous midnight ride to alert them that they must flee or face being caught by the coming British. Upon hearing the news, they turned to Pastor Clark and asked if the people of Lexington would fight, to which he replied, “I have trained them for this very hour!”
The following morning, some seventy men from his church faced over 700 British soldiers, and when the “Shot heard round the world” was over, eighteen Americans were laying on the ground—both black and white patriots—all members of his church. Clark’s influence continued throughout the War and afterwards, and he helped pen the Massachusetts Constitution.
This election sermon was preached by Clark in Massachusetts on May 30, 1781.
A
SERMON
PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY
JOHN HANCOCK, Esq;
GOVERNOR;
HIS HONOR
THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;
THE HONORABLE THE
COUNCIL,
AND THE HONORABLE THE
SENATE
AND
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
OF THE
COMMONWEALTH
OF
MASSACHUSETTS,
MAY 30, 1781.
BEING THE FIRST DAY OF
GENERAL ELECTION,
After the COMMENCEMENT of the
Present CONSTITUTION,
AND
INAUGURATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT.
BY JONAS CLARK, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in Lexington.
N. B. Several passages omitted in the delivery of this Discourse are now inserted.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In SENATE, May 30, 1781.
ORDERED, That Walter Spooner, Samuel Adams, and Charles Turner, Esquires, be and hereby are appointed a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Jonas Clark, and return him the Thanks of the Senate for his Sermon delivered this Day before his Excellency the Governor, the Council and the General Court, and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.
Attest,
JOHN AVERY, Sec’ry.
AN
Election Sermon.
PSALM XLVII. 8, 9.
–GOD sitteth upon the throne of His holiness: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.
At what time, or upon what occasion, the Psalm before us was composed, is neither certain, nor easy, at this distance of time, to determine.—“Many have supposed it to have been penned, on occasion of bringing up the Ark to Mount Zion.”—Others, “that it looks further, and is prophetic of the ascension of the glorious Mediator, after he had finished his work on earth, and the setting up his kingdom in the world.”
From the sentiments it contains, it might also be considered as a Psalm composed, and well adapted, for the congregation of Israel, when all the tribes came to Hebron to receive David, and by their elders to make a league with him, as their chief magistrate; and to establish him in the government. 1
But, which, or whether either of these suppositions hath any solid foundation, must be left to the learned and judicious to determine.—Be the primary occasion, of this devout composition, what it may; it is beyond dispute, that the subjects of it are interesting and important:–Subjects well suited to inspire the church and people of God, at all times, with a sense of his government and their dependence, and of their indispensible obligations to celebrate the glories of his perfections, herein displayed, as the ground of their confidence and theme of their praise.
In a word, it is an exhortation to the people of GOD, to praise the Lord, as “The Great King over all the earth,” who should subdue the people, their enemies and oppressors under them, and the nations under their feet: And as that God, who should choose their inheritance for them, and establish them in the quiet possession and enjoyment of it.
Agreeably, in confirmation of this their confidence, it is said, in the text—That GOD sitteth upon the throne of his holiness: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.
In these words, we have a striking representation,–a lively portrait of the happy state of a people, or nation, in covenant with God, and favoured with his protection and smiles; of a people established in the enjoyment of the blessings of a civil government, whose constitution is founded in principles of liberty and equity, whose laws are administered with justice and righteousness, and whose end is the glory of God, in the good of mankind. The Great GOD, as the sovereign, the supreme ruler, sitting on the throne of his holiness, with all the powers of government, originally and ultimately, vested in himself, and exercised by him, agreeable to the eternal laws of righteousness and equity.—The Princes of the people, their leaders, or delegates, are gathered together, from all parts of the land, in the name of their constituents, and under the direction and influence of their supreme ruler and sovereign, to consult the public weal, to enact laws and to transact the great affairs of the nation and of government. The people, the body of the nation, are there introduced, as The people of the GOD of Abraham, in covenant with him, and devoutly acknowledging their fealty to him, as their sovereign, and their dependence upon him and his blessing, both for counsel and defense. And in fine, that nothing might be wanting to complete the view, we have The Shields of the earth, representing both the powers of government and the persons vested with them, exhibited, as belonging to GOD, religiously devoted to his service and glory, or under his direction and control, to carry to effect the purposes of his benevolence and wisdom for the good of his people, or the designs of his justice and righteousness in the government of the world.—The whole is intended to show—‘That magistracy, or civil government, is of divine institution—‘That the end of it is the good of the governed—and “That, as all power and all authority are derived from him, the glory of all should redound to his name; to the end, that GOD, who sitteth on the throne might be greatly exalted.
That God, who created and preserves, of right, doth govern the world, is a truth, which the light of nature teaches, which revelation confirms, and a truth, which the common sense of mankind in all ages, concurs to establish.
That the power, authority and sovereignty of God are absolute and uncontrollable is a truth justly deducible from the preceding, and equally indisputable.
The sacred scriptures are far from being silent, or doubtful, upon a subject so fundamental, so important. We frequently find all the powers of moral government, in the highest sense, solemnly assumed by God, or devoutly ascribed unto him, in the divine oracles. Hence God is introduced by the holy prophet, as saying, “I am the Lord, and there is none else; there is no God besides me. I form the light and create darkness: I make peace and create evil: I the Lord do all these things.” 2 “I will work, and who shall let it?” 3—And to show the vanity of oppugnation [opposition] to his government or authority, it is added,–“Let the potsherd strive with the potsherds of the earth: But woe to him that striveth with his maker.” 4
And what God hath thus justly assumed, is devoutly ascribed to him by his saints and people; and frequently mentioned as the ground of their confidence, as well as the reason of their submission.—At all times, yea, even in times of perplexity and darkness, it was the language of God’s people—“The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice” 5—“The Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the Lord is our king; He will save us.” 6 Holy David observes that “the kingdom is the Lord’s, and he is governor among the nations.” 7 and to add no more, it is said—That “The Lord sitteth King forever:” 8 And, that “His Kingdom ruleth over all.” 9
In this light considered, the Deity is to be acknowledged, as that God, whose power and authority are supreme, universal and uncontrollable.
It is not, however, authority or power alone, that forms the character, or gives an idea of the great moral governor of the universe; but this power, and this authority, as tempered with wisdom, goodness, justice, truth, faithfulness, and other moral perfections necessary to a government founded in equity, exercised in righteousness, glorious to himself and a blessing to his creatures.
It would have been easy to an infinite being, to have carried to effect the purposes of his government, by the influences of his spirit, or the word of his power; but, for wise reasons, the supreme Ruler hath been pleased to employ angels and men, as ministers in his kingdom; and to render even second causes subservient to the great designs of his wisdom, justice and goodness, in the government of the world.
For the glory of God, and the preservation of order and communication of happiness, it is both natural and rational to suppose, that government subsists among intelligent beings, of whatever rank, or degree in creation.
This conjecture is the more probable, with regard to the heavenly hosts, and those bright intelligences, who inhabit the celestial abodes, and are favoured with the nearest approaches unto God, from the account the sacred oracles have given; of the various names, orders and degrees subsisting among them; as Angels, Arch-angels, Thrones, Dominions, Principalities and Powers. 10
Something of this kind, also, would, undoubtedly, have been advantageous, if not necessary, to have perfected the felicity of mankind, had they continued in a state of innocence and rectitude: And for the order, harmony and happiness of society and the world, it is reasonable to suppose, that rule and government would have taken place among men, however virtuous, benevolent, or just.
The still greater importance of such an institution to the peace, liberty, safety and happiness of individuals, of society and the world of mankind, since sin, lust, passion, imperfection and every evil work have been introduced, needs neither time to consider, nor arguments to prove.
Were there no civil government, laws, magistracy, nor Shields of the earth, for the preservation of peace, the guard of liberty, the protection of property and the defense of life, it is easy to see, and, without a spirit of prophesy, to foretell, what the event must be:–that anarchy, confusion, blood and slaughter, waste and destruction, would soon take place in the earth.—The weak would be devoured by the strong, the innocent, like righteous Abel, would become an easy prey to the vicious, abandoned and ambitious:–and the longest sword must quickly determine the fate of mankind.
Hence it appears, I had almost said, to a demonstration, that, under God, the supreme ruler, this wise institution of civil government, this richest of temporal blessings to mankind, takes its rise from Necessity.
It is true, reason teaches the propriety, convenience points out the advantages, and all the social affections concur to urge the importance of civil government. But however engaging or interesting these arguments might appear, to the wise, the benevolent, or judicious, they would be, at best, but a feeble support to the peace and order of society,–would never have availed to establish government, over the lawless lusts of vicious, aspiring, or blood-thirsty men.—It is Necessity, Necessity alone, which combines men in society, and gives rise to civil government. And had not mankind been effectually convinced of this necessity, and taught to realize that there was no living without it, it is very much a doubt, whether ever such an institution would have taken place in the world.
This Necessity, in a great measure at least, is founded in and takes rise from the lusts, the corruptions and vices of mankind.
Tis not indeed pretended, that any one man, or any number of men, have any natural right of superiority, or inherent claim of dominion, or governmental authority over any other man, or body of men.—All men, by nature, are free, equal and independent, in this matter. It is in compact—in compact alone, that all just government is founded.
The first steps, in entering into society and toward the establishment of civil government among a people, is the forming, agreeing to, and ratifying an original compact, for the regulation of the State, describing and determining the mode, departments and powers of government, and the rights, privileges and duties of the subjects.
This should be done by the whole body of the people; or by princes, leaders, or delegates, by their choice, appointment, or consent.
This right in the people, whether emerging from a state of nature, or the yoke of oppression, is an unalienable right—a right which cannot be given up by a people, even though ever so much inclined to sell or sacrifice it.—Yea, should a people be so lost to themselves, as, upon any consideration, to give it up, it may justly be reclaimed, at least by the next generation, who cannot be supposed to be deprived of their birth-right, because their progenitors, like Esau, despised and parted with theirs.
While the social compact subsists, the whole state, and all its members, are bound by it:–a sacred regard ought to be paid to it. No man, order, or body of men, in the state, have any right, power, or authority, to alter, change, or violate the social compact. Nor can any change, alteration, or amendment, be lawfully introduced, but by common consent. Any and every attempt of this kind, endangers the whole.
