(There is an outline and a select dictionary at the end of this Address.)
Friends and Fellow-Citizens:
The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the Executive Government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this previous to the last election had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well
as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be
retained for my services, that in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me, and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead; amidst appearances sometimes dubious; vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging; in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave as a
strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free Constitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to your solemn contemplation and to recommend to your frequent review some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget as an encouragement to it your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual
happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole.
The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined in the united mass of means and efforts cannot fail to find greater strength, greater resource, proportionately greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalries alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union it occurs as matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. They have seen in the negotiation by the Executive and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event
throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties – that with Great Britain and that with Spain – which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens?
To the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate union and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very
idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.
All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community, and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
Toward the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that for the efficient
management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours a Government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest Guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This Spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true and in governments of a monarchical cast patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness – these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, “where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice?” And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?
Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in times of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty it is essential that you should practically bear in mind that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct. And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation prompted by ill-will and resentment sometimes impels to war the government contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject. At other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility,
instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim.
So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak toward a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens), the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are
liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by our justice, shall counsel.
Why forgo the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish – that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good – that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism – this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of your representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined as far as should depend upon me to maintain it with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.
Though, in reviewing the incidents of my Administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow citizens the benign influence of good laws under a free government – the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.
George Washington
OUTLINE
Retirement from office.
He realizes people must be thinking about his replacement, therefore he declines re-election.
He has thought it through, and feels like it is in everyone’s best interest.
He wanted to retire earlier, but foreign affairs and advice from those he respected caused him to “abandon the idea.”
Now that everything is calm, he is persuaded that the people will not disapprove of this “determination to retire.”
He is convinced his age forces retirement, and he welcomes the opportunity.
He offers gratitude for the people’s support.
He offers a blessing “that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence. . .”
Scope of the Address.
His sentiments are for the people’s “frequent review,” he wanted us to read and re-read the Address.
His only motive was as a friend.
He felt no need to recommend a love of liberty – it was already there.
Unity of Government.
Unity is a “main pillar” of “real independence”:
for the support of “tranquility at home”
for “your peace abroad”
for “your safety”
for “your prosperity”
for “that very liberty which you so highly prize.”
Common attributes of unity:
same religion
manners
habits
political principles.
The most commanding motive is to preserve the “union of the whole.”
The North, South, East, and West all depend on each other.
Unity leads to greater strength, resources, and security.
Unity will help “avoid the necessity of . . . overgrown military establishments” and will be the main “prop of your liberty.”
He questions the patriotism of anyone who tries to “weaken its bands.”
It was unity that brought two valuable treaties:
with Great Britain
with Spain.
Government for the whole – via the Constitution – is indispensable; not just alliances between sections.
the adoption of the Constitution was an improvement on the former “essay.”
respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, and acquiescence in its measures are fundamental maxims of true liberty.
the people’s right to alter constitutions is the basis of our political system.
Spirit of Party.
Parties are “potent engines” that men will use to take over the “reins of government.”
Washington warns against parties’ “baneful effects”:
leads to the absolute power of an individual
“discourage and restrain” the spirit of party
leads to “jealousies and false alarms”
“animosity of one part against another”
can lead to “riot and insurrection”
opens “door to foreign influence and corruption”
“it is a spirit not to be encouraged.”
Spirit of Encroachment.
Leads to “a real despotism.”
There is a necessity of “reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power.”
If a problem arises, correct it by an amendment, not by “usurpation.”
Religion and Morality.
Are “indispensable supports” for “political prosperity.”
Are the “firmest props of the duties of Men and Country.”
The oaths in our courts would be useless without “the sense of religious obligation.”
“And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion.”
“Reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.”
“Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge.”
Debt.
“Avoid occasions of expense by cultivating peace . . . .”
“Timely disbursements to prepare for danger” are better than “greater disbursements to repel it.”
Avoid debt: in time of peace, pay off debts..
Public opinion should “cooperate” with their representatives to pay off debt.
Some taxes are necessary even though “inconvenient and unpleasant.”
Foreign Policy.
We should exercise “good faith and justice towards all nations.”
“religion and morality enjoin this conduct”
we should be guided by “an exalted justice and benevolence.”
Replace “inveterate antipathies” (hatred) and passionate attachments with “just and amicable feelings.”
“passionate attachments” produce a variety of evils
these attachments will lead you into “quarrels and wars”
they will also lead to favoritism, conceding “privileges denied to others.”
Foreign “attachments” are “alarming” because they open the door to foreigners who might:
“tamper with domestic factions”
“practise the arts of seduction”
“mislead public opinion”
influence “Public Councils.”
“Foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government.”
“The great rule of conduct for us”: “as little political connection as possible.”
we should fulfill obligations, then stop
we should not get involved in Europe’s affairs.
Our “detached and distant situation . . . enables . . . a different course.”
“Steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world.”
However, we may have “temporary alliances, for extraordinary emergencies.”
Maintain “a liberal intercourse with all nations.”
Conclusion.
Washington hopes his counsel will:
“help moderate the fury of party spirit”
“warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue”
“guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism.”
He believes himself to be guided by the “principles which have been delineated” above.
A “neutral position” is the best course to take regarding the “subsisting war in Europe.”
that neutrality is the right course has been “admitted by all.”
our “motive has been to endeavor to gain time for our country to settle and mature” until America has “command of its own fortunes.”
Washington asks “the Almighty” to correct any unintentional errors or defects from his administration.
He looks forward to retiring and enjoying “good laws under a free government.”
Closing words.
VOCABULARYacquiescence – agreement without protest. Consent.
actuate – put into motion. Motivate.
admonish – to counsel against. Caution.
alienate – to cause to become unfriendly. Exclude.
alliance – a formal pact between nations. Partnership.
animosity – bitter hostility. Hatred.
antipathies – strong feelings of hatred or opposition. Aversions.
apostate – abandoning one’s principles. Defective or Traitorous.
appellation – a name or title.
appertaining – relating to.
apprise – to give notice; to inform. Notify.
arduous – demanding great care, effort, or labor. Difficult.
artifices – subtle but base deceptions. Tricks.
assuage – make less burdensome or painful. Relieve.
auspice – protection or support. Authority.
auxiliary – giving assistance or support. Supplementary.
avert – to turn away. Prevent.
baneful – causing death, destruction, or ruin. Harmful.
belligerent – inclined or eager to fight. Hostile.
beneficence – a charitable act or gift. Kindness.
benevolence – an inclination to do kind or charitable acts. Goodness.
benign – tending to promote well-being. Beneficial.
beseech – to call upon earnestly. Request.
bias – to cause to have a prejudice view. Distort.
conceded – acknowledged as true, just, or proper. Given.
conjure – to call upon or entreat solemnly. Call upon.
consigned – turned over to another’s charge. Delivered.
consolation – the comforting in time of grief, defeat, or trouble. Comfort.
Charles Chauncy (1705-1787) was a minister from Boston. He attended Harvard, graduating in 1721. Chauncy preached at the First Church in Boston for sixty years (1727-1787). Below is his 1773 sermon on Christian charity to the poor. The text of this sermon has been changed to reflect modern spelling.
Christian Love, as exemplified by the first Christian church in their HAVING ALL THINGS IN COMMON, placed in its true and just point of light.
In A
SERMON,
Preached at the Thursday-Lecture, in
Boston, August 3d. 1773.
From ACTS 4. 32.
WHEREIN it is shown, that Christian churches, in their character as such, are strongly obliged to evidence the reality of their Christian love, though not by having all things in common, yet by making such provision, according to their ability, for their members in a state of penury, as that none of them may suffer through want of the things needful of the body; and that DEACONS are officers appointed by Christ to take care of His poor saints, making all proper distributions to them in His name, and as enabled hereto by the churches to which they respectively belong.
BY CHARLES CHAUNCY, D. D.
Having all things in Common, explained and improved.
ACTS 4. 32. “And the multitude of them that believed were of one heart, and of one soul: neither said any of them, that ought of the things which he possessed were his own; but they had all things in common.”
THERE is no need, in order to introduce a discourse on these words, to take into previous consideration either the preceding, or following context. They are in independent sentence, containing an account of the temper and conduct of the Christian Church at Jerusalem, in the beginning of the apostolic times. Says the inspired writer, they “were of one heart, and of one soul, and had all things in common.”
What I propose is, to dilate [expand] upon these words, that we may be let in a clear and just understanding of them; and, as I go along, to make the proper reflections upon what may be exhibited as their real truth.
They begin, “and the multitude of them that believed.” – The persons here spoken of were “believers;” that is, converts to the Christian faith. And they were converts from Judaism. For the Gospel had not as yet been preached to the Gentile nations. The apostles, it is true, had, before this time, been commissioned by their Lord “to preach, in his name, repentance, and remission of sins, among ALL NATIONS,” as we read in Luk. 24. 47: But they were expressly ordered, in the words that immediately follow, to begin their ministry, in execution of their commission, “at Jerusalem; and to tarry there until they had been endued with power from on high;” [Luke 24:47-49] that is, with miraculous power from the Holy Ghost.
Why our Lord confined the labors of his apostles, for a while, within so narrow a compass as the city of Jerusalem, after he had commissioned them to preach the Gospel to all the world, may be difficult to say. But could nothing else be said, it would be abundantly sufficient, at least to us who call ourselves Christians, to say, “So it seemed good in his sight.” [Matthew 11:26]
I may, with propriety, add here, it was an honor, a signal honor, to the city of Jerusalem, and to the Jewish nation in common, that the first Christian church should consist of Jews, and be gathered at Jerusalem. And, at the same time, it illustrates that interrogatory appeal of the apostle Paul, in the first verse of the 11th chapter of his epistle to the Romans, “hath God cast away his people?” Upon which he adds, “God forbid!” As if he had said, God hath not wholly “cast away his people.” No; a number of them were believers in Christ, the promised Messiah, and so considerable a number, that they might be called “a multitude.” So speaks the text.
“The multitude of them that believed,” And it is with great propriety that they are thus denominated. “About and hundred and twenty” only, it is true, was the number at first, as we read in the 1st chapter in Acts; but after the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the apostles, in miraculous gifts, they were greatly increased. “Three thousand were added to them” in consequence of one sermon, preached by the apostle Peter, the record of which we have in the 2d chapter of Acts. In the chapter in which is my text, ver. 4, their number is said to be “ about five thousand.” And in the next chapter, v. 14, we read, that “believers were added to the Lord, multitudes both of men and women.” This increase of believers was at Jerusalem, and of those who were converted from Judaism.
I may properly take occasion here to reflect with grief upon the state of the church of Christ at present, with respect to the additions that are made to it of those that “believe,” so believe as that they “shall be saved.” It cannot be now said, as in my text, “the multitude of them that believed.” Blessed be God, there is yet a church of Christ, and there are in it believers in truth, believers unto life; and this, whether we consider the church in general, or as constituted of particular individual churches. But the increase of converts is not now as it was when the apostles went forth in the power of the Spirit of Jesus Christ. There is at this day, and has been for a long time, yea for ages, an awful withdraw of that success, which, in the apostolic days, attended the preaching of the cross of Christ. Notwithstanding the revivals of the spirit of Christianity at particular times, and in some particular places, the cause, in general, has been long languishing, and is, at present, in a sad, decaying, and almost dead condition.
It certainly is so in this Town and Land. – How small is the number of those, who give themselves up to God in Jesus Christ, to walk in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord, with a becoming care of being blameless? We are visibly under great decays as to the life of religion. With what little success are the means of grace accompanied? What an awful un-concernedness does there appear in all sorts of persons about their souls, and the concerns of another world? How great is the lukewarmness and indifferency, even of Christian professors? How general their spiritual sloth and negligence? And how many, what vast multitudes among us, are secure in their sins, unmindful of God, thoughtless of Christ, allowing themselves to “walk in the way of their own heart, and in the sight of their eyes?” [Ecclesiastes 11:9] Let us not be insensible of the lamentably bad state of religion among us. Let us be humble herefor, and seek to God to “pour out his spirit” [Acts 2:17] upon us, to “revive the things that remain, and are ready to die.” [Revelation 3:2] We cannot unite in a more seasonable, pertinent prayer to the God of all grace than that, “Turn thou us again, O Lord God of hosts, cause thy face to shine, and we shall be saved.” [Psalm 80:19]
The text does on, “they were of one heart, and of one soul.” This may respect their unity in sentiment as well as affection. Such was their faith and such their love, that it might be said, they, had, as it were, “one soul.” There were no disputings among them, no strife, no animosity. And, instead of hatred, they were filled with good will towards each other, showing its reality in all the genuine exercises of Christian kindness. They were in judgment, and affection, the same as if they had been animated with one common spirit.
They were one in sentiment, that is, with respect to the divine mission of Jesus Christ, His being the Messiah, and the only Savior of men. This was the grand truth the apostles insisted on in their preaching, particularly in my context; and this, accordingly, was the great object of the faith of this “multitude.” They embraced it as a sure truth, that Jesus who “had been crucified, and was raised from the dead,” [Acts 4:10] was “the Son of God;” [Mark 1:1, John 20:31, Acts 9:20] and they were as “one” in this faith.
Happy this first Christian church, so united in that faith which is the grand foundation of the religion of Jesus Christ! Happy, that they should, as “one” build, as the language of my context is, upon “the stone set at nought” [Acts 4:11] by so many of the Jewish builders, and that God had made the head of the corner; in whom there “is salvation, and in on other.” [Acts 4:12]
This is the great band of Christian union, that “unity in faith,” [Ephesians 4;13] which is recommended in the New Testament writing, and which was exemplified by the first Christians.
It were to be wished, those who profess themselves Christians, would preserve this unity in the bond of peace. Then would they cease from forming themselves into separate communities, on account of those differences in opinion which enter not into the essence of Christianity, but are rather points of doubtful disputation. Then would the church of Christ be no longer a collection of contending sects, and party combinations, but “one body,” cemented together, and united, not in the same sentiments about tithing mint, anise, and cumin, or any other matters of comparatively small importance; but in that faith without which no man can be a Christian, a Christian in such a sense as that he may have good hope of entering into life eternal. This is the unity in sentiment, the oneness in faith, that is worthy to be desired, prayed for, and sought after, by all that are the friends of Christ, and the interest of his religion.
Multitude of primitive believers, were not only “one” in sentiment, but “one” in affection also. With respect to love, it might be said of them, they had, as it were, but “one heart, and one soul.” They loved one another as they loved themselves; “yea, as Christ loved them.” [Ephesians 5:25] Their love was without dissimulation. It was not a pretense only, a mere empty verbal compliment; but a noble reality, appearing to be so by its operation in all the fruits of true Christian benevolence. They “walked in love, even as Christ Jesus also walked.” [Ephesians 5:2] They “abounded in love,” [1 Thessalonians 3:12] both as an inward affection, and in all those outward acts that are the proper discoveries of such affection. And it was eminently in this way that these first believers, and others also in after days, drew the attention, and excited the admiration, even of those who were unbelievers: for they have been heard to say, as their words are recorded by one and another of the ancient writers, “Behold, how the Christians love one another! How cheerfully, how liberally, they do good to one another!” [Tertullian: c. 160-c. 225, an early Christian theologian from Carthage.]
An example this, highly worthy of the imitation of all who would be owned, another day, as the followers of those who inherited that spirit, which was the peculiar glory of our common Master and Savior. The law of love is eminently the law of Jesus Christ; and we are obliged as Christians to nothing, if we are not under solemn bonds to love one another. Love, in the first times of the Gospel, was wrought into the very frame of the souls of believers; and this they evidenced by their readiness to all the offices of Christian kindness towards each other. – How different are most Christians now from what they were then! Can it be said, even of those of the same communion, that they are as “one” in affection? May we not rather take to ourselves words, and lament the flight of that spirit of love, which was once the distinguishing mark of those who were believers in Christ!
It is further added in my text, “neither said any of them that ought of the things which he possessed was his own; but they had all things in common.” The things here said to be “had in common” must not be understood as extending to a community in everything. Such an explanation of the words would be an absurdity in reason, and a direct contradiction to the precepts of revelation. They ought therefore to be limited to such things only as might, in consistency with the rule of duty, be possessed and enjoyed in common. The inspired writer of my text has accordingly taken care to specify particularly “the things they had in common.” Says he, in the following 34th and 35th verses, “as many as were possessed of lands, or houses, sold them, and brought the prices of the things that were sold, and laid them down at the apostles feet; and distribution was made to every man according as he had need.” To the like purpose, having said, in the 2d chapter of this same book of the Acts, ver. 4, “all that believed had all things in common,” he goes on, in the next ver. to give us a distinct and full account of “the thing” he had said “believers had in common.” His words are, “and sold their possessions and goods; and parted them to all men, as every man had need.” It was therefore the worldly estate, the possessed houses and lands, of these believers, turned into money, that they all had the benefit of in common. There is nothing said, from whence it can be collected, that these believers enjoyed, or countenanced the enjoyment of anything in common, that would infer a violation of the bonds those are under, who, as the Scripture speaks, are no longer “twain, but mystically one in the Lord.” [Mark 10:8] Some may have interpreted this example of these first Christians in such a latitude. But it may, without the least hesitation, be said, it was never so interpreted, unless by those, whose eyes were blinded by the rise of impure mists from a grossly carnalized heart.
The only question of any importance here is, were Christians, from the beginning, and all along to this day, obliged, in virtue of this example of the believers at Jerusalem, to sell their possessions, and put all in one stock for the common benefit of all? Some have imagined, that an affirmative answer to this question is the true one; but upon insufficient reason. And this I shall endeavor, in as concise a manner as I can, to make evident to you. In order whereto let it be observed,
These believers, constituting the church at Jerusalem, were not obliged, in consequence of any apostolic command, to make sale of their possessions, that they might have all things in common. We have no account of such a command. And should any affirm there was one, they would only declare their own imagination, not what is anywhere wrote in the inspired books. Nay, instead of being divinely taught, that these believers were commanded to sell their estates, that they might all live in common upon one stock, we are obviously led to think, that they were everyone left a liberty to do in this matter as they judged to be right and fit. To this purpose are those words of the apostle Peter, in the chapter following my test, ver. 4, which he spoke to Ananias with a direct reference to the sale he had made of his possession; “while it remained, was it not thine own? And after it was sold, was it not in thy own power”? Surely, he would not have said this, he could not have said it with propriety, or truth, if Ananias had been under the obligation of a command from Christ, conveyed by his apostles, to part with his possession, and put the price into the common stock. Upon this supposition, how could his possession be so called “his own” as that he might not have sold it? And when he had sold it, how could the price of it be said to have been “in his own power?” It should seem demonstrable, from this application of the apostle Peter to Ananias that the sale which these believers at Jerusalem made of their possessions was a matter of their own free choice, not what they were absolutely bound to do in virtue of any requirement of Jesus Christ.
And we may the rather be satisfied of this, as we nowhere read, in the New Testament, of any Christian church, who “had all things in common,” conformable to the example of the church at Jerusalem. And what is more, we no where, in the inspired books, find a command, directed to any Christian church, or to any member belonging to it, obliging them to sell their possessions, that the whole community might be supported out of one common stock; which cannot be accounted for, had it been the will of Christ, that no one of his disciples should possess, as his own property, either house or land; but that everyone, who professed faith in him, should, without the exception of a single person, sell his estate for the advantage of all in common.
It may be further worthy of notice, the New Testament writers are so far from reducing all Christians to a level, by putting them upon having all things in common, that they obviously suppose there actually was, and would be, a difference between them in point of outward circumstances. Hence they often speak of the members of this, and the other Christian church under the characters of rich and poor; which would have been altogether improper, if Christianity had destroyed this distinction, by obliging all that were believers to have all things in common. And not only do the apostolic writers speak of rich and poor in the Christian church, but graft many of their instructions upon this difference there was in the worldly circumstances of its members. The rich, particularly, are applied to as such, and minded of the duty they are obliged to in this capacity. Says the apostle Paul, directing Timothy how to manage in his office as a Gospel minister, 1 Tim. 6. 17, “charge them that are rich in this world that they trust not in certain riches, but in the living God – that they do good, and be rich in good works.” Where would be the pertinency of this change to Timothy, if the supposition of rich men in the church of Christ was contradiction to the Gospel establishment? In this case, the direction to him must have been, say to such as are rich, sell your possessions, and cease being rich. But not a word to this purpose do we meet with here, or in any passage of Scripture, in what is said to them that were rich.
It is still further observable, the apostle Paul, in writing to the Corinthian church, as “touching the ministering to the saints,” [2 Corinthians 9:1] gives them this instruction, 2 Cor. 9. 7, “Every man according as he professed in his heart, so let him give; not grudgingly, or of necessity; for God loves a cheerful giver.” Is this an injunction that will, in the least, comport with the supposition, that the individuals of this church had nothing of their own, but had all things in common? Every man, you see, is left to give according to the free purpose of his own heart: Only he is instructed to give with cheerfulness, and liberality; and upon the encouragement mentioned in the foregoing verse, “This I say, he that soweth sparingly, shall reap sparingly; and he that soweth bountifully shall reap bountifully.” But there would be no room for sowing sparingly, or bountifully, if no member of this church had anything he could call his own, but whatever he possessed, more or less, must be thrown into one common stock for the benefit of all. Had this been the truth of fact, or an apostolic establishment, the direction, in this passage of Scripture, is altogether unintelligible.
You will, perhaps, ask, if the practice of this first Christian church at Jerusalem, in selling their possessions, and having all things in common, was not intended as an example obligatory on all other Christian societies, why was it recorded? And why so recorded to lead us into an opinion of their conduct as truly noble and benevolent?
The answer is at once obvious, and I hope satisfactory. It is as follows. This first church, at the time when they came into this practice, were peculiarly situated. Perhaps, no church, from that day to this, has been in like circumstances. For it is to be observed, though, from the evidence that had been held out to their view, they admitted it into their hearts as a truth, that Jesus was the Son of God, and Savior of the world, that he died, rose again, ascended up to heaven, and will come in the end of time to confer eternal life upon all his faithful followers; and though, in the esteem of the apostles, they were qualified, in consequence of this faith, and a profession of it, for baptism, and fellowship with believers in all acts of Christian communion; yet it cannot be supposed, but that, in this beginning of their faith, they should be imperfectly instructed in the nature, doctrines, and precepts of the gospel kingdom. Further teaching; yea, a series of it was yet needful. They needed particularly to be guarded against the prejudices, errors, and corruptions of their former unconverted state, and to be more fully indoctrinated in the things pertaining to the kingdom of God, and Jesus Christ. And this, until a more regular state of things could be accomplished, it is at once evident, would take time, and bear hard upon those who had nothing to depend upon for a subsistence but the labor of their hands. Now, in such a situation of things, what more nobly benevolent than this conduct of the first believers, in having all things in common? Especially, if it be remembered, as it ought to be; that this church was constituted chiefly of Jews that were not inhabitants at Jerusalem, but occasional comers there from a great variety of distant places. Hence we read, in the forecited 2d of the Acts, that, among the three thousand Jews, who were added to the church, at this time, there were Parthians, Medes, Elamites, dwellers in Mesopotamia, Judea, Pontus, Asia, and other places. And being thus occasionally at Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost, when the holy Ghost made his descent on the apostles, they were eye-witnesses of its marvelous effects, and had the opportunity of hearing the sermon then preached by the apostle Peter, under the inspiration of the Spirit; upon which they were struck with conviction, professed faith in Christ, and were admitted, to fellowship, as disciples, in all acts of Christian communion. But being at a great distance from their proper homes, they were incapable of providing for their own support, should they continue at Jerusalem; and yet, it cannot be supposed but their becoming converts to the faith of Christ, they should be desirous of tarrying here, as it was highly proper, if not absolutely necessary, they should, that they might be more fully instructed in the way of salvation through Jesus who was crucified. Besides, they might, by direction from the Holy Ghost, be influenced to continue here, that, being under the tuition of the apostles, and enjoying the advantage of Christian communion in Gospel ordinances, they might be formed for preachers to carry the glad tidings of salvation to the several nations from whence they came, and in this way be instrumental in propagating the religion of Jesus. In this situation of things, wherein could the believers at Jerusalem have more nobly manifested the warmth of their love to Christ, and the greatness of their affection for each other, than by saying, as in my text, that “nought of the things which they possessed were their own, but that all things should be had in common?” In like circumstances, the like conduct would be generous and noble, and would be the conduct of Christians, if actuated by that benevolent principle, which reigned in these first believers, making them all of “one heart, and of one soul.” But for any to plead, that this practice of those primitive Christians should form a law, an established rule, obligatory upon all Christians, in all ages, however differently circumstanced, would be highly absurd, and greatly hurtful in its tendency and operation.
Nevertheless, this example of their unfeigned generous love is very instructive to Christians, considered both individually, and as united in particular societies. It is in this latter view of Christians, only I shall consider the example in my text, as eminently instructive.
And the instruction they are taught from it is, to take all due care, that such among them as are in necessitous circumstances, may be so far provided for, as to be preserved from suffering through want. Though no particular societies of Christians are obliged, after the pattern of the church at Jerusalem, to sell what they possess, and throw all into one stock for the common support; yet they are, without all doubt, bound by their example to do their utmost, that none of their brethren in Christ, especially of the same community with themselves, may be suffered to drag on life unrelieved under the straits, distresses, and miseries of unavoidable poverty. And the obligation, from this example, is the more binding, as it coincides with the known practice of all Christian churches in apostolic times. 1 It was their constant care to provide, by their charitable distributions, for the relief of their brethren in Christ under distressing circumstances, whether through poverty, or the unjust treatment of a wicked and unbelieving world. And they did this under apostolic guidance; yea, by express order from these inspired teachers of the will of Christ. The practice of these primitive churches, thus circumstanced, is therefore obligatory upon all after churches; and while they copy after it, they may be assured, they will fall in with the mind of Christ, as their practice was founded on apostolic direction, which was infallibly right; because they were under the immediate guidance of the Spirit of truth.
The churches of Christ, it is acknowledged, were differently situated in that day from what they are in this. They were then the objects of the hatred and contempt of the civil magistrate, not of his paternal care and protection: Whereas the civil powers, in many places at least, are now on the side of Christian communities, and profess a regard for them, and readiness to afford them their help.
This difference between the state of Christians now, and in the times of the apostles, it must be owned, is a very great one in favor of Christian churches at this day. But what is the natural, obvious deduction herefrom? Surely, it will not follow, that Christian churches, because they are under a Christian civil magistracy, are discharged from their obligations to Christian charity. As our Savior has said, Mat. 26. 11, “The poor ye have always with you,” that is, to furnish occasions for the exercise of charity, and to call to it. The necessities of those, who are of “the household of faith,” may not at all times, and in all places, so loudly call for equally large distributions in order to their relief: But in all ages, and in all the churches of the saints, there will be a number, more or less, of helpless orphans, widows, and poor people, who must be provided for, or subjected to all the miseries of a destitute condition in life.
Besides what has been offered, it may be worthy of special notice, the apostles of our Lord, under the extraordinary guidance of the Holy Ghost, appointed officers in the Christian churches they founded, whose special business it was to take care of the charity of the churches they were respectively related to, and to make distribution of it according to the various wants of their several members. These officers are called, in the apostolic writings, DEACONS, and they have been distinguished by this name from that day to this.
The first deacons were constituted at Jerusalem, and the work assigned them was in part extraordinary, being adjusted to the extraordinary circumstances of the church there. This church, at this time, had one common stock, out of which they were all supplied. Deacons were accordingly appointed to “serve tables” 2 or, in other words, to make use of the churches money, which was deposited in their hands, not only in providing for the Lord’s table, but such other tables as were necessary for the common support: A work that required great wisdom, impartiality, candor, as well as labor, in order to a right and commendable discharge of it.
That which was extraordinary in the work of these deacons, the support of all out of one common stock, soon ceased; but taking care of the helpless poor members of Christ still continued the duty of every church, and will continue to be their duty to the end of the world. And, upon this foundation, the deacon’s office became a perpetual one in the church. All the churches, in apostolic times, that were set in order, were furnished with Deacons, as well as Pastors. Hence the apostle Paul inscribes his epistle to the Philippians in that style, “to all the saints in Christ Jesus, with the Bishops, or Pastors, and Deacons.” And in his first epistle to Timothy, which was intended for the direction of all churches, in all ages, he particularly specifies the qualifications of those who are fit to be Deacons, and gives direction that such only should be put into office.
It is from hence evident, that the Deacon’s office is a perpetual one, and that all the churches of Christ, in succession thro’ all ages, should be furnished with them. And why? Principally, and above all, that, as trustees of the churches, and as officers of Jesus Christ, they might employ themselves in ministering to the poor saints. But how should they do this, unless they be enabled to it? And how should they be enabled, but from the charitable distributions of the churches whose officers they respectively are, under Christ, the great head over all? The appointment of Deacons to take care, that the poor saints be relieved and helped, is, in true construction, a solemn law of Christ, obliging the churches who choose them to put it in their power, as God shall give ability, to answer this charitable intention of their office. Surely, this office in the church would not have been constituted, if it had been a needless, useless one! And useless, as to the main end of its institution, it must certainly be, if the churches are not bound, by the authority of Christ, to a due care to fill their hands for distribution to charitable and pious purposes. 3
In short, either the Deacon’s office is an ordinance of Jesus Christ, or it is not. If it is not, why do our churches, in solemn form, choose men out of their number to take upon them this office? They must be supposed to esteem Deacons, officers of divine appointment, or they profanely mock God when they elect them as such. If they are officers of Christ’s appointment, the churches who choose them are most certainly obliged to acknowledge them in this character, by enabling them, as they have ability, to afford all needed help to “the saints that are in Christ Jesus.” [Philippians 4:21] This is the great end of their appointment; this is the business in special they are set over: And for churches to elect them to manage this business, and carry into execution this great and good end of their office, and, at the same time, to take little or no care to furnish them with ability herefor, is an inconsistency in conduct that cannot easily be accounted for. And yet, this inconsistency most of our churches are justly chargeable with.