It remains, however, with the community, state, or nation, as a public, political body, at any time, at pleasure, to change, alter, or even totally dissolve the constitution, and return to a state of nature, or to form anew, as to them shall seem meet.
These principles admitted, it is evident that no man, or body or men, however wise, great or good;–no state, nation, or power on earth, hath any right to make or impose a constitution of government upon another state or nation: Such a constitution, however free, is a mark of dependence, a badge of slavery, the most distant thought of which, the high spirit of a free people would justly despise.
EQUALITY and INDEPENDENCE are the just claim, the indefeasible birth-right of men:–In a state of nature, as individuals; in society, as states or nations.—Nothing short of these ever did, or ever will satisfy a man or a people, truly free, truly brave.
True it is, a conquered nation is obliged to submit to the terms, the laws, the conqueror is pleased to impose: But this being matter of compulsion and not of choice, alters not the right. The claim to liberty and independence remains the same. When opportunity offers, and power is attained, it is, beyond dispute, the duty, as well as right, of such a people, of such a nation, to assert their native liberty, to shake off the tyrant’s yoke, to maintain their equality and independence among the nations; and either resume their former, or establish a new constitution of government, as they shall judge best.
Upon the whole, this is a right, the violation or infringement of which, upon any consideration whatever, no man can justify upon the principles of reason, the laws of nature, or rules of equity.—Even God himself, the supreme ruler of the world, whose government is absolute and uncontrollable, hath ever paid a sacred attention to this important right, hath ever patronized this interesting claim in the sons of men.
The only constitution of civil government that can plead its origin, as immediately from heaven, is The Theocracy of the Hebrews. But even this form of government, though dictated by infinite wisdom, and wrote with the finger of GOD, was laid before his people for their consideration, and ratified, introduced and established by their common consent.
What form of government will answer the best purposes to society, and most effectually display the glory of the supreme Ruler, in the good of mankind, is a question truly delicate and important; and a question, which, in the hand of a masterly politician, might admit of a discussion both interesting and entertaining. But as neither time, nor capacity, will permit me to enter largely into so high and critical a subject; it shall suffice to observe,–
That a little acquaintance with the world and the history of mankind, in the several ages past, will clearly decide, that no one constitution, or form of civil government, can be supposed to be equally adapted to answer the best purposes of such an institution, in every society, nation or state.
That in the rise and progress of society, different modes of government have been adopted and introduced, at different stages and successive periods, cannot be doubted.—And whether there hath not been, in many instances, at least, a gradation in the modes of government, keeping pace with the progress of society, in the several ages of the world, similar to that gradation, which is easily observed in the several stages and periods of human life; is a question, with all deference, submitted to the candor and judgment of this respectable assembly.
At first sight, indeed, this circumstance may not have been observed; nor can it be said to have been the case, without many exceptions. But, in an attentive review of the history of mankind, have we not seen, in various instances, a people emerging from a state of nature, and perhaps obscurity, with all the life, vigor, heat and zeal, as well as undisguised simplicity of youth, entering into society; and their pulse beating high for liberty, forming the social compact upon principles of freedom, and establishing a constitution purely popular—A form of civil government, in which every man considers himself a part of the authority, having a right to give his voice upon every law, measure, or public act of the state?
In a succeeding stage, have we not seen a people, perhaps the same, by gradual alterations and improvements, or by some thorough reform or revolution, like man arrived at mature age, for wisdom, firmness and strength, establishing true liberty and a settled civil government, upon the more permanent basis of a FREE COMMONWEALTH? And under this happy form, flourishing for ages, and in the unmolested enjoyment of the sweets of freedom and the blessings of government, rising to the height of strength and dignity, prosperity and glory?
Moreover, have we not seen, at some distant period, this same society, state or nation, like man passed the meridian of life, and beginning to feel the infirmities of age approaching, by insinuating corruptions, by the influence of parties, the malevolence of factions, and frequent disorders, warned of its danger, and reduced to the necessity of strengthening the bands of society, and the powers of government, by a monarchial constitution; and putting the reins into the hands of a sovereign, with certain limitations, to guard, as much as may be, the liberty of the subject and freedom of the state?
In fine;–Have we not seen, in the closing period, the same society, state, or nation, like man, in the decline of life, bowed with the infirmities of age and time, the constitution broken; the spirit of virtue, wisdom, liberty and firmness gone; the political body, filled with vicious humours, attacked by painful diseases, rack’d with malignant disorders, which surpass the political physician’s skill to heal or remedy? In a word, convulsed to the very foundations, by internal oppressions and violences, by public tumults and commotions, and divided and rent by the furious factions of wicked, designing, artful and ambitious men, tending to and ending in blood-shed, slaughter and civil wars, which nothing but the hand and sword of absolute power could restrain, quiet or control—and thus prepared to be an easy prey to the daring tyrant, whose hand could seize, whose sword could secure it!
It is not, indeed, pretended, that this hath been statedly or literally the case, with nations that have entered into society, and established civil government in the world.—But whether, in the rise and progress of society, and the modes of government which have been adopted by mankind, something of this kind hath not appeared, in various instances? And whether this, or some similar gradation in the constitutions of government, at the several periods and stages of society, are not natural and necessary, rational and just; and, upon the whole, for the best,–is humbly submitted to the learned, the wise and judicious to consider.
Certain it is, that as different societies and states may require different modes of government; so the same societies or nations may require different constitutions, at distinct and distant periods and stages of their existence.
When Brutus the Elder greatly dared to attempt a radical revolution, from an arbitrary to a free government, by the expulsion of the Tarquins, and the establishment of a commonwealth at Rome; the virtue of his fellow-citizens, seconded and supported him: And the glorious plan was carried to effect to the inexpressible joy of every friend to liberty, to his country and the rights of mankind.—But when, from the same patriotic principles, Brutus the Younger, by the death of Julius Caesar, several ages afterwards, nobly attempted the deliverance of his country from the shackles of tyranny, and the oppressor’s yoke; and to re-establish a free government; the virtue of his fellow-citizens failed him; and Rome was enslaved, never—never to enjoy the blessings of liberty or a free government more!—And this was her choice!—otherwise she would have roused, seconded and supported the arms and attempts of so faithful a friend and so valiant an hero, in the glorious cause of freedom and his country.
Upon the whole, the propriety or impropriety of this or that constitution or mode of government, for this people or another, depends upon a variety of circumstances; such as character, situation, manners, customs, trade, connections, &c.—of which the people, are, or, most certainly, ought to be the best, if not the only competent judges.—And happy is that people, who, having the opportunity, have wisdom to discern and virtue to pursue their true interest, in a matter of so interesting a nature, and such lasting importance.
Mysteries in government, secrets of state,–those Arcona Imperii, by which the artful and ambitious have enslaved the greater part of mankind, are totally abhorrent to all principles of liberty, and naturally tend to sap the foundations of civil government, in a free commonwealth.
A people have an unalienable right to know the constitution they enjoy, the government they are under, the laws they are subject to, and what is justly expected and required of them as subjects.
Next to a good constitution, therefore, the laws of the land are the inheritance of the people.—All laws should bear a resemblance and carry the features, of the constitution; being deduced from its principles and founded in its maxims. And, if I may be allowed the expression, the laws should flow from the constitution, as the streams from the fountain, and even grow out of it, as the tree from the root, or the branches from the stock.
It is also necessary to the well-being of society, that laws be adapted to the state and necessities of a people, and to the circumstances and exigencies of the community.
It is of no small importance to the liberty of the subject, as well as the support of governmental authority, in a free commonwealth, that laws be as few in number, and as plain, concise and expressive, in their form, as possible.
It hath been often said, ‘The more laws, the less government.’—The institutions of Lycurgus, the great founder of civil government in Sparta, and the laws of Solon, the wise lawgiver of the Athenians, under the happy influence of which those states, from small beginnings, rose to the heighth of strength and glory, were few, plain, concise and expressive.
When laws become numerous, or voluminous, it indicates the decline of virtue, the weakness of government and increase of vice.—For laws, taking rise from necessity, hold up to view the vices, or crimes, they are intended to suppress, as the reason of their existence.—Several ages passed, in the republic of Rome, before any law existed for the punishment of a Parricide; evidently taking for granted, either, that this crime had never been thought of, or that it was of so atrocious a nature, that no Roman could be so debased as ever to commit it.
I only add, that to render laws effectual, to the purposes of their existence it hath ever been the care of the wisest legislators, especially in free states, to have such penalties annexed as are, not only apportioned to the malignity, but, as near as possible, expressive of the nature, of the crimes they are intended to punish, or suppress. 11
But laws, however good in themselves, or wisely adapted to the state and necessities of a people, can be of but little advantage, unless duly observed and carried to effect. Hence the necessity of appointing certain persons to be rulers, of investing them with power and clothing them with authority, to administer government, and carry the laws into execution.
Civil government, duly established and organized, is fitly compared to a Shield, as it is instituted for the defense and protection of the subjects and the state. And hence rulers and magistrates, being vested and entrusted with the powers of government, are, with great propriety termed Shields of the earth, in the words of our text.—And as the powers of government give existence to the ruler, to the magistrate: So it is with rulers and magistrates to give life to the constitution and energy to the laws, by a faithful administration.
Good and faithful rulers are raised above their brethren, to places of honour, trust and authority, not for themselves, but for the people, and the good of society. They are entrusted with several powers of government, that individuals may be protected and defended in their life, liberty, property and rights—that the internal peace and order of society might be preserved; and that the external defense, of the whole, against the encroachments, violence, assaults, or invasions of enemies, or oppressors, might effectually be provided for.
In this way, wise and faithful rulers are Shields to the state, and Shields of the earth; as by this happy institution, under their administration, the wisdom and strength of the whole state, may, at any time, be collected in defense of the public, or of any part of the community, as occasion may require. And thus very member is engaged for the peace, safety and defense of the state; and the whole for the peace, safety and protection of every member: For these obligations are mutual, and equally sacred and binding.