It is I suppose, the truth, in regard of all our churches, that they have Deacons, and of their own election; and this, when solemnly met together in the name of the Lord. And is it not as real a truth, with respect to the most of them, that their Deacons sustain rather the name of their office, than the thing itself; having little or nothing to do that is proper to the principal end of their institution by Christ? May it not be justly said, that too generally, throughout the land, their main business is to provide for, and serve at, the sacramental table? As for Christ’s poor, they are no more enabled, by the churches they are related to, to make distributions for their relief, than if they sustained no office in the church of God. Is this as it ought to be? May it not rather be said, that such churches are grossly wanting in those discoveries of Christian affection, which were so conspicuous in the church at Jerusalem, and all the other churches we read of in the New Testament books.
It will, perhaps, be pleaded here, our civil rulers have empowered the several Towns, within their jurisdiction, to raise such moneys as may be judged necessary for the support of the poor, and to appoint persons to take care, that these moneys be disposed of, so as to answer the good end for which they are raised; in consideration whereof, the churches are excused from the those charities, which would enable their Deacons to do that which is done in other ways.
The answer is at once obvious. The laws empowering our several towns to provide for the support of the poor, respect the poor in common, of whatever denomination, be their character as it may; not distinguishing any on account of their membership in the church of Christ: Whereas, it is the requirement of the Gospel of the blessed God, that Christians churches particularly regard the poor saints; taking all due care, that those, who are members of the same mystical body with themselves, should be so far helped as not to live in suffering circumstances, through want of the things that are needful for the body. And, if any of their members are in real necessity, their charitable assistance is what they are as certainly obliged to, as Christians were in the first, or any other, period of the Christian church. Their living in a Christian country, where provision is made by law for the relief of poor people in general, may make a difference as to the quantum of the charity, that may be proper and suitable; but it makes none at all as to the thing itself, where there is real need of it. And, indeed, is the provision that is made by the law in any place for the support of the poor, in common, cancels the obligations of the churches to make provision for those of their own body, who are in necessitous circumstances, it totally sets aside the Deacon’s office, though an apostolic appointment in the name of Jesus Christ. What need of Deacons in the church of God, if Christ’s poor are not to be the special objects of their care? Why should the churches choose them into office, if they are excused from putting anything into their hands for a distribution for the relief of the saints? The plain truth is, no civil constitution can vacate an institution of Jesus Christ. And as Deacons are officers of his appointment, and chosen by the churches as such, they are solemnly bound, and by their own choice too, in compliance with what they professedly esteem the will of Christ, to own them in the business they are called to, and set over, namely, that of ministering to the wants of those, in special, who are of “the household of faith.” And that they may be properly supplied, as officers in the kingdom of Christ, and in His name, for the execution of the benevolent trust reposed in them, it is, without all doubt, the incumbent duty of the churches of which they are respectively Deacons, to endeavor, as they have ability, to put it in their power to relieve their poor members, as there may be occasion for, and calls to it, in the all-wise, righteous government of Providence.
Some of our churches, thanks be to God, have something of a stock, or fund, owing to the pious and charitable legacies of those, who were concerned that the poor disciples of Christ might, in His name, and by His officers in the church, be taken care of. But it will not be pretended, that any fund, in any of our churches, will afford that which is sufficient for the relief of all belonging to them, that are needy and destitute: And what is lacking, this way, ought to be made up in some other; or even these churches will fall greatly short of their duty, and leave their Deacons unable to answer, in a commendable measure, the good intention of their office.
What some individuals in our churches have done, or may still do, in charities to the poor in general, or the poor of those Christian communities of which they themselves are a part, is known to God, and their own consciences. But may it not be justly questioned, whether any of our churches, as such, have taken that care to enable their Deacons, as Christ’s officers, and in His behalf, to make those communications to His needy disciples, as they had ability to do, and ought to have done? Had the constituent members of our several churches been as ready to communicate, that their brethren in Christ, conflicting with the miseries of poverty, might be relieved and helped, as they have been to expend their money for that which profiteth not, would so many of them have so often been pinched with hunger, and cold, and suffered to groan under distress, through want, I do not say of the conveniences and comforts, but of even the necessaries of life? Should I not speak the truth, if I should affirm, that no visible saint, no member in any of our churches, would suffer for want of what is needful for the body, if we spared for their relief a small part only of that which is laid out for rich furniture for our houses, in costly apparel to deck our bodies, and in luxurious variety to cover our tables? Should each one that is a member of the church of Christ lay his hand upon his heart, and declare the genuine dictates of conscience, would he not be obliged to own, that he had needlessly, might I not say sinfully, spent that, which, if he had laid up in store for the purposes of charity and piety, would have made the hearts of many to sing for joy, who have been oppressed, and over-burdened with the weight of difficulties and straits, arising from the poverty of their condition? Our churches, my brethren, have lost, in a great measure, the spirit of the primitive churches of Christ; their spirit of love, operating in all the offices of charitable goodness, which distinguished them from other men, and were as a mark, or badge, by which they were known to be believers in him whom God has sent to be the Savior of the world. We are too generally become lovers of ourselves, lovers of the gaieties, the vanities, the amusements, and fashionable follies of the degenerate age we live in. The very best of us are too much conformed to this present evil world, and suffer it so to engross our affection, as that we have but little, very little, left to show itself in Christian acts of kindness and beneficence to the saints that are in Christ Jesus.
It were to be wished our churches were now, as they were in the apostles days, “one in heart and affection,” churches towards each other, and every church towards every member belonging to it. And that we may be “provoked” to this union in love, evidencing its reality its reality in works of kindness and charity, as there may be occasion, I shall briefly propose to you consideration the following things, with the mentioning of which I shall conclude the present discourse.
The first thing worthy of special notice is, that the faith which constitute men Christians in truth, and love to their fellow-brethren in Christ, not the pretense of love, but its reality, are so far connected together in the Sacred Books, as to lead us most obviously into the thought, that they are, and ought always to be, inseparable concomitants. Turn to what Paul says to the church in Ephesus, 1st chap. 15 ver. To the like purpose he writes to the church at Coloss, 1st chap. 4th ver. The same connection of love we find, in his 1st Epis. to the Thessalonians 1st chap. 3d ver. So in his 2d Epist. 1 chap. 3d ver. I might refer you to a great number of other texts, in which faith in Christ, and love to the brethren, the saints, the household of faith, are linked together, as though they could not be disjoined, but would ever accompany each other. And, in truth, it is of the very essence of faith, that faith by which “the just do live,” [Habakkuk 2:4] to show itself in love, not only to God, and Christ, but to the Christian brotherhood, not in word only, but in true genuine deeds of unfeigned hearty affection; insomuch, that we may assure ourselves, if our faith is not accompanied with this practical love, it is nothing better than that empty dead faith, of which the apostle James says, “it profiteth not.” [James 2:16]
It may be again worthy of consideration, the apostolical writers present to the view of believers in Christ Jesus, such an idea of their relation to each other as must powerfully tend to excite and draw forth their love to one another, if their faith is of the right sort, and in exercise. As the apostle Paul, in the 2nd chap, of his epist. to the Ephes. represents the matter, we have “one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one God and Father of all, who is above all, and thro’ all, and in all” that are disciples in truth. We have all been “called to one hope,” we are “one mystical body,” and are actuated by one and the same spirit, the Spirit of Jesus Christ. We are all “heirs according to the hope of eternal life, heirs of God, and joint heirs with Christ to the incorruptible inheritance in heaven.” [Romans 8:17] We expect to be associated in another world, and to live there, in one grand community, united in love to one another; and eternally joining as one in “ascribing blessing and honor to him that sitteth on the throne, and to the Lamb.” [Revelation 5:13] Can we have a realizing faith in these truths of God, as we must have to denominate us Christians, and not feel in our hearts the working of affection towards each other; affection that will show itself in all Christian offices of charitable kindness? It is impossible.
It may be said yet farther, the Gospel motives to Christian love, in practice, as well as principle, are such as cannot easily be withstood, where there is the exercise of faith in a suitable degree. We are called to no act of love and goodness to the Disciples of Christ, but what we shall be abundantly rewarded for in the coming world. A cup of cold water only given to a disciple, in the name of a disciple, and from love to Christ, and in obedience to Him, shall in no wise lose its reward. The more bountifully we sow, the more bountifully we shall reap. – What better use, what higher interest, can we put our money to, than by lending it to the Lord, for the use of His poor? It is the entire want of faith, or the weakness of it, or the not allowing it its proper exercise, that shuts our hands from the most liberal distributions to the purposes of Christian charity. Could we be wanting upon this head, if we really and fully believed that the good God would amply repay us whatever we should advance for the help of the saints, if not in this world, most assuredly in that which is to come.
Another most powerfully affecting consideration to engage out practical love towards our brethren in Christ is, that He will esteem what we do to them as is done to Himself. For they are members of that very body of which He is the Head; they are mystically one with Him. It is in consideration of this union, that He says, as in the 24th of Matthew, “inasmuch as ye have done it to one of the least of these my brethren ye have done it to me.” Do we really believe, that, if we charitably relieve a brother in Christ, He will accept the kindness as done to Himself? It is difficult to conceive, how we should, in this case, refrain ourselves herefrom. Our faith in this amazing truth must be weak, or rather not in present exercise, or it would open both our hearts and hands in communications of Christian kindness.
I shall only say further, deeds of charitable goodness to the poor suffering members of the church of Christ, are mentioned by name in the account the Scripture gives us of the process of the great and general judgment; and those only are pronounced “blessed, and bid to inherit the kingdom prepared before the foundation of the world, who have given meat to the hungry, and drink to the thirsty, clothes to the naked, and help to the sick, and distressed.” [Matthew 25:34-36] If then we would hope to be acquitted at the bar of the future judgment, and have entrance ministered to us into the kingdom of Christ that is above, we must put on bowels of mercy, be kind to one another, tender-hearted, ever being in readiness, according to our ability, to do good to “the household of faith”: So shall we, of the mercy of God, through Jesus Christ, be crowned with immortality and honor in the coming world.
2. See the account at large in the 6th Chapter of the Acts.
3. My late worthy colleague, the Rev. Mr. Foxcroft, in his sermon preached at the ordination of a Deacon, though dead yet speaks to you, in the following very pertinent words.
“This officer (meaning the Deacon) stands in the house of God a constant monitor to the assembly, of their duty to honor the Lord with their substance. And the church, that elect him, do hereby practically contract with him, that they will own him in the execution of his office, find him suitable employment in his station, and supply him, as they are able, for a liberal distribution to the necessities of saints. I cannot but look on it a gross incongruity, not to say a trifling formality, and mockery of a divine institution, to put men, by a solemn church-vote, in the name of God, under the character of Deacons, and yet not ‘appoint them over their proper business,’ nor take the necessary methods to furnish them for ‘using their office well’.” – He adds a little onwards, “If the church did their duty ‘concerning the collection for the saints, every one contributing as God hath prospered them,’ there would be sufficiently of work for the officers Christ has instituted to ‘serve tables.’ None methinks, could then with any color of reason, scruple the propriety of a solemn ordination of them. And as for them, how would it encourage their hearts, to see the churches, they respectively serve, taking a proper care, that they may be ‘thoroughly furnished unto all good works’ for the house of their God, and the offices thereof! How gladly would they receive the gift, and take them the fellowship of ministering unto the saints!”
This election sermon was preached by James Cogswell (1720-1807) in Connecticut on May 9, 1771.
A
S E R M O N,
Preached before the
General Assembly
Of the Colony of CONNECTICUT,
At Hartford,
On The Day of Their
Anniversary Election
May 9th, 1771.
By JAMES COGSWELL, A. M.
Pastor of the First Church of Christ in Canterbury.
At a General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the Colony of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the Second Thursday of May, A. D. 1771.
Ordered, That Shubael Conant, Esq; and Mr. John Curtiss, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev’d Mr. James Cogswell, for his Sermon delivered before the Assembly on the 9th Instant, and desire a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.
GEORGE WYLLYS, Secr.
An Election S E R M O N.
Jeremiah xviii. 7, 8, 9, 10.
At what Instant I shall speak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it:
If that Nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their Evil I will repent of the Evil that I thought to do unto them.
And at what Instant I shall speak concerning a Nation, and concerning a Kingdom to build and to plant it:
If it do Evil in my Sight, that it obey not my Voice, then I will repent of the Good wherewith I said I would Benefit them.
The Attention of Americans has of late been uncommonly roused, and deeply engag’d about the public Good. We have look’d on our invaluable Liberties, and important Privileges to be in Danger. And such a general Concern relative to these Things, and Zeal for their Preservation, has prevailed among us, as Regard for Liberty is wont to inspire a free People with—In such an alarming Situation, many invincible Reasons have been offered in support of our just and important Rights; many Expedients of a political and prudential Nature have been urg’d with great Force, and press’d upon us by very weighty Motives: And may they have their Effect—The Design of them is certainly Noble and Important.
But there are doubtless Considerations of a moral and religious Nature, which ought to command our Attention, and which are really of far greater Importance, both to our present and future Happiness, than any Thing merely civil or political can be.—Indeed the chief and ultimate Design of Religion, as it respects Mankind, is to deliver us from the fatal Effects of the Apostacy, and to fit us for a State of perfect Holiness and Happiness in the coming World. But this is not all; Godliness has the Promise of the Life that now is, as well as of that which is to come. And it tends to the present Happiness not only of Individuals, but the Love and Practice of it has a most friendly Aspect on public Weal; and the neglect of it the most direct Tendency to the Misery and Destruction of a State.—-Several Considerations of this Nature, and of great Importance, are suggested to us from our Text and Context.
The Jews were become a very wicked and abandoned People, at the Time when God sent this Message to them by the Prophet. Many Threatenings, and of fore Calamities had been frequently denounced against them, which had as yet, very little, or rather no Effect to reform them. The Prophet Jeremiah is directed therefore to go to the Place where the Potter fashioned his Vessels of Clay: There he observed that the Potter had an uncontrolled Power to form these Vessels as he pleased: If they would not serve for one Purpose he could very easily turn them to another. From this lively Similitude, the Prophet is ordered to represent to the Jews God’s sovereign Power over the most formidable States and extensive Empires: And with how much Ease God either exalts or depresses them, prospers or afflicts, increases or diminishes, or in a Word, preserves or destroys them. And God has certainly a greater Right to do this, than the Potter has to new Mould the Clay of which he is not the absolute Proprietor.
This was true in Jeremiah’s Time, and is equally true now; and really it is a Truth of very great Importance to be considered and realized; for it shews us that we are absolutely dependent on God for our all:–Prosperity or Adversity, whether private or public, is entirely from God.
But God gives us to understand in our (Text, that whatever his Power and Sovereignty might enable him to do,) he conducts not only according to the invariable Rules of Justice and Equity, which gives us the greatest Assurance that he never will wrong any People, or bring any Evil upon them, merely to shew himself Sovereign, but farther that he is disposed to treat Mankind according to the Rules of Clemency and Kindness: So that when a Nation or Kingdom have been guilty of a Conduct criminal to that Degree, that they have greatly provoked God, and which would justify him in proceeding to the last Extremities with them; yea, if God had proceeded so far as to threaten them with utter Ruin, if after all this, they should even then repent, and turn from their evil Ways to God, he would avert the Tokens of his Displeasure, recall the Threatnings, prosper and establish them.
On the other Hand, God lets them know that whatever Encouragement he had given of granting Enlargement and Prosperity to any State; if they after this degenerate and backslide, to that Degree, that their Character becomes that of Evil Doers, an unrighteous, ungodly People, they forfeit his Promise and Protection; and if they continue irreclaimable, he will not build them up, but destroy them.
It is worthy of Observation, that the Declarations made in our Text relative to God’s providential Dispensations, are not confined to the Jews; they are of a general Nature, and published in an indefinite Manner: Whence it appears that God Almighty designs here to exhibit a general Rule of his Conduct towards public Bodies or Communities.
It is indeed true that we have no Reason to expect an exact Correspondence between God’s providential Dispensations towards the Jews and other Kingdoms or civil Communities. Yet as God is the moral Governor of the World, and approves of Virtue and Holiness wherever it appears, and always hates Sin and Wickedness among all Nations; so it is reasonable to believe he will shew his Approbation, Favour and Protection to the one, and frown upon and punish the other. The State of the Case is very different (as to the Time of Rewards and Punishments) between Individuals and public Bodies of Men. The future State is the Time of Retribution to Individuals.—Though therefore many among the godly may suffer very grievous Things in this present State, they shall be abundantly Rewarded hereafter: In that happy World Light is sown for the Righteous, and gladness for the upright in Heart. And however the wicked may flourish and prosper here, their triumphing is short, for it is that they may be cut off and destroyed. But the Case is very different with regard to civil Communities. Whatever Forms of Administration they assume, they are the Creatures of Time. They have no Existence but in this World—All their Bands of Society, as Bodies-Politic, are dissolved, and have no Existence in a future State. If therefore they are not rewarded or punished in some Proportion to their Character as righteous or sinful in this World, they never are at all. It appears therefore agreeable to the Divine Perfections, that God should shew visible Marks of Approbation of public Virtue, and frown upon and punish a sinful People, as in our Text he has expressly declared he will do.
It appears then that God speaks to us in these Days as really, tho’ not in the same Manner as he did to Nations and Kingdoms in ancient Times. To them he spake by immediate and particular Messages from Heaven, pointing out their Sins, and the particular and special Judgments which they might assuredly expect if they continued Incorrigible. To us he speaks by his written Word and his Providence. In his Word he shews us what is the Character of such a People as have Encouragement to hope for his Favour, or Reason to fear his Displeasure;–and what he justly expects from such a People as have wickedly departed from him, that they may be restored to Favour, and enjoy his Smiles. Many Examples are left us in sacred Scripture for our Instruction and Admonition. Thus God speaks to us now, and surely the Man of Wisdom will hear what God speaketh to the City and to the Country. We must carefully examine into our real Character, and compare it to that of other Communities, and then consider how God has declared he would treat them, and what Treatment they have in fact met with and from thence collect what we have to hope for, or to fear from the Hand of God.
That which may be further attempted, by Divine Assistance, will be to shew,
I. That the Love and Practice of Religion has the greatest Encouragement of God’s Favour; and therefore is the surest Means of the Happiness of a People.
II. That the prevalence of Irreligion and Wickedness have a dreadful Tendency to their Destruction; And,
III. That if a People have revolted from God, Repentance and Reformation will be the surest and best Means to prevent their Ruin, and restore them to the Divine Favour.
I. The first Thing proposed is to show, that the Love and Practice of Religion has the greatest Encouragement of God’s Favour, and therefore is the surest Means of the Happiness of a People.
This is implied in the Text. ‘Tis indeed taken for granted, that God will bless and prosper a People who continue holy and obedient. Such who do not Evil in his Sight, but obey his Voice. These are Phrases to decipher true Religion. But we must always remember that a right Temper of Heart is always included in this Obedience to the Voice of God: otherwise it is destitute of the most essential Property of Obedience.—A supreme Love to God, on Account of his transcendent Excellence and absolute Perfection: an ultimate Regard to his Honour, and a Disposition to be subject to his Will, are essential Ingredients in Obedience to the Voice of God. This Voice of God is no other than his Word, and when we have such a Temper of Mind as the Word of God requires; when we believe and live as God requires we should do in his Word, then are we religious.
“All the great Truths and Duties of Morality are adopted by Christ, and incorporated into his Laws, are refined and purified, and set in the fairest and strongest Point of Light, and raised to their highest Perfection in the Christian Institution.” This Word or Voice of God discovers his glorious Nature and amiable Perfections, in Conformity to which, the Happiness of all intelligent Beings consists.—It shews that Mankind, tho’ originally created in the Image of God, have fallen from him, and are become both guilty and polluted by Sin.—The surprising Method of Redemption by Jesus Christ, the great Mediator; and the Recovery to a holy Temper and Life, which (thro’ Divine Influence) always takes Place in all who are by Faith in him, made partakers of the great Salvation. All these glorious Truths in one connected View, all that Holiness that is required, and those Duties which are directed to in God’s Word, tend to promote the Happiness of civil Communities; for God has most plainly shewn in his Word.
That, Religion, and this only, will recommend to his Favour.
That, the Religion which God’s Word requires, is so framed, as in the very Nature and Genius of it, to have a tendency to promote the public Good.
And this Word of God points out many Duties to Men, in all Characters, Relations and Circumstances, which directly and immediately tend to promote the best Good of the State.
1. God has most plainly shewn in his Word, that Religion, and only this will recommend to his Favour. Very many are the Pomises of this Kind. God promised the Israelites, 1 that if they would hearken diligently to the Voice of the Lord their God, to do all his Commandments, the Lord their God would set them on High, above all the Nations of the Earth. And thus also said the Lord to them by the Prophet Azariah, 2 “Hear me Asa and all Judah and Benjamin, the Lord is with you while ye be with him; and if ye seek him he will be found of you; but if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.” Many other Promises of this Kind, taken in connection with our Text, are so plain as to put this Matter beyond all Doubt; for they are made not only to particular Persons, but to civil Communities as such.
I proceed therefore to say,
2. That Religion, which God’s Word requires, is so framed, as in the very Nature and Genius of it to have a tendency to promote the public Good. It might easily be shewn, (were there Time) that the more general Requisitions and Prohibitions contained in that Religion which is described and required in the Word of God, have all a tendency to promote the Good of civil Society: But what I would especially insist on under this Head is, that the Religion of Jesus Christ forms Men to such a Temper as powerfully inclines them to promote the Interest of the Public.
The Depravity of humane Nature, the corrupted and vitiated Temper of Mens Minds, is the real original Source of all those wicked Practices, which are prejudicial both to their private and public Interests. Hence proceed all those open, bold Violations of God’s Law, those enormous Crimes and Debaucheries, which tend to the Ruin and Dissolution of a State. This Fountain must be cleansed, or putrid Streams will continue to flow. And when this Temper is changed, the Heart renew’d and made holy, the Man will be strongly and vigorously engaged in all the Duties of Holiness; and consequently to promote the public Tranquility.
Now, (as one says) 3 “the Gospel and Religion of Jesus is admirably design’d and calculated to produce this blessed Effect; and this blessed Effect it does and will actually produce, wherever it is cordially and sincerely entertained and submitted to. Hence we are said to be sanctified by the Word; to be born again, not of corruptible Seed, but of Incorruptible, by the Word of God, which liveth and abideth forever. The Gospel of Christ, attended by the sacred Influences of the Divine Spirit, is the powerful Means of rectifying the sinful Nature of Man, and forming it to Purity and Holiness, and a governing Disposition to please and obey God in all Things. As the Laws of Religion require the universal Practice of Virtue & Holiness; they that are truly Religious, choose to obey God and live holy Lives; there is a blessed Agreement & Harmony, tho’ not a perfect one between the Temper of their Minds, and the sacred Laws of Religion; they are not only aw’d and influenced by the Authority and Command of God, but they find an inward Propensity and Disposition to devote and approve themselves to God, not only in the Duties of Piety and Godliness, but in the Performance of all relative and social Duties, and to exert themselves in their Places, to promote the Welfare of Mankind, and the Tranquility and Happiness of the State.”
I proceed to say
3. Religion requires and implies many Duties in the various Characters, Relations and Circumstances of Life, which tend immediately to the Good of the State. And an inward Principle of Piety will prompt Men readily to perform them. A hint of the principal of these Duties as they respect Rulers and Subjects, will be all I have Time now to mention. And,
Under the Influence of Religion, Rulers will discharge the Duties of their important Trust with strict Fidelity. In the height of Elevation, they will not forget they have a Master in Heaven, to whom they are accountable, before whom they must shortly stand, strip’d of all the Robes of State and Ensigns of Grandeus, to give an Account of their Stewardship. They know God requires them, while they rule over Men, to serve the Lord, to serve him with Fear & to rejoice with Trembling.—Religion will influence and embolden them to distribute Justice with Impartiality and Intrepidity; knowing that it is an Ordinance of Him that ruleth among the Gods, That he that ruleth over Men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. In Obedience to this great Lord, they will endeavour to let Judgment run down as Waters, and Righteousness as a mighty Stream, as an irresistible Torrent, bearing down all Opposition, and sweeping away Wickedness, Oppression and Injustice from the Earth.—Religion, in the Life and Spirit of it, would dispose Rulers to be so far from any Aims after arbitrary Power, as to be zealous Guardians of the just and important Rights of the Subject. It would greatly Influence, not only by making them afraid to set themselves against the Lord, and against his Anointed; but would temper the Thoughts of Dignity, cure a godless Thirst for Despotism, and so keep them back from all guilty Reaches after arbitrary Power, and teach them to conduct as the Ministers of God for the good of their Subjects.—Religion would, above all other Things inspire them with paternal Tenderness, & engage them to act as Fathers of the People. There is no other Principle of true Patriotism equal to that of Religion. Men have indeed sometimes from lower Principles than those of Christianity done well for the Public: But certainly no other Principles can actuate them with equal Force and Alacrity to pursue the public Good. A Principle of Holiness is of a divine Original, and not only fills the Mind with Veneration and Awe of the Divine Majesty, but inspires the Heart with Love to God and Man. Such a Principle will enlarge the Ruler’s Heart, and engage him with unrestrained Benevolence to pursue the Good of all. Such Rulers would therefore willingly exert all their Powers, and employ their whole Time for the Interest of their Country. And no doubt their greatest and most valuable Interests will proportionably excite the generous Concern of such Rulers.—The Regulation of Commerce—The Encouragement of Agriculture and Manufactures—The Promotion of Learning—The Preservation or Restoration of Liberty—But above all, Religion will meet with their warmest Encouragement, be patronized by their Example, and their Hearts will bleed for their People when under the Rebukes of Heaven, or dreadfully exposed to the Frowns of an angry God for their Apostacy from him.—In a Word, what like Religion will be a source of Magnanimity and Fortitude in Seasons of Special Danger?
When nothing but the Testimony of an unreproaching Conscience, and the plaudit of the Omniscient Judge can yield Support, what but this will support them when repay’d with Ingratitude for their noble and Self-denying Exertions for the Good of their Country? What but Religion will inspirit them with Resolution to persist with unremitted Vigour and unabated Diligence, tho’ the more abundantly they Love the less they are beloved? What like Religion will arm those in Power against the Temptations to Pride and Luxury, Venality and Oppression which an elevated Station peculiarly exposes to? In fine; Religion and this only will Influence them to exhibit such an Example as shall have the greatest Tendency to reform a degenerate and backsliding People. As they are Gods by Office, Religion will render them God-like in the Temper of their Minds, in their public Administrations, and in private Life. Such an Example as this would have a peculiar Tendency to give Charms to Virtue, to make Religion appear reputable and amiable, and to reform a vicious Age.
From these particulars it appears that Religion in Rulers, not only in Speculation, but in Love and Practice; not only protected by wholesome Laws, but appearing in real Life, and in high Life, would have a Tendency directly to promote public Felicity.
And no less would it do so with Regard to Subjects. The Religion of Christ directs Mankind in general to many Duties which have the most direct Tendency to render a State prosperous at home, and respectable abroad; and, when it is cordially embraced, will effectually incline them to such a Conduct: For Righteousness, i. e. Holiness exalteth a Nation. The Word of God strictly enjoins that Deference and Submission to Rulers, which is absolutely necessary for the public Peace and Happiness; and severely threatens and condemns a disobedient, mutinous and unruly Temper and Conduct. In this Word God commands, 4 “Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers.” “Submit yourselves to every Ordinance of Man,” 5 (viz. which is agreeable to the Ordinance of Heaven) “for the Lord’s sake.” He that resists the just Commands of lawful Authority is threatened with no less Punishment than Damnation.—Religion, in the Power of it, would engage Men conscienciously to adhere to the Rules of strict Justice.—To speak the Truth in Love.—It would sweetly, yet powerfully incline them to lead quiet and peaceable Lives, in all Honesty as well as Godliness.—It would banish Luxury and Intemperance from the Earth; for the Grace of God teacheth to live soberly as well as righteously and godly.—These Things most manifestly tend directly and greatly to increase the public Tranquility.—But beside and above all this, the noble and generous benevolent Spirit which real Christianity does not fail to inspire the Mind with, would have an unfailing Tendency (if generally imbibed) to promote general Good, and diffuse Happiness all around—A selfish, narrow, contracted Temper is very inimical to the State. When Men are wholly intent on private Advantage, grudge every Farthing which goes beside their own Coffers, “and coil themselves up in the narrow and dirty Shell of private Interest,” the Public will be neglected—The State cannot prosper. Religion is calculated in the highest Degree to cure this Distemper. It enlarges the Heart, greatens and sublimates the Views of the Mind. That Benevolence which is the very Life and Soul of the Religion of the Gospel, embraces the whole System of Beings, thro’ the Universe, in the Arms of disinterested Love. This then will be the noblest Principle of public Spirit: ‘Twill engage and dispose us to love our Neighbour as ourselves, to pursue the public Happiness as our own, and greatly to deny ourselves, from a generous and ardent Desire to promote the Good of Mankind.
This brings me to the Second general Head, viz.
II. The prevalence of Irreligion and Wickedness have a dreadful Tendency to the Destruction of a People: As Righteousness exalts a Nation, so Sin is a reproach to any People. The general Practice of Wickedness, necessarily diminishes and weakens a State, and if Impenitently persisted in will terminate in their final ruin.—If such Persons as are promoted to Places of Power and Trust, and fill the Seats of Government, are destitute of Principles of Piety, void of Integrity and Honor, it will have a baleful Influence on the State of the People whom they govern. Whatever Talents or Accomplishments they are Masters of, while destitute of these, there can be no sufficient Security of their proving public Blessings: Most probably the noblest Talents will be abused and prostituted to serve the vile Purposes of Ambition, Avarice or Luxury, as their leading Passion chances to direct. And what can be expected under such Rulers but a perpetual Series of Distresses and Judgments? What but Scenes of Oppression, Violence, Corruption and Effeminacy?
The Examples of such Men will be very fatal. “If Magistrates have the Characters of Rulers of Sodom, it may be expected that their Subjects will be the People of Gomorrah.” The wise King of Israel observes, If a Ruler hearken to lies, all the People are wicked. When therefore Rulers take no Care to make and execute such Laws as are calculated to suppress Vice and Wickedness, and to encourage Virtue and Religion, much more if Oppression, Venality or any Kind of Iniquity is encouraged; or if by their evil Example they enervate the force of Laws, and put it out of their own Power to execute them to Advantage; they give a public Invitation to their Subjects to shake off all Restraints to Sin, and to commit Iniquity with Greediness. Such Rulers have brought infinite Mischief on the State. “They have” (as one says) “like baleful Comets, spread Plagues and Desolation through a Land, by their malignant Influences. But,
However virtuous, wise, faithful and exemplary Rulers are, if Vice and Irreligion prevail among the People, so that their governing Character is that of a sinful People, they have awful Reason to Tremble at God’s Displeasure: Indeed, according to that Degree in which Sin prevails, it naturally weakens and injures the public Interest, as plainly appears from what has been already observed. For in the same Proportion that Religion tends to the public Emolument, Irreligion tends to the Damage of the State—God, the moral and righteous Governor of the World, has so constituted the Nature of Things, and ordered the general Course of his Providence, that the Consequences of Sin in general, should be very pernicious to the Temporal as well as the future and eternal Interests of Men. Nothing is more obvious than that many Sins tend to bring Misery, and indeed swiftly to hasten Ruin and Destruction on that People among whom they prevail.
Thus Pride and Luxury, Venality, Injustice and Oppression, Intemperance and Debauchery will have a most fatal Influence and swiftly hasten on every Kind of Misery. Dissipation, Indigence and Beggary tread on the Heels of Luxury, Pride and Prodigality. Men of this Character, thus reduced by their evil Courses, often betake themselves to Practices pernicious and ruinous to their Country, such as Robbery, Theft, Counterfeiting, or if not to these, to others, if not so scandalous, yet very hurtful and pernicious; such as sharping, over-reaching, and the like.—Idleness often cloaths a Man with Rags, and reduces whole Families to the most forlorn and pitiable Circumstances. How often do the slothful and indolent plunge deep into some of the above-mentioned Vices? Or into Intemperance, which is a Vice which may properly be more particularly mentioned and insisted on, as it contains in Embrio all other Vices. Riot, Excess, Debauchery, Gaming, Prophaneness, neglect and contempt of all Religion; these all are the common Attendants on Intemperance: The Person who wallows in this worse than brutal Vice, invites every Temptation, enfeebles and emasculates himself, and is therefore in the high Road to Ruin. And with Regard to States and Kingdoms, all History Witnesses, that when such Sins have prevailed so as to become the general Character, they have been on the very Brink of Destruction. Those mighty Empires of the World, which had for Ages been growing respectable and happy, by Industry, Temperance, Oeconomy and public Virtue, whenever these Vices prevailed, have sunk by swift Degrees into total Dissolution.
There are other Sins, such as Idolatry, Prophaneness, contempt of the Grace of God, Incorrigibleness under Chastisements and the various Means which God is using for the Recovery of a backsliding People, which are daring Affronts and aggravated Provocations to Almighty God, and more direct and immediate Insults upon his Honor; and therefore that People who are and continue Guilty of them, may expect severe Frowns and special Judgments from Heaven.—The God who governs universal Nature will often interpose to distress and punish such a People.—When therefore these Kinds of Iniquity prevail and abound among a People, natural and moral Causes concur to render their Situation gloomy and dismal. God severely threatens them; he says of such a People, “Shall I not visit for these Things? And shall not my Soul be avenged on such a Nation as this?” 6 His Treatment of the Jews, (to wave all other Instances) may serve for a just Comment on his Promises and Threatnings of this Nature. By viewing their Circumstances at any given Time, a pretty exact Judgment might have been drawn up of the State of Religion among them: And that complete Destruction which they finally suffered for obstinate Perseverance in Sin and Rejection of Grace, when God overthrew them, even as he overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah, is left on sacred Record, as a monitory Example to all other Nations.
This brings me to the last Observation;
III. That if a People have revolted from God, Repentance and Reformation are the most certain and best Means to prevent their Ruin, and restore them to the divine Favour. Indeed these are the only Things mentioned in the Text. It is true, when a People by their own Folly and Prodigality are reduced into low Circumstances, or are threatened with fore Judgments and heavy Calamities, they are to use all proper Means of a civil and prudential Nature, as well as those which more strictly speaking are of a religious Kind. Frugality, a prudent Regulation of civil and commercial Affairs, a vigorous Exertion to preserve their just Rights, are all highly reasonable and necessary; they are no ways inconsistent with Religion or contrary to Repentance. But all these are insufficient without Repentance. They cannot ensure Success; they have no Promise from God. In a Word, whatever be their Struggles and Exertions; whatever the Expedients they use, yet if they leave Repentance out of the Question, they are very far from any certainty of Success; rather they have Reason to fear that the best concerted Plans will prove abortive, and that God will teach them by Experience, that the Race is not to the swift, nor the Battle to the strong, that their own Strength is Weakness, and that Salvation is only from the Lord.
It is allowed that in some extraordinary Cases God has for some Time spared a very sinful People from immediate and impending Ruin upon the Intercession of eminently godly Men. Thus he spared Israel at the request of Moses on their Behalf. But in this Case God took sufficient Care to secure the honour of his Law, by the signal Punishment which he inflicted on them who were most guilty, tho’ he did not destroy the whole People. Notwithstanding he heard the Prayer of Moses, he says; 7 “But as truly as I live, all the Earth shall be filled with the Glory of the Lord.” This threatening God accomplished when he shut those murmuring, stiff necked Israelites out of the Land of Canaan, and their Carcases perished in the Wilderness.
But tho’ God has in his great Clemency spared a People for some Time, whose general Character was very bad, on Account of the godly living with them, and especially when with Fervency and Importunity they have interceded for them; or tho’ he may have suspended the immediate Execution of Punishment on the Account of a partial or merely external Reformation, I believe Repentance attended with Reformation as the general Character of a People, has the only certain Encouragement of the divine Forgiveness and Favour. Such Repentance as is sincere, universal and evangelical; as implies an inwrought godly Sorrow for Sin, as against a God of infinite Purity, Righteousness and Goodness; as produces an inward, real aversion to all Sin, and endeavours against it. Such a Repentance, wherein the Soul taking its whole Encouragements from the Mercy of God revealed and manifested in the divine Redeemer, returns to God by a glorious Christ, as its rightful, original Sovereign and only Happiness; in a Word, such a Repentance wherein every Sin is forsaken. Reformation from all evil Ways, and a Practice of all moral and Christian Duties will accompany true Repentance.
And where such a Repentance takes Place, though among a People who have been very wicked, and whose backslidings have been attended with the most crimson Aggravations, it will be a Means of averting the divine Displeasure. God will return in Mercy to them, and build them up. The many clear and positive Declarations which God has made in his Word, that Repentance and Reformation are agreeable to him, are indispensibly required by him, and are the only Terms on which he will turn away from his Displeasure and be reconciled; and the undoubted Evidence which we have that these have been frequently the Means of averting impending Danger, and saving from deserved Ruin; are sufficient to put this Matter out of all doubt; and therefore should be an effectual Inducement to a People, however sinful and degenerate, however afflicted, or however threatened, though on the very Borders of Extermination, to turn to God, through Christ, by unfeigned Repentance. The kind Declarations and Promises which God made to the Jews, of this Nature, are very many and express; and they were continued even to the last; when they were on the Brink of Ruin. Such was their Degeneracy that God says of them, 8 “Ah sinful Nation! A People laden with Iniquity! A Seed of evil-doers! The whole Head is sick: The whole Heart is faint.” In fine, such was their Degeneracy, such they Obstinacy, that the Threatnings of Almighty God are leveled directly against them; threatnings not merely of paternal Chastisement, as in the eaerlier Days of their State, but of the entire Destruction of the Kingdom. The Measure of their Sins was full, and God seems to be bringing Evil on them, even to the uttermost. He was just about to pluck up, to pull down and to destroy.—The Nation is here compared to a Vineyard; the Similitude is pertinent, and the threatened Destruction complete. If the Fences be thrown down which surrounded the Vineyard, the Vines plucked up by the Roots, and the Beasts of the Field let in and suffered to lay it waste, and to tread it down so that it should grow up no more, the Vineyard is completely destroyed. Further God says, 9 “Thou shalt say unto them, Thus saith the Lord of Hosts, even so will I break this People and this City as one breaketh a Potter’s Vessel that cannot be made whole again.” But behold the Clemency of God, “If that People against whom I have pronounced, turn from their Evil, I will repent of the Evil that I thought to do unto them.” Again, God says, 10 “Wash ye, make you clean, put away the evil of your Doings from before mine Eyes; Cease to do evil, Learn to do well.—Come now and let us Reason together saith the Lord, though your Sins be as Scarlet, they shall be as white as Snow, though they be red like Crimson, they shall be as Wool. If ye be willing and obedient ye shall eat the good of the Land.”
I MIGHT also shew many Instances in which God has appeared in his providence, & signally delivered a penitent People from multiplied Distresses: but it is needless to recite particular Facts for the Purpose, since everyone acquainted with sacred History especially cannot be at a Loss for them. Many a Time 11 when they rebelled against the Words of God, and contemned the Counsel of the Most High; so that he brought down their Heart with Labor, they fell down and there was none to help. Then they cried unto the Lord in their Trouble, and he saved them out of their Distresses.
From what has been said may be inferred the superlative Excellency of Religion, which is calculated to promote the noblest Ends, viz. to form Men in every Character and relation to love and honour God, and to pursue and promote the highest Interest and truest Happiness of Mankind.
We may also infer the inexcusable Folly of wicked Men, who while they are inordinately pursuing their present and private Interest, in the neglect and contempt of Religion, act in direct Opposition to both, and so expose themselves to everlasting Destruction, for less, for worse than nothing.
We learn further, that it is a Thing of the last Importance to a People who are under the evident Frowns of Heaven, critically to examine what is their real Character: And if it should appear that they have done Evil in God’s Sight, and have not obeyed his Voice: If it should appear especially that they have gone away backward, and forsaken the Lord, that they speedily hearken to the Warnings of God’s Word, and repent and reform what is amiss.—It appears of indispensible Necessity that every Order of Men in their various Capacities, exert themselves vigorously to promote a Work of such Difficulty and Importance. And as in this critical Day this is the Duty of all, so it is in many Respects, eminently the Duty of Rulers.
As therefore in Obedience to his Honor’s Command I stand in this Place on the present Occasion, may I be allowed, with all due Deference and Respect, yet with a Freedom becoming the ministerial Office, to address the honored Legislative Body of this Government, present in the general Assembly this Day.
Worthy and renowned Fathers,
I TRUST it is the ardent wish of many in this Government, that you may have Success equal to your Desires and Endeavours for the public Good; and that you may be long continued in your important Posts of Government, to exert your well known Abilities in defending our invaluable Privileges, watching for the public Peace, and at the same Time protecting, encouraging and promoting Religion.
It is signal Honor to you, (revered Senators) that by the Sufferings of a People, who still enjoy and highly prize Freedom, you have been betrusted with the important Affairs of Government in a Season so peculiarly Dangerous and critical as this. The Confidence reposed in you is indeed great, and we trust and have Reason to hope, your Vigilance, Firmness, Zeal, Prudence and Exertion will be answerable to our Expectations and to the Exigencies of the State.
What Expedients of a political Nature are requisite at this Day to guard our just Rights, to regulate Commerce, to encourage Manufacturers, Agriculture and Oeconomy, we leave to your Wisdom, not doubting your Care. These Things have been frequently and most pertinently urged, especially of late.—My Subject leads me to Considerations of another Nature, however not less important.
That we are involved in great Calamities, and have Reason to fear still greater, in this Day of perplexing Uncertainty and doubtful Expectation, is so Obvious that it is needless to enlarge on the disagreeable Theme. And whatever are the immediate Sources of these Distresses, our Sins are no Doubt the procuring Cause. Our Iniquities have separated between us and our God. That Prophaneness, Impiety and Sensuality which have prevailed, and do still prevail among us, (may I be allowed to say) with too much Impunity; “Our stupid Forgetfulness of God, and our general neglect (under all our Struggles and Concern) of the only effectual Way of Deliverance, from all the Calamities we feel or fear,” these things point to us in a striking Light the Necessity of Repentance and Reformation.
Under God, our Eyes are unto you, our Dependence is upon you, to exert yourselves in your Places of Dignity and Authority, with yet greater Spirit and Vigilance, that you may not bear the Sword in vain, but be a Terror to evil doers, and a Praise and Encouragement to them that do well. We hope for the Continuance of your friendly Care to the Seminary of Learning in this Government, that you will promote Learning, and encourage a learned Ministry, between which and Religion there is so close a Connection. We also trust you will with Firmness support our religious Constitution in this Government, as being well calculated to subserve the Interests of Religion. And if it be possible, either by enacting other Laws, or more punctually executing the many good and wholesome Laws now in being, to suppress the growing Prophaneness, Intemperance, Contempt of Worship and Prophanation of the Sabbath, which are visible and awfully increasing among us, it would have a happy Tendency to promote Reformation.
One very honorary and expressive Character given to Rulers in God’s Word, is that of Gods; this implies that they should be God-like, and (as far as humane Infirmities will permit) imitate the God of Gods. And what a glorious Pattern is held up to the Rulers View in this particular? What boundless Compassion God has shewn to a guilty apostate World? What has he left undone to reduce guilty Rebels to Repentance, Love and Obedience? We trust you will imitate this glorious Example. That you “will sympathize with your People in their Difficulties and Sorrows, and sensibly resent all the Evils they groan under, even when they suffer by their own Default: That your Bowels of Compassion will peculiarly move towards them, when they are under deep Apostacies from God, and under terrible Impressions of his Wrath, both in Temporal Judgments and Spiritual Plagues. As the Head in the natural Body sees the uneasy State of the whole and each Member, so you will have a most sensible Share, in all the Losses, Reproaches, Burdens and Dangers, that are among this People; and your Tenderness will be expres’d, in taking the best Measures for their Relief and Comfort.”
Such Rulers as have been Friends to God and to Religion, who have been nursing Fathers to the Church, have mourn’d for her Afflictions, critically observ’d her Declensions, and nobly exerted themselves to bring about a Reformation, have embalmed their Memories with Posterity, and their Names have been transmitted to future Generations, with peculiar Honors. Much more precious are their Memories than those of the most renowned Heroes, or Men of the most exalted Geniuses, who were yet destitute of and paid no regard to Religion.
Such a Ruler was Moses, a Man mighty in Faith and Prayer, eminent for Patience and Meekness, willing to relinquish Fame, and even to lay down his Life for the good of God’s chosen People.
How glorious is the Character of Nehemiah and of Hezekiah and Josiah Kings of Judah, as Reformers and lovers of Religion? Such have been many of our Rulers in this Government. Such in an eminent Degree was out late Governor. And was not he 12 in some good Degree also deserving of the same Character by whose Decease a Breach is made in the honorable Council-Board? He who had with strict Fidelity and to universal Approbation executed the various Important Trusts which were reposed in him, and might have been serviceable to the State yet for many Years, had God seen fit to have spared him to us. But Rulers as well as others must die. Though Gods by Office, they are Men by Constitution, and must in this Regard stand on a level with their Subjects. Animating Thought! How uncertain the Term of Life and Opportunity of Usefulness! And how glorious and incomprehensible the future Reward and Happiness of faithful and religious Rulers?
May you (honored Fathers) be the happy Instruments of promoting Religion, of effecting Reformation; may you be indeed Fathers to this People, the imitators of God, and late be received to those distinguishing Honors which await them who have served their Generation by the Will of God.
So great a part of the special Business of the Ministers of Christ, is to inculcate Repentance, and promote Reformation; and such is the general Character of this Order of Men in this Government, that I cannot doubt of their cordial Concurrence and sincere Endeavours to promote a Work so Important and necessary at this Day.
Reverend Fathers and Brethren,
In this apostate and sinful World it has ever been the Errand on which God has sent forth his Ambassadors to preach Repentance, and Reconciliation to God, through a Mediator; and at special Seasons to give Warning of impending Danger, and inculcate Repentance and Reformation, by all possible Motives.
13 Noah warned the antediluvian World of imminent Destruction, and inculcated Repentance for a long Space. This was the great Errand on which the Prophets were sent to the Jews. The Burden of all their Messages was, Turn now unto the Lord with all your Hearts. And as their Sins increased and God’s Judgments were more numerous and awful, and especially when the impending Storm thickened, and seem’d ready to burst on their guilty and defenceless Heads, the Prophets were ordered to redouble heir Efforts, and with an honest Freedom and pious Zeal, point out their Danger, and the Reasons of it. Thus Isaiah is directed to 14 cry aloud and spare not, to lift up his Voice like a Trupet, and to shew unto God’s People their Transgression.—The weeping Prophet is sent with many such Messages as that in our Text.—When John, the immediate Fore-runner of Christ appear’d, he cried, 15 “Repent, for the Kingdom of Heaven is at Hand.”—And our blessed Saviour, as the first of all his Messages, proclaimed, 16 “Repent, and believe the Gospel.” And to add no more Instances, St. Paul in few Words tells us what was the main Business and Practice of the first Preachers of the Gospel, (and which no doubt we should imitate them in) 17 “Now then we are Ambassadors of God, as tho’ God did beseech you by us, we pray you in Christ’s stead, be ye reconciled to God.” And does not the Providence of God point out to us many peculiar Motives and loud Warnings, to be very earnest, vigilant and diligent in pressing Repentance and Reformation, on the People of this Government? Perhaps never in this Land was there greater need of Reformation, or louder calls to it. God expects we should join with our worthy Rulers in this most important Work, and not only faithfully shew this People their Sins and Deserts, but sincerely bewail their and our own Sins, and deprecate God’s Judgments. In this Day of Darkness and Distress, ought not the Priests, the Ministers of the Lord, above all others, to weep and to say, “Spare thy People, O Lord, and give not up thine Heritage to Reproach.” In brief, it appears clearly that Repentance and Reformation are that one Thing needful at this Day, on which our political and temporal Salvation, as well as our eternal depends; and that God justly expects that we, above all others, should be sensible of it, and endeavour to promote them. This then should engross our Thoughts, engage our Solicitude, and employ our Time.
And I would humbly suggest, that as we would succeed in our Endeavours, we must hold fast the Form of sound Words, and adhere inviolably to the Doctrines of Grace, those great Important Doctrines, which our pious Ancestors held, and for which they suffered: ‘Tis the plain, faithful preaching of these which is like to be attended with Success. It was observed by 18 a worthy Gentleman some Years ago, on this Occasion, that, “’Tis the plain, serious, affectionate preaching of Christ crucified, and his unsearchable Riches, the merit of his Cross, the Prevalence of his Intercession, and the Power of his Grace, and the other peculiar Doctrines of the Gospel, that are nearly connected therewith, God has been wont especially to own and bless, to the producing of Faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ, and Repentance from dead Works, and all the excellent Fruits of Righteousness in Life and Conversation.”
May I be allowed just to add, that Union among ourselves is greatly necessary, that we may be successful in our Endeavours to promote the Interest of Religion among others.
Scarce any Thing has given a greater Advantage to the Enemies of the Church, than that Discord which has prevailed among Christians; or any Thing stab’d the Cause of Religion with deeper Wounds than those Contentions and unchristian Alienations which have took Place among the Clergy; may they never prevail among us; may we let alone Contention before it is any further meddled with. While we contend for the Faith, may we take heed that it is indeed the Faith of the Gospel, and those plain, great, important Truths which have a Tendency to promote practical Godliness, and not subtil Speculations and Niceties: And while we look upon ourselves obliged to contend earnestly, let us also contend meekly, and not loose Sight of Charity, in the Defense of Orthodoxy. Should not this thought, that there are cruel Foes enough abroad, watching for our halting, and rejoicing in our Divisions, cement us in the closest Union to one another? Should we not, as Servants of the meek and lowly Jesus, forbear one another in Love, and unite in this Day of great Degeneracy and Calamity, in every probably, suitable and prudent Method to promote the common Good:–Above all, are we not under the most sacred Obligations to join in humble fervent Supplications, to that God who heareth Prayer, who loves Unity and Fervency in our Requests, who has never said to the House of Jacob, Seek ye me in vain; who has often in answer to the united, humble Petitions of his Servants, appeared for Zion, and for New-England in particular. In this therefore I trust there will not be a dissenting Voice, or a disuniting thought among us.
This brings me to conclude with Address to this numerous Assembly.
You have been often told, my Brethren, that this is the important Day which will probably decide the Fate of America: That to be unconcern’d therefore in this Conjuncture of Affairs must be the Effect of the most stupid Dullness, or unaccountable Frenzy: And that we are under indispensible Obligations to use the most vigorous Efforts, and practice much of Self-denial (if call’d to it) for the good of our Country. All this is undoubtedly true: And God’s Word directs us to the only certain and effectual Expedient to obtain Help in our Troubles, and Deliverance from our Dangers. In one Word, this is Repentance. This would be very reasonable and important were we in no peculiar Circumstances of Danger, or under no special Frowns from Heaven: But as the Case now stands with us, ‘tis necessary, in every View necessary to our civil and religious Interests, necessary to the Preservation of the State, as well as to the Salvation of our Souls. Is not God now in his Providence directing that same pathetic Exhortation to us which he did once to the Church of Ephesus; 19 “Remember therefore from whence thou art fallen, and repent, and do the first Works.” This Land, New-England in particular, was planted a noble Vine. We have the Honour to be descended from Ancestors who really deserved the Name which was given to them in Derision, I mean that of Puritans.—They were indeed fast Friends of Liberty, but abhorred Licentiousness.—They were inviolably attached to Purity and strictness in Faith, in Worship and Conversation. God’s Promise in our Text was fulfilled to them. He spake Good concerning them, and performed it to them. He marvelously preserved them from surrounding Savages, when they were few in Number.—He increased them almost to a Prodigy—Defended them from powerful Enemies abroad, and rendered abortive many deep-laid Plots for their Ruin.—The time would fail, tho’ in the briefest Manner, to recount the signal Appearances of God’s Providence for them and us; or to describe the distinguishing Privileges, civil and religious, which we have enjoyed. Is there a Spot upon the Globe, happier in these Regards than the British Subjects in America have been? Or a Government on the Continent which has exceeded Connecticut? But we have evilly departed away from the God of our Fathers, and are in many Respects become the degenerate Plants of a strange Vine. How inexcusable is our Ingratitude herein? And now when God is holding the Rod of Correction over us, let us not continue Incorrigible, and give Occasion for the mournful Complaint of the Prophet, “O Lord when thy Hand is lifted up they will not see:” Lest God should put in Execution the threatening annexed to the fore-mention’d Exhortation: In these awful Words, “Or else I will come unto thee quickly, and will remove thy Candlestick out of his Place, except thou repent.” May God mercifully grant that this dreadful Threatning may never be executed against us, as it has been long since, on all those renowned Churches in Asia. Who that has the smallest Degree of Love to God, or Regard to the Kingdom of Christ? Who that wishes well to his Country? Or who tht has not put off all the Bowels of a Parent, or has any feelings of Humanity in his Breast, but must shudder at the Thought of New-England’s ever sharing the dreadful Fate of those Churches?
But unless we repent, have we not awful Reason to fear this will be our Case? Should we plead that notwithstanding our general Declensions, we have many good Men who are mourning for our abounding Sins, and the visible Decays of Godliness; fervently praying for Zion, and willing as it were to thrust themselves into the Gap and stop the Plague? This is no doubt true; but could not all this and more be said in favour of some of those Churches, and of the Church of Ephesus in particular. Hear his Testimony, whose Eyes are as a Flame of Fire: 20 “I know thy Works and thy Labour and thy Patience, and how thou canst not bear them which are Evil, and hast born, and hast Patience, and for my Name sake hast labored and hast not fainted.” All this notwithstanding, Christ threatens to dissolve their Church state, and to take his Gospel from them except they repent. The Reason was, because they had left their first Love, were declining in their Affections and Regard to God and Christ, his Worship, Ordinances and Ways. Now we must be sensible that this is our fad Condition, unless we are still in a more lamentable Situation: That of Israel (I mean) when grey Hairs were here and there upon him, and he knew it not.
And now behold God is waiting to be gracious: He says, “Turn ye, why will ye die?” How shall I give thee up, O New-England! O that my People would hearken to my Voice:–May we then to Day hear his Voice, and not harden our Hearts.
May we hear the faithful Warnings of the Compassionate Redeemer, and flee for Refuge.
Endnotes
1. Deut. 28: 1.
2. 2 Chron. 15:2.
3. The Rev’d Mr. Lockwood, of Weathersfield, in his Election Sermon for 1754.
4. Rom. 13.
5. I Pet. 2. 13.
6. Jere. 5. 9.
7. Num. 14. 21.
8. Isai. I. 5.
9. Psal. 107. 11, 12, 13.
10. Isa. I. 16, 17, 18, 19.
11. Psal. 107. 11, 12, 13.
12. The Honorable Zebulon West, of Tolland, who was a great Promoter of Peace and good Order in the Town and Church where he belonged; for many Years a Justice of the Peace, one of the Judges of the County Court, a Judge of the Probates, a Member and Speaker in the Lower House of the general Assembly, and elected into the Honorable Upper House in May last.
13. I Pet. 3. 19, 20.
14. Isai. 58. 1.
15. Mat. 3. 2.
16. Mark 1. 15.
17. 2 Cor. 5. 20.
18. The Rev’d Mr. Lockwood, of Weathersfield, in his Election Sermon, 1754.
On Occasion of the Execution of
WILLIAM SHAW,
For Murder.
By Moses Baldwin, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in PALMER.
The Third Edition.
“Whoso sheds man’s blood, by man shall his blood be shed.” Gen. ix. 6.
“Woe unto the wicked, it shall be ill with him: “For the reward of his hands shall be given him.” Is. iii. II.
BOSTON: Printed and Sold by Kneeland and Adams, next to the Treasurer’s Office in Milk-Street.
Mdcclxxi.
PSALM i. 5. First Clause.
Therefore the Ungodly shall not stand in the Judgment.
The sacred Penman of this Psalm sets forth the way and end of the righteous and wicked: The happiness of the one, and the misery of the other: The great difference in the temper of their minds and conduct in the world, and the great difference, which will be made between them in the future judgment. The godly and ungodly, the righteous and unrighteous, are in sacred writ opposed to each other. Godliness signifies piety towards God; and righteousness, equity towards man. But godliness and righteousness, being so often put for one and the same thing, they may, separately taken, hold forth the two branches of the good man’s character, piety towards God, and equity towards man: So the ungodly and unrighteous, being often used for one and the same person, separately taken, may signify men impious towards God, and unrighteous towards man; the real character of the wicked.
By the ungodly then, we may understand a sinner under the guilt and power of sin; disobedient and rebellious against the sovereign authority and righteous law of a holy God, and unrighteous towards man. This is the man, who, among others, must die and come to judgment. Being a sinner, death must be his inevitable portion; and as death leaves him, so judgment will find him! Being found in judgment ungodly, impious towards God, and unrighteous towards man, he cannot stand in judgment. By his character, it must appear before the righteous and impartial Judge, that he is an unbeliever, out of Christ; that he has not hence a righteousness which will answer the law: When therefore he appears in the judgment, not only without the righteousness of the law, but without so much as a personal righteousness, and his deeds produced before the judgment-feat as witnesses to prove him ungodly, he cannot in justice be justified and acquitted, but must fall, and be justly condemned. The ungodly shall not stand in the judgment. The propositions suggested, and to be illustrated, upon this solemn occasion, are
I. There will be a future Judgment.
II. The ungodly shall not stand in Judgment.
1. There will be a future Judgment. The certainty of this I shall endeavor to establish, and then give a brief account of the nature and design of it. May the attention of all be serious and solemn, and every heart be affected with truth, as the weight and importance of it require!
The certainty of a future judgment is sufficiently established in the divine word: “For God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret thing, whether it be good or evil.” Eccl. Xii. 14. He has “appointed a day, in which he will “judge the world in righteousness.” Act. Xvii. 31. “We must all appear before the judgment-seat of Christ.” 2 Cor. V. 10. That there is therefore a day appointed for a future judgment, and that all men must appear before the judgment-seat for judgment, is as true as the word of God. No man then, unless he be a profane and impious Deist, or a Rebel-infidel, will presume to call the truth of it in question. Besides, as God is a Being infinitely righteous and holy, both in himself and in all his proceedings with his creatures, it appears rational that there must be a judgment-day to justify the innocent, or to manifest their innocence, and to punish the wicked; this not being fully and always done in the present state. Though God at times overthrows the ungodly for their ungodly deeds; yet this being not a state of retribution, but of trial, he often forbears to execute sentence against evil works, and does not “punish the wicked according to their deserts.