In this light considered, rulers, by accepting a seat or an office in government, are fitly said to pledge themselves, their faith and sacred honour, and that in the most solemn manner, to the people for their fidelity: and to them are they accountable.
But there is another argument, of yet higher importance, suggested in our text, which demands the attention of rulers of whatever station; and may not be passed over in silence.
It is said, in the words before us,–The Shields of the earth belong unto GOD.
Civil government, as hath been said, is of divine institution. God, as Supreme, sitteth on the throne of his holiness. All power, rule, or authority is derived from God. In the government of society, states and nations, men are employed to carry his purposes of wisdom and goodness to effect. And hence civil rulers are fitly stiled—“the ministers of God.”– 12 And in the language of the text, it may be said, they belong unto GOD, in a particular manner, and in various respects.
’Tis God, by his spirit and providence, who qualifies, raiseth up and calls them forth to public view, in places of honour, trust and importance, in the various departments of government.—Men indeed, may act freely in all their elections and appointments.—But after all, a divine agency attends them:–An all-superintending providence is religiously to be acknowledged.—“the lot” faith the wise man—“the lot is cast into the lap: But the whole disposing thereof, is of the Lord.” 13 And in terms yet more nervous and expressive, the Psalmist tells us, that “promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the judge. He putteth down one, and setteth up another.” 14
Civil rulers belong unto GOD, as it is his power with which they are vested, in his name that they act, and by his authority that they administer government and discharge the duties of their several offices and departments, whether as supreme or subordinate.
Civil rulers belong unto GOD, as he hath explicitly directed them upon what principles, in what manner, and with what views they are to act in office and administer government.—That they are to fear GOD—hate covetousness—shake their hands from bribes—to judge righteously—to be no respectors of persons in judgment—not to be afraid of the face of man; but always to realize, that the judgment is GOD’s. 15
Civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto the LORD, as the end of their administration is the glory of God, and that he might be greatly exalted, in the good of mankind.—Hence the apostle—He is the minister of GOD to thee for good. 16
In fine; civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto GOD, as they are under his immediate inspection, as they are accountable to him for the whole of their conduct, in this character, and as their reward is with him, “God standeth,” saith the psalmist “in the congregation of the mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.” 17
Deeply penetrated with a sense of the importance of these considerations, a good ruler hath the most engaging, as well as awakening, motives, to a faithful discharge of duty, and the most substantial arguments to support him, under the weight and care of government.
It is, indeed, readily admitted, that rulers, in devoting their time, talents and capacities to the service of the public, have a just claim to respect and support; and, in an upright discharge of their trust, they have a right, not only to a pecuniary reward, in proportion to the dignity of their stations, and importance of their services; but also to the grateful acceptance and cheerful approbation of an obliged people. And it is very happy indeed, for both rulers and people, when it may be truly said of persons in authority, as of Mordecai, of old—that “they are great among their fellow citizens, and accepted of the multitude of their brethren, seeking the wealth of their people, and speaking peace to all their seed.” 18
But should faithful rulers fail of so just, as well as pleasing, a return, as hath sometimes been the case, they are not without support, encouragement, or reward.
The fear of God, the sentiments of religion, the approbation of their own minds, the acceptance of their judge and the rewards of his kingdom, are sufficient to support them under every weight, and to excite them to fidelity and perseverance, under every discouragement.—Neither the frowns of the great, nor the flatteries of the multitude; nor yet, the more pleasing charms of future promotion, will ever be permitted to influence the measures, or direct the conduct of the faithful ruler, acting under the influence of those exalted sentiments, which religion inspires. But, realizing what he owes to God, and what his country may justly require, he is faithful to the one, and true to the other, even though the Ostracism19 of the Athenians should be his lot, and the fate of the noble Pericles his reward. 20
Conscious integrity is a solid support.—A support, which the world can neither give nor take away.—Like Cato, the virtuous roman Senator, “to have done his duty,”—to have approved himself to that God, who sitteth on the throne of his holiness, is more to the good ruler, the true Patriot, than the approbation or applause of united worlds. With a serenity of mind, which no words can express, such a ruler most cheerfully leaves it with heaven to estimate his fidelity and apportion the reward. His only request is that of pious Nehemiah, the faithful governour of Judea,–“Think upon me, O my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people.” 21
Another thing necessary to the ends of civil government, and to render it a blessing to subjects and a Shield to the state, is the concurrence of the people, with their rulers, in their faithful endeavours and unremitting exertions, for internal peace and external defence.
A sacred regard to the constitution, a cheerful obedience to the laws, and a reverend submission to the authority of those who are vested with the powers of government, are as much the duty of subject, even in free states, as it is of rulers to be faithful to the trust reposed in them by the people. The obligations are mutually binding, equally indispensible, and equally necessary to the liberty, safety, prosperity and happiness of society.
The best constitution, the wisest laws, and the most faithful rulers are all in vain to a perverse, restless, factious, remiss or disobedient people.
If a people violate the constitution, trample under foot the laws, cast contempt on authority and despise government; or fail, when lawfully required, to make those exertions for defense, which the exigencies of the state may demand; they must thank themselves, and not their rulers, for that ruin which threatens and will most certainly overtake them. In the language of the prophet, it may justly be said to such a people,–“thine own wickedness shall correct thee, and thy backslidings shall reprove thee.” 22
The apostle Paul observes, “that the powers that be, are ordained of God”: And justly considers civil government as an ordinance of GOD. And that rulers are “the ministers of God”, to a people, “for good.” 23 From hence he concludes, that a people should acknowledge their authority and yield an obedient subjection:–And expressly says, that they must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. 24
The subjection here enjoined is not absolute, or that passive obedience and non resistance, so absurdly preached up, in the darker ages of the world: But that obedience and subjection to good and faithful rulers, which the social compact and the laws of the land require. And without this, government is at an end.
If rulers are not seconded and supported by the people, in the exercise of their authority, in the execution of the laws and the administration of government, their best attempts, their most upright endeavours will never avail to the purposes intended by such an institution.
It is with the people to add life to the constitution, energy to the laws, and dignity as well as strength to government: And that, both for internal peace, order and freedom, and external defense, against all who openly oppose, assault or invade the state.
In a word, as by the social compact, the whole is engaged for the protection and defense of the life, liberty and property of each individual; so each individual owes all that he hath, even life itself, to the support, protection and defense of the whole, when the exigencies of the state require it. And no man, whether in authority or subordination, can justly excuse himself from any duty, service or exertions, in peace or war, that may be necessary for the public peace, liberty, safety or defense, when lawfully and constitutionally called thereto.
As in the body natural, all the parts and members are necessary; and in their places severally concur to the health, strength and beauty of the whole: So in the body politick, a well regulated state, a similar adjustment takes place.—And as all parts and members are necessary: So in their place and use, they all concur to the health, safety and happiness of society; and to the beauty, strength, glory and defense of the state.
When the parts are disadjusted, the body is out of health, and the constitution in danger.—So in the body politic, if the parts are disadjusted, its health will be marred, its strength impaired and its constitution endangered. Thus when the legislative assumes and exercises the powers, by constitution, vested in the executive department; the executive, those of the judicial; or the judicial, those of the legislative; or either of them: then there is an evident disadjustment of the parts, in the body politick, which tends to confusion in society, jumble in government, danger to the constitution and destruction to the commonwealth. 25
It is of the highest importance to the well being of society, that every man, that all the members should know their place, and the duties of their station, in the Commonwealth, whether in authority, or subordination: And everything that tends to an alteration, or abridgment, of the powers of government, on the one hand, or of the rights of the people, on the other, should awaken the attention of both rulers and people, and put all upon their guard.
For instance: The compromise of individuals, the plans of a junto, the schemes of a faction, or the intrigues of a court for the disposal of offices or the obtaining elections, have a threatening aspect on the liberties of the people, the powers of government and the constitution itself. Julius Caesar would never, perhaps, have had it in his power, to have totally subverted the republic of Rome, usurp’d the government and seated himself on the imperial throne, had not his way thereto been paved and prepared, by the private compact and artful compromise between Pompey the Great, Crassus and himself, which formed the first triumvirate, that appeared in that great Commonwealth. 26
In all such cases, therefore, “Obsta Principiis”, is a good maxim, and worthy of the attention of all. And the first appearances of such baneful machinations should be beheld with abhorrence and check’d with severity, by all orders of men in a free Commonwealth, as they are friends to their country and wish to preserve the liberties of the people, the powers of government, or the rights of the constitution, inviolate to the State.
This precaution is always necessary.—It is more especially of importance when first entering into society; or when a radical revolution takes place, and a new form or constitution of government is introduced.—Bad precedents are growing evils; and fatal consequences commonly attend them, if not seasonably checked and effectually crushed.
The last thing which we shall mention, as necessary to the well being of society and the happiness of a free state, is the cordial concurrence of all orders of men, in authority and subordination, in a sacred regard to religion; in a devout acknowledgment of their dependence upon God, his providence and blessing, for all the benefits they expect to derive from a settled civil government.
This sentiment is evidently suggested in the words of our text.—The people, whose princes are here introduced as gathered together to consult for the common good, and transact the public affairs for the government and defense of the nation;–The people, whose rulers are here termed shields of the earth, and justly said to belong unto GOD; In a word, the people, in whose settled government and flourishing state, God, the supreme ruler, is said to be greatly exalted, are fitly styled the people of the GOD of Abraham,–a people in covenant with God.—A people of his fear—of his praise.—A people deeply impressed with a sense of the Deity, his government and providence; and a people who cordially acknowledge their dependence upon him and their indispensible obligations to fear and obey him, and to preserve and exercise a sacred regard to his worship, and to the doctrines and duties of that holy religion, which he had taught by his word.
The importance of religion and morality, and a devout acknowledgment of the government of heaven, to the support of order and government among men, and to the liberty, safety and happiness of society, is what reason teaches, and what the common sense, as well as universal practice of mankind, in all ages and nations, concurs to confirm.
In civilized nations, and where civil government hath been established, many cities and places of importance may be found without walls, without guards, and even without weapons or any preparations for common defense: But it is not easy to find any without, a temple, an altar, a grove or some other place appointed and appropriated to the purposes of religion, the acknowledgment of heaven, and the worship of the Deity, in some shape or other.
In all the free states of Greece and the great Republic of Rome, the regard that was paid to the worship of the gods and the rites of religion, was constant, punctual and expensive; and in many instances, especially on great occasions, rose to the height of superstition. And no affair of importance to the liberty of the people, or the safety of the state, in peace or war, was undertaken, without a religious acknowledgment of their dependence upon heaven and the influence of the gods.
“The great CAMILLUS who was twice saluted ‘The Deliverer of his country,’ to awaken in his fellow-citizens a sense of the importance of religion, appealed to the Romans whether they ever had better success than when they carefully served God, or worse than when they neglected him.”
“Xenophon very justly observes, ‘That Cyrus, one of the best and greatest kings of Persia, laid the foundation of that powerful empire, not so much by his valour, as by his religious acknowledgment of heaven, and his liberality in the worship and service of God.”
But to instance from a yet higher authority: Doth not the holy prophet of the Lord both reprove and exhort the king of Judah, in terms which clearly express the high importance of a sacred regard to the precepts of religion and morality, to the safety, happiness and flourishing state of a people, in that plain and faithful expostulation—Did not thy father eat and drink, and do justice and judgment, and then it was well with him? He judged the cause of the poor and needy, then it was well with him: Was not this to know me? Saith the LORD. 27
When the Supreme Ruler of the world gave notice to Moses, the great law-giver of the Hebrew nation, that the period of his administration was hastening, and the time near at hand, when he must quit the high station he held at the head of the commonwealth of Israel,, for a more exalted seat of immortal glory in his kingdom above,–It is said, He called a solemn assembly of the people; and having recapitulated the heads of the constitution God had given them, and rehearsed a summary of the statutes and precepts of the religion he had made known unto them, he closed his address, and took his leave of them, with this expressive and pathetic exhortation, saying, “Set your hearts unto all the words which I testify among you this day: For it is not vain thing for you; because it is your life: And through this thing ye shall prolong your days in the land whether ye go over Jordan to possess it.” 28
The truth is, religion, more especially as taught by the word of God, and enforced by the powerful arguments and engaging motives of he gospel of Jesus Christ, is the source of liberty, the soul of government and the life of a people.—Its doctrines are sublime, its precepts excellent, its motives persuasive and endearing, and its rewards rich, glorious and all divine.
Religion inspires the soul with the noblest sentiments, enflames the heart with the purest affections, and forms the man for every virtue,–for every service, which God or his country may either expect or require.
Its benevolent precepts are all contained in love to GOD and love to man. And where this divine affection takes place, inspires the soul, warms the heart, influences the temper and governs the conduct; piety to God, and justice and charity to men, will mark distinguish and dignify the character. And the same divine principle, penetrating the hearts of the various orders of men in society, and pervading the state, cannot fail producing the happiest effects.—Vice and immorality, wickedness and unrighteousness, in every form, in every character, will soon disappear; and justice, temperance, truth and love,–every virtue, every grace which adorns human nature, or tends to the peace and happiness of society, will quickly take their place.
Under the sacred energy of so god-like a principle, rulers will become true patriots, real benefactors; the people willing and obedient subjects: And all orders of men will most cheerfully concur in every measure which wisdom can dictate for the common good.
In a word, religion among a people, in its power, purity and governing influence, is the guardian of liberty, the strength of government, the energy of laws, the band of society, and both the glory and defense of the state.
In times of prosperity, a people, that have made God their fear, and religion their care, may rest assured of the establishment and continuance of their flourishing state.
In times of perplexity, when dangers surround, oppressors threaten, or enemies invade, such a people have God for their refuge: And committing their cause unto him, in the way of well-doing, may humbly expect that light will arise in darkness, that the power of the oppressor shall be broken, that their enemies shall not prevail against them, and that God will maintain their right and their cause.
At all times, under all circumstances, at home, abroad, in peace and war, such a people may safely & cheerfully leave all their concerns in the hands of God; and in filial confidence of his presence, protection and blessing, may say with the Psalmist—“The Lord is on my side, I will not fear: What can man do unto me?” 29—Happy is that people that is in such a case: Yea, happy is the people, whose GOD is the LORD. 30
In the above representation, we have seen the fair side of the question: Government a blessing, and the shields of the earth, as they ought to be, employed for the good of mankind. But it may, notwithstanding, be justly said, that this is not always the case. And the question may still be asked—How, then, can it be asserted, “That the shields of the earth belong unto God?”
Upon this question it may be observed,–That it is admitted, that THE SHIELDS OF THE EARTH may be reversed.—The powers of government may be abused. Rulers, however promising at first, may become oppressors. Yea, this hath been too often the fact. But should this be the unhappy case; and, contrary to the just expectations of God and men, should the shields of the earth be reversed, and turned against those whom they were intended to defend, it alters not the truth or propriety of the assertion. “The shields of the earth still belong unto God:” and “the Lord still sitteth on the throne of his holiness.”
Such is the nature of the divine government, and such the wisdom of the Supreme Ruler, that good is brought out of evil. Even the oppressors of mankind are the servants of God; and their oppressions are so over-ruled as to be subservient to the designs of infinite wisdom and goodness, in the moral government of the world.
The shields of the earth reversed, the powers of government abused, may be and are over-ruled in providence, so as to be productive of great good to society and mankind.
Such, indeed, is the inertia of mankind in general, that they are more prone to undue submission, than the contrary. Even a bad government is better than none, in the estimation of the greater part of the world. And so great is the risqué, the uncertainty and danger attending the attempt of a revolution, that it is not an easy matter to persuade a people, even under an undue exercise of power, to rise and resist. They will bear much, and long, before they can be brought to unite in such an attempt: but there are degrees of oppression beyond bearing; and which mankind, unless totally lost to all sentiments of liberty, and entirely broke to the yoke of slavery, will not submit to. And it is wise in God, and happy for a people, when the strides of oppression are permitted to be so great, and the violences of oppressors so hastily increased, as to rouse them effectually before it is too late.
Oppressors are fitly called, “The rod of God’s anger, and the staff in their hand is his indignation,” 31 they are wisely employed by the Supreme Ruler, to correct the errors, reprove the vices, and reform the disorders of societies, nations and states. They are more especially improved to rouse and restore the true spirit of liberty, when declining; and to bring on a total revolution, if necessary, to the preservation or restoration of so inestimable a blessing.
Instances of this are too numerous and too well known, to admit of dispute.
As it was the afflicted state of God’s people Israel, that moved him, in mercy, to send Moses to deliver them: so it was the oppressions of Pharaoh and the cruelty of the task-masters, that gave weight to his messages, and effectually roused them, in the face of every danger, to assert their freedom, and attempt their deliverance from the Egyptian yoke.
CHRISTENDOM would never have been roused, with firmness, to have attempted to free themselves from the hierarchy of Rome, had not the oppressions of that power put them upon the expedient.
It was a long series of injuries, and intolerable oppressions and cruelties, which taught the United States of Holland to assert their native freedom, independence and sovereignty, against the power of Spain, then at the meridian of its strength and glory.
BRITONS would never have so frequently resisted their kings, and flown to arms in defense of their invaluable rights, had not the iron rod of oppression convinced them of the necessity of such strenuous exertions, to preserve and protract the remains of liberty among them.
It was the oppressor’s hand, in church and state, which drove our worthy ancestors from their native land, in the face of every danger, every distress, to seek a secure retreat for the unmolested enjoyment of Liberty, civil and religious, in the inhospitable wilds of America.
And the same oppressive hand, which pursued and persecuted this injured people over the wide Atlantic, from time to time, in lawless claims upon their rights and liberties, under God and providence, hath been the means of preserving and transmitting that glorious spirit of liberty, for which the Colonies of America have been so illustrious, in the several periods of their existence.
And, to add no more; a series of oppressive measures, and lawless claims of arbitrary power adopted and pursued by the Court of Great-Britain, in open violation of the most sacred chartered rights;–arms to enforce obedience;–and the power of the British legislature to “make LAWS binding upon the Colonies, IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER,” being openly assumed and declared, roused and raised the spirit of LIBERTY, in the FREE-BORN SONS of AMERICA, to the highest pitch. And, no other alternative being left them, but the SWORD or SLAVERY; these Colonies hesitated not a moment, but unitedly declared their choice of the former: And GREATLY DARED TO BE FREE!!!
The important Die was cast; and the glorious AERA of Liberty commenced!—The sword (wording missing) the oppressor was drawn; and the innocent blood of our brethren, slain at the opening of the interesting contest, was the cement of the union, and seat of the freedom of these injured American States! 32
ALL AMERICA heard the alarm, deeply felt the wound, and bravely rose to revenge their brethren’s blood, and join the common cause!
To Heaven the appeal was made!—By Heaven, the claim was supported!—That God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, the Governor among the nations, the Patron of the injured and oppressed, hath plead our cause, and maintained our right to freedom, equality and independence: And given us a name among the nations of the earth.
The wisdom of the counsels, the firmness of the resolutions, and the equity of the measures of the United States, in Congress assembled; and in the states respectively:–The exertions that have been made, in the cause of liberty and of mankind; and the success which hath attended:–The Articles of Confederation which have been formed and completely ratified, by all the States, as the basis of freedom and mutual support:–And the glorious revolution, that hath taken place in America; as they do honour to human nature, and engage the attention of an admiring world; being transmitted by the pen of the faithful historian, will be a subject of most pleasing contemplation, to all true lovers of liberty and the rights of mankind, in succeeding generations, to the end of time.
In the rise and progress of this interesting contest, the smiles of heaven have appeared, in the supplies afforded, in various instances, when needed most; by captures from the enemy, 33 the generosity of friends, and the kindness of strangers: And also in the generous support, and effectual assistance, of those powerful states, who, with a benevolence of spirit, and magnanimity of conduct, which does honour to themselves and mankind, have essentially favoured and patronized our cause.
That God, who girded Cyrus, of old, and called him his shepherd, to raise up his afflicted people, oppressed under the Babylonish yoke, and to restore them to their country, their religion, their liberties, 34 and their possessions, inspired the King of France, and the powerful nation under his government, from principles worthy the character of a great—a benevolent Prince, and a wise and politick nation, early to favour the cause of these injured infant states: And finally to take a decided part, and make our cause there own, by a public treaty, both generous and just, and nobly founded in principles of quality and independence.