” Eccl. viii. II. The ungodly are often, in the course of providence, exalted, and the godly cast down. A wicked Dives fares sumptuously every day, and a godly Lazarus lies full of sores; distressed with poverty, and is denied the crumbs that fall from the rich man’s table. And is there not often wickedness in the place of judgment? Iniquity in human Courts of Judicature? The innocent condemned, and the guilty go free? The Son of God was wickedly arraigned, accused, condemned, and executed. Many, of whom the world is not worthy, suffer cruel bonds and imprisonment, and are persecuted unto death. The hearts of many are “fully set in them to do evil.” The ungodly will trample upon the laws of God; despite his authority; reject the gospel with contempt, and “crucify the Son of God.” “God afresh.” Shall such things lie in eternal silence? Nay, these things show that God will judge the righteous and the wicked: “For the Judge of all the earth will do right.” The holiness and justice of God call for a day of judgment, when his righteous government of the world shall be fully vindicated, and rightfully take place. – Again,
The voice of conscience gives its testimony to the certainty of a future judgment. The consciences of men with, and without, a revealed law, excuse or accuse, according as they do good or evil, and that in reference to a future state of rewards and punishments. To this purpose, when St. Paul reasoned before Felix, “of righteousness, temperance, and judgment to come,” we find he trembled. This arose from a conscience convinced of a future judgment, when he must account for his unrighteousness and intemperance. Upon the same principle, many, when they have been best prepared to judge of truth, have professed their belief, and dread of a future judgment. How many, who have put far away the evil day, and braved it out against death, and the terrors of God’s holy law, have at length, with horror, professed that they were going to that dreadful judgment of the great God, which they had neglected to prepare for? How many Atheists, Deists and Apostates, who have braved it out in a day of prosperity, have found in a day of distress, that they could stupefy conscience no longer, but have been obliged to fall before God, and acknowledge not only his being and word, but a future and terrible judgment? Great then is the force and evidence of this truth, and it shall prevail.
The account we have of the nature of this future judgment, is this, viz. that it will be a solemn, righteous, exact and critical, universal and final judgment. Must it not be the most solemn day, that ever angels or men have known, when the supreme Judge shall come forth with a shout! With the voice of the Archangel, and trump of God! The dead are raised! The judgment-seat is made ready, and the Judge hath took his feat! A countless multitude stand before this feat for justice: The sentence of absolution with a “come ye blessed of my Father,” is pronounced upon the godly in accents of inconceivable grace; and the sentence of condemnation is passed in accents of inconceivable wrath, and executed upon the ungodly! This will be a righteous and an impartial judgment. God will judge the world in righteousness by Jesus Christ.
No partial favor will be shown here. The persons of princes will not be accepted for their grandeur; nor will the rich be regarded for their riches; nor will the poor be despised for their poverty: but with righteousness, and without partiality, will the just Judge distribute rewards and punishments to high and low, rich and poor. This will be a judgment most exact and critical: secret things are all to be laid open, tried and judged! The weighty matters of the eternal judgment are not to be hurried over. Some think the day of judgment will take up as long a time, as the world will stand: let this be as it will; the searcher of hearts will let no case escape, without the most exact and critical examination and trial. This will be a universal judgment: “We must all appear before the judgment-seat of Christ;” righteous and unrighteous, men and devils must obey the universal summons, and come to trial. This will be the final judgment. No appeal from the judgment-seat of Christ; the final sentence is there given. This sentence is, like the laws of the Medes and Persians, unalterable: it is a sentence for eternity, and the execution of it is unavoidable.
The great ends and designs of this future, final and eternal judgment are, for the manifestation of the honor and glory of the great Judge, and for the vindication of his righteous providence and government of the world; for the manifestation of his mercy and grace, in the complete salvation of the saints, and for the display of his justice, in the full destruction of the ungodly. I now proceed to day,
2. That the ungodly shall not stand in judgment. The proposition is fairly proved in the test. Peter gives us another proof, 2 Pet. Iii.7. “The heavens and earth – are reserved unto fire against the day of judgment, and perdition of ungodly men.” Jude another, 4, 15, verses, “The Lord cometh to execute judgment upon all, and to convince all that are ungodly of their ungodly deeds, which they have ungodly committed.” These are threatening of God, founded on the unchangeable perfections of his nature: As God therefore is not man that he should lie, nor the son of man that he should repent; so sure he will fulfill the threatening of his word: Nothing then can be more plain, than that the ungodly shall not stand in judgment. But further, to confirm and set home a truth so interesting and important, let me observe,
I. The ungodly shall not stand in judgment, because they have not the righteousness of the law; and so being found guilty in the eye of the law, strict and impartial justice will not acquit, but will condemn them in judgment.
The divine law is what God hath stated as the rule of proceeding towards man. “Christ came not to destroy, but to fulfill the law.” That man therefore may stand in judgment, be acquitted, and find acceptance unto eternal life, he must have a righteousness, which the law requires, and will accept. What is the saints security, that they shall stand in judgment? They have the righteousness of the law. Not, that they imperfect sinful men ever did, or ever can in their own persons, answer the demands of the law: Nay, but this hath been fulfilled for them in the person of Christ their surety; which law-fulfilling righteousness hath been received by faith, placed to, and accepted on their account. So though they are saved by a new covenant, and by grace; yet they have a righteousness, which will answer the law; justice will not then condemn, but will acquit them upon trial. Can any ungodly sinner have any just pretence to this righteousness? He is an unbeliever, and without Christ: he hath then no part in him, nor his righteousness. This is the only righteousness, that will be accepted in judgment.
When therefore it is found upon fair trial, that the ungodly hath not this, must he not, when weighed in the balance, be found wanting? Yea, guilty in the eye of the law? Will not God then mark iniquity against him? How then shall he stand? Strict and impartial justice will require his blood. This is a reason, why men cannot stand in human Courts of Judgment. They are not, upon a fair trial, found righteous and innocent, but guilty in the eye of the law. This being the café, a righteous Jury cannot, in conscience, justify the guilty, and declare them innocent, but must bring in their verdict guilty; and a just Judge must acquiesce in their report, and pass the sentence accordingly. Let me observe,
II. That the ungodly shall not stand in judgment, because the grand evidence improved before the judgment-seat of God, will be their own practice or works; according to which evidence their state will be determined. These evidences will not be made use of to settle a determination in the mind of God, what the eternal state of the ungodly ought to be; but such a procedure will demonstrate to men’s own consciences, and to the world, the righteousness and equity of the final judgment. Though there may be many witnesses in the day of judgment, in order to enhance the condemnation of the ungodly, yet there will not need a train of witnesses; for facts themselves will be produced as evidences for or against men, and there is no room left to dispute plain matters of fact. This is according to the representation which the Judge gives of his proceeding in the last judgment, Matt. 25., latter end, where the sentence is passed on the saints according to, though not for, their works; and the sentence passed upon the ungodly, is according to their works. We have also a representation of the last judgment, Rev. xx. 12, &c. The dead are here said “to be judged out of those things, which are written in the books, according to their works.”
It is evident by this, that the deeds of the ungodly are all upon record in the book of God’s omniscience; that he will reveal them in the day of judgment, and make them revive in the book of the sinners own conscience, as well as manifest them before the assembled world. When this is done, and by their deeds they are proven ungodly, they fall in judgment. They cannot deny or extenuate their crimes before the judgment-seat; they appear in their true and real light; they cannot have any objection against evidences summoned; they are their own deeds which they will be convinced of: by the evidence then of their ungodly deeds, they will be condemned in judgment.
As in human Courts of justice, it is the fact substantially proved against the criminal, for which he is condemned, and for which he dies: so ungodly deeds, produced as witnesses against the ungodly in the final judgment, according to evidence, they must fall inevitably, under the righteous condemnation of God, and be justly sentenced to death eternal, and have the just sentence in its full length and breadth, depth and height, executed upon them. But,
III. The ungodly shall not stand in judgment, because they have no meet qualification to fit them for the presence of the just and holy Judge. They have no external righteousness to recommend them: naked and guilty then, they cannot stand before a just and holy Judge, but must fall with shame and blushing confusion. They have no internal holiness, but are un-renewed, unsanctified and unholy, and so have not the met qualification to appear with Christ in judgment, and to see him as he is: “For without holiness, no man shall see the Lord.” Holiness is a qualification absolutely necessary to fit men for the right hand of the Judge; for the glory, holy society, employments, entertainments and enjoyments of his heavenly kingdom. They shall not stand then in judgment, but will be spurned from the presence of the Judge, and sentenced to dwell forever with the unclean, unholy and abominable, in that fire never to be quenched.
Let us now attend to the APPLICATION.
Hence,—
I. Is the certainty of a future and final judgment so great, and the evidence so full, that the ungodly shall not stand in judgment; “what manner of persons ought we to be, in all holy conversation and godliness?” Though Christ hath wrought out a complete redemption, and brought in an everlasting righteousness; yet it is in vain for any to expect to appear with safety in the day of God, unless they by faith receive Christ, with the benefits of his purchase; partake of his spirit, and are holy, even as he is holy. To stand in the final judgment is a matter of such everlasting consequence to the souls of men, that our call to be actually ready to stand before the judgment-seat, and to receive a sentence for eternity, is immediate and loud. Should not the state of our souls be settled and determined, without delay? Should not the light and evidence about our safe appearing be so bright and clear, as to put the matter out of all present doubt? Then shall we be like the servant, that waits for his Lord’s coming and loves his appearing, and with him receive the blessed euge and crown of righteousness. Permit me,
2. To close the Discourse by way of Address and Exhortation.
And now, withal seriousness and solemnity, I shall first take liberty to address myself to you, unhappy man! Who are just going to judgment, and to receive a particular sentence for eternity. When I considered you as one of the previous souls committed to my charge; and as bearing a special relation to a number of respectable families among my people, let me say, with trembling, I consented to prepare my a final Sermon for you. Sensible of my great inability to deal with men in your situation, nature recoiled at the thought; and, had I consulted only the dictates of flesh and blood, I must have utterly refused: but Providence called; with the call of Providence I complied; and at your own Election I come forth to speak.
Permit me now, as a faithful watchman, in duty to God, and in compassion to your soul, to warn you of your danger, with all plainness, that having done my duty, I may shake my raiment, and say, “I am pure from the blood of your soul.” Though it may, to you, possibly seem cruel to rehearse over the evil deeds of a dying man, or reproachful; yet let me say, far be it from me, from having any desire of such a nature: any desire to reproach you, or to give your enemies occasion to rejoice in your misery. Believe me, whatever I may say upon the evil of your conduct, shall be with an hearty design, by the blessing of God, to bring you to a sense of the evil of your sins, and to convince you of your immediate necessity of Christ, and his salvation knowing, “that the whole doth not see his need of a physician, but he that is sick.”
And now were not you conceived in sin, and shaped in iniquity? Are you not by nature a child of wrath even as others, and an enemy to God by wicked works? Hath not your conduct been notoriously wicked? The character of the ungodly man in full; impious towards God, and unrighteous towards man, been your character? Have you not repented, there are but a few moments left you to reflect; to settle your accounts; to have your peace made with God, and to seek preparation for a never-ending eternity! But to be particular, let me appeal to your conscience in the sight of that God, before whom you are presently to appear, whether you have not, to an extreme degree, been guilty of the sin of intemperance? Have you not hereby dishonored God, and abused his bounty and goodness? Wronged your own soul and body? Wasted your substance? Brought yourself and family to poverty and distress?
Have you not followed this practice, until you became deaf to all warnings, regardless of all reproof, and even left to all sense and expectation of death and judgment to come? Hath not this been an inlet to a train of evils of the blackest nature? – A source of lying and profane swearing? – Abuse and grief to your own parents? – Abuse to your own wife and children? – A great grief and trial to your relatives and friends? – Quarreling and contention with others? Know then, if you are not a very humble penitent indeed, God will not hold you guiltless at his righteous bar, nor suffer you to inherit his kingdom; but will give you your portion in the lake of fire and brimstone. Besides, by the verdict of the Jury, upon what I called being present, a fair and impartial trial; in the judgment of the Court and Judicious, that attended the trial, with impartiality, you are verily guilty of the crying sin of MURDER. And let any friend to truth and justice but weigh with impartiality, the variety of reports you have yourself made of the tragic affair; and how they will be able to pronounce you innocent, I cannot see.
At one time you make report, that you were writing, and knew nothing of the affair; – again owned that you threw him down with your foot; – again owned that you did seize him by the neck; – at other times report, that you were asleep, and as ignorant about anything done to the man deceased, as the child unborn: when it can be, and has to me been sufficiently proved, that you were in reality awake. So many shifts and falsehoods argue guilt: for truth will bear its own weight, and is always consistent with itself. These things, with an evident disposition to deny, conceal and extenuate other crimes of an atrocious nature; together with the hand of providence, appearing evidently to frustrate every measure concerted for your help and escape, do not to me bespeak innocence, but guilt.
To me, then, as a dying man, it appears, you ought to acknowledge the justice of God and man, in your condemnation; and with David, say, “I acknowledge my transgressions, and my sin is ever before me.” With penitential brokenness, and submission to God, say, “Against thee, and thee only, have I sinned, and done this evil in thy sight: that thou might be justified when thou speaks, and be clear when thou judges.” If a man be guilty, it is not the time to deny and plead not guilty, when he is going to the judgment-seat of an all-seeing Judge, to answer for his guilt. If you die in peace, you must have a clear conscience; a conscience, void of offense towards God and man. Do you hope for acceptance at the bar of God, die not concealing your guilt: for if you die with a guilty conscience, and lies in your mouth, you never will be renewed unto repentance, nor washed in the Redeemer’s blood: and unless you are in time washed in the blood of Christ, and clothed in his righteousness, you will not have a righteousness in which you can, with safety, appear before God; but your guilt, will all your evil works, appearing in judgment against you, in justice, you cannot stand.
And consider, today you are in a state of trial, and there is a grain of hope yet left; if you now believe in Christ, and repent of your sins, you shall have mercy. Consider also, that today you must appear before God, in judgment; and if found an impenitent in your sins, you fall at once under an eternal curse without repeal, and the execution of it will immediately follow, and without any reprieve for days. Jesus Christ, the Prince and Savior, now sets on a throne of grace, a seat of mercy: but will you not this day find him on a throne of justice? How then shall you, a sinner by nature and practice, this day appear with safety before a just and holy Judge? Let me say, if you find acceptance in judgment, you must by faith receive Christ, the Prince and Savior, and have his blood and merits, his law-fulfilling and magnifying righteousness transferred to you by a gracious imputation; otherwise, so sure as thou art now condemned by the law, so sure as thou hast already began to fall before justice, so sure thou shall not prevail, but shall surely fall before a just and holy God.
And what an awful state is a long, long eternity of misery! Your duty and business is now then to be deeply sensible of, and bewail your sins of nature and practice, until you are truly sensible of your wretched, undone and helpless condition, and absolute and immediate necessity of Christ, and salvation by him, that you may, under this conviction, essay to commit your precious and immortal soul into the hands of the blessed Redeemer, in whom alone there is help found for lost sinners.
You should be very earnest for a true fight of your present state, and plead with God in his abundant grace and goodness, to discover to you, an ill-deserving and hell-deserving sinner, the Savior, as being suited to all your wants, miseries and dangers; that he would give you a heart willing to renounce all other lords and lovers; all other hopes and dependencies; willing sincerely and in good earnest, really to choose and embrace him as offered in the gospel, and to venture your soul wholly upon him for eternal life. You should plead that “Christ of God may be made unto you wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, and redemption;” that you may be found in him, having that righteousness, which is through the faith of Christ, the righteousness which is of God by faith: that as you are going to judgment this day, you may be introduced with acceptance before the Judge: so that though you die as a condemned criminal, yet being in Christ, you may be pardoned of God, and acquitted in the final judgment. You should plead for a true fight and sense of sin, not merely as exposing you to public justice, and the wrath of God, but as opposite to the pure nature, odious and offensive in the sight of a holy and merciful God, that you may loath and abhor it, and have that godly sorrow for sin, that works repentance unto life never to be repented of.
You should be earnest for a heart to love God supremely, and his Son Jesus Christ, as one altogether lovely; for a heart to love the divine law, and to hate sin; to love and forgive your enemies, knowing that without these things, you must be denied the presence and glory of God in the coming world. And let me tell you, that the greatest sinners are not shut out from the saving blessings of the new covenant, if they will repent and believe the gospel. Not Menassah, who filled the streets of Jerusalem with innocent blood – not the Jews, who crucified the Lord of glory – not the Gentiles, who were slaves to their lusts, and guilty of the most abominable practices; gave themselves up to work wickedness with all greediness: free grace hath triumphed in the salvation of such sinners as these. And it is now a faithful saying, and worthy of all acceptation, “that Christ Jesus came into the world to save the chief of sinners:” that “he who was dead, but is alive again, and ever lives to make intercession,” is as able to save all that will come to God by him.
Now then, poor Man! Who have nothing to recommend you to God; no good works to boast of; who have been a great and notorious offender, let me bid you once more come under a sense of your sinful, miserable and helpless estate; come sensible how infinitely just God is, and will be, shall he execute his wrath eternally upon you; come sensible that there is help in the Lord, and surrender yourself up to Jesus Christ, the mighty Prince and Savior, and trust your soul wholly upon his infinite merits for justification and eternal life. His blood is all-sufficient for the pardon of your great sins, and can wash out your stains of the longest continuance. The Spirit of Christ can create a new an old transgressor and fit you for heaven. All things are possible with God. These things, with the example of the dying thief, who obtained mercy in the last hour, forbid you utterly to despair of salvation. Art thou now a child of wrath, as you were born? Have you been an old transgressor, and long sinned against light and love? Long hardened your heart against counsel and reproof? But are you at last deeply sensible of your guilt? Are you inclined no longer to harden your neck, but today – this last day, to hear the voice of God? Are you disposed to be made a new creature before you die, and to accept deliverance upon the very borders of hell? With infinite ease Christ can deliver a dying sinner from death eternal. Bu now to press all home, and to excite you immediately to comply with the instructions given, consider, if you are lost, what an awful account you will have to give to God, and how clear your condemnation will be?
Will not all the counsels and instructions that ever you have had? Will not the ministers that have been dealing with you since under a sentence of death, with all their solemn and weighty instructions, both in public and private, rise up in judgment against you? Will not the gospel, your own conscience, and all your evil works, rise up against you, and aggravate your just condemnation? If you now perish, better for you that you never had been born; better for you, that you had been executed on the day sentenced to die: for all the time given you, with all your respites, being sinned away, instead of being any benefit, hath only given you an opportunity to fill up the measure of your iniquities, and to make an intolerable hell seven times hotter. O for Christ’s sake, and in mercy to your own soul, I beseech you to linger no longer, but fly from the wrath to come, to the city of refuge! As a prisoner of hope, turn to the stronghold.
Flatter not yourself that God is altogether such a one as yourself: for he is a just and a holy God. Deceive not yourself, by thinking yourself something, when you are nothing. Believe, unless you are in Christ, you cannot stand in judgment. Know, unless you are born again, are a new creature, have all old things done away, and all things become anew, you cannot enter into the kingdom of God. Improve your few remaining moments in earnest and importunate breathings of foul, that God would show mercy to a dying sinner. In your last moments cry with the dying thief, “Lord Jesus, remember me in thy kingdom!” And say unto my poor soul, “this day shall thou be with me in Paradise.” What more can I say, but the Lord pity and have mercy on your soul!
And now, my Reverend Fathers and Brethren in the ministry of our Lord Jesus, let us, by this desperate instance before us, be stirred up to cry aloud, and spare not to show sinners their sins, and warn them of their danger; that whether they will hear or forbear, heir blood may not be required at our hands. Let civil Magistrates, who are powers ordained of God, and not to bear the sword in vain, exert themselves, by authority, example and endeavors, to bear down vice, and prevent, if possible, men from running to such lengths of wickedness, that they may not, for their overmuch wickedness, come to an untimely end. Let matters of public houses, take warning by this fad spectacle before you, to hold your hand from men of this character, lest the hungry and distressed cries of their wives and children, rise up to the ears of the Lord against you; and the blood of such men as die before they have lived out half their days, by this means, cry at your doors, and rise up in judgment against you. Let the dreadful example made of this poor criminal, be a warning to men of intemperance, especially to his own companions in wickedness. See the fruits of love to strong drink!
Let me lift up my voice, and cry aloud in the ears of all this solemn assembly, behold the dreadful effects of drinking to excess! And O let the voice of this alarming example found in the ears of drunkards in accents of thunder, and deter you from your horrid practice, even as though you heard the rump of God found, and the voice of the Son of God, saying, that the judgment of the wicked is come! Let this instance before us be a solemn warning to men of passion, who in their passion quarrel and smite with the fist of wickedness. O lay hands on no man, lest murder be committed, and you share in the fate of this poor man! Let young people take warning in season to guard against the sins of intemperance and contention. Let the solemn instance before us, with what we have this day heard, found an awakening alarm in the ears of every ungodly sinner. The solemn, righteous, impartial, critical, universal and final judgment, will come. The ungodly shall appear, but shall not stand in judgment. O Sirs, above all things, be concerned about the weighty matter of death, judgment and eternity! Prepare without delay to meet your God, the great Judge of quick and dead. And now let us all in un-dissembled woe drop a tear upon this sorrowful occasion.
O the distress of the aged Parents, this day bereft of their only surviving son after this sort! He hat should be the staff and comfort of their old age bringing their grey hairs with sorrow down to the grave. Say ye that are parents, could you bear up under such a trial as this, without an extraordinary measure of grace? What Tongue can express the distress of this poor man’s wife with her eleven children and all his relatives and friends? Pity, pity them, O ye people, and recommend them in your daily addresses at the throne of grace, to the abundant grace of God! But especially pity the poor man now to die by the hand of justice; and while you are attending the execution, lift up your hearts in the most earnest prayer, that he may be a monument of God’s rich, free, sovereign grace and mercy. Finally, let me caution all present upon this sorrowful occasion, to let your behavior be with all decency and moderation. It is not a day for rioting and vain merriment.
Such an occasion as this calls much rather for fasting, humiliation and prayer. Let me entreat old and young to stand off from everything rude and vain. To let your behavior be with sobriety and good order, and in due season, to retire to your respective homes. Remember your need of grace to keep you from falling, and let him that stands take heed lest he fall. “And now may the God of peace, that brought again from the dead our Lord Jesus Christ, that great Shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, make us all perfect to do his will; working in us that which is well-pleasing in his fight, through Jesus Christ: to whom be glory forever and ever. Amen.
Jason Haven (1733-1803) preached this sermon in Massachusetts on May 31, 1769.
A
SERMON
PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY
SIR FRANCIS BERNARD, BARONET,
GOVERNOR:
HIS HONOR
THOMAS HUTCHINSON, Esq;
LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR,
THE HONORABLE
HIS MAJESTY’S COUNCIL,
AND THE HONORABLE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
OF THE PROVINCE OF THE
MASSACHUSETTS BAY in NEW ENGLAND
MAY 31ST. 1769.
Being the Anniversary of the ELECTION of His MAJESTY’s COUNCIL for said PROVINCE.
BY JASON HAVEN, A.M.
Pastor of the First Church in DEDHAM.
At a Council held at the Council.
Chamber in Boston, on Thursday
the first Day of June, 1769.
PRESENT
His Excellency the Governor in Council,
Advised and Ordered, That the Thanks of the Governor an council be given to the Rev. Mr. Jason Haven, for his Sermon preached Yesterday being the Day appointed by the Royal Charter for the Election of Councellors for the Province : and that ROYALL TYLER and SAMUEL DEXTER, Esqrs. wait on him with the Thanks of the Governor and Council accordingly, and in their Name desire of him a Copy of his said Sermon for the Press.
A. OLIVER, Secr’y.
An Election Sermon
Psalm LXXV. 6, 7.
For promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the Judge; He putteth down one, and setteth up another.
By the light of reason and nature, we are led to believe in, and adore God, but not only as the maker, but also as the governor of all things. In the same way we may be satisfied that it is agreeable to the divine will, that civil government be established among men, on principles equitable in themselves, and conductive to the common good. But in these points, revelation comes in the assistance of reason, and shews them to us in a clearer light than we could see them without its aid. This is done by many passages of sacred scripture, and by that which I have now read in particular; which, without a critical examination of its connection, or any labored comment on it, may consider – God’s approbation of civil government – His agency in putting men into, and removing them from places of power – what views persons should have in seeking and accepting a part in government – what rules should be observed in introducing men into office – how those that are promoted should behave towards the people – and how the people should behave towards them. The two former of these heads of discourse lie plainly in the words of my text; the others are natural inferences from them.
The first thing to be considered is God’s approbation of civil government among mankind. This might be argued from the dispositions and capacities which he hath implanted in human nature. Buy these men are adapted to society, and inclined to associate together; and by associating, the happiness of each individual may be greatly improved.
By forming into civil society, men do indeed give up some of their natural rights; but it is in prospect of a rich compensation, in the better security of the rest, and in the enjoyment of several additional ones, that flow from the constitution of government, which they establish. Individuals agreeing in certain methods, in which their united force and strength shall be employed for mutual defense and security, is a general idea of civil government. These methods of defense being lawful in right in themselves, must be agreeable to the will of God “who loveth righteousness.” They must please him who is “a God of order and not of confusion;” as they tend to prevent “confusion and every evil work,” which otherwise would prevail, without restraint, among such imperfect creatures as we are.
The state of things in our world is evidently such, as to render civil government necessary. But for this, life liberty, and property would be exposed to fatal invasion. The lusts of men, from whence come wars and fightings, would not be under sufficient restraint. Their conduct would be like that complained of in Israel, when they had no king. “Everyone did that which was right in his own eyes. ” 1 Men would resemble the fishes in the sea, the greater devouring the less. This state of things as fully determines the will of God, who delights in the happiness of his creatures, in favor of civil government, as it could have been done by an express revelation. The voice of reason, in this case is the voice of God.
But the will of God, as to this thing, is not only deducible from these reasoning’s. His word of revelation declares it. “The powers that be are,” expressly said to be, “ordained of God.” Civil rulers are called “the ministers of God.” And “he that resisteth them” is said to “resist the ordinance of God.” 2
But though God’s approbation of civil government is so evident; yet he hath not seen fit to point out any particular form of it, in which all men are obliged to unite. This is left as a matter of free choice and agreement. Men have a natural right to determine for themselves, in what way, and by whom they will be governed. The notion of a divine indefeasible right to govern, vested in particular persons, or families, is wholly without foundation; and is I think as generally exploded at this day, by en of sober minds, as that of uninterrupted succession in ecclesiastical office, from the apostles of Christ, in order to the validity of Christian administrations.
“The most impartial disquisitions of this matter, faith an anonymous writer, founded on the common sense and practice of mankind, have long ago convinced the wise and unprejudiced, that no individual, however nobly born, has a right over the person or property of another, except only from mutual compact, entered into for general benefit; the conditions of which are as obligatory on the governing, as on the governed parties. No man, in the nature of things, is in anyway superior or inferior to his fellow citizens, but on such conditions, as they are supposed to have mutually consented to. It is only to prevent the confusion which riches, interest, or ambition might create among persons equally qualified, that the sovereignty hath been settled in particular families. It is in regard only to conveniency, that the succession should remain uninterrupted, as long as it can be consistent with the good of the whole. But where this is infringed, dispensed with superseded, the obligation is cancelled. The people are free, and may either choose a new form of government, or put their old, into other hands.”
All nations have not chosen the same form of government. Nor can we determine that anyone would be best for all. The different genius, temper and situation of nations and countries, may make different constitutions of civil policy eligible, as different temperaments in human bodies, and the different climates in which they are placed, require different methods of regimen.
The Theocracy of the Jews doth not disprove this natural liberty of choice. That people, while it continued; and it was ungrateful in them to be so soon weary of it. Other nations were left to their liberty, to choose such a form of government, as they might think would best answer the end of all government, the public welfare; whether that of Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Democracy; or a mixture of these. It is a mixture of these that our nation fixed upon. And this we are ready to think the happiest that can be. We may possibly be prejudiced in favor of it, because it is our own. Indeed we have less reason to think we are since we have so many testimonies of strangers to its excellency. Besides these testimonies, we have had such proofs of its goodness, as are most convictive, those of experience. By it “we have enjoyed great quietness, and important favors have been done to our nation.”
In this form of government, power and privilege are happily united. They are wrought into its foundation, so that they cannot be separated, but by pulling down the pillars of it. Magistrates cannot exercise their power of magistrates. We have reason to be thankful to the great Founder of civil government, that under his influence, our nation hath agreed in this constitution, which hath already contributed so much to its happiness; and the important blessings of which, we hope, will flow down to the latest posterity.
Indeed the best form of government will not render a people safe and happy, without a good administration. More depends on places of public trust being properly filled, than on the constitution. A people may perhaps, for a season be tolerably happy under the most exceptionable form of government;’ but can scarcely be so, under the best, when administration is grossly corrupt. Their rights and privileges are very nearly affected by the character and conduct of their rulers. The advancement of persons to places in government is therefore a most interesting affair. It requires the serious attention of all, who have a hand in it : And it will lead every man of religion, to implore the favor and influence of the supreme ruler, who putteth down one, and setteth up another.
This leads me,
SECONDLY. To consider the agency of God, in putting men into, and removing them from places in government.
PROMOTION, faith the penman of my text, cometh neither from the east nor from the west, nor from the south. We cannot (as one remarks on the words) “gain it either by the wisdom of the men of the east or by the numerous forces of the western isles; or from those of Egypt or Arabia, which lie southward of Judea. The reason why the north is not mentioned may be because the same word which is rendered north signifies God’s secret place or counsel, from whence promotion doth come.” Perhaps no more is intended by this poetical expression, than that the most favorable concurrence of second causes, will not prevail to advance persons in government, without the influence of the first. A truth which none can disbelieve, who admit God’s superintendencey over all human affairs. A truth, in the faith of which our own observation may have been sufficient to confirm us. Have we not known some ready to compass sea and land, and to go from east to west, and from north to south, in pursuit of honor? And yet have they not found it like a shadow, in this respect, as well as in some other, that it hath fled before them with a motion as swift as that with which they have followed it? While they have tried every promising method to climb the slippery hill of honor, all their attempts have been blasted, and blasted in such secret and unexpected ways, as could not be accounted for but by the agency of him “who disappoointeth the devices of the crafty, so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise. 3
Promotion being denied to the power of second causes, is attributed to that of the first. God is the judge: He putteth down one, and setteth up another.