The advantages resulting to the United States of America, from their happy alliance with so puissant a Prince and so powerful a nation, in the course of the war, are too many to be enumerated, too important to have escaped notice, and too well known to need a mention.
The accession of the power of Spain to the common cause, brightens the prospect. And the late addition of the United States of Holland, and, probably, of Russia, and all the powers of the armed neutrality, in consequence of the unjust measures and unheard of outrages of Britain, must, under God, give the clearest assurances of an happy issue; and of the complete establishment of the freedom, independence and sovereignty, of the United States of America; if we are not criminally wanting to ourselves.
Amidst the convulsions, the ravage, bloodshed and distress that have attended the war;–amidst the great and complicated exertions, we have been called to make, in this all-interesting contest, we have seen, to the glory of God and honor of America, a degree of internal peace, order and unanimity, far beyond what could have been expected, in a struggle of this nature, and in effecting a revolution so extensive and important.
In a word, to the honor of God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, as Governor among the nations, to the joy of America, to the disgrace of our enemies, and the astonishment of the world, we have seen these instant states, in the midst of the alarms and shocks of a distressing war, and in the face of every danger, rising from a state of dependence and obscurity, to a state of liberty, independence and sovereignty. And with a spirit of wisdom, firmness and resolution, which, perhaps, hath never been equaled, forming constitutions and establishing government, upon the basis of freedom and the solid foundations of justice and equity.
Under the smiles of heaven upon this Commonwealth, in particular, have we not seen the social compact formed, and a constitution of government ratified, introduced and established, with a degree of unanimity, which could scarcely have been looked for, in a matter of so delicate a nature and such lasting importance?—A Constitution, which, for the solidity of its principles, the liberality of its sentiments, the importance of its rights, the wisdom of its arrangements, the propriety of its boundaries, the adaptedness of its institutions, and that spirit of liberty which inspires the whole, may justly vie with any other upon the continent, if not in the world.
Under this happy Constitution we have seen, to universal satisfaction, that blessed prophecy, concerning God’s people, after their return from captivity, literally fulfilled unto us.—“Their congregation shall be established before me:–their nobles shall be of themselves, and their Governor shall proceed from the midst of them.” 35
The energy and happy effects of a Constitution, thus formed, ratified, introduced and administered, have been too clearly seen and too sensibly felt, by this greatful people, to admit of dispute, or even a doubt.
May we not,–yea, rather, ought we not, upon this joyful occasion, in a deep sense of our obligations to heaven, to ascribe the glory of all to God, and devoutly acknowledge that this is the LORD’s doing; it is marvelous in our eyes!-—
This day, which defuses the smile of freedom,–the joy of liberty, in the countenance of the true Patriot, of every friend to his country and mankind, is a fresh evidence of the care and benevolence of heaven to an injured people,–a new testimony that God hath not forsaken an oppressed land.
This day is great, as it is the first, on which we commemorate the goodness of God, the supreme ruler, in the blessings of a settled government, under a Constitution established on the purest principles of liberty and equity.
This day is great, as it is the first, appointed by the constitution, for the stated meeting of the Princes of this people,–the fathers of the Commonwealth, in General Court: And it is also great, as it commences an AERA of Anniversaries, for the same joyful purposes,–to commemorate and partake of the blessings of LIBERTY and a FREE GOVERNMENT, which (we trust in God) will end, but with time itself!!—
On this joyful day we are invited to see God, the supreme ruler, on the throne of his holiness, the savior and defense of an afflicted land: “The princes of the people of the God of Abraham gathered together”: And “The Shields of the earth,” The rulers of every department, devoting themselves to the service of God and their country, in devout acknowledgment of his government, to the end, that God might be greatly exalted, in the good of his people, b their administration.
To add lustre to the joy of this day, we behold, a second time raised to the chief seat of government, in this Commonwealth, by the free suffrages of the people, a Gentleman, whose patriotic principles early engaged the attention of his fellow-citizens;–whose uniformity of conduct, in the several offices he sustained, effectually gained their esteem;–whose firm attachment to the liberties of his country, and determined resolution, at every risqué and in the most trying times, to do all in his power to support them, established their confidence:–In a word, a Gentleman, whose disposition, ability and integrity, in the service of this and the United States, have been tried and approved; and whose name is illustrious, both as proscribed by Britain, and as authenticating that glorious act, by which the United States of America are forever separated from her, and declared to be a free and independent NATION.
As this is the highest mark of esteem and confidence, in the power of an obliged people to give; it cannot fail of being a support to His EXCELLENCY, under the weight and perplexing cares of government, and a pleasing inducement to those returns of attention and fidelity, in the duties of his high station, which they may justly expect.
We are also happy, this day, in beholding the next seat of government being filled with a Gentleman, whose amiable disposition, excellent qualifications, patriotic spirit, long experience and faithful services, in various departments, have endeared him to the people, and established a confidence in him, as worthy that exalted station, to which he is called by the general voice of the citizens of this free Commonwealth.
And to complete the gladness of our hearts upon this joyful occasion, we see the princes of the people, the honorable, the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, delegated by the suffrages of their brethren, from all parts of the state, gathered together and in General Court assembled, to consult the common good and transact the important affairs of government.—And, as the first step of importance, we behold these princes of the people, these Shields of the earth, in solemn assembly, in God’s holy sanctuary, met, religiously to acknowledge their dependence upon God, the supreme ruler, and devoutly to implore his presence, direction and blessing.—O may that GOD, who sitteth on the throne of his holiness, who is the fountain of wisdom and Father of lights;–even that God, whose ear is ever open to the sincere prayers of his people, send them his blessing and an answer of peace!
May the most high God take these SHIELDS of the earth, this day, under his immediate care and patronage, guidance and direction. May the spirit of God and of glory descend and rest upon his EXCELLENCY, his HONOUR, the honourable, the Council, to be chose, the Senate and the House of Representatives: And may the divine presence and blessing attend them this day, and in all their councils, debates and governmental acts, through the whole course of the year. Thus may it appear to all this people, that the Lord hath directed their choice; and that these Shields of the earth, these rulers of the people, do, indeed, belong unto GOD, are devoted to his service and instruments of his glory.
That plainness of speech which hath been adopted in the whole of this discourse, may well supersede the necessity of any particular application, by way of address.—The whole is intended as an humble address to the fathers of this Commonwealth, and to this respectable assembly.—If anything hath been suggested worthy attention, or adapted to the occasion, we trust in the candor of the assembly for a cordial reception. Whatever is of a different complexion, is not likely to be made better, by anything further added, to render it more acceptable.
Our political fathers, however, will permit me, with all deference, to observe,–
‘That the elections of this day; and which, agreeable to the social compact, are to take place, as the first business of the General Court (however limited) are justly considered, as interesting and important.
When we consider the importance of the executive department, to a due administration of government;–The high rank of Counselors;–How much the power of the Chief Magistrate is limited by their advice, in the disposal of places, the appointment of officers, and other things interesting to the community—or the important influence they have in the administration of government, and the management of the great affairs of the Commonwealth;–it should influence to the wisest use of that power of election, with which the honorable Senators and Representatives, by Constitution are vested.
Is the election limited?—Still there is a choice,–A choice, which made with wisdom and fidelity, may be of great utility to this Commonwealth.
It is no impeachment of the abilities, honor or integrity of any man, to suppose, that in a body of wise, great and good men, there may be different talents and improvements, and distinct characters, that may have an opening for exercise, and shine with a peculiar lustre, in different departments of civil government.
What these talents and characters are, how to be distinguished, in whom to be found and where to be placed, for the purposes of government, and best good of the Commonwealth, is not for me to determine. But certain it is, these are questions of no small importance to the public good: And questions, to which our honored civil fathers will give that attention, which their interesting nature demands.
Not only to preserve, as distinct as possible, the several departments of government, that so they might be a mutual check upon each other; but also to give dignity to government and energy to the laws, as well as ease to administration, were evidently in view, by adopting this branch in the constitution: And it cannot be doubted, that, not only those who assisted in adjusting the constitution, but also the people at large promised themselves much from this high department.
The election of counselors, therefore, however limited, will always be justly considered as a sacred deposit in the hands of the General Assembly, of the highest importance to the liberty and safety, the peace and prosperity of this Commonwealth. And, with all deference, it may be said by the people, upon such an occasion, “We claim it as our right, That, among those who are returned for Counselors and Senators, the persons best qualified to serve God and their country in that exalted department, be elected to the council board.” And may God send a perfect lot!—
The foundations which have been so happily laid in our new constitution, are to be established: and, we trust, in the hands of wise and faithful rulers, and by a good administration they will be established for “The FOUNDATIONS OF MANY GENERATIONS.”
Much depends upon the steps that have been and are still to be taken, under this constitution: and to derive the benefits and blessings we promise ourselves and posterity from it, the greatest care should be taken, not only to preserve the constitution itself, in all its parts, sacred and inviolate; but also, as much as possible to have the genuine spirit and principles of it inspiring the laws, and directing the exercise of the powers of government.
We have seen, in the preceding discourse, a specimen of the importance of attention and fidelity in rulers, and something of the nature of the engaging and powerful motives hereunto; As also the glorious rewards which those are entitled to who are faithful and persevering in the discharge of the duties of their several offices and stations. And surely there never was a time when the calls of God, of providence and our country, to the practice of these virtues, were greater than the present.
Many things, interesting in their nature, and important in their consequences, demand the attention of our civil fathers, in the several departments of government; but especially in the General Court.—Inattention and remissness are at all times inexcusable, in those who have accepted seats in government or places of trust and authority: And I need not observe, that at such a day as this, they must be criminal indeed! The laws, distributive justice, the order and peace of society, the internal policy and government of the Commonwealth, and the trade and commerce of the land, are subjects which statedly call for the care and attention of rulers and government.—The still wretched state of our medium, by which trade is obstructed, the poor oppressed, the course of justice, in matters of property, retarded; the community defrauded, the public faith and public credit perplexed, is truly affecting, and demands immediate consideration; and if anything within the limits of human wisdom and penetration can yet further be thought of, to remedy so great an evil, it is fervently hoped, it will not escape the notice of the General Court.
The declining state of religion, morality and virtue; and the great prevalence of vice and immorality, irreligion and profaneness, in almost every form, and in the various orders and ages of men; it is humbly conceived, are subjects, not only important in themselves, but of the highest consequence to the well-being of society, and call aloud for the interposition of rulers, who are ordained of God to be a terror to evil doers and to evil works. In vain do the teachers of religion and even the ambassadors of Christ preach and teach the importance of religion, the excellence of virtue, and the necessity of morality, justice, temperance, truth or righteousness; while vice, in its various forms, is winked at by authority, and iniquity established by law.
I would not be understood, as supposing this to be our case; but rather to express an earnest desire to prevent it, by those timely exertions which wisdom and policy, as well as piety and godliness, teach us to make, for the glory of God and good of society.—And certain it is, that much depends upon those in authority, and much is expected, and much may be done by our civil fathers, by well-judged and well-executed laws, for the suppressing and punishing of vice and immorality, and the encouragement and support of religion and virtue.
But after all, it is by example, a living example, of justice and righteousness, temperance and chastity, faithfulness and integrity; and that glorious assemblage of Christian graces and moral virtues, by which human nature is adorned, and society rendered happy, that rulers give energy to laws, effectually suppress vice in its various forms, encourage virtue, and introduce and promote a thorough reformation among a people.—Virtue in high stations shines with an increased lustre, hath an extensive influence, and sweetly attracts the attention and engages the imitation of all around.—But without this, reproofs are in vain, punishments ineffectual, and laws to little or no purpose.
In a word, a want of attention to religion and virtue, in rulers or people, may blast our wisest counsels, sap the foundations of our most raised expectations and bring confusion on all our measures.
With grateful souls and thankfulness to heaven, we revere and admire the wisdom, the piety and policy of our fore-fathers, in the early and effectual care they took, even while weak-handed and yet in an instant state, for the good education of children and youth.—Laws, for the support of grammar schools, in the several towns, were made, established and sacredly regarded. Colleges were founded and endowed, and cheerfully and generously supported.—These institutions have been, for several generations, the sources of light, of knowledge, of literature, of liberty and religion; and under God, the happy means of forming many worthy characters, for eminent usefulness, both in church and state. And to these institutions, we are not a little indebted for that knowledge to discern, that wisdom to state, and that spirit to defend our rights and liberties, civil and religious, for which the inhabitants of these States have been so justly celebrated, in the present contest; and which have introduced and established that glorious revolution which hath taken place in America. May the present generation be impressed and inspired with the same excellent spirit; and may it be encouraged and prevail, in those that succeed, to the end of time!
The University at Cambridge, the American academy of arts and sciences, and all other institutions for the promoting of literature, are most fervently commended to the care and patronage of the civil fathers of this Commonwealth.
But it is not so much in the high attainments in science, to which the learned few may arrive, as in the diffusing common and useful knowledge in all orders of men, that the liberty and safety of a free Commonwealth consists. The former may flourish, and in fact have been encouraged, and carried to an eminent heighth of glory, in despotic states, while the latter hath been depressed; and even at the same time, that it hath been the ungenerous policy of persons in power, to frown upon, and artfully to discourage the means of common education, and to keep the multitude in the lowest state of ignorance, that thus they might be fit tools to carry to effect the purposes of oppression and arbitrary power; and be continued in a state of slavery, without ever knowing, either the loss of their liberty, or their rights as men.
It hath been said, ‘The law is the inheritance of the people.’—I wish to God, that multitudes of the people of this Commonwealth, had no reason to complain, that they have been abridged of a precious part of this inheritance, in that too general neglect and contempt, with which the law, for keeping grammar SCHOOLS in the several towns, hath been treated for a number of years past.—In the name of God, our country and posterity, it may be pertinently asked—What becomes of the children of the poor,–the widow, and them that have no helper, when so useful so necessary a law is trampled under foot!—How can rulers be said to be shields of the earth, and to belong unto God, while authority is despised, and the laws evaded, dispensed with, or set aside with impunity?—In fine, may it not be asked, whether more is not to be feared, with regard to the liberties of a people, and the well-being, safety and prosperity of a free state, from the shameful neglect of the instruction of children and education of youth, in society, than from the sword of an enemy, or the power of an oppressor? 36
Rulers are stiled shields of the earth, as it more especially belongs to them, to look to the protection of society and provide the defence of the state.
STANDING armies are abhorrent to the first principles of freedom, and dangerous to the liberties of a free Commonwealth. The sword is in the hands of all the inhabitants of this Commonwealth?—Whether all the people have arms?—Or, whether, having arms, they are taught the art-military, and the use of their arms, so as to be effectually prepared to oppose an invading enemy, upon the shortest notice? 37
That God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, in the rise, progress, and even unto the present state of the great contest, in which we are engaged, hath gloriously appeared for our help and support, in numberless instances. And it is not easy to suppose, nor is it agreeable to the general course of divine providence, that such beginnings—such goodly foundations, as, at this day, are seen, in the rising States of America, should be crushed or overthrown.—But their deliverance, their freedom and independence may be greatly checked, and their rise, growth and glory, shamefully retarded, by the inattention or remissness of rulers, or the negligence and languor of the people.
Had the glorious success of our arms at the Westward, and the surrender of General Burgoyne and his whole army, in the year 1777, been followed with spirited measures, and backed with those exertions, which wisdom and sound policy dictated, and which the United States were able to have made; we may rationally suppose, it might have gone far towards the reduction of the enemy and hastening a peace, upon terms of justice and equality.—How this success was improved, is not pleasing to remember!—May past omissions prove lessons of wisdom, for time to come.
The present year is important, and seems to open upon us, big with the fate of America,–of Europe, and, perhaps of the world of mankind.—This is the interesting crisis, for which the enemy have waited, and to which they have looked, with anxious expectation, as the period for the success of their arms and the subjugation of America. And it is both natural and just to suppose, that this year all their strength, and all their rage, will be put forth, with the utmost energy of exertion.—May GOD ALMIGHTY defeat and disappoint them!!—But can we expect, if we are wanting to ourselves, or reluctant and negligent in making those strenuous exertions, to which we are so loudly called, by God and our country, that the desired success will attend?
To rouse all our attention, and give the spring to the noblest exertions, may we realize more deeply than ever, the greatness of the cause, and how much is depending upon its success. May we seriously contemplate the distresses of our bleeding country; and with all the feelings of humanity, call into view, the sufferings of our brethren in the hands of the enemy, and the ravage, the waste and destruction, which mark the steps of British cruelty, throughout the land, and now take place in the Southern States!—Above all, may we attend to the voice of our brethren’s BLOOD, which cries for vengeance from the ground!—To the MANES of our slaughtered friends, who first felt a sacrifice to the oppressor’s rage, and suffered as MARTYRS in their country’s cause!—To the MANES of all these brave commanders and ILLUSTRIOUS HEROES, who have nobly fought and nobly bled in its defence!–!
O my fathers and brethren ALL! All is yet at stake!—All may yet be lost, if we rise not, as one man, to the noble cause!—How inglorious must it be, for want of attention, for want of exertion, to ship-wreck in the harbor—to fail at last?—Where, then, the pleasing scenes of LIBERTY, INDEPENDENCE and SOVEREIGNTY, which we have promised ourselves?—Where the glorious foundations of FREEDOM and safety, which our CIVIL CONSTITUTIONS have laid?—And where the beautiful superstructure of government and laws, which has been erected upon them?—Alas!—They are dashed, they vanish, they are gone—lost! Forever lost!!!
But can this be the event? Shall this be the fatal end, the shameful issue of all the glorious exertions that have been made,–of all the bitter sufferings that have been endured—of all the precious blood that hath been shed? Is this possible? Can it ever once be? Forbid it RIGHTEOUS HEAVEN I forbid it, O MY COUNTRY!—America rises, indignant, at the stavish thought.—Her FREE-BORN SONS are not so lost to the sentiments of liberty, the love of their country, or the feelings of humanity, as to beat the most distant idea of such a disgraceful end, to this glorious contest. Nor can they ever be so debased, as to retain a wish to survive the loss of liberty, or their country’s ruin.—Much less to stand the tame spectators of the sacrifices, that (in such a case) must and will be made, of noble patriots, wise counselors, faithful rulers, brave commanders, and illustrious heroes, and, in fine, of the best friends and best blood of AMERICA, by the AX or HALTER, to satiate the rage and glut the malice of a British conqueror! Or, perhaps, that which is still more affecting and degrading—to be doomed to waste away the remains of a wretched life in poverty, chains, slavery, or a cruel imprisonment!
That this hath been the end of civil wars, when the struggles for liberty have failed of success: And that such hath been the fate of those, whom conquering oppressors have been pleased to stigmatize, with the names of REBELS and TRAITORS, numberless instances in most celebrated histories, abundantly prove.
‘Tis after the war is closed, whether by conquest or submission, that the bitterest revenge takes place; and under the pretence of law, justice or necessity, it is then, that the worthiest characters are sacrificed, the noblest patriots fall, and the richest blood of a nation flows.
This was the case at Rome, and these the consequences that attended their civil wars, from time to time. This was especially so, in those between Marius and Sylla, by which that great republic was, for many years, convulsed to its foundations. In their turns, during the contest, both Marius and Sylla stained the streets of Rome with the blood of her most venerable senators and worthiest citizens. But the cruelty of Sylla, after he had conquered the party of Marius, and gained the summit of absolute power, over the whole commonwealth, was beyond the power of description, and I had almost said, of belief itself. 38
When, mad with loyalty, the British nation restores their flattering tyrant, Charles IId. a scene of blood was opened, more affecting, perhaps, to the more judicious part of the people, than all that had appeared in the civil war. Notwithstanding a the exile-king promised everything to regain the throne; and upon his return and restoration, made public proclamation of an act of amnesty or general pardon; not only the king’s judges, so called, but many of the worthiest characters were soon attainted and proscribed: And it was quickly found, that nothing short of the best blood of the nation, would be a sacrifice sufficient to appease his own resentment, or his father’s ghost.