God is the judge – When several parties contend for the prize of the preferment he determineth it to which he pleaseth so as best to serve his own purposes it is not only safe but happy for the world, that absolute and uncontrollable power should be possessed by a being of infinite wisdom, invariable justice and boundless mercy. Such power is often ascribed to God, in the inspired writings. “Wisdom and might are his : He removeth kings, and setteth up kings : He hath put down the mighty from their seats, and exalted them of low degree. The most nigh ruleth in the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomever he will.” 4
God is the judge of men’s qualifications for government and his “judgment is always according to truth.” He knows whom to promote and whom to depose, in order to answer the wise plan of his universal providence. This power God doth not usually exercise in an immediate way, but by the intervention of several second causes; and these are united and combined together in such a manner, as could be done by no understanding but one that is infinite. Scared, and other histories furnish us with instances hereof. The advancement of Joseph to great dignity and power in the Egyptian court, is a remarkable one. A variety of unconnected cause operated to bring this about unconnected in themselves, but united by him, “whose kingdom ruleth over all.” It was by the agency of God, that king Saul was disgraced, and David advanced; an event, to which it is probable, our text has special reference. By this it came to pass that proud Haman was hanged on the gallows he had made, of fifty cubits high; while Mordecai the Jew, for whom he had prepared the same, was promoted. By this, that haughty Nebuchadnezzar was turned a grazing among the beasts, to teach him that “the heavens do rule.” By this, that boasting Herod was eaten of worms, because he did not consider the he was one himself.
The influence of the supreme governor of the world, in bringing about such events, in later ages, is not less real, though perhaps less evident and immediate. It must be acknowledged in putting down some, and setting up others, in our own nation and land. The fall of that unhappy and misguided king, Charles the first, was an instance of it. So was that ever memorable event, so happy in its consequences to Great Britain, and to these Colonies, called the Revolution, when king James the second abdicated the throne, and King William and Queen Mary, of glorious memory, were advanced to it; which made way for the present happy establishment in the house of Hanover. The people of this province, not only shared in common with their fellow subjects, on the other side of the Atlantic, in the advantages arising from this great change in government, but were particularly happy, in being delivered from the oppressive and tyrannical administration of Sir Edmund Andros. The agency of heaven in these events, doth not determine the innocence or guilt of those, who were the voluntary instruments of bringing them about. “Thou couldest have no power at all against me,” said our Savior to Pilate, “except it were given thee from above.” 5 Yet this did not prove him innocent, in “condemning that just one.”
The promotion of men to places of power and trust, who either have no talents for government, or are disposed to use those that they have, to wicked purposes, is an event, which may seem hard to be accounted for. “God’s judgments are a great deep.” This however must be a settled principle with us, “that the Judge of all the earth doth right.” His providence is by no means to be impeached. The moral evils which take place, in consequence of such promotions, are not to be charged on him. He may permit such things to punish a bad temper, either in the persons promoted, or in the people over whom they are set or in both. We should consider it as the primary design of such punishment to reform them; but if they remain incorrigible under it, a fuller display of God’s rectoral justice and hatred of sin, will be made in their ruin. “The scripture faith unto Pharaoh, even for this same purpose have I raised thee up, that I might shew my power in thee, and that my name might be declared throughout all the earth. ” 6 In judgment to Israel, Saul, and several wicked kings, were set over them. “There is (says Doctor Tillotson) a kind of moral connection and communication of evil and guilt, between princes and people; so that they are many times mutually rewarded for the virtues and good actions, and punished for the sins and faults, of one another.”
Good men, who have excellent talents for governments, and disposition to use them for the public advantage, are sometimes kept out of place, or suddenly stripped of that civil power with which they had been clothed. This is a chapter in the book of providence hard to be explained. In this way, we have reason to think, God sometimes designs to punish a people’s ingratitude to him for a good administration, which they have enjoyed; their unsubmissiveness to it, and abuse of its blessings. He may also intend the advantage of the persons thus displaced, by a dispensation generally grievous enough to them. He may behold their virtue endangered by their elevation. He may foresee that they would not be proof against the temptations of it; and that they would neglect, what to them, as well as to others is “the one thing needful.” The care of their souls. Many have lost ground in religion by advancement, and recovered it by a return to private life.
Having remarked on the agency of God in advancing and deposing men, I go on.
Thirdly, to consider what views they should have in seeking and accepting places in government. I here mention seeking places, for I do not imagine that all kinds and degrees of this, are to be condemned; though the character of seekers, in general, is a very odious and individious one. Importunity in a candidate for promotion is a presumptive evidence, that he is unfit for it. Me on the best qualifications have generally disdained those low arts and intrigues, by which some have made their way into places of power. It is hard to say what can be more base and wicked than the conduct of those, who attempt to rise by the help of adulation and bribes, unless it be that of those who hearken to them, and become the tools of their pride and ambition. That temper, however, deserves to be denominated a false modesty, which makes men always decline preferment, when it comes in their way; or avoid those offices which require great abilities, when they know themselves to be possest of them. Hereby they may be chargeable with hiding talents which they ought to improve for the public good.
But all men’s endeavors to rise in government should be such, as they have reason to think God approves; such as they can with sincerity recommend to his blessing, and wait on him to succeed. If this is not the case, they are in effect fighting against God. They ought not to seek, nor even to accept such offices as they know they cannot discharge, in a good measure answerable to the nature and importance of them.
God is the judge – You should be able to look up to him in confidence, that he approves every step you take in the way to posts of honor; and with a willingness to be disappointed, if in his unerring wisdom he sees you to be unfit for them; and that your success would operate either to the damage of the public, or of yourselves. Such a serious regard to God as the fountain of all power would shame men of virtue and modesty, out of those base methods, by which, it is to be feared, some are seeking after promotion.
Men indeed are generally partial to themselves. They think their accomplishments greater than they are. Under the influence of this partiality, some may with honest simplicity solicit, and enter into, such departments in government as they can by no means fill with dignity, and to the satisfaction of the public. This evil is to be guarded against by those, whose part it is to introduce men into office.
The rules to be observed by such is the
Fourth thing to be considered. The should act with great fidelity and caution is necessary, both in superior magistrates, in their appointments, and in the people, who choose persons into office. The business is of a very interesting nature; in doing it they should consider themselves as instruments in the hand of God, and therefore bound to consult his will, and to govern themselves by it. This teaches them to promote men according to their apparent merit; and not to be influenced by private connections, and prospects of personal advantage. The public prosperity greatly depends on your faithful discharge of your duty in this respect. You are accountable to God for the manner in which you discharge it. You are bound as you will answer it to him, to consider the qualifications of candidates, for places in government and to promote such and such only as you think in some good measure possessed of them.
What these qualifications are, I have not time particularly to consider. Tow of the most essential, and in which most others may be included, I shall briefly mention – Wisdom and Religion
No small degree of wisdom and knowledge is necessary to constitute a good ruler, whether he fills a place in the legislative, or executive part of government Solomon when advanced to be king over Israel, prayed for a wife and understanding heart. God approved his petition as seasonable, and gave a gracious answer to it. Wisdom is not only necessary for kings, and for persons in the highest seats of government, but proportionable degrees of it, for those who hold subordinate places. Rulers are compared to light, which, by a familiar metaphor, signifies knowledge. “The heads of the tribes of Issachar,” chosen to represent their brethren on a certain important occasion, are expressly said to be “men, that had understanding of the times, to know what Israel ought to do.” 7
Government is by no means safe in the hands of weak and ignorant men, how good soever their intentions may be. When such men have the management of our public affairs what can we expect, but that they run into confusion and disorder?
Nor is it every kind of knowledge that will qualify a man to govern. He must be acquainted with men, as well as things; otherwise he will be in continual danger of being imposed on, by the subtlety and address of designing men around him. He will confide in those who are not to be trusted and make those his counselors, who will take pains to lead him astray. It is the character of the supreme ruler, that, “He is a God of knowledge, by whom actions are weighed.” 8 Rulers among men, should have skill to form a due estimate of the actions of persons, under all that coloring which they lay on them. If they have not, how can they approve and reward those that have salutary influence on the public? How can they disapprove and counteract those of a contrary nature.
Rulers should not only be acquainted with the natural rights of the people, which are the same under every form of government, but also with those which originate from the constitution of the country where they live; that they may be tender of both, and able to defend both. They should know how to state the bounds of their own authority, and of the rights of the people; that while with firmness they assert the former, they may not infringe on the latter. Wisdom is necessary direct them in all that variety of business, to which their stations call them; which variety cannot now further consider.
Religion is the other qualification which I mentioned, as necessary to the character of a good ruler. He must be a man of religion, who discharges the duties of a magistrate with fidelity. By a man of religion, I mean once that is a true fearer of God, on that is in a good measure sanctified by his grace, formed to the temper recommended by the Gospel of Christ, and sincerely endeavors to act up to those rules of piety and virtue, which are therein prescribed.
Piety towards God is the only basis, on which a proper conduct towards men, can stand firm and steady against those blasts of temptation, to which all men are exposed; and which beat on those that are in elevated stations, with peculiar violence, as storms do on a house that stands on an eminence. “He that fears not God, will not regard man,” will not regard him with that tender concern for his prosperity, and that sincere endeavor to promote it, which the laws of religion require. True patriotism (for such a thing no doubt there is, though many may be strangers to it, who are fond of the name) hath its foundation in religion. A vicious man hath no settled principle of action. He is ruled by selfish passions to gratify these, he will sacrifice his conscience; he will trample on law, when he can do it with impunity; he will betray his friends; he will fell his country; having first “sold himself to work” all the kinds of “wickedness.”
Directly the reverse of this, is the tendency of religion, when it is pure and undefiled. It regulates the passions; it enlarges the mind; it fills it with noble and benevolent designs; it leads men to enterprise great things for the public good; it drives away the mists of prejudice and temptation, which are so apt to obscure the path of duty; it inspires a noble fortitude and resolution to pursue the end of government, though it should lead through a scene of painful opposition; though the best intentions should be misconstrued, and the most important services go unrewarded.
Now those that are concerned in promoting men to publish stations, are bound to have great regard to their virtue and religion. “For the God of Israel said the Rock of Israel spake to me – He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.” 9 King David determined to act on this principle in calling men to office under him. “Mine eyes shall be upon the faithful in the land : He that walketh in a perfect way he shall serve me.” 10
God who is the judge, and who never errs inn judgment, hath plainly intimated the necessity of the tow leading qualifications for rulers, which I have mentioned – and not barely mentioned, but a little enlarged upon, as this head of discourse hath a particular aspect on the public transactions of this day. and are you not under the most solemn obligations to rega5rd the will of God in the promoting men? When you do so, you are workers together with him in the matter. When you do not, you set yourselves in opposition to him; and if he suffers you to succeed it will no doubt be in judgment to you, and to the land.
Fifthly. This subject instructs those who are advanced to places of power and trust, how they should have and presses fidelity on them by most serious motives. They are to consider themselves as promoted by God, and accountable to him for their conduct in public life. God is the judge: He putteth down one, and setteth up another.
Rulers ought always to look on their authority as derived to them. They are not originally possessed of any. This consideration should make them humble. I6t should give a check to a proud and haughty spirit; if, at any time, they find such an one ready to prevail. It should guard them against an overbearing tyrannical behavior. They should frequently make the reflection of the apostle; What have we that we did not receive? And if we received it, why do we boast?
They should consider their authority also as limited by the author of it; and that, both as to degree and continuance. God putteth down, as well as ariseth up. The triumphing of wicked rulers, who abuse their power in ways of pride and oppression, is generally short. To one of this character, the remark of the ancient sage concerning a hypocrite may be applied; “Though this excellency mount up to the heavens, and his head reach unto the clouds, yet he shall perish forever. – They that have seen him shall say where is he”? 11 When a virtuous people are oppressed, they may carry their complaints to God, in humble confidence, that he will not long “suffer the rod of the wicked to rest on the lot of the righteous.” 12
The consideration that their promotion cometh from God, should make rulers careful to improve it in a way, the most agreeable to his will, that they can. They do this, when they faithfully pursue the ends of government; when they studiously intimate the supreme ruler of the universe, “the scepter of whose kingdom is a right scepter.” Legislators do this, when they are solicitous that all the laws they enact, be just and good, correspondent to those of the supreme law giver. And those that execute the laws, when they act in their offices with steadiness and impartiality, that they may be a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well. All those who are vested with authority do this, when they have a tender concern for the rights and privileges of the people, and endeavor to preserve them entire and inviolate when they feel for them under all their burdens; and “in all their afflictions are afflicted” – when they construe their conduct into the most favorable sense it will bear – when they are ready to pass by, and excuse as many faults and offences, as will consist with the regular support of government – when they are willing to lose something of the severity of the magistrate, in the tenderness of a father – In a word, when in their administration, “mercy and truth meet together, righteousness and peace Kiss each other.” 13
Rulers should use their influence in an especial manner to promote religion. This they should do, not only by rewarding virtue, and punishing vice; but by what is often more influential their own pious and good example. People in the lower classes in life, have a peculiar fondness to imitate those that are in stations of eminence and dignity. This would operate for the general good, were “great men always wise,” virtuous, and circumspect, in their conversation. The morals of a people are greatly affected by those of their rulers. Religion flourished or declined in Israel very much according to the disposition and practice of their kings. Solomon observed that “if a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked.” 14 Vices receive a currency from the example of princes, as money doth, from their image and superscription. If magistrates are eminently pious and good, they are lights in the world, which shining before others induce them to “glorify our Father who is in heaven,” by a correspondent practice of piety and goodness. But if they are vicious they are like baleful sonnets, that spread plagues and desolations throughout a land, by their malignant influences.
God is the judge, says our text. Rulers should always consider him in that character. To him they are accountable for their conduct. I say not indeed that they are not, in some sense, accountable to men. The power of government is by God, the original source of it, logged in the people. By them it is delegated, under divine providence, to certain of their brethren, to be improved for the common good. When therefore they prostitute it to oppress and enslave, in direct contradiction to the ends of government; the people have a right to call them to account, and to take out of their hands the power which they have so abused.
But they are especially to consider themselves as accountable to God. They should remember that he now acts the part of a judge, so far as by his impartial eye to survey all their counsels, designs and actions. They should consider him as always present with them; and that their most secret purposes and schemes, are “naked and open to the eyes of him, with whom they have to do” 15; whose “eyes are as a flame of fire ” 16; and that this “righteous Lord loveth righteousness, and his countenance approveth the upright.” 17
A solemn sense of God in this tremendous character, cultivated in the minds of rulers, would banish a thousand temptations to venality and corruption. It would lead them to a humble review of their past behavior, that the errors of it may be repented of, and similar ones avoided, for time to come. It would make them afraid to indulge to any selfish and sinister designs, which militate against the public welfare, though they were sure to conceal them from the eye of men. The fear of God would check the fear of man, and prevent its prevailing on them so as to ensnare them. They would not fear losing their places, by faithfulness in discharging the duties of them. The would consider, it is the favor of God that makes their mountain stand strong; that their times are in his hands; the date of their political, as well as natural life.
Rulers should look forward to that approaching day, when they must appear before God’s august tribunal, and give account of all the talents he hath committed to them. The should endeavor to bring that day near in their meditations. It is apt to appear more distant than it really is, and so lessens to the eye of the mind, as objects to by their distance that of the body, The word of revelation assures us, that “it is appointed for all once to die, and that after death is the judgment; 18 and that “ever one shall give account of himself to God, ” 19 who is no respecter of persons; but will render to every one according to which God will proceed in the judgment, “that unto whomever much is given, of him shall much be required.” 20 Rulers have much committed to them; unfaithfulness in the use of it, will render their guilt very great, and their doom very dreadful. If they are now conscious of being habitually and allowedly unfaithful, they may well tremble, as a wicked governor once did, upon hearing of a judgment to come.
But a prospect happily different from this – a prospect as bright and glorious as this is dark and gloomy, opens upon that ruler, who cultivates in his heart the principles of undissembled piety and virtue, and forms his conduct upon them; whose governing aim is to comply with the will of God in all things, and to secure his approbation. He can look forward to that important day, in which God will judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ, with calmness and comfort. He then shall receive the plaudit of his Judge, before assembled worlds of angels and men — “Well done good and faithful servant; thou hast been faithful in a few things; I will make thee ruler over many things; enter thou into the joy of thy Lord!” 21
FINALLY. Our subject suggests the duty of a people to their rulers. Rulers and subjects are correlate terms; they cannot subsist separately. If God sets some in the place of rulers, and invests them with a power to govern; He certainly appoints others to the place of subjects, and makes in their duty to submit to government. People are bound to regard the will and agency of God in clothing persons with civil authority. When they do so, they will obey “not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake;” 22 and treat them according to the nature and design of their offices, and their fidelity in the discharge of them.
It is incumbent on a people cheerfully to support civil government. This is not to be view as the part of charity and generosity, but of justice. The support of those, who employ their time and talents to serve the public, should be made easy and honorable. Those who diligently attend to the duties of their stations, have care, labor and anxiety enough. People should not increase these, by withholding from them an adequate reward for their services. This would tend to dishearten them, and to weaken their efforts for the public good.
A respectful treatment of their rulers is also the duty of a people, it is an apostolical injunction, that we “render honor to whom honor is due.” 23 It is due to those, who are raised to important seats of government. We should pray for them. We should treat their persons with veneration and esteem. We should speak of them, and to them, in decent and respectful language. To act contrary to this, is to weaken the springs of government, and to encourage those to speak evil of dignities,” who are already too much inclined to do it. “It is written thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people.” 24
A People are in duty bound to submit to their political fathers, in everything lawful. If they refuse this, they frustrate the design of God and men, in clothing them with this character and government is at an end. Submission is enjoined on a people, by several of the inspired writers. The passages in which it is so, have been often quoted, on occasions similar to the present, and are I trust too well known to need repeating at large. 25 They have by some been made to prove too much. They are no doubt to be understood with some limitation. “He is the minister of God to thee for good,” says St. Paul, of the civil magistrate. This implies, that so far as he pursues the end for which God placed him in office, he is to be obeyed. Nor should small instances in which we imagine he fails of this, be looked upon sufficient ground for refusing submission. These may arise rather from human frailty, than any settled disposition in him to abuse his power. But when he uses his authority for purposes just the reverse of those for which it was delegated to him – when he evidently encroaches on the natural and constitutional rights of the subject – when he tramples on those laws which were made, at once to limit his power, and defend the people – in such cases they are not obliged to obey him. They are guilty of impiety against god; and of injustice to themselves, and the community, of which they are members, if they do : For his commands interfere with those of the supreme ruler, and overthrow the foundations of government, which he hath laid. “We must obey God rather than man.” 26
The doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance, which had so many advocates in our nation, a century ago is at this day, generally given up, as indefensible, and voted unreasonable and absurd. The unreasonableness and absurdity of it, hath indeed been proved by some of the greatest reasons of our age.
“Wheresoever law ends” (says the great Mr. Locke) “tyranny begins if the law be transgressed to another’s harm. And whoever in authority exceeds the power given him by law, and makes use of the force he hath under his command, to compass that upon the subject, which the law allows not, ceases in that to be a magistrate; and, acting without authority, may be opposed as any other man, who invades the right of another” – “Here, ‘tis likely, (continues he) the common question will be made, who shall be judge, whether the prince or legislature act contrary to their trust? This, perhaps, ill-affected and factious men may spread among the people, when the prince only makes use of his just prerogative. To this I reply : The people shall be judge; for who shall be judge whether his trustee or deputy acts well, and according to the trust reposed in him, but he who deputes him, and must by having deputed him, have still a power to discard him, when he fails in his trust? If this be reasonable in particular cases of private men, why should it be otherwise in that of the greatest moment, where the welfare of millions is concerned; and also where the evil, if not prevented, is greater, and the redress very difficult, dear and dangerous?”
There may indeed be danger that ill-disposed men – men disaffected to government in general, will “use this liberty,” which the God of nature hath given us, “for an occasion to the flesh,” to gratify the disorderly lusts of it; and so to disturb the peace of the society, of which they are members. Bu this is not a sufficient reason why we should discontinue our claim to it.
Subjects will, however, find it to their advantages to suffer great inconveniences, rather than to rise up against men in authority. They are not to expect an administration without faults. Small faults should not be remarked on with bitterness, or magnified with all the power of invention. This would increase the burden of government, already heavy enough on those, who are faithful in discharging the duties of it; and tend to discourage those from taking a part in it, who are best qualified. A generous readiness to make very kind allowance for what may be amiss in others, is perhaps one of the rarest qualities in the world. It is however a very necessary one, in the several connections of society, and particularly in that between rulers and people.
If anything hath been suggested in this discourse, which may serve to lead rulers, or people, in to a better understanding of their duty, and to animate them to diligence and fidelity in discharging it, the design of our assembling in this house of worship is not lost. I will suppose you possessed of every instructive sentiment that hath been suggested, if any such there hath been, and therefore shall not make a recapitulation of what hath been said, in the way of particular address.
Inattention to the duties of their stations is inexcusable in all orders of men. It becomes criminal and dangerous, in proportion to the importance of these duties. The public welfare greatly depends on the fidelity and vigilance of civil rulers.
It is I hope with sincere gratitude to god, that we see this anniversary. The public transactions of it, Honored Fathers, we look upon to be very interesting to this people. We have been seeking to the fountain of wisdom, for guidance and direction to be afforded to you, in them. To day you exercise an important privilege of our happy constitution, that of choosing Gentlemen to sit at the Council board; who are not only to constitute one branch of the legislature, but “to the best of their judgment, at all times, freely to give their advice to the Governor, for the good management of the public affairs of this government.” This is a privilege on which the happiness of this people not a little depends. It was always dear to our fathers, and is so to us. By it we have the great satisfaction of seeing the Council consist of men from among ourselves, whose interest is the fame with that of the people; and who are under all conceivable obligations to seek their welfare. This is a privilege secured to us by royal charter; on which security, I trust, under God, we may depend, for the continuance of it down to the latest posterity. A privilege which we have not forfeited; and God forbid we should, in any furniture time, be guilty of such conduct, as might render it just to deprive us of it.
What we enjoy by charter, is not to be looked upon barely as matter of grace; but, in a measure at least, of right. Our fathers faithfully performed the conditions, on which charter privileges were grated. To do this they passed through a scene of hardships labors and sufferings. These were productive of great advantages to the mother country. Our charter privileges are those of Englishmen; those of the British constitution; as our form of government, in this province, is an image in a miniature of that of our nation.
The appointment of the Governor, and commander in chief, is by the province charter, which we wish never to see vacated, reserved to the crown, In this we acquiesce. We indeed consider it as preferable to annual elections by the people.
Both the other branches of the legislature, we have the liberty of choosing. We hope the good people f this province have acted, with due consideration, in the choice they have made of persons to represent them, in the present assembly; and that all who are to be concerned in the elections of this day, will be influenced by motives, truly religious and patriotic. It is not wealth 27 — it is not family — it is not either of these alone, nor both of them together, tho’ I readily allow neither is to be disregarded, that will qualify men for important seats in government, unless they are rich and honorable in other and more important respects. This providence hath had men and such I doubt not there are still among us, in whom all these qualities are happily united. But in the first place, and before all other things, you should regard wisdom and integrity, understanding and religion, as qualifications for the business of government. If you aim to choose men thus qualified, you are “workers together with God,” who is the fountain of all promotion. If you give your suffrages for those, whom you know to be of a contrary character, you are chargeable with nothing less than a voluntary opposition to the will of heaven. A serious thought with which we wish to have our minds deeply impressed. It is always important to have wise and faithful rulers. It is peculiarly so, when the state of a people is difficult and perplexed. None can doubt ours being such, at the present day. All must agree in this, however different their sentiments may be, as to the immediate occasions of our troubles. Mutual confidence and affection, between Great Britain and these Colonies, I speak it with grief seems to be in some measure lost. I trust nothing of our loyalty to the best of Kings, or of our readiness to yield obedience to the due exercise of the authority of the British Parliament, is lost. People indeed generally apprehend some of their most important civil rights and privileges to be in great danger; and that several of them cannot be enjoyed under the execution of certain acts, lately passed in the Parliament of Great Britain, how far these apprehensions are just, is not my province to determine. Nor shall I pretend fully to point out the political causes of our unhappiness; or these steps which are necessary to be taken, for the redress of our grievances.
This matter more immediately belongeth to you, our honored Fathers. If we suffer by being misrepresented to our most gracious Sovereign, or to his ministry, ‘tis your part to remove the hurtful influence hereof, in such ways, as you shall think most proper and decent. ‘Tis your’s, to plead their cause, with “right words,” which “are forceable,” and “words of truth” which must, which will prevail.
The Ministers of religion will unite their endeavors, to investigate and declare the moral cause of our troubles. We should endeavor, my reverend Fathers and Brethren, and I trust we have been endeavoring, to direct the eye of our people to the hand of God, in the evils which are come upon us, and which threaten us. “Is there any evil in the city, and the Lord hath not done it?” 28 Are not these calamities to be viewed as tokens of the divine displeasure against us, on account of our sins? Is it not a day in which we ought to “cry aloud and not spare, to shew our people their transgressions and their sins?” 29 Should we not most importunately call them to repentance and reformation, as the only way in which we can expect the removal of our difficulties? It hath probably been the fault of this people, in these days of darkness and doubtful expectation, that they have fixed their thoughts too much on second causes, with our duly regarding the first – that they have been too ready to censure the conduct of others, without making proper reflections on their own. Hath not God reason to complain of us, as he did of Israel, in a day of calamity; “I hearkened and heard, but they spake not aright. No man repented him of his wickedness, saying what have I done?” 30
The prospect at this day is indeed dark: The darkest part of it arises from the decay of religion, and the prevalence of wickedness among us. Is it not too evident to be denied, that “inquiry greatly abounds,” and that “the love of many” to God and religion, “is waxen cold?” Must we not own that by our sins, we have forfeited all our privileges, into the hands of God; though I trust not, into the hands of men? And are not many of the evils we suffer, the natural and necessary, as well as moral effects of our vices? Is it possible a people should be happy, when pride, and extravagance, luxury, and intemperance abound among them? Will not poverty and disease, uneasiness and contention naturally spring from these vices? Doth not the providence of God loudly call on all orders of men, to unite their most vigorous endeavors, to check the growth of the sins which I have mentioned, and of others which might be named; such as the profanation of God’s name, 31 and day; uncleanness; and acts of violence, injustice, and oppression. We confide in the wisdom and fidelity of our rulers, to make and execute good and wholesome laws for the suppression of these vices; and for the encouragement of industry, frugality, and temperance, and all those virtues which constitute and adorn the Christian character; and to add life and energy to law, by their own good example. And I hope we shall all, in our several stations, most heartily abet the important design. Our temporal salvation, under God, depends upon it. a virtuous people will always be free and happy.
“Righteousness exalteth a nation.” Could we see people in general humbling themselves under the mighty hand of God, in the evils that are come upon us – could we see a general disposition in them, to break off from their sins by righteousness, and from their iniquities by turning to the Lord – could we see practical piety and religion prevailing among all ranks of men – how much would the prospect brighten up? God would appear for us, “who is the hope of his people, and the savior thereof in the day of trouble. ” 32 And “if God be for us, who can be against us? ” 33 He can work deliverance for us in a thousand ways to us unknown. Then our peace shall be as a river, when our righteousness is as the waves of the sea. Mutual harmony and affection shall be restored between Great Britain and her colonies, and between all orders of men in them. The burdens under which we groan shall be removed. We shall no longer be so unhappy, as to be suspected of wanting loyalty to our King, or of having the least disposition to refuse a constitutional subjection to our parent country. The great evils which we now suffer, in consequence of such groundless suspicions, shall be removed. We shall sit quietly enjoying the fruit of our fathers unremitting labors, and of our own, and have none to make us afraid. We shall behold our settlements extending themselves into the yet uncultivated lands. “The wilderness shall become a fruitful field and the desert shall blossom as the rose.” Our navigation shall be freed from its present embarrassment; and trade recover a flourishing state. Our rights and privileges shall be established on a firmer basis than ever. Every revolving year shall add something to the glory and happiness of America. And those that behold it shall see occasion to say, “Happy art thou O people! Who is like unto thee, saved of the Lord! The shield of thy help, and who is the sword of thine excellency!” 34
Whose breast doth not burn with desires to see his dear native land in such a state, the happy reverse of it’s present one! Who would not be ambitious of contributing something towards it! This we have all power to do. Let us up, and be doing and the Lord shall be with us.
But Christianity, my respectable hearers, which we profess, carries our thoughts beyond this present state of things. This life is but the preface of our existence. Affairs will never be in so happy a situation in it, as we could wish for. It is not agreeable to God’s universal plan of government, that we should here be free from every pricking brier and grieving thorn. We are too apt to lay our account for refined happiness in this life. Frequent disappointments are necessary to teach us our error, and to wean us from the vanities of time and sense. This is the salutary effect of our troubles; and when we find it in ourselves, we should acknowledge the kindness of heaven in permitting them.
A few days will close the present scene with us all. We must quit our stations, be they higher or lower. We must bid adieu to this world, and enter into the eternal one. There an endless circle of happiness, infinitely greater than can be derived from the most prosperous state of things here, is provided – provided by the mercy of God, through the mediation of Christ – provided for all, who repent and believe the gospel – for all, who act their part well on the stage of the present life – who serve God and their generation faithfully, according to his will.
Be this the object of our principal hopes, and desires! Let us continue patient in the ways of well doing; seeking for glory, honor and immortality; till, through the riches of God’s grace in Christ, we be crowned with eternal life.
Endnotes
1. Judges xvii. 6.
2. Rom xiii. 1, 2, 4.
3. Job V. 12.
4. Dan. II. 21. Luke I. 52. Dan. IV.
5. John XIX. 11.
6. Rom. IX. 17.
7. I Chron. XII. 32.
8. I Sam. II. 3.
9. 2 Sam. XXIII. 3.