The same, or perhaps, more affecting scenes will probably be opened in America, should we fail of success in the present contest; or should these United States be ever subdued by arms, or cajoled by arts, to a return and submission to Britain.—But this is an event, which (we firmly trust) will never take place.
Upon the whole: in our united counsels and exertions, we may yet hope, and even assure ourselves, that God who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, will behold our state, hear our prayers, and still maintain our right and plead our cause.—That he will hasten the period of our present distresses, and give us to see, in his own way and time, the liberty, independence, sovereignty and glory of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, established on a foundation that shall never be moved.
And what a bright, what a glorious scene of liberty and felicity doth such an happy issue of this great and interesting contest, present to our view? –America, redeemed out of the hands of her enemies—the United States, delivered from the oppressors yoke; the secure retreat of injured innocence and the happy asylum of the oppressed and distressed.—The seat of justice and equity, of freedom and empire—extensive in trade and flourishing in commerce—abounding in riches and wealth—and illustrious in literature—in arts and sciences;–and, above all, glorious in the knowledge and practice of the pure and peaceful religion of our LORD and SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST:–And the unborn millions of succeeding ages, uniting in their grateful acknowledgments of praise and thanksgiving to GOD the supreme ruler, for that spirit of wisdom, liberty, patriotism and bravery, with which he was pleased to inspire the patriots and heroes; and even the whole body of the people of the present generation:–and, in fine—THIS PEOPLE, THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, a name, a praise and a glory among the nations, throughout all generations, to the end of time.
That such may be the end, such the reward, and such the important and lasting effects, of this great and glorious contest, may GOD, of his infinite mercy, grant, through Jesus Christ, our LORD.
AMEN.
Endnotes
1. Vid. 2 Sam. 5. 1, 2, 3.
2. Isai. 45. 5, 7.
3. Ibid. 43. 13.
4. Ibid. 45. 9.
5. Psal. 97. 1.
6. Isai.
7. Psal. 33. 23.
8. Psal. 29. 10.
9. 103, 19.
10. Col. 1. 16.
11. Whether the multiplying sanguinary laws and capital punishments, in a state, can be justified upon the principles of equity, or even sound policy, is a question not unworthy the attention of wise legislators.—And whether punishing certain offenders, with loss of liberty, and hard labour, at the oar, or elsewhere, in some places of public resort, where they might be held up to view, as spectacles of justice in terrarem for a certain term of years, or for life, according to the nature of their crimes, would not answer the ends of government & the purposes of civil society, better than even an ignominious death; is also, humbly submitted.
12. Rom. 13, 4.
13. Prov. 16, 33.
14. Psal. 75. 6.
15. Deut. 1. 17. &c.
16. Rom. 13. 4.
17. Psal. 32. 1.
18. Eph. 10. 3.
19. “The Ostracism makes a great figure in all the Greek history, and occurs frequently in that of the Athenians,” among whom it is generally supposed to have had its rise.—This peculiar law was originally designed, as a guard to liberty; though sometimes abused, to the purposes of licentiousness and faction. “By this law men, eminent to such a degree, as to threaten the State with danger, were banished for ten years.—The method in which they proceeded to inflict the Ostracism was this: Every citizen took a piece of broken pot or shell, on which having wrote the name of the person he would have banished, he carried it to a certain place of the forum, which was enclosed with rails; then the magistrates began to count the number of the shells for if they were less than six thousand, the vote did not take place; but if they surpassed that number, they laid every name apart, and the man who’s name was found on the greatest number of shells was of course exiled for ten years.”
This law speaks a people jealous of their liberty to an extreme.—For, however well intended; yet, through the craft of rivals in power, or the insidiousness of ambitious and popular men, this punishment sometimes fell upon the worthiest characters in the state. Ariscides, by the wisdom of his councils, the firmness of his courage and the inflexibility of his integrity, at home, abroad, in peace and war, and had proved himself an illustrious patriot, acquired the surname of the just, and obtained the character of the most worthy and virtuous of the Athenians.—But these very virtues and this high reputation, were artfully improved, by his rival Themistocies, as arguments against him, and to prove him a man dangerous to the state. “It may seem strange (say the writers of the universal history) that Themistocies could raise the popular resentment against a man amiable from peaceable virtues; yes he effected it by causing it to be whispered about, that Ariscides having assumed the name of just, and acting frequently as an umpire between contending parties, had insensibly erected a monarchy, though without pomp or guards.—On a sudden, and when it was least expected, citizens and countrymen flocked to the forum and demanded the ostracism.—When the magistrates signified to him, that the ostracism fell upon him, he retired modestly out of the forum, and as he went out, he lifted up his eyes to heaven, and said, I beseech the Gods, that the Atheniaus may never see that day, which shall force them to remember Aristides!”—[vid. Universal Hist. vol. 6. P. 377, 378, &c.] What an exalted spirit! What heroic sentiments! What a divine example!—This is the good ruler—the true Patriot—neither the ingratitude of his fellow citizen, nor the unjust severity of his own cruel fate, could remove his love from his country, or prevent his prayers for the blessing of heaven upon an ungrateful people, who, for his faithful services, had just excluded him the rights of society, and drove him into banishment.
20. Pericles, after many and eminent services rendered to the state, in the course of a long and faithful administration, was unjustly, as well as injudiciously, dismissed, disgraced and fined by the Athenians; and this at a time when his presence, council, and directly on were more needed than ever. Ibid. p. 445.
21. Neh. 5. 19.
22. Jer. 2. 19.
23. Vid. Rom. 13. Begin.
24. Ibid. ver. 5.
25. As far as human wisdom and foresight could avail, to prevent anything of this kind, the people of this State have assumed and declared it, as one of their important rights; that “in the government of this Commonwealth, the legislative department shall never exercise the executive and judicial powers, or either of them: The executive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial powers, or either of them: The judicial shall never exercise the legislative and executive powers, or either of them: To the end, it may be a government of LAWS and not of MEN.” Great attention was paid to this inestimable right, in settling the departments and adjusting the powers of government by those who assisted in framing our New constitution. How far they succeeded in so difficult a work and so critical an attempt, the public will judge, and time and experience more fully discover.—At present, however, it must be allowed, that the prospect before us is not unpromising.
26. Pompey and Caesar were not yet at open enmity, nor professed rivals; but the former having taken various steps, which clearly indicated his ambitious views; the latter could not content himself with anything short of the same supreme power to which his rival aspired. To accomplish the purpose of this ambition, Caesar considered the consulship as an essential step. In order to his advancement to the consulship, as well as to effect his ultimate designs, Caesar found it necessary to avail himself of the influence not only of Crassus his rich and powerful friend, but also of Pompey his rival; and to serve himself of both: And this gave rise to the artful compromise we have mentioned. In this remarkable compact, Pompey and Crassus, as well as Caesar, had undoubtedly their views: But to adopt the words of celebrated historians, “Caesar’s management, upon this occasion, was a masterpiece of policy, and the foundation of his future grandeur. The two citizens, who at this time made the greatest figure in the republic, without dispute, were Pompey and Crassus: but these two powerful citizens were declared enemies, and, all things considered, much upon a level. As they both had great interest, Caesar plainly saw, that he could never obtain the consulship without gaining one or other of them to his cause; but the difficulty was, which to choose. If he closed with Pompey, he would meet with a strong opposition from Crassus’s friends; and if he joined Crassus, he was sure to have all Pompey’s party against him. He therefore undertook to reconcile the two rivals, and by proposing to them a triumvirate, in which should be lodged all the authority of the senate and people, he prevailed upon them to make up their differences, and enter into a strict friendship with each other. In order to make their confederacy the more indissoluble, they solemnly bound themselves, by mutual oaths and promises, to assist each other, and to suffer nothing to be undertaken or executed without the unanimous consent of all three.
“Thus was the first triumvirate formed, by which Rome became a prey to three men, who, by the interest of their united parties, arbitrarily disposed of all the dignities and employments in the commonwealth. The public were long strangers to the mysteries of this new cabal. Nothing more appeared to the senate than the reconciliation of Pompey and Crassus; and Caesar was congratulated by all ranks of men for having brought it about. Cato alone foresaw the evil consequences of this new alliance, and exclaimed atainst it, saying, that Rome had lost her liberty: but nobody hearkened to him ‘till it was too late to follow his prudent counsel. This association subsisted to the death of Crassus, and was followed by the entire subversion of the republican state.” Vid. Univers. Hist. Vol. 13. P. 150, 151.
27. Jer. 22. 15, 16.
28. Deut. 33. 46 & 47.
29. Psalm 118. 6.
30. 144. 15.
31. Isai. 10. 5.
32. Lexington was the place in which a just God was pleased to permit hostilities between Great-Britain and America, to commence. The persons who first fell victims to the sword of the oppressor, and who were PROTOMARTYRS in the glorious cause of LIBERTY and their country, were inhabitants of the town; and it was my lot to be an eye witness of that horrid scene of bloodshed and slaughter which opened the war!—To be an eye witness of the unprovoked, ungenerous and unjust assault, of about eight hundred British regular troops, upon fifty or sixty undisciplined Americans, who neither molested, nor had it in contemplation to oppose them, unless drove to it by the Britons, in defense of themselves, their rights and their country.—To see the sword of violence drawn, the INNOCENT BLOOD of our brethren murderously shed, and the flames of war bursting upon us, without notice, without provocation; when war was neither proclaimed, nor so much as professedly threatened: and this by a prince and nation which, for ages past, had sustained the character and gloried in the appellation of The Parent State:–By a nation, from whom we had a just right to look for protection and defense, against every lawless invader:–To see war commenced upon us by such a nation, so related for no other reason but because we were unwilling to give up our most sacred rights, as free men and a free people; and this too, with various circumstances of indignity and insult was, and must have been affecting and distressing indeed!—And the more so to us, a people, who, till these unhappy and impolitic measures—‘till this unjust and barbarous war took place breathed loyalty to our sovereign and the sincerest affection and respect for the Mother country. Language would fail to represent, and words to express, the feelings of a free, a brae, a generous, a loyal people, upon such an alarming occasion!—Nor can it be justly supposed, that any but those who have seen and felt the shock, can form an adequate idea of its real and interesting effects.