10. Psal. CI. 6.
11. Job XX. 6. 7.
12. Psalm CXXV. 3.
13. Psalm LXXXV. 10.
14. Prov. XXIX. 12.
15. Heb. IV. 13.
16. Rev. I. 14.
17. Psal. XI. 7.
18. Heb. IX. 27.
19. Rom. XIV. 12.
20. Luke XII. 48.
21. Matth. XXV.22.
22. Rom. XIII. 5.
23. Rom. XIII. 7.
24. Act, XXIII. 5.
25. Act, XXIII. 5.
26. Acts V. 29.
27. When L. Quintius Cincinnatus was created Dictator, riches were not by the generality of the Roman citizens thought necessary to preferment. His estate was a farm consisting only of four acres of land. He was at plough when the deputies came to him from the Senate, to acquaint him of his promotion. Wherever wisdom and virtue were found in a person, though destitute of a fortune, he stood fair to be advanced. And yet there were a few among the Romans even in that day, as there is a greater number among us in this, who are well described by Livy, when he says — “Operæ pre4tium est udire, qui omina præ divitiis humana spernunt; neque honori magno locum, neque viruti putant esse, nisi essuse affluent opes.
28. Amos III. 6.
29. Isai. LVIII. 1.
30. Jer. VIII. 6.
31. If God’s holy name is, at this day, too frequently and sometimes irreverently invoked, even in a judicial manner, every sincere friend to virtue and religion must wish to have this practice, so affrontive to the deity, and so destructive to the morals of the people, discontinued.
Jonas Clark was born on Christmas Day in Lexington, Massachusetts. He graduated from Cambridge University at the age of 22 and was ordained as a minister three years later. While serving as a minister, he also worked a farm of 60 acres in order to supply his family with food. He continued as the pastor of the church at Lexington for half-a-century.
Doolittle’s 1775 Engraving of Lexington
Clark was an avid American patriot before and during and the American War for Independence. He actively wrote papers related to pressing issues such as the Stamp Act and many of the leading patriots stayed at his home and sought his counsel. In fact, both John Hancock and Samuel Adams were at his home on April 18, 1775, when Paul Revere made his famous midnight ride to alert them that they must flee or face being caught by the coming British. Upon hearing the news, they turned to Pastor Clark and asked if the people of Lexington would fight, to which he replied, “I have trained them for this very hour!”
The following morning, some seventy men from his church faced over 700 British soldiers, and when the “Shot heard round the world” was over, eighteen Americans were laying on the ground—both black and white patriots—all members of his church. Clark’s influence continued throughout the War and afterwards, and he helped pen the Massachusetts Constitution.
This election sermon was preached by Clark in Massachusetts on May 30, 1781.
A
SERMON
PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY
JOHN HANCOCK, Esq;
GOVERNOR;
HIS HONOR
THOMAS CUSHING, Esq;
LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR;
THE HONORABLE THE
COUNCIL,
AND THE HONORABLE THE
SENATE
AND
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
OF THE
COMMONWEALTH
OF
MASSACHUSETTS,
MAY 30, 1781.
BEING THE FIRST DAY OF
GENERAL ELECTION,
After the COMMENCEMENT of the
Present CONSTITUTION,
AND
INAUGURATION OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT.
BY JONAS CLARK, A. M.
Pastor of the Church in Lexington.
N. B. Several passages omitted in the delivery of this Discourse are now inserted.
Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
In SENATE, May 30, 1781.
ORDERED, That Walter Spooner, Samuel Adams, and Charles Turner, Esquires, be and hereby are appointed a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Jonas Clark, and return him the Thanks of the Senate for his Sermon delivered this Day before his Excellency the Governor, the Council and the General Court, and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.
Attest,
JOHN AVERY, Sec’ry.
AN
Election Sermon.
PSALM XLVII. 8, 9.
–GOD sitteth upon the throne of His holiness: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.
At what time, or upon what occasion, the Psalm before us was composed, is neither certain, nor easy, at this distance of time, to determine.—“Many have supposed it to have been penned, on occasion of bringing up the Ark to Mount Zion.”—Others, “that it looks further, and is prophetic of the ascension of the glorious Mediator, after he had finished his work on earth, and the setting up his kingdom in the world.”
From the sentiments it contains, it might also be considered as a Psalm composed, and well adapted, for the congregation of Israel, when all the tribes came to Hebron to receive David, and by their elders to make a league with him, as their chief magistrate; and to establish him in the government. 1
But, which, or whether either of these suppositions hath any solid foundation, must be left to the learned and judicious to determine.—Be the primary occasion, of this devout composition, what it may; it is beyond dispute, that the subjects of it are interesting and important:–Subjects well suited to inspire the church and people of God, at all times, with a sense of his government and their dependence, and of their indispensible obligations to celebrate the glories of his perfections, herein displayed, as the ground of their confidence and theme of their praise.
In a word, it is an exhortation to the people of GOD, to praise the Lord, as “The Great King over all the earth,” who should subdue the people, their enemies and oppressors under them, and the nations under their feet: And as that God, who should choose their inheritance for them, and establish them in the quiet possession and enjoyment of it.
Agreeably, in confirmation of this their confidence, it is said, in the text—That GOD sitteth upon the throne of his holiness: The Princes of the people are gathered together, even the people of the GOD of Abraham; for the Shields of the earth belong unto GOD: He is greatly exalted.
In these words, we have a striking representation,–a lively portrait of the happy state of a people, or nation, in covenant with God, and favoured with his protection and smiles; of a people established in the enjoyment of the blessings of a civil government, whose constitution is founded in principles of liberty and equity, whose laws are administered with justice and righteousness, and whose end is the glory of God, in the good of mankind. The Great GOD, as the sovereign, the supreme ruler, sitting on the throne of his holiness, with all the powers of government, originally and ultimately, vested in himself, and exercised by him, agreeable to the eternal laws of righteousness and equity.—The Princes of the people, their leaders, or delegates, are gathered together, from all parts of the land, in the name of their constituents, and under the direction and influence of their supreme ruler and sovereign, to consult the public weal, to enact laws and to transact the great affairs of the nation and of government. The people, the body of the nation, are there introduced, as The people of the GOD of Abraham, in covenant with him, and devoutly acknowledging their fealty to him, as their sovereign, and their dependence upon him and his blessing, both for counsel and defense. And in fine, that nothing might be wanting to complete the view, we have The Shields of the earth, representing both the powers of government and the persons vested with them, exhibited, as belonging to GOD, religiously devoted to his service and glory, or under his direction and control, to carry to effect the purposes of his benevolence and wisdom for the good of his people, or the designs of his justice and righteousness in the government of the world.—The whole is intended to show—‘That magistracy, or civil government, is of divine institution—‘That the end of it is the good of the governed—and “That, as all power and all authority are derived from him, the glory of all should redound to his name; to the end, that GOD, who sitteth on the throne might be greatly exalted.
That God, who created and preserves, of right, doth govern the world, is a truth, which the light of nature teaches, which revelation confirms, and a truth, which the common sense of mankind in all ages, concurs to establish.
That the power, authority and sovereignty of God are absolute and uncontrollable is a truth justly deducible from the preceding, and equally indisputable.
The sacred scriptures are far from being silent, or doubtful, upon a subject so fundamental, so important. We frequently find all the powers of moral government, in the highest sense, solemnly assumed by God, or devoutly ascribed unto him, in the divine oracles. Hence God is introduced by the holy prophet, as saying, “I am the Lord, and there is none else; there is no God besides me. I form the light and create darkness: I make peace and create evil: I the Lord do all these things.” 2 “I will work, and who shall let it?” 3—And to show the vanity of oppugnation [opposition] to his government or authority, it is added,–“Let the potsherd strive with the potsherds of the earth: But woe to him that striveth with his maker.” 4
And what God hath thus justly assumed, is devoutly ascribed to him by his saints and people; and frequently mentioned as the ground of their confidence, as well as the reason of their submission.—At all times, yea, even in times of perplexity and darkness, it was the language of God’s people—“The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice” 5—“The Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the Lord is our king; He will save us.” 6 Holy David observes that “the kingdom is the Lord’s, and he is governor among the nations.” 7 and to add no more, it is said—That “The Lord sitteth King forever:” 8 And, that “His Kingdom ruleth over all.” 9
In this light considered, the Deity is to be acknowledged, as that God, whose power and authority are supreme, universal and uncontrollable.
It is not, however, authority or power alone, that forms the character, or gives an idea of the great moral governor of the universe; but this power, and this authority, as tempered with wisdom, goodness, justice, truth, faithfulness, and other moral perfections necessary to a government founded in equity, exercised in righteousness, glorious to himself and a blessing to his creatures.
It would have been easy to an infinite being, to have carried to effect the purposes of his government, by the influences of his spirit, or the word of his power; but, for wise reasons, the supreme Ruler hath been pleased to employ angels and men, as ministers in his kingdom; and to render even second causes subservient to the great designs of his wisdom, justice and goodness, in the government of the world.
For the glory of God, and the preservation of order and communication of happiness, it is both natural and rational to suppose, that government subsists among intelligent beings, of whatever rank, or degree in creation.
This conjecture is the more probable, with regard to the heavenly hosts, and those bright intelligences, who inhabit the celestial abodes, and are favoured with the nearest approaches unto God, from the account the sacred oracles have given; of the various names, orders and degrees subsisting among them; as Angels, Arch-angels, Thrones, Dominions, Principalities and Powers. 10
Something of this kind, also, would, undoubtedly, have been advantageous, if not necessary, to have perfected the felicity of mankind, had they continued in a state of innocence and rectitude: And for the order, harmony and happiness of society and the world, it is reasonable to suppose, that rule and government would have taken place among men, however virtuous, benevolent, or just.
The still greater importance of such an institution to the peace, liberty, safety and happiness of individuals, of society and the world of mankind, since sin, lust, passion, imperfection and every evil work have been introduced, needs neither time to consider, nor arguments to prove.
Were there no civil government, laws, magistracy, nor Shields of the earth, for the preservation of peace, the guard of liberty, the protection of property and the defense of life, it is easy to see, and, without a spirit of prophesy, to foretell, what the event must be:–that anarchy, confusion, blood and slaughter, waste and destruction, would soon take place in the earth.—The weak would be devoured by the strong, the innocent, like righteous Abel, would become an easy prey to the vicious, abandoned and ambitious:–and the longest sword must quickly determine the fate of mankind.
Hence it appears, I had almost said, to a demonstration, that, under God, the supreme ruler, this wise institution of civil government, this richest of temporal blessings to mankind, takes its rise from Necessity.
It is true, reason teaches the propriety, convenience points out the advantages, and all the social affections concur to urge the importance of civil government. But however engaging or interesting these arguments might appear, to the wise, the benevolent, or judicious, they would be, at best, but a feeble support to the peace and order of society,–would never have availed to establish government, over the lawless lusts of vicious, aspiring, or blood-thirsty men.—It is Necessity, Necessity alone, which combines men in society, and gives rise to civil government. And had not mankind been effectually convinced of this necessity, and taught to realize that there was no living without it, it is very much a doubt, whether ever such an institution would have taken place in the world.
This Necessity, in a great measure at least, is founded in and takes rise from the lusts, the corruptions and vices of mankind.
Tis not indeed pretended, that any one man, or any number of men, have any natural right of superiority, or inherent claim of dominion, or governmental authority over any other man, or body of men.—All men, by nature, are free, equal and independent, in this matter. It is in compact—in compact alone, that all just government is founded.
The first steps, in entering into society and toward the establishment of civil government among a people, is the forming, agreeing to, and ratifying an original compact, for the regulation of the State, describing and determining the mode, departments and powers of government, and the rights, privileges and duties of the subjects.
This should be done by the whole body of the people; or by princes, leaders, or delegates, by their choice, appointment, or consent.
This right in the people, whether emerging from a state of nature, or the yoke of oppression, is an unalienable right—a right which cannot be given up by a people, even though ever so much inclined to sell or sacrifice it.—Yea, should a people be so lost to themselves, as, upon any consideration, to give it up, it may justly be reclaimed, at least by the next generation, who cannot be supposed to be deprived of their birth-right, because their progenitors, like Esau, despised and parted with theirs.
While the social compact subsists, the whole state, and all its members, are bound by it:–a sacred regard ought to be paid to it. No man, order, or body of men, in the state, have any right, power, or authority, to alter, change, or violate the social compact. Nor can any change, alteration, or amendment, be lawfully introduced, but by common consent. Any and every attempt of this kind, endangers the whole.
It remains, however, with the community, state, or nation, as a public, political body, at any time, at pleasure, to change, alter, or even totally dissolve the constitution, and return to a state of nature, or to form anew, as to them shall seem meet.
These principles admitted, it is evident that no man, or body or men, however wise, great or good;–no state, nation, or power on earth, hath any right to make or impose a constitution of government upon another state or nation: Such a constitution, however free, is a mark of dependence, a badge of slavery, the most distant thought of which, the high spirit of a free people would justly despise.
EQUALITY and INDEPENDENCE are the just claim, the indefeasible birth-right of men:–In a state of nature, as individuals; in society, as states or nations.—Nothing short of these ever did, or ever will satisfy a man or a people, truly free, truly brave.
True it is, a conquered nation is obliged to submit to the terms, the laws, the conqueror is pleased to impose: But this being matter of compulsion and not of choice, alters not the right. The claim to liberty and independence remains the same. When opportunity offers, and power is attained, it is, beyond dispute, the duty, as well as right, of such a people, of such a nation, to assert their native liberty, to shake off the tyrant’s yoke, to maintain their equality and independence among the nations; and either resume their former, or establish a new constitution of government, as they shall judge best.
Upon the whole, this is a right, the violation or infringement of which, upon any consideration whatever, no man can justify upon the principles of reason, the laws of nature, or rules of equity.—Even God himself, the supreme ruler of the world, whose government is absolute and uncontrollable, hath ever paid a sacred attention to this important right, hath ever patronized this interesting claim in the sons of men.
The only constitution of civil government that can plead its origin, as immediately from heaven, is The Theocracy of the Hebrews. But even this form of government, though dictated by infinite wisdom, and wrote with the finger of GOD, was laid before his people for their consideration, and ratified, introduced and established by their common consent.
What form of government will answer the best purposes to society, and most effectually display the glory of the supreme Ruler, in the good of mankind, is a question truly delicate and important; and a question, which, in the hand of a masterly politician, might admit of a discussion both interesting and entertaining. But as neither time, nor capacity, will permit me to enter largely into so high and critical a subject; it shall suffice to observe,–
That a little acquaintance with the world and the history of mankind, in the several ages past, will clearly decide, that no one constitution, or form of civil government, can be supposed to be equally adapted to answer the best purposes of such an institution, in every society, nation or state.
That in the rise and progress of society, different modes of government have been adopted and introduced, at different stages and successive periods, cannot be doubted.—And whether there hath not been, in many instances, at least, a gradation in the modes of government, keeping pace with the progress of society, in the several ages of the world, similar to that gradation, which is easily observed in the several stages and periods of human life; is a question, with all deference, submitted to the candor and judgment of this respectable assembly.
At first sight, indeed, this circumstance may not have been observed; nor can it be said to have been the case, without many exceptions. But, in an attentive review of the history of mankind, have we not seen, in various instances, a people emerging from a state of nature, and perhaps obscurity, with all the life, vigor, heat and zeal, as well as undisguised simplicity of youth, entering into society; and their pulse beating high for liberty, forming the social compact upon principles of freedom, and establishing a constitution purely popular—A form of civil government, in which every man considers himself a part of the authority, having a right to give his voice upon every law, measure, or public act of the state?
In a succeeding stage, have we not seen a people, perhaps the same, by gradual alterations and improvements, or by some thorough reform or revolution, like man arrived at mature age, for wisdom, firmness and strength, establishing true liberty and a settled civil government, upon the more permanent basis of a FREE COMMONWEALTH? And under this happy form, flourishing for ages, and in the unmolested enjoyment of the sweets of freedom and the blessings of government, rising to the height of strength and dignity, prosperity and glory?
Moreover, have we not seen, at some distant period, this same society, state or nation, like man passed the meridian of life, and beginning to feel the infirmities of age approaching, by insinuating corruptions, by the influence of parties, the malevolence of factions, and frequent disorders, warned of its danger, and reduced to the necessity of strengthening the bands of society, and the powers of government, by a monarchial constitution; and putting the reins into the hands of a sovereign, with certain limitations, to guard, as much as may be, the liberty of the subject and freedom of the state?
In fine;–Have we not seen, in the closing period, the same society, state, or nation, like man, in the decline of life, bowed with the infirmities of age and time, the constitution broken; the spirit of virtue, wisdom, liberty and firmness gone; the political body, filled with vicious humours, attacked by painful diseases, rack’d with malignant disorders, which surpass the political physician’s skill to heal or remedy? In a word, convulsed to the very foundations, by internal oppressions and violences, by public tumults and commotions, and divided and rent by the furious factions of wicked, designing, artful and ambitious men, tending to and ending in blood-shed, slaughter and civil wars, which nothing but the hand and sword of absolute power could restrain, quiet or control—and thus prepared to be an easy prey to the daring tyrant, whose hand could seize, whose sword could secure it!
It is not, indeed, pretended, that this hath been statedly or literally the case, with nations that have entered into society, and established civil government in the world.—But whether, in the rise and progress of society, and the modes of government which have been adopted by mankind, something of this kind hath not appeared, in various instances? And whether this, or some similar gradation in the constitutions of government, at the several periods and stages of society, are not natural and necessary, rational and just; and, upon the whole, for the best,–is humbly submitted to the learned, the wise and judicious to consider.
Certain it is, that as different societies and states may require different modes of government; so the same societies or nations may require different constitutions, at distinct and distant periods and stages of their existence.
When Brutus the Elder greatly dared to attempt a radical revolution, from an arbitrary to a free government, by the expulsion of the Tarquins, and the establishment of a commonwealth at Rome; the virtue of his fellow-citizens, seconded and supported him: And the glorious plan was carried to effect to the inexpressible joy of every friend to liberty, to his country and the rights of mankind.—But when, from the same patriotic principles, Brutus the Younger, by the death of Julius Caesar, several ages afterwards, nobly attempted the deliverance of his country from the shackles of tyranny, and the oppressor’s yoke; and to re-establish a free government; the virtue of his fellow-citizens failed him; and Rome was enslaved, never—never to enjoy the blessings of liberty or a free government more!—And this was her choice!—otherwise she would have roused, seconded and supported the arms and attempts of so faithful a friend and so valiant an hero, in the glorious cause of freedom and his country.
Upon the whole, the propriety or impropriety of this or that constitution or mode of government, for this people or another, depends upon a variety of circumstances; such as character, situation, manners, customs, trade, connections, &c.—of which the people, are, or, most certainly, ought to be the best, if not the only competent judges.—And happy is that people, who, having the opportunity, have wisdom to discern and virtue to pursue their true interest, in a matter of so interesting a nature, and such lasting importance.
Mysteries in government, secrets of state,–those Arcona Imperii, by which the artful and ambitious have enslaved the greater part of mankind, are totally abhorrent to all principles of liberty, and naturally tend to sap the foundations of civil government, in a free commonwealth.
A people have an unalienable right to know the constitution they enjoy, the government they are under, the laws they are subject to, and what is justly expected and required of them as subjects.
Next to a good constitution, therefore, the laws of the land are the inheritance of the people.—All laws should bear a resemblance and carry the features, of the constitution; being deduced from its principles and founded in its maxims. And, if I may be allowed the expression, the laws should flow from the constitution, as the streams from the fountain, and even grow out of it, as the tree from the root, or the branches from the stock.
It is also necessary to the well-being of society, that laws be adapted to the state and necessities of a people, and to the circumstances and exigencies of the community.
It is of no small importance to the liberty of the subject, as well as the support of governmental authority, in a free commonwealth, that laws be as few in number, and as plain, concise and expressive, in their form, as possible.
It hath been often said, ‘The more laws, the less government.’—The institutions of Lycurgus, the great founder of civil government in Sparta, and the laws of Solon, the wise lawgiver of the Athenians, under the happy influence of which those states, from small beginnings, rose to the heighth of strength and glory, were few, plain, concise and expressive.
When laws become numerous, or voluminous, it indicates the decline of virtue, the weakness of government and increase of vice.—For laws, taking rise from necessity, hold up to view the vices, or crimes, they are intended to suppress, as the reason of their existence.—Several ages passed, in the republic of Rome, before any law existed for the punishment of a Parricide; evidently taking for granted, either, that this crime had never been thought of, or that it was of so atrocious a nature, that no Roman could be so debased as ever to commit it.
I only add, that to render laws effectual, to the purposes of their existence it hath ever been the care of the wisest legislators, especially in free states, to have such penalties annexed as are, not only apportioned to the malignity, but, as near as possible, expressive of the nature, of the crimes they are intended to punish, or suppress. 11
But laws, however good in themselves, or wisely adapted to the state and necessities of a people, can be of but little advantage, unless duly observed and carried to effect. Hence the necessity of appointing certain persons to be rulers, of investing them with power and clothing them with authority, to administer government, and carry the laws into execution.
Civil government, duly established and organized, is fitly compared to a Shield, as it is instituted for the defense and protection of the subjects and the state. And hence rulers and magistrates, being vested and entrusted with the powers of government, are, with great propriety termed Shields of the earth, in the words of our text.—And as the powers of government give existence to the ruler, to the magistrate: So it is with rulers and magistrates to give life to the constitution and energy to the laws, by a faithful administration.
Good and faithful rulers are raised above their brethren, to places of honour, trust and authority, not for themselves, but for the people, and the good of society. They are entrusted with several powers of government, that individuals may be protected and defended in their life, liberty, property and rights—that the internal peace and order of society might be preserved; and that the external defense, of the whole, against the encroachments, violence, assaults, or invasions of enemies, or oppressors, might effectually be provided for.
In this way, wise and faithful rulers are Shields to the state, and Shields of the earth; as by this happy institution, under their administration, the wisdom and strength of the whole state, may, at any time, be collected in defense of the public, or of any part of the community, as occasion may require. And thus very member is engaged for the peace, safety and defense of the state; and the whole for the peace, safety and protection of every member: For these obligations are mutual, and equally sacred and binding.
In this light considered, rulers, by accepting a seat or an office in government, are fitly said to pledge themselves, their faith and sacred honour, and that in the most solemn manner, to the people for their fidelity: and to them are they accountable.
But there is another argument, of yet higher importance, suggested in our text, which demands the attention of rulers of whatever station; and may not be passed over in silence.
It is said, in the words before us,–The Shields of the earth belong unto GOD.
Civil government, as hath been said, is of divine institution. God, as Supreme, sitteth on the throne of his holiness. All power, rule, or authority is derived from God. In the government of society, states and nations, men are employed to carry his purposes of wisdom and goodness to effect. And hence civil rulers are fitly stiled—“the ministers of God.”– 12 And in the language of the text, it may be said, they belong unto GOD, in a particular manner, and in various respects.
’Tis God, by his spirit and providence, who qualifies, raiseth up and calls them forth to public view, in places of honour, trust and importance, in the various departments of government.—Men indeed, may act freely in all their elections and appointments.—But after all, a divine agency attends them:–An all-superintending providence is religiously to be acknowledged.—“the lot” faith the wise man—“the lot is cast into the lap: But the whole disposing thereof, is of the Lord.” 13 And in terms yet more nervous and expressive, the Psalmist tells us, that “promotion cometh neither from the east, nor from the west, nor from the south: But God is the judge. He putteth down one, and setteth up another.” 14
Civil rulers belong unto GOD, as it is his power with which they are vested, in his name that they act, and by his authority that they administer government and discharge the duties of their several offices and departments, whether as supreme or subordinate.
Civil rulers belong unto GOD, as he hath explicitly directed them upon what principles, in what manner, and with what views they are to act in office and administer government.—That they are to fear GOD—hate covetousness—shake their hands from bribes—to judge righteously—to be no respectors of persons in judgment—not to be afraid of the face of man; but always to realize, that the judgment is GOD’s. 15
Civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto the LORD, as the end of their administration is the glory of God, and that he might be greatly exalted, in the good of mankind.—Hence the apostle—He is the minister of GOD to thee for good. 16
In fine; civil rulers, the Shields of the earth, belong unto GOD, as they are under his immediate inspection, as they are accountable to him for the whole of their conduct, in this character, and as their reward is with him, “God standeth,” saith the psalmist “in the congregation of the mighty: He judgeth among the Gods.” 17
Deeply penetrated with a sense of the importance of these considerations, a good ruler hath the most engaging, as well as awakening, motives, to a faithful discharge of duty, and the most substantial arguments to support him, under the weight and care of government.
It is, indeed, readily admitted, that rulers, in devoting their time, talents and capacities to the service of the public, have a just claim to respect and support; and, in an upright discharge of their trust, they have a right, not only to a pecuniary reward, in proportion to the dignity of their stations, and importance of their services; but also to the grateful acceptance and cheerful approbation of an obliged people. And it is very happy indeed, for both rulers and people, when it may be truly said of persons in authority, as of Mordecai, of old—that “they are great among their fellow citizens, and accepted of the multitude of their brethren, seeking the wealth of their people, and speaking peace to all their seed.” 18
But should faithful rulers fail of so just, as well as pleasing, a return, as hath sometimes been the case, they are not without support, encouragement, or reward.
The fear of God, the sentiments of religion, the approbation of their own minds, the acceptance of their judge and the rewards of his kingdom, are sufficient to support them under every weight, and to excite them to fidelity and perseverance, under every discouragement.—Neither the frowns of the great, nor the flatteries of the multitude; nor yet, the more pleasing charms of future promotion, will ever be permitted to influence the measures, or direct the conduct of the faithful ruler, acting under the influence of those exalted sentiments, which religion inspires. But, realizing what he owes to God, and what his country may justly require, he is faithful to the one, and true to the other, even though the Ostracism19 of the Athenians should be his lot, and the fate of the noble Pericles his reward. 20
Conscious integrity is a solid support.—A support, which the world can neither give nor take away.—Like Cato, the virtuous roman Senator, “to have done his duty,”—to have approved himself to that God, who sitteth on the throne of his holiness, is more to the good ruler, the true Patriot, than the approbation or applause of united worlds. With a serenity of mind, which no words can express, such a ruler most cheerfully leaves it with heaven to estimate his fidelity and apportion the reward. His only request is that of pious Nehemiah, the faithful governour of Judea,–“Think upon me, O my God, for good, according to all that I have done for this people.” 21
Another thing necessary to the ends of civil government, and to render it a blessing to subjects and a Shield to the state, is the concurrence of the people, with their rulers, in their faithful endeavours and unremitting exertions, for internal peace and external defence.
A sacred regard to the constitution, a cheerful obedience to the laws, and a reverend submission to the authority of those who are vested with the powers of government, are as much the duty of subject, even in free states, as it is of rulers to be faithful to the trust reposed in them by the people. The obligations are mutually binding, equally indispensible, and equally necessary to the liberty, safety, prosperity and happiness of society.
The best constitution, the wisest laws, and the most faithful rulers are all in vain to a perverse, restless, factious, remiss or disobedient people.
If a people violate the constitution, trample under foot the laws, cast contempt on authority and despise government; or fail, when lawfully required, to make those exertions for defense, which the exigencies of the state may demand; they must thank themselves, and not their rulers, for that ruin which threatens and will most certainly overtake them. In the language of the prophet, it may justly be said to such a people,–“thine own wickedness shall correct thee, and thy backslidings shall reprove thee.” 22
The apostle Paul observes, “that the powers that be, are ordained of God”: And justly considers civil government as an ordinance of GOD. And that rulers are “the ministers of God”, to a people, “for good.” 23 From hence he concludes, that a people should acknowledge their authority and yield an obedient subjection:–And expressly says, that they must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. 24
The subjection here enjoined is not absolute, or that passive obedience and non resistance, so absurdly preached up, in the darker ages of the world: But that obedience and subjection to good and faithful rulers, which the social compact and the laws of the land require. And without this, government is at an end.
If rulers are not seconded and supported by the people, in the exercise of their authority, in the execution of the laws and the administration of government, their best attempts, their most upright endeavours will never avail to the purposes intended by such an institution.
It is with the people to add life to the constitution, energy to the laws, and dignity as well as strength to government: And that, both for internal peace, order and freedom, and external defense, against all who openly oppose, assault or invade the state.
In a word, as by the social compact, the whole is engaged for the protection and defense of the life, liberty and property of each individual; so each individual owes all that he hath, even life itself, to the support, protection and defense of the whole, when the exigencies of the state require it. And no man, whether in authority or subordination, can justly excuse himself from any duty, service or exertions, in peace or war, that may be necessary for the public peace, liberty, safety or defense, when lawfully and constitutionally called thereto.
As in the body natural, all the parts and members are necessary; and in their places severally concur to the health, strength and beauty of the whole: So in the body politick, a well regulated state, a similar adjustment takes place.—And as all parts and members are necessary: So in their place and use, they all concur to the health, safety and happiness of society; and to the beauty, strength, glory and defense of the state.
When the parts are disadjusted, the body is out of health, and the constitution in danger.—So in the body politic, if the parts are disadjusted, its health will be marred, its strength impaired and its constitution endangered. Thus when the legislative assumes and exercises the powers, by constitution, vested in the executive department; the executive, those of the judicial; or the judicial, those of the legislative; or either of them: then there is an evident disadjustment of the parts, in the body politick, which tends to confusion in society, jumble in government, danger to the constitution and destruction to the commonwealth. 25
It is of the highest importance to the well being of society, that every man, that all the members should know their place, and the duties of their station, in the Commonwealth, whether in authority, or subordination: And everything that tends to an alteration, or abridgment, of the powers of government, on the one hand, or of the rights of the people, on the other, should awaken the attention of both rulers and people, and put all upon their guard.