But however distressing, savage, or severe these barbarous measures of a blood thirsty oppressor, might, at that time, appear to the inhabitants of Lexington, who were called by Providence to receive the shock—however unrighteous and cruel it might seem to the injured, the freeborn sons of America;–The hand of God and of Providence was in all these things. The wisdom and goodness of the Supreme Ruler should be devoutly acknowledged, as gloriously displayed, in ever-ruling these acts of outrage, barbarity and murder, as the means of the greatest good to this injured and oppressed land.
This ungenerous, unjust and barbarous manner of opening the war, hath effected more, perhaps, in the cause of freedom and America than the wisdom and counsel of all the American States, or even united worlds, could have done. This ill timed severity and murderous cruelty of the British troops and the British court, have answered the most valuable purposes to the American cause.—It confirmed the resolute, strengthened the weak, established the doubtful, encouraged the timid, gave a spring to the faint-hearted, roused the stupid, and silenced the perverse; and happily produced that union of sentiment and those exertions of power, in the noble contest which no other measures in human probability would have ever effected. And to apply the expressive words of Joseph to his brethren, it may fitly be said—to the haughty Britons—“As you for ye thought evil against us; but God meant it unto good to bring to pass as it is this day, to save much people alive.” Gen. 50. 20.
33. Witness the large ship taken from the enemy, by the brave Capt. Mugford in 1776, and sent into the port of Boston, laden chiefly with Powder, to the amount (if I mistake not) of about 1500 barrels; and this at a time when we were in the most critical situation, for want of such a supply of that essential article.
Witness also several other large and valuable vessels, taken by our privateers, and sent into Salem, or elsewhere; laden with fire-arms, mortars, ordnance stores of various kinds, clothing, provisions &c. &c—Articles necessary, useful, seasonable and important, to our military operations—In these, and many other instances, the providence of God hath been apparent and wonderful, in the course of the war; and ought to be gratefully remembered and devoutly acknowledged, by this people.
34. Should it be said here, “That the Jews were not restored to their liberties, by the decree of Cyrus, upon their return from Babylon; but were still a dependent people; and even Tributaries to the Persian princes.”—It might be answered,–‘That it is readily granted, the children of Israel were not restored to a state of perfect freedom and independence, by the decree of Cyrus, upon their return from Babylon to Judea.’—It is acknowledged they were still dependent on the Persian kings.—Nor could they, in the situation and circumstances, in which they were at that time, have desired to be less dependent, upon that powerful court, than that generous decree o Cyrus made them—Just emerging from a long and distressing captivity, it is easy to believe they were not in a capacity to support and defend themselves in their former independence; even tho’ it had been granted them in the fullest sense.—It was their safety and happiness that God appointed Cyrus his and their shepherd that under the wing of his patronage and protection, they might securely return to their country, take possession of their lands, rebuild their cities and the temple, restore the worship of God according to the Levitical institution; and re-establish their laws, polity and government, agreeable to that divine constitution, which God had given to their fathers, by the hand of Moses—In short, the revolution, in the affairs of the Hebrew nation, which took place under this benevolent prince, and in consequence of the above-mentioned decree, was a glorious revolution—A revolution, in and by which the people of God were redeemed from captivity, & restored to their country, their possessions, and their laws, liberties and religion, in all their peculiarities; and to a greater degree of national freedom and independence, than ever they could have expected or promised themselves, in their late depressed, scattered, enslaved and captivated state. Agreeably we find not only the decree of Cyrus; but the several prophecies which have reference to it, or to him as the deliverer of God’s people; and even other eminent prophecies, concerning the return of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, expressly representing their restoration, in general as full and complete; and without any let or drawback. For further light and satisfaction upon this subject and question, vid. And comp. these following places and passages in scripture. Ezra, chap. 1, throughout, chap. 6 first part. Isai 44. 28. Ibid 45. 1-5, and 13. Jerem. 29. 10. And especially that illustrious prophecy, Jerem. 30, ch. 18, 19, 20 and 21 ver.
I only add, that, in my reference to Cyrus, and the prophecy concerning him, the judicious reader will easily see, that the main point in view, was not to illustrate the completeness or degree, of that freedom and liberty, to which God’s people were raised, by the kind, the generous and effectual interposition of Cyrus, for their redemption and restoration; but the hand of GOD, and the wisdom and goodness of his all superintending providence, in directing the measures, influencing the policy and over-ruling the conduct of men, princes and kings, of states and nations, and powers on earth, for the effecting the purposes of his benevolence, in the support and relief of an afflicted people, and the redemption and salvation of the injured and oppressed.
35. Jeremiah 30, 21, 22.
36. A number of other questions might have been pertinently asked here:–As—What becomes of the oaths of grand jurors, upon the question, ‘Whether their towns are provided with grammar school masters, according to law?—What sort of schools have been kept?—‘What kind of masters have been, at least, too often, employed,–‘What the orders, the prayers, the means of instruction and education, in those schools are?—‘Whether any schools, at all, have been kept, and how long, or what proportion of the year, in towns where the aforementioned law hath been evaded, dispensed with, or set aside’ &c &c—The answer to these, or other questions upon this subject. I heave to those who know what belongs to school education, and to all candid, impartial, wise and judicious observers, to make.
Two things were, undoubtedly, in view, by our worthy ancestors, in the standing law for grammar-schools: Both tending to promote learning and knowledge in the community.—One was, ‘that towns being obliged, under certain penalties, to provide themselves with well qualified grammar school-masters, the people in general, the poor, as well as rich might without immediate personal expence, be provided with good means of instruction and education for their children.
The other was that parents or friends, whose circumstances were not affluent, might be induced to encourage a genius and inclination for learning, in promising children or youths, by giving them a liberal education; upon this presumption, that as soon as they had perfected their studies at College, and received the honors of an academical education, they might immediately support themselves, by engaging in schools:–Ah employment suitable to their character, honorable to themselves, and useful to society.—And I believe it may, with the greatest truth be added, that this consideration hath often determined parents and others, to give their sons or other promising youths, a public education; which otherwise they would not. And thus many a good scholar and worthy character, hath been introduced to public usefulness, in church or state, which, but for this law, must have been lost to the public, and remained in obscurity.
37. Had I seen or known of the late excellent and well-adjusted militia act, before the writing and delivering this discourse, I should not, perhaps, have troubled the audience with these plain and interesting questions: everything necessary to a well-regulated militia, being fully comprehended and provided for in the act.—I most honestly wish it may be strictly observed.
38. To confirm the above representation, to show that it is not too high coloured, and to give a specimen of what a people may justly expect from a conquering TYRANT at the close of a civil war; I beg leave to insert a passage or two from an authentic history of ROME.
“The taking of Praneste and Norba put an end to the civil war in Italy. Sylla therefore, having placed in all the Italian provinces such governors as were entirely at his devotion, and pitched several little camps in different districts, to keep the country in awe, returned to Rome, which he entered at the head of his troops. The same day he assembled the people in the Comitium, and told them with an haughty air, that he had conquered; but that those who had made him take up arms against his country should expiate the blood they had made him shed with their own. I will not spare one, said he, who has borne arms against me. They shall all perish to a man. These words, from a man who was absolute master of their lives & fortunes, made the most resolute tremble. They filled the whole city with dread and horror; and the consternation was doubled the next day, when they saw fixed up in all public places, a list of proscribed persons, containing the names of forty senators and sixteen hundred knights. If any man gave shelter to a person proscribed, though his son, his brother, or his father, death was the certain reward of his humanity; whereas the assassin was recompensed with two talents, though a slave had murdered his master, or a son his father.—The tyrant chose such agents to execute his decrees, as had even less pity than himself. The chief of those was the infamous Cataline—At the head of a band of assassins, he scoured the streets, and killed many knights and senators before they knew they were proscribed. The persons named in the list were sought for in their own houses, in the porticoes, and even in the temples; whence they were dragged to Sylla, and cruelly butchered in his presence.
The massacre was not confined to those named in the list. Sylla extended his revenge to all who had borne arms against him, of what rank soever, or condition. Nay, his cruel agents took this opportunity to gratify their private revenge and avarice, confounding the most innocent and peaceable with the most guilty, out of some private grudge, or purely for the sake of their wealth and rich furniture. In short, the slaughter was so dreadful, that Sylla was reproached with it even by his best friends. Among others, a young senator, named Caius Metellus, ventured one day to ask him in full senate, when he designed to put a stop to the calamities of his fellow-citizens. We do not intercede, said he, for such as you have resolved to destroy; but only desire you to free those from uneasiness, whom you have determined to save. Sylla, without seeming to take this bold speech amiss, answered cooly, that he knew not yet whom he should save. Name to us then, replied Metellus, those you are determined to destroy. That I will do, answered Sylla, very smartly, and immediately caused a new list to be fixed up of eighty citizens, whom he proscribed, most of them senators, and persons of great distinction. The next day he proscribed two hundred and twenty more, and an equal number the third. Among these was Marcus Marius, who was nearly related to the great Marius, and highly favoured by the people.—He was seized by Cataline, and put to death, after having suffered the most exquisite torments tyranny could invent. He was whipped thro’ all the streets of Rome, and, after this ignominious punishment, carried beyond the Tyber where by Sylla’s barbarous agents, his eyes were put out, his hands and ears cut off his tongue torn out, all his joints dislocated, and his bones broken. One Marcus Platorius, being moved at such an affecting sight, could not help pitying the unfortunate young man; which so offended Sylla, that he ordered him to be killed on the spot. And now after nine thousand senators, knights, and citizens, had been inhumanly murdered by Sylla’s agents, he assembled the people, and told them that he had proscribed as many as he could think of at present: and as for those he had forgot, they should be proscribed too, as soon as he could call them to his memory!”
This was the scene in the city of Rome—What awful havock, then, must the same measures of cruelty have made in the other cities and states of that great Commonwealth!—But no comment is necessary. Vid. Universe. Hist. vol. xiii. Page 83, 84, &c.
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