For instance: The compromise of individuals, the plans of a junto, the schemes of a faction, or the intrigues of a court for the disposal of offices or the obtaining elections, have a threatening aspect on the liberties of the people, the powers of government and the constitution itself. Julius Caesar would never, perhaps, have had it in his power, to have totally subverted the republic of Rome, usurp’d the government and seated himself on the imperial throne, had not his way thereto been paved and prepared, by the private compact and artful compromise between Pompey the Great, Crassus and himself, which formed the first triumvirate, that appeared in that great Commonwealth. 26
In all such cases, therefore, “Obsta Principiis”, is a good maxim, and worthy of the attention of all. And the first appearances of such baneful machinations should be beheld with abhorrence and check’d with severity, by all orders of men in a free Commonwealth, as they are friends to their country and wish to preserve the liberties of the people, the powers of government, or the rights of the constitution, inviolate to the State.
This precaution is always necessary.—It is more especially of importance when first entering into society; or when a radical revolution takes place, and a new form or constitution of government is introduced.—Bad precedents are growing evils; and fatal consequences commonly attend them, if not seasonably checked and effectually crushed.
The last thing which we shall mention, as necessary to the well being of society and the happiness of a free state, is the cordial concurrence of all orders of men, in authority and subordination, in a sacred regard to religion; in a devout acknowledgment of their dependence upon God, his providence and blessing, for all the benefits they expect to derive from a settled civil government.
This sentiment is evidently suggested in the words of our text.—The people, whose princes are here introduced as gathered together to consult for the common good, and transact the public affairs for the government and defense of the nation;–The people, whose rulers are here termed shields of the earth, and justly said to belong unto GOD; In a word, the people, in whose settled government and flourishing state, God, the supreme ruler, is said to be greatly exalted, are fitly styled the people of the GOD of Abraham,–a people in covenant with God.—A people of his fear—of his praise.—A people deeply impressed with a sense of the Deity, his government and providence; and a people who cordially acknowledge their dependence upon him and their indispensible obligations to fear and obey him, and to preserve and exercise a sacred regard to his worship, and to the doctrines and duties of that holy religion, which he had taught by his word.
The importance of religion and morality, and a devout acknowledgment of the government of heaven, to the support of order and government among men, and to the liberty, safety and happiness of society, is what reason teaches, and what the common sense, as well as universal practice of mankind, in all ages and nations, concurs to confirm.
In civilized nations, and where civil government hath been established, many cities and places of importance may be found without walls, without guards, and even without weapons or any preparations for common defense: But it is not easy to find any without, a temple, an altar, a grove or some other place appointed and appropriated to the purposes of religion, the acknowledgment of heaven, and the worship of the Deity, in some shape or other.
In all the free states of Greece and the great Republic of Rome, the regard that was paid to the worship of the gods and the rites of religion, was constant, punctual and expensive; and in many instances, especially on great occasions, rose to the height of superstition. And no affair of importance to the liberty of the people, or the safety of the state, in peace or war, was undertaken, without a religious acknowledgment of their dependence upon heaven and the influence of the gods.
“The great CAMILLUS who was twice saluted ‘The Deliverer of his country,’ to awaken in his fellow-citizens a sense of the importance of religion, appealed to the Romans whether they ever had better success than when they carefully served God, or worse than when they neglected him.”
“Xenophon very justly observes, ‘That Cyrus, one of the best and greatest kings of Persia, laid the foundation of that powerful empire, not so much by his valour, as by his religious acknowledgment of heaven, and his liberality in the worship and service of God.”
But to instance from a yet higher authority: Doth not the holy prophet of the Lord both reprove and exhort the king of Judah, in terms which clearly express the high importance of a sacred regard to the precepts of religion and morality, to the safety, happiness and flourishing state of a people, in that plain and faithful expostulation—Did not thy father eat and drink, and do justice and judgment, and then it was well with him? He judged the cause of the poor and needy, then it was well with him: Was not this to know me? Saith the LORD. 27
When the Supreme Ruler of the world gave notice to Moses, the great law-giver of the Hebrew nation, that the period of his administration was hastening, and the time near at hand, when he must quit the high station he held at the head of the commonwealth of Israel,, for a more exalted seat of immortal glory in his kingdom above,–It is said, He called a solemn assembly of the people; and having recapitulated the heads of the constitution God had given them, and rehearsed a summary of the statutes and precepts of the religion he had made known unto them, he closed his address, and took his leave of them, with this expressive and pathetic exhortation, saying, “Set your hearts unto all the words which I testify among you this day: For it is not vain thing for you; because it is your life: And through this thing ye shall prolong your days in the land whether ye go over Jordan to possess it.” 28
The truth is, religion, more especially as taught by the word of God, and enforced by the powerful arguments and engaging motives of he gospel of Jesus Christ, is the source of liberty, the soul of government and the life of a people.—Its doctrines are sublime, its precepts excellent, its motives persuasive and endearing, and its rewards rich, glorious and all divine.
Religion inspires the soul with the noblest sentiments, enflames the heart with the purest affections, and forms the man for every virtue,–for every service, which God or his country may either expect or require.
Its benevolent precepts are all contained in love to GOD and love to man. And where this divine affection takes place, inspires the soul, warms the heart, influences the temper and governs the conduct; piety to God, and justice and charity to men, will mark distinguish and dignify the character. And the same divine principle, penetrating the hearts of the various orders of men in society, and pervading the state, cannot fail producing the happiest effects.—Vice and immorality, wickedness and unrighteousness, in every form, in every character, will soon disappear; and justice, temperance, truth and love,–every virtue, every grace which adorns human nature, or tends to the peace and happiness of society, will quickly take their place.
Under the sacred energy of so god-like a principle, rulers will become true patriots, real benefactors; the people willing and obedient subjects: And all orders of men will most cheerfully concur in every measure which wisdom can dictate for the common good.
In a word, religion among a people, in its power, purity and governing influence, is the guardian of liberty, the strength of government, the energy of laws, the band of society, and both the glory and defense of the state.
In times of prosperity, a people, that have made God their fear, and religion their care, may rest assured of the establishment and continuance of their flourishing state.
In times of perplexity, when dangers surround, oppressors threaten, or enemies invade, such a people have God for their refuge: And committing their cause unto him, in the way of well-doing, may humbly expect that light will arise in darkness, that the power of the oppressor shall be broken, that their enemies shall not prevail against them, and that God will maintain their right and their cause.
At all times, under all circumstances, at home, abroad, in peace and war, such a people may safely & cheerfully leave all their concerns in the hands of God; and in filial confidence of his presence, protection and blessing, may say with the Psalmist—“The Lord is on my side, I will not fear: What can man do unto me?” 29—Happy is that people that is in such a case: Yea, happy is the people, whose GOD is the LORD. 30
In the above representation, we have seen the fair side of the question: Government a blessing, and the shields of the earth, as they ought to be, employed for the good of mankind. But it may, notwithstanding, be justly said, that this is not always the case. And the question may still be asked—How, then, can it be asserted, “That the shields of the earth belong unto God?”
Upon this question it may be observed,–That it is admitted, that THE SHIELDS OF THE EARTH may be reversed.—The powers of government may be abused. Rulers, however promising at first, may become oppressors. Yea, this hath been too often the fact. But should this be the unhappy case; and, contrary to the just expectations of God and men, should the shields of the earth be reversed, and turned against those whom they were intended to defend, it alters not the truth or propriety of the assertion. “The shields of the earth still belong unto God:” and “the Lord still sitteth on the throne of his holiness.”
Such is the nature of the divine government, and such the wisdom of the Supreme Ruler, that good is brought out of evil. Even the oppressors of mankind are the servants of God; and their oppressions are so over-ruled as to be subservient to the designs of infinite wisdom and goodness, in the moral government of the world.
The shields of the earth reversed, the powers of government abused, may be and are over-ruled in providence, so as to be productive of great good to society and mankind.
Such, indeed, is the inertia of mankind in general, that they are more prone to undue submission, than the contrary. Even a bad government is better than none, in the estimation of the greater part of the world. And so great is the risqué, the uncertainty and danger attending the attempt of a revolution, that it is not an easy matter to persuade a people, even under an undue exercise of power, to rise and resist. They will bear much, and long, before they can be brought to unite in such an attempt: but there are degrees of oppression beyond bearing; and which mankind, unless totally lost to all sentiments of liberty, and entirely broke to the yoke of slavery, will not submit to. And it is wise in God, and happy for a people, when the strides of oppression are permitted to be so great, and the violences of oppressors so hastily increased, as to rouse them effectually before it is too late.
Oppressors are fitly called, “The rod of God’s anger, and the staff in their hand is his indignation,” 31 they are wisely employed by the Supreme Ruler, to correct the errors, reprove the vices, and reform the disorders of societies, nations and states. They are more especially improved to rouse and restore the true spirit of liberty, when declining; and to bring on a total revolution, if necessary, to the preservation or restoration of so inestimable a blessing.
Instances of this are too numerous and too well known, to admit of dispute.
As it was the afflicted state of God’s people Israel, that moved him, in mercy, to send Moses to deliver them: so it was the oppressions of Pharaoh and the cruelty of the task-masters, that gave weight to his messages, and effectually roused them, in the face of every danger, to assert their freedom, and attempt their deliverance from the Egyptian yoke.
CHRISTENDOM would never have been roused, with firmness, to have attempted to free themselves from the hierarchy of Rome, had not the oppressions of that power put them upon the expedient.
It was a long series of injuries, and intolerable oppressions and cruelties, which taught the United States of Holland to assert their native freedom, independence and sovereignty, against the power of Spain, then at the meridian of its strength and glory.
BRITONS would never have so frequently resisted their kings, and flown to arms in defense of their invaluable rights, had not the iron rod of oppression convinced them of the necessity of such strenuous exertions, to preserve and protract the remains of liberty among them.
It was the oppressor’s hand, in church and state, which drove our worthy ancestors from their native land, in the face of every danger, every distress, to seek a secure retreat for the unmolested enjoyment of Liberty, civil and religious, in the inhospitable wilds of America.
And the same oppressive hand, which pursued and persecuted this injured people over the wide Atlantic, from time to time, in lawless claims upon their rights and liberties, under God and providence, hath been the means of preserving and transmitting that glorious spirit of liberty, for which the Colonies of America have been so illustrious, in the several periods of their existence.
And, to add no more; a series of oppressive measures, and lawless claims of arbitrary power adopted and pursued by the Court of Great-Britain, in open violation of the most sacred chartered rights;–arms to enforce obedience;–and the power of the British legislature to “make LAWS binding upon the Colonies, IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER,” being openly assumed and declared, roused and raised the spirit of LIBERTY, in the FREE-BORN SONS of AMERICA, to the highest pitch. And, no other alternative being left them, but the SWORD or SLAVERY; these Colonies hesitated not a moment, but unitedly declared their choice of the former: And GREATLY DARED TO BE FREE!!!
The important Die was cast; and the glorious AERA of Liberty commenced!—The sword (wording missing) the oppressor was drawn; and the innocent blood of our brethren, slain at the opening of the interesting contest, was the cement of the union, and seat of the freedom of these injured American States! 32
ALL AMERICA heard the alarm, deeply felt the wound, and bravely rose to revenge their brethren’s blood, and join the common cause!
To Heaven the appeal was made!—By Heaven, the claim was supported!—That God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, the Governor among the nations, the Patron of the injured and oppressed, hath plead our cause, and maintained our right to freedom, equality and independence: And given us a name among the nations of the earth.
The wisdom of the counsels, the firmness of the resolutions, and the equity of the measures of the United States, in Congress assembled; and in the states respectively:–The exertions that have been made, in the cause of liberty and of mankind; and the success which hath attended:–The Articles of Confederation which have been formed and completely ratified, by all the States, as the basis of freedom and mutual support:–And the glorious revolution, that hath taken place in America; as they do honour to human nature, and engage the attention of an admiring world; being transmitted by the pen of the faithful historian, will be a subject of most pleasing contemplation, to all true lovers of liberty and the rights of mankind, in succeeding generations, to the end of time.
In the rise and progress of this interesting contest, the smiles of heaven have appeared, in the supplies afforded, in various instances, when needed most; by captures from the enemy, 33 the generosity of friends, and the kindness of strangers: And also in the generous support, and effectual assistance, of those powerful states, who, with a benevolence of spirit, and magnanimity of conduct, which does honour to themselves and mankind, have essentially favoured and patronized our cause.
That God, who girded Cyrus, of old, and called him his shepherd, to raise up his afflicted people, oppressed under the Babylonish yoke, and to restore them to their country, their religion, their liberties, 34 and their possessions, inspired the King of France, and the powerful nation under his government, from principles worthy the character of a great—a benevolent Prince, and a wise and politick nation, early to favour the cause of these injured infant states: And finally to take a decided part, and make our cause there own, by a public treaty, both generous and just, and nobly founded in principles of quality and independence.
The advantages resulting to the United States of America, from their happy alliance with so puissant a Prince and so powerful a nation, in the course of the war, are too many to be enumerated, too important to have escaped notice, and too well known to need a mention.
The accession of the power of Spain to the common cause, brightens the prospect. And the late addition of the United States of Holland, and, probably, of Russia, and all the powers of the armed neutrality, in consequence of the unjust measures and unheard of outrages of Britain, must, under God, give the clearest assurances of an happy issue; and of the complete establishment of the freedom, independence and sovereignty, of the United States of America; if we are not criminally wanting to ourselves.
Amidst the convulsions, the ravage, bloodshed and distress that have attended the war;–amidst the great and complicated exertions, we have been called to make, in this all-interesting contest, we have seen, to the glory of God and honor of America, a degree of internal peace, order and unanimity, far beyond what could have been expected, in a struggle of this nature, and in effecting a revolution so extensive and important.
In a word, to the honor of God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, as Governor among the nations, to the joy of America, to the disgrace of our enemies, and the astonishment of the world, we have seen these instant states, in the midst of the alarms and shocks of a distressing war, and in the face of every danger, rising from a state of dependence and obscurity, to a state of liberty, independence and sovereignty. And with a spirit of wisdom, firmness and resolution, which, perhaps, hath never been equaled, forming constitutions and establishing government, upon the basis of freedom and the solid foundations of justice and equity.
Under the smiles of heaven upon this Commonwealth, in particular, have we not seen the social compact formed, and a constitution of government ratified, introduced and established, with a degree of unanimity, which could scarcely have been looked for, in a matter of so delicate a nature and such lasting importance?—A Constitution, which, for the solidity of its principles, the liberality of its sentiments, the importance of its rights, the wisdom of its arrangements, the propriety of its boundaries, the adaptedness of its institutions, and that spirit of liberty which inspires the whole, may justly vie with any other upon the continent, if not in the world.
Under this happy Constitution we have seen, to universal satisfaction, that blessed prophecy, concerning God’s people, after their return from captivity, literally fulfilled unto us.—“Their congregation shall be established before me:–their nobles shall be of themselves, and their Governor shall proceed from the midst of them.” 35
The energy and happy effects of a Constitution, thus formed, ratified, introduced and administered, have been too clearly seen and too sensibly felt, by this greatful people, to admit of dispute, or even a doubt.
May we not,–yea, rather, ought we not, upon this joyful occasion, in a deep sense of our obligations to heaven, to ascribe the glory of all to God, and devoutly acknowledge that this is the LORD’s doing; it is marvelous in our eyes!-—
This day, which defuses the smile of freedom,–the joy of liberty, in the countenance of the true Patriot, of every friend to his country and mankind, is a fresh evidence of the care and benevolence of heaven to an injured people,–a new testimony that God hath not forsaken an oppressed land.
This day is great, as it is the first, on which we commemorate the goodness of God, the supreme ruler, in the blessings of a settled government, under a Constitution established on the purest principles of liberty and equity.
This day is great, as it is the first, appointed by the constitution, for the stated meeting of the Princes of this people,–the fathers of the Commonwealth, in General Court: And it is also great, as it commences an AERA of Anniversaries, for the same joyful purposes,–to commemorate and partake of the blessings of LIBERTY and a FREE GOVERNMENT, which (we trust in God) will end, but with time itself!!—
On this joyful day we are invited to see God, the supreme ruler, on the throne of his holiness, the savior and defense of an afflicted land: “The princes of the people of the God of Abraham gathered together”: And “The Shields of the earth,” The rulers of every department, devoting themselves to the service of God and their country, in devout acknowledgment of his government, to the end, that God might be greatly exalted, in the good of his people, b their administration.
To add lustre to the joy of this day, we behold, a second time raised to the chief seat of government, in this Commonwealth, by the free suffrages of the people, a Gentleman, whose patriotic principles early engaged the attention of his fellow-citizens;–whose uniformity of conduct, in the several offices he sustained, effectually gained their esteem;–whose firm attachment to the liberties of his country, and determined resolution, at every risqué and in the most trying times, to do all in his power to support them, established their confidence:–In a word, a Gentleman, whose disposition, ability and integrity, in the service of this and the United States, have been tried and approved; and whose name is illustrious, both as proscribed by Britain, and as authenticating that glorious act, by which the United States of America are forever separated from her, and declared to be a free and independent NATION.
As this is the highest mark of esteem and confidence, in the power of an obliged people to give; it cannot fail of being a support to His EXCELLENCY, under the weight and perplexing cares of government, and a pleasing inducement to those returns of attention and fidelity, in the duties of his high station, which they may justly expect.
We are also happy, this day, in beholding the next seat of government being filled with a Gentleman, whose amiable disposition, excellent qualifications, patriotic spirit, long experience and faithful services, in various departments, have endeared him to the people, and established a confidence in him, as worthy that exalted station, to which he is called by the general voice of the citizens of this free Commonwealth.
And to complete the gladness of our hearts upon this joyful occasion, we see the princes of the people, the honorable, the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, delegated by the suffrages of their brethren, from all parts of the state, gathered together and in General Court assembled, to consult the common good and transact the important affairs of government.—And, as the first step of importance, we behold these princes of the people, these Shields of the earth, in solemn assembly, in God’s holy sanctuary, met, religiously to acknowledge their dependence upon God, the supreme ruler, and devoutly to implore his presence, direction and blessing.—O may that GOD, who sitteth on the throne of his holiness, who is the fountain of wisdom and Father of lights;–even that God, whose ear is ever open to the sincere prayers of his people, send them his blessing and an answer of peace!
May the most high God take these SHIELDS of the earth, this day, under his immediate care and patronage, guidance and direction. May the spirit of God and of glory descend and rest upon his EXCELLENCY, his HONOUR, the honourable, the Council, to be chose, the Senate and the House of Representatives: And may the divine presence and blessing attend them this day, and in all their councils, debates and governmental acts, through the whole course of the year. Thus may it appear to all this people, that the Lord hath directed their choice; and that these Shields of the earth, these rulers of the people, do, indeed, belong unto GOD, are devoted to his service and instruments of his glory.
That plainness of speech which hath been adopted in the whole of this discourse, may well supersede the necessity of any particular application, by way of address.—The whole is intended as an humble address to the fathers of this Commonwealth, and to this respectable assembly.—If anything hath been suggested worthy attention, or adapted to the occasion, we trust in the candor of the assembly for a cordial reception. Whatever is of a different complexion, is not likely to be made better, by anything further added, to render it more acceptable.
Our political fathers, however, will permit me, with all deference, to observe,–
‘That the elections of this day; and which, agreeable to the social compact, are to take place, as the first business of the General Court (however limited) are justly considered, as interesting and important.
When we consider the importance of the executive department, to a due administration of government;–The high rank of Counselors;–How much the power of the Chief Magistrate is limited by their advice, in the disposal of places, the appointment of officers, and other things interesting to the community—or the important influence they have in the administration of government, and the management of the great affairs of the Commonwealth;–it should influence to the wisest use of that power of election, with which the honorable Senators and Representatives, by Constitution are vested.
Is the election limited?—Still there is a choice,–A choice, which made with wisdom and fidelity, may be of great utility to this Commonwealth.
It is no impeachment of the abilities, honor or integrity of any man, to suppose, that in a body of wise, great and good men, there may be different talents and improvements, and distinct characters, that may have an opening for exercise, and shine with a peculiar lustre, in different departments of civil government.
What these talents and characters are, how to be distinguished, in whom to be found and where to be placed, for the purposes of government, and best good of the Commonwealth, is not for me to determine. But certain it is, these are questions of no small importance to the public good: And questions, to which our honored civil fathers will give that attention, which their interesting nature demands.
Not only to preserve, as distinct as possible, the several departments of government, that so they might be a mutual check upon each other; but also to give dignity to government and energy to the laws, as well as ease to administration, were evidently in view, by adopting this branch in the constitution: And it cannot be doubted, that, not only those who assisted in adjusting the constitution, but also the people at large promised themselves much from this high department.
The election of counselors, therefore, however limited, will always be justly considered as a sacred deposit in the hands of the General Assembly, of the highest importance to the liberty and safety, the peace and prosperity of this Commonwealth. And, with all deference, it may be said by the people, upon such an occasion, “We claim it as our right, That, among those who are returned for Counselors and Senators, the persons best qualified to serve God and their country in that exalted department, be elected to the council board.” And may God send a perfect lot!—
The foundations which have been so happily laid in our new constitution, are to be established: and, we trust, in the hands of wise and faithful rulers, and by a good administration they will be established for “The FOUNDATIONS OF MANY GENERATIONS.”
Much depends upon the steps that have been and are still to be taken, under this constitution: and to derive the benefits and blessings we promise ourselves and posterity from it, the greatest care should be taken, not only to preserve the constitution itself, in all its parts, sacred and inviolate; but also, as much as possible to have the genuine spirit and principles of it inspiring the laws, and directing the exercise of the powers of government.
We have seen, in the preceding discourse, a specimen of the importance of attention and fidelity in rulers, and something of the nature of the engaging and powerful motives hereunto; As also the glorious rewards which those are entitled to who are faithful and persevering in the discharge of the duties of their several offices and stations. And surely there never was a time when the calls of God, of providence and our country, to the practice of these virtues, were greater than the present.
Many things, interesting in their nature, and important in their consequences, demand the attention of our civil fathers, in the several departments of government; but especially in the General Court.—Inattention and remissness are at all times inexcusable, in those who have accepted seats in government or places of trust and authority: And I need not observe, that at such a day as this, they must be criminal indeed! The laws, distributive justice, the order and peace of society, the internal policy and government of the Commonwealth, and the trade and commerce of the land, are subjects which statedly call for the care and attention of rulers and government.—The still wretched state of our medium, by which trade is obstructed, the poor oppressed, the course of justice, in matters of property, retarded; the community defrauded, the public faith and public credit perplexed, is truly affecting, and demands immediate consideration; and if anything within the limits of human wisdom and penetration can yet further be thought of, to remedy so great an evil, it is fervently hoped, it will not escape the notice of the General Court.
The declining state of religion, morality and virtue; and the great prevalence of vice and immorality, irreligion and profaneness, in almost every form, and in the various orders and ages of men; it is humbly conceived, are subjects, not only important in themselves, but of the highest consequence to the well-being of society, and call aloud for the interposition of rulers, who are ordained of God to be a terror to evil doers and to evil works. In vain do the teachers of religion and even the ambassadors of Christ preach and teach the importance of religion, the excellence of virtue, and the necessity of morality, justice, temperance, truth or righteousness; while vice, in its various forms, is winked at by authority, and iniquity established by law.
I would not be understood, as supposing this to be our case; but rather to express an earnest desire to prevent it, by those timely exertions which wisdom and policy, as well as piety and godliness, teach us to make, for the glory of God and good of society.—And certain it is, that much depends upon those in authority, and much is expected, and much may be done by our civil fathers, by well-judged and well-executed laws, for the suppressing and punishing of vice and immorality, and the encouragement and support of religion and virtue.
But after all, it is by example, a living example, of justice and righteousness, temperance and chastity, faithfulness and integrity; and that glorious assemblage of Christian graces and moral virtues, by which human nature is adorned, and society rendered happy, that rulers give energy to laws, effectually suppress vice in its various forms, encourage virtue, and introduce and promote a thorough reformation among a people.—Virtue in high stations shines with an increased lustre, hath an extensive influence, and sweetly attracts the attention and engages the imitation of all around.—But without this, reproofs are in vain, punishments ineffectual, and laws to little or no purpose.
In a word, a want of attention to religion and virtue, in rulers or people, may blast our wisest counsels, sap the foundations of our most raised expectations and bring confusion on all our measures.
With grateful souls and thankfulness to heaven, we revere and admire the wisdom, the piety and policy of our fore-fathers, in the early and effectual care they took, even while weak-handed and yet in an instant state, for the good education of children and youth.—Laws, for the support of grammar schools, in the several towns, were made, established and sacredly regarded. Colleges were founded and endowed, and cheerfully and generously supported.—These institutions have been, for several generations, the sources of light, of knowledge, of literature, of liberty and religion; and under God, the happy means of forming many worthy characters, for eminent usefulness, both in church and state. And to these institutions, we are not a little indebted for that knowledge to discern, that wisdom to state, and that spirit to defend our rights and liberties, civil and religious, for which the inhabitants of these States have been so justly celebrated, in the present contest; and which have introduced and established that glorious revolution which hath taken place in America. May the present generation be impressed and inspired with the same excellent spirit; and may it be encouraged and prevail, in those that succeed, to the end of time!
The University at Cambridge, the American academy of arts and sciences, and all other institutions for the promoting of literature, are most fervently commended to the care and patronage of the civil fathers of this Commonwealth.
But it is not so much in the high attainments in science, to which the learned few may arrive, as in the diffusing common and useful knowledge in all orders of men, that the liberty and safety of a free Commonwealth consists. The former may flourish, and in fact have been encouraged, and carried to an eminent heighth of glory, in despotic states, while the latter hath been depressed; and even at the same time, that it hath been the ungenerous policy of persons in power, to frown upon, and artfully to discourage the means of common education, and to keep the multitude in the lowest state of ignorance, that thus they might be fit tools to carry to effect the purposes of oppression and arbitrary power; and be continued in a state of slavery, without ever knowing, either the loss of their liberty, or their rights as men.
It hath been said, ‘The law is the inheritance of the people.’—I wish to God, that multitudes of the people of this Commonwealth, had no reason to complain, that they have been abridged of a precious part of this inheritance, in that too general neglect and contempt, with which the law, for keeping grammar SCHOOLS in the several towns, hath been treated for a number of years past.—In the name of God, our country and posterity, it may be pertinently asked—What becomes of the children of the poor,–the widow, and them that have no helper, when so useful so necessary a law is trampled under foot!—How can rulers be said to be shields of the earth, and to belong unto God, while authority is despised, and the laws evaded, dispensed with, or set aside with impunity?—In fine, may it not be asked, whether more is not to be feared, with regard to the liberties of a people, and the well-being, safety and prosperity of a free state, from the shameful neglect of the instruction of children and education of youth, in society, than from the sword of an enemy, or the power of an oppressor? 36
Rulers are stiled shields of the earth, as it more especially belongs to them, to look to the protection of society and provide the defence of the state.
STANDING armies are abhorrent to the first principles of freedom, and dangerous to the liberties of a free Commonwealth. The sword is in the hands of all the inhabitants of this Commonwealth?—Whether all the people have arms?—Or, whether, having arms, they are taught the art-military, and the use of their arms, so as to be effectually prepared to oppose an invading enemy, upon the shortest notice? 37
That God, who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, in the rise, progress, and even unto the present state of the great contest, in which we are engaged, hath gloriously appeared for our help and support, in numberless instances. And it is not easy to suppose, nor is it agreeable to the general course of divine providence, that such beginnings—such goodly foundations, as, at this day, are seen, in the rising States of America, should be crushed or overthrown.—But their deliverance, their freedom and independence may be greatly checked, and their rise, growth and glory, shamefully retarded, by the inattention or remissness of rulers, or the negligence and languor of the people.
Had the glorious success of our arms at the Westward, and the surrender of General Burgoyne and his whole army, in the year 1777, been followed with spirited measures, and backed with those exertions, which wisdom and sound policy dictated, and which the United States were able to have made; we may rationally suppose, it might have gone far towards the reduction of the enemy and hastening a peace, upon terms of justice and equality.—How this success was improved, is not pleasing to remember!—May past omissions prove lessons of wisdom, for time to come.
The present year is important, and seems to open upon us, big with the fate of America,–of Europe, and, perhaps of the world of mankind.—This is the interesting crisis, for which the enemy have waited, and to which they have looked, with anxious expectation, as the period for the success of their arms and the subjugation of America. And it is both natural and just to suppose, that this year all their strength, and all their rage, will be put forth, with the utmost energy of exertion.—May GOD ALMIGHTY defeat and disappoint them!!—But can we expect, if we are wanting to ourselves, or reluctant and negligent in making those strenuous exertions, to which we are so loudly called, by God and our country, that the desired success will attend?
To rouse all our attention, and give the spring to the noblest exertions, may we realize more deeply than ever, the greatness of the cause, and how much is depending upon its success. May we seriously contemplate the distresses of our bleeding country; and with all the feelings of humanity, call into view, the sufferings of our brethren in the hands of the enemy, and the ravage, the waste and destruction, which mark the steps of British cruelty, throughout the land, and now take place in the Southern States!—Above all, may we attend to the voice of our brethren’s BLOOD, which cries for vengeance from the ground!—To the MANES of our slaughtered friends, who first felt a sacrifice to the oppressor’s rage, and suffered as MARTYRS in their country’s cause!—To the MANES of all these brave commanders and ILLUSTRIOUS HEROES, who have nobly fought and nobly bled in its defence!–!
O my fathers and brethren ALL! All is yet at stake!—All may yet be lost, if we rise not, as one man, to the noble cause!—How inglorious must it be, for want of attention, for want of exertion, to ship-wreck in the harbor—to fail at last?—Where, then, the pleasing scenes of LIBERTY, INDEPENDENCE and SOVEREIGNTY, which we have promised ourselves?—Where the glorious foundations of FREEDOM and safety, which our CIVIL CONSTITUTIONS have laid?—And where the beautiful superstructure of government and laws, which has been erected upon them?—Alas!—They are dashed, they vanish, they are gone—lost! Forever lost!!!
But can this be the event? Shall this be the fatal end, the shameful issue of all the glorious exertions that have been made,–of all the bitter sufferings that have been endured—of all the precious blood that hath been shed? Is this possible? Can it ever once be? Forbid it RIGHTEOUS HEAVEN I forbid it, O MY COUNTRY!—America rises, indignant, at the stavish thought.—Her FREE-BORN SONS are not so lost to the sentiments of liberty, the love of their country, or the feelings of humanity, as to beat the most distant idea of such a disgraceful end, to this glorious contest. Nor can they ever be so debased, as to retain a wish to survive the loss of liberty, or their country’s ruin.—Much less to stand the tame spectators of the sacrifices, that (in such a case) must and will be made, of noble patriots, wise counselors, faithful rulers, brave commanders, and illustrious heroes, and, in fine, of the best friends and best blood of AMERICA, by the AX or HALTER, to satiate the rage and glut the malice of a British conqueror! Or, perhaps, that which is still more affecting and degrading—to be doomed to waste away the remains of a wretched life in poverty, chains, slavery, or a cruel imprisonment!
That this hath been the end of civil wars, when the struggles for liberty have failed of success: And that such hath been the fate of those, whom conquering oppressors have been pleased to stigmatize, with the names of REBELS and TRAITORS, numberless instances in most celebrated histories, abundantly prove.
‘Tis after the war is closed, whether by conquest or submission, that the bitterest revenge takes place; and under the pretence of law, justice or necessity, it is then, that the worthiest characters are sacrificed, the noblest patriots fall, and the richest blood of a nation flows.
This was the case at Rome, and these the consequences that attended their civil wars, from time to time. This was especially so, in those between Marius and Sylla, by which that great republic was, for many years, convulsed to its foundations. In their turns, during the contest, both Marius and Sylla stained the streets of Rome with the blood of her most venerable senators and worthiest citizens. But the cruelty of Sylla, after he had conquered the party of Marius, and gained the summit of absolute power, over the whole commonwealth, was beyond the power of description, and I had almost said, of belief itself. 38
When, mad with loyalty, the British nation restores their flattering tyrant, Charles IId. a scene of blood was opened, more affecting, perhaps, to the more judicious part of the people, than all that had appeared in the civil war. Notwithstanding a the exile-king promised everything to regain the throne; and upon his return and restoration, made public proclamation of an act of amnesty or general pardon; not only the king’s judges, so called, but many of the worthiest characters were soon attainted and proscribed: And it was quickly found, that nothing short of the best blood of the nation, would be a sacrifice sufficient to appease his own resentment, or his father’s ghost.
The same, or perhaps, more affecting scenes will probably be opened in America, should we fail of success in the present contest; or should these United States be ever subdued by arms, or cajoled by arts, to a return and submission to Britain.—But this is an event, which (we firmly trust) will never take place.
Upon the whole: in our united counsels and exertions, we may yet hope, and even assure ourselves, that God who sitteth upon the throne of his holiness, will behold our state, hear our prayers, and still maintain our right and plead our cause.—That he will hasten the period of our present distresses, and give us to see, in his own way and time, the liberty, independence, sovereignty and glory of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, established on a foundation that shall never be moved.
And what a bright, what a glorious scene of liberty and felicity doth such an happy issue of this great and interesting contest, present to our view? –America, redeemed out of the hands of her enemies—the United States, delivered from the oppressors yoke; the secure retreat of injured innocence and the happy asylum of the oppressed and distressed.—The seat of justice and equity, of freedom and empire—extensive in trade and flourishing in commerce—abounding in riches and wealth—and illustrious in literature—in arts and sciences;–and, above all, glorious in the knowledge and practice of the pure and peaceful religion of our LORD and SAVIOUR JESUS CHRIST:–And the unborn millions of succeeding ages, uniting in their grateful acknowledgments of praise and thanksgiving to GOD the supreme ruler, for that spirit of wisdom, liberty, patriotism and bravery, with which he was pleased to inspire the patriots and heroes; and even the whole body of the people of the present generation:–and, in fine—THIS PEOPLE, THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, a name, a praise and a glory among the nations, throughout all generations, to the end of time.
That such may be the end, such the reward, and such the important and lasting effects, of this great and glorious contest, may GOD, of his infinite mercy, grant, through Jesus Christ, our LORD.
AMEN.
Endnotes
1. Vid. 2 Sam. 5. 1, 2, 3.
2. Isai. 45. 5, 7.
3. Ibid. 43. 13.
4. Ibid. 45. 9.
5. Psal. 97. 1.
6. Isai.
7. Psal. 33. 23.
8. Psal. 29. 10.
9. 103, 19.
10. Col. 1. 16.
11. Whether the multiplying sanguinary laws and capital punishments, in a state, can be justified upon the principles of equity, or even sound policy, is a question not unworthy the attention of wise legislators.—And whether punishing certain offenders, with loss of liberty, and hard labour, at the oar, or elsewhere, in some places of public resort, where they might be held up to view, as spectacles of justice in terrarem for a certain term of years, or for life, according to the nature of their crimes, would not answer the ends of government & the purposes of civil society, better than even an ignominious death; is also, humbly submitted.
12. Rom. 13, 4.
13. Prov. 16, 33.
14. Psal. 75. 6.
15. Deut. 1. 17. &c.
16. Rom. 13. 4.
17. Psal. 32. 1.
18. Eph. 10. 3.
19. “The Ostracism makes a great figure in all the Greek history, and occurs frequently in that of the Athenians,” among whom it is generally supposed to have had its rise.—This peculiar law was originally designed, as a guard to liberty; though sometimes abused, to the purposes of licentiousness and faction. “By this law men, eminent to such a degree, as to threaten the State with danger, were banished for ten years.—The method in which they proceeded to inflict the Ostracism was this: Every citizen took a piece of broken pot or shell, on which having wrote the name of the person he would have banished, he carried it to a certain place of the forum, which was enclosed with rails; then the magistrates began to count the number of the shells for if they were less than six thousand, the vote did not take place; but if they surpassed that number, they laid every name apart, and the man who’s name was found on the greatest number of shells was of course exiled for ten years.”
This law speaks a people jealous of their liberty to an extreme.—For, however well intended; yet, through the craft of rivals in power, or the insidiousness of ambitious and popular men, this punishment sometimes fell upon the worthiest characters in the state. Ariscides, by the wisdom of his councils, the firmness of his courage and the inflexibility of his integrity, at home, abroad, in peace and war, and had proved himself an illustrious patriot, acquired the surname of the just, and obtained the character of the most worthy and virtuous of the Athenians.—But these very virtues and this high reputation, were artfully improved, by his rival Themistocies, as arguments against him, and to prove him a man dangerous to the state. “It may seem strange (say the writers of the universal history) that Themistocies could raise the popular resentment against a man amiable from peaceable virtues; yes he effected it by causing it to be whispered about, that Ariscides having assumed the name of just, and acting frequently as an umpire between contending parties, had insensibly erected a monarchy, though without pomp or guards.—On a sudden, and when it was least expected, citizens and countrymen flocked to the forum and demanded the ostracism.—When the magistrates signified to him, that the ostracism fell upon him, he retired modestly out of the forum, and as he went out, he lifted up his eyes to heaven, and said, I beseech the Gods, that the Atheniaus may never see that day, which shall force them to remember Aristides!”—[vid. Universal Hist. vol. 6. P. 377, 378, &c.] What an exalted spirit! What heroic sentiments! What a divine example!—This is the good ruler—the true Patriot—neither the ingratitude of his fellow citizen, nor the unjust severity of his own cruel fate, could remove his love from his country, or prevent his prayers for the blessing of heaven upon an ungrateful people, who, for his faithful services, had just excluded him the rights of society, and drove him into banishment.
20. Pericles, after many and eminent services rendered to the state, in the course of a long and faithful administration, was unjustly, as well as injudiciously, dismissed, disgraced and fined by the Athenians; and this at a time when his presence, council, and directly on were more needed than ever. Ibid. p. 445.
21. Neh. 5. 19.
22. Jer. 2. 19.
23. Vid. Rom. 13. Begin.
24. Ibid. ver. 5.
25. As far as human wisdom and foresight could avail, to prevent anything of this kind, the people of this State have assumed and declared it, as one of their important rights; that “in the government of this Commonwealth, the legislative department shall never exercise the executive and judicial powers, or either of them: The executive shall never exercise the legislative and judicial powers, or either of them: The judicial shall never exercise the legislative and executive powers, or either of them: To the end, it may be a government of LAWS and not of MEN.” Great attention was paid to this inestimable right, in settling the departments and adjusting the powers of government by those who assisted in framing our New constitution. How far they succeeded in so difficult a work and so critical an attempt, the public will judge, and time and experience more fully discover.—At present, however, it must be allowed, that the prospect before us is not unpromising.
26. Pompey and Caesar were not yet at open enmity, nor professed rivals; but the former having taken various steps, which clearly indicated his ambitious views; the latter could not content himself with anything short of the same supreme power to which his rival aspired. To accomplish the purpose of this ambition, Caesar considered the consulship as an essential step. In order to his advancement to the consulship, as well as to effect his ultimate designs, Caesar found it necessary to avail himself of the influence not only of Crassus his rich and powerful friend, but also of Pompey his rival; and to serve himself of both: And this gave rise to the artful compromise we have mentioned. In this remarkable compact, Pompey and Crassus, as well as Caesar, had undoubtedly their views: But to adopt the words of celebrated historians, “Caesar’s management, upon this occasion, was a masterpiece of policy, and the foundation of his future grandeur. The two citizens, who at this time made the greatest figure in the republic, without dispute, were Pompey and Crassus: but these two powerful citizens were declared enemies, and, all things considered, much upon a level. As they both had great interest, Caesar plainly saw, that he could never obtain the consulship without gaining one or other of them to his cause; but the difficulty was, which to choose. If he closed with Pompey, he would meet with a strong opposition from Crassus’s friends; and if he joined Crassus, he was sure to have all Pompey’s party against him. He therefore undertook to reconcile the two rivals, and by proposing to them a triumvirate, in which should be lodged all the authority of the senate and people, he prevailed upon them to make up their differences, and enter into a strict friendship with each other. In order to make their confederacy the more indissoluble, they solemnly bound themselves, by mutual oaths and promises, to assist each other, and to suffer nothing to be undertaken or executed without the unanimous consent of all three.
“Thus was the first triumvirate formed, by which Rome became a prey to three men, who, by the interest of their united parties, arbitrarily disposed of all the dignities and employments in the commonwealth. The public were long strangers to the mysteries of this new cabal. Nothing more appeared to the senate than the reconciliation of Pompey and Crassus; and Caesar was congratulated by all ranks of men for having brought it about. Cato alone foresaw the evil consequences of this new alliance, and exclaimed atainst it, saying, that Rome had lost her liberty: but nobody hearkened to him ‘till it was too late to follow his prudent counsel. This association subsisted to the death of Crassus, and was followed by the entire subversion of the republican state.” Vid. Univers. Hist. Vol. 13. P. 150, 151.
27. Jer. 22. 15, 16.
28. Deut. 33. 46 & 47.
29. Psalm 118. 6.
30. 144. 15.
31. Isai. 10. 5.
32. Lexington was the place in which a just God was pleased to permit hostilities between Great-Britain and America, to commence. The persons who first fell victims to the sword of the oppressor, and who were PROTOMARTYRS in the glorious cause of LIBERTY and their country, were inhabitants of the town; and it was my lot to be an eye witness of that horrid scene of bloodshed and slaughter which opened the war!—To be an eye witness of the unprovoked, ungenerous and unjust assault, of about eight hundred British regular troops, upon fifty or sixty undisciplined Americans, who neither molested, nor had it in contemplation to oppose them, unless drove to it by the Britons, in defense of themselves, their rights and their country.—To see the sword of violence drawn, the INNOCENT BLOOD of our brethren murderously shed, and the flames of war bursting upon us, without notice, without provocation; when war was neither proclaimed, nor so much as professedly threatened: and this by a prince and nation which, for ages past, had sustained the character and gloried in the appellation of The Parent State:–By a nation, from whom we had a just right to look for protection and defense, against every lawless invader:–To see war commenced upon us by such a nation, so related for no other reason but because we were unwilling to give up our most sacred rights, as free men and a free people; and this too, with various circumstances of indignity and insult was, and must have been affecting and distressing indeed!—And the more so to us, a people, who, till these unhappy and impolitic measures—‘till this unjust and barbarous war took place breathed loyalty to our sovereign and the sincerest affection and respect for the Mother country. Language would fail to represent, and words to express, the feelings of a free, a brae, a generous, a loyal people, upon such an alarming occasion!—Nor can it be justly supposed, that any but those who have seen and felt the shock, can form an adequate idea of its real and interesting effects.
But however distressing, savage, or severe these barbarous measures of a blood thirsty oppressor, might, at that time, appear to the inhabitants of Lexington, who were called by Providence to receive the shock—however unrighteous and cruel it might seem to the injured, the freeborn sons of America;–The hand of God and of Providence was in all these things. The wisdom and goodness of the Supreme Ruler should be devoutly acknowledged, as gloriously displayed, in ever-ruling these acts of outrage, barbarity and murder, as the means of the greatest good to this injured and oppressed land.
This ungenerous, unjust and barbarous manner of opening the war, hath effected more, perhaps, in the cause of freedom and America than the wisdom and counsel of all the American States, or even united worlds, could have done. This ill timed severity and murderous cruelty of the British troops and the British court, have answered the most valuable purposes to the American cause.—It confirmed the resolute, strengthened the weak, established the doubtful, encouraged the timid, gave a spring to the faint-hearted, roused the stupid, and silenced the perverse; and happily produced that union of sentiment and those exertions of power, in the noble contest which no other measures in human probability would have ever effected. And to apply the expressive words of Joseph to his brethren, it may fitly be said—to the haughty Britons—“As you for ye thought evil against us; but God meant it unto good to bring to pass as it is this day, to save much people alive.” Gen. 50. 20.
33. Witness the large ship taken from the enemy, by the brave Capt. Mugford in 1776, and sent into the port of Boston, laden chiefly with Powder, to the amount (if I mistake not) of about 1500 barrels; and this at a time when we were in the most critical situation, for want of such a supply of that essential article.
Witness also several other large and valuable vessels, taken by our privateers, and sent into Salem, or elsewhere; laden with fire-arms, mortars, ordnance stores of various kinds, clothing, provisions &c. &c—Articles necessary, useful, seasonable and important, to our military operations—In these, and many other instances, the providence of God hath been apparent and wonderful, in the course of the war; and ought to be gratefully remembered and devoutly acknowledged, by this people.
34. Should it be said here, “That the Jews were not restored to their liberties, by the decree of Cyrus, upon their return from Babylon; but were still a dependent people; and even Tributaries to the Persian princes.”—It might be answered,–‘That it is readily granted, the children of Israel were not restored to a state of perfect freedom and independence, by the decree of Cyrus, upon their return from Babylon to Judea.’—It is acknowledged they were still dependent on the Persian kings.—Nor could they, in the situation and circumstances, in which they were at that time, have desired to be less dependent, upon that powerful court, than that generous decree o Cyrus made them—Just emerging from a long and distressing captivity, it is easy to believe they were not in a capacity to support and defend themselves in their former independence; even tho’ it had been granted them in the fullest sense.—It was their safety and happiness that God appointed Cyrus his and their shepherd that under the wing of his patronage and protection, they might securely return to their country, take possession of their lands, rebuild their cities and the temple, restore the worship of God according to the Levitical institution; and re-establish their laws, polity and government, agreeable to that divine constitution, which God had given to their fathers, by the hand of Moses—In short, the revolution, in the affairs of the Hebrew nation, which took place under this benevolent prince, and in consequence of the above-mentioned decree, was a glorious revolution—A revolution, in and by which the people of God were redeemed from captivity, & restored to their country, their possessions, and their laws, liberties and religion, in all their peculiarities; and to a greater degree of national freedom and independence, than ever they could have expected or promised themselves, in their late depressed, scattered, enslaved and captivated state. Agreeably we find not only the decree of Cyrus; but the several prophecies which have reference to it, or to him as the deliverer of God’s people; and even other eminent prophecies, concerning the return of the Jews from the Babylonian captivity, expressly representing their restoration, in general as full and complete; and without any let or drawback. For further light and satisfaction upon this subject and question, vid. And comp. these following places and passages in scripture. Ezra, chap. 1, throughout, chap. 6 first part. Isai 44. 28. Ibid 45. 1-5, and 13. Jerem. 29. 10. And especially that illustrious prophecy, Jerem. 30, ch. 18, 19, 20 and 21 ver.
I only add, that, in my reference to Cyrus, and the prophecy concerning him, the judicious reader will easily see, that the main point in view, was not to illustrate the completeness or degree, of that freedom and liberty, to which God’s people were raised, by the kind, the generous and effectual interposition of Cyrus, for their redemption and restoration; but the hand of GOD, and the wisdom and goodness of his all superintending providence, in directing the measures, influencing the policy and over-ruling the conduct of men, princes and kings, of states and nations, and powers on earth, for the effecting the purposes of his benevolence, in the support and relief of an afflicted people, and the redemption and salvation of the injured and oppressed.
35. Jeremiah 30, 21, 22.
36. A number of other questions might have been pertinently asked here:–As—What becomes of the oaths of grand jurors, upon the question, ‘Whether their towns are provided with grammar school masters, according to law?—What sort of schools have been kept?—‘What kind of masters have been, at least, too often, employed,–‘What the orders, the prayers, the means of instruction and education, in those schools are?—‘Whether any schools, at all, have been kept, and how long, or what proportion of the year, in towns where the aforementioned law hath been evaded, dispensed with, or set aside’ &c &c—The answer to these, or other questions upon this subject. I heave to those who know what belongs to school education, and to all candid, impartial, wise and judicious observers, to make.
Two things were, undoubtedly, in view, by our worthy ancestors, in the standing law for grammar-schools: Both tending to promote learning and knowledge in the community.—One was, ‘that towns being obliged, under certain penalties, to provide themselves with well qualified grammar school-masters, the people in general, the poor, as well as rich might without immediate personal expence, be provided with good means of instruction and education for their children.
The other was that parents or friends, whose circumstances were not affluent, might be induced to encourage a genius and inclination for learning, in promising children or youths, by giving them a liberal education; upon this presumption, that as soon as they had perfected their studies at College, and received the honors of an academical education, they might immediately support themselves, by engaging in schools:–Ah employment suitable to their character, honorable to themselves, and useful to society.—And I believe it may, with the greatest truth be added, that this consideration hath often determined parents and others, to give their sons or other promising youths, a public education; which otherwise they would not. And thus many a good scholar and worthy character, hath been introduced to public usefulness, in church or state, which, but for this law, must have been lost to the public, and remained in obscurity.
37. Had I seen or known of the late excellent and well-adjusted militia act, before the writing and delivering this discourse, I should not, perhaps, have troubled the audience with these plain and interesting questions: everything necessary to a well-regulated militia, being fully comprehended and provided for in the act.—I most honestly wish it may be strictly observed.
38. To confirm the above representation, to show that it is not too high coloured, and to give a specimen of what a people may justly expect from a conquering TYRANT at the close of a civil war; I beg leave to insert a passage or two from an authentic history of ROME.
“The taking of Praneste and Norba put an end to the civil war in Italy. Sylla therefore, having placed in all the Italian provinces such governors as were entirely at his devotion, and pitched several little camps in different districts, to keep the country in awe, returned to Rome, which he entered at the head of his troops. The same day he assembled the people in the Comitium, and told them with an haughty air, that he had conquered; but that those who had made him take up arms against his country should expiate the blood they had made him shed with their own. I will not spare one, said he, who has borne arms against me. They shall all perish to a man. These words, from a man who was absolute master of their lives & fortunes, made the most resolute tremble. They filled the whole city with dread and horror; and the consternation was doubled the next day, when they saw fixed up in all public places, a list of proscribed persons, containing the names of forty senators and sixteen hundred knights. If any man gave shelter to a person proscribed, though his son, his brother, or his father, death was the certain reward of his humanity; whereas the assassin was recompensed with two talents, though a slave had murdered his master, or a son his father.—The tyrant chose such agents to execute his decrees, as had even less pity than himself. The chief of those was the infamous Cataline—At the head of a band of assassins, he scoured the streets, and killed many knights and senators before they knew they were proscribed. The persons named in the list were sought for in their own houses, in the porticoes, and even in the temples; whence they were dragged to Sylla, and cruelly butchered in his presence.
The massacre was not confined to those named in the list. Sylla extended his revenge to all who had borne arms against him, of what rank soever, or condition. Nay, his cruel agents took this opportunity to gratify their private revenge and avarice, confounding the most innocent and peaceable with the most guilty, out of some private grudge, or purely for the sake of their wealth and rich furniture. In short, the slaughter was so dreadful, that Sylla was reproached with it even by his best friends. Among others, a young senator, named Caius Metellus, ventured one day to ask him in full senate, when he designed to put a stop to the calamities of his fellow-citizens. We do not intercede, said he, for such as you have resolved to destroy; but only desire you to free those from uneasiness, whom you have determined to save. Sylla, without seeming to take this bold speech amiss, answered cooly, that he knew not yet whom he should save. Name to us then, replied Metellus, those you are determined to destroy. That I will do, answered Sylla, very smartly, and immediately caused a new list to be fixed up of eighty citizens, whom he proscribed, most of them senators, and persons of great distinction. The next day he proscribed two hundred and twenty more, and an equal number the third. Among these was Marcus Marius, who was nearly related to the great Marius, and highly favoured by the people.—He was seized by Cataline, and put to death, after having suffered the most exquisite torments tyranny could invent. He was whipped thro’ all the streets of Rome, and, after this ignominious punishment, carried beyond the Tyber where by Sylla’s barbarous agents, his eyes were put out, his hands and ears cut off his tongue torn out, all his joints dislocated, and his bones broken. One Marcus Platorius, being moved at such an affecting sight, could not help pitying the unfortunate young man; which so offended Sylla, that he ordered him to be killed on the spot. And now after nine thousand senators, knights, and citizens, had been inhumanly murdered by Sylla’s agents, he assembled the people, and told them that he had proscribed as many as he could think of at present: and as for those he had forgot, they should be proscribed too, as soon as he could call them to his memory!”
This was the scene in the city of Rome—What awful havock, then, must the same measures of cruelty have made in the other cities and states of that great Commonwealth!—But no comment is necessary. Vid. Universe. Hist. vol. xiii. Page 83, 84, &c.
Howard was born in Bridgewater, Maine. (Maine was considered a part of Massachusetts until becoming a separate state in 1820.) After graduating from Harvard at the age of twenty-five, he earned his living as a teacher until entering the study of theology. He took his first pastorate in Canada (Cumberland, Nova Scotia), leaving in 1765 to pursue a graduate degree at Harvard. In 1767 when he took the pastorate of West Church in Boston, the town was the epicenter of events leading up to the American War for Independence. When the British turned private homes in Boston into barracks, Howard and many of his parishioners fled to Nova Scotia for safety. Upon their return eighteen months later, they found the remainder of the congregation had largely fled, leaving only three families. He rebuilt the church over succeeding years, and was greatly respected in the community. In addition to his ministry work, Howard was a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the Society for Propagating the Gospel, and he also served as Vice-President of the Humane Society.
Many of his sermons were published, including this one, preached before the Legislature of Massachusetts. Significantly, the constitution of Massachusetts had been written shortly before this sermon, and it was ratified and went into effect the month after. (The 1780 Massachusetts Constitution is still in effect today, being the only constitution older than the US Constitution.) The first governor under the constitution was John Hancock, and the first lieutenant governor was Samuel Adams.
A
SERMON
PREACHED BEFORE THE
HONORABLE COUNCIL,
AND THE HONORABLE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
OF THE
STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS-BAY,
IN
NEW-ENGLAND,
MAY 31, 1780.
BEING THE ANNIVERSARY FOR THE ELECTION
OF THE HONORABLE COUNCIL.
By SIMEON HOWARD, A. M.
Pastor of the West Church in Boston.
N. B. Several passages omitted in preaching are now
Inserted in the publication of this discourse.
STATE of MASSACHUSETTS-BAY.
In COUNCIL, June 1, 1780.
ORDERED, That Moses Gill, Henry Gardner and Timothy Danielson, Esquires, be and hereby are appointed a Committee to wait upon the Rev. Mr. Simeon Howard, and return him the Thanks of this Board, for his Sermon delivered Yesterday before both Houses of the General Assembly; and to request a Copy thereof for the Press.
True Copy,
Attest.
SAMUEL ADAMS, Secretary.
AN ELECTION SERMON.
EXODUS 18. 21.
–Thou shalt provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them to be rulers.
Almighty God who governs the world generally carries on the designs of his government by the instrumentality of subordinate agents; hereby giving scope and opportunity to his creatures to become his ministers for good to one another, in the exercise of the various powers and capacities with which he has endowed them. Tho’ for the vindication of his honor, to dispel the darkness and give a check to the idolatry and vice which overspread the world, and in order to prepare mankind for the reception of a Saviour to be manifested in due time, God was pleased to take the Jewish nation under his particular care and protection, and to become their political law-giver and head; yet he made use of the agency of some of that people in the administration of his government. The legislative power he seems to have reserved wholly to himself; there being no evidence that any of the rulers or assemblies of the people had authority to make laws. But the judicial and executive powers were entrusted with men. At the first institution of the government, Moses seems to have exercised the judicial authority wholly by himself. In this business he was employed from morning till evening, when Jethro, his father in law, the priest and prince of Midian came to visit him. This wise man, for such he surely was, observed to Moses, that this business was too heavy for him, and what he was not able to perform alone; and therefore advised him to appoint proper persons to bear the burthen with him, provided it was agreeable to the divine will. Moses it is said, in the context, hearkened to the voice of his father in law, and did all that he had said. There can be no doubt but that God approved this measure, tho’ it was first suggested y a pagan, otherwise it would not have been adopted. It seems indeed to have been highly expedient, and even necessary. From whence it appears, that even in this government which was so immediately the work of God, room was left for men to make such appointments and institutions, as by experience should be found necessary for the due administration of it. The general plan was laid by God, and he was the sole legislator. This was necessary in that age of darkness, idolatry and vice. Mankind seem to have been too ignorant and corrupt to form a constitution, and a code of laws, in any good measure adapted to promote their piety, virtue and happiness. But God left many smaller matters to be regulated by the wisdom and discretion of the people. This is agreeable to a general rule of the divine conduct; which is not to accomplish that, in a supernatural or miraculous way, which may be done by the exertion of human powers.
It is said, in the context, that in compliance with the advice of Jethro, Moses chose able men—and made them rulers. But it is generally supposed that they were chosen by the people. This is asserted by Josephus, and plainly intimated by Moses in his recapitulary discourse recorded in I Chap. of Deut. where he says to the people, “I spake unto you, saying I am not able to bear you myself alone—take ye wise men, and understanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you”. So that these officers were without doubt elected by the people, tho’ introduced byc Moses into their office. And indeed the Jews always exercised this right of choosing their own rulers; even Saul and David and all their successors in the throne, were made kings by the voice of the people. (see I Sam. 11, 15. 2 Sam. 2, 4, 5, 3.). This natural and important right, God never deprived them of, tho’ they had shewn so much folly and perverseness, in rejecting him, and desiring to have a king like the nations around them.
The business for which Jethro advised, that these rulers should be chosen was to decide the smaller and less difficult matters of controversy that arose among the people; while causes of greater consequence were to be brought before Moses: So that they were a fort of inferior judicial officers, or judges of inferior courts. Tho’ they were not officers of the highest dignity and authority in the state, yet the midianitish sage advised, that they should be “able men, such as fear God, men of truth hating covetousness; judging that such men only were fit for the office. He has here in a few words pointed out to us what sort of men are proper to be put in authority, whether in an higher or lower station; for if such qualifications are necessary for this inferior office, they must surely be more so, for the higher and supreme offices in government. And the consideration of these qualifications, is what I principally intend in the following discourse: But before I enter upon this, I would give a little attention to two or three other points. Accordingly I shall consider,
I. The necessity of civil government to the happiness of mankind.
II. The right of the people to choose their own rulers.
III. The business of rulers in general.
These particulars being finished in a few words, I shall then,
IV. Particularly consider the qualifications pointed out in the text, as necessary for civil rulers.
After which, the subject will be applied to the present occasion.
I. Let us consider the necessity of civil government for the happiness of mankind. Men have in all ages and nations been induced by a sense of their wants and weaknesses, as well as by their love of society, to keep up some intercourse with one another. A man totally separated from his species, would be less able to provide for himself than almost any other creature. Some sort of society, some intercourse with other men is necessary to his happiness, if not to his very existence.
Suppose then a number of men living near together, and maintaining that intercourse which is necessary for the supply of their wants, but without any laws or government established among them by mutual consent; or in what is called a state of nature. In this state everyone has an equal right to liberty, and to do what he thinks proper. The love of liberty is natural to all: It appears the first, operates the most forceably and is extinguished the last of any of our passions. And this principle would lead every man to pursue and enjoy everything, to which he had an inclination. Several persons would no doubt desire and pursue the same thing, which only one could enjoy. Hence contests would arise; and, no one else having a right to interfere, they must be settled by the parties: But prejudice and self-love would render them partial judges, and probably prevent an amicable settlement; so that the dispute must at last be ended by the strongest arm; and thus the liberty of the weak would be destroyed by the power of the strong. Every unsuccessful competitor would think himself injured by another’s seizing that to which, in his own opinion, he had an equal right, and would endeavour to obtain compensation: This would provoke retaliation, and naturally lead on to an endless reciprocation of injuries. The injured who found himself unable to contend with his adversary, would call in the assistance of some more powerful combatant, to avenge his cause: The aggressor too would endeavour to strengthen himself for defence by associates; and thus parties would be formed for rapine, devestation, and murder; and the peaceful state of nature soon be exchanged for a number of little contending tyrannies, or for one successful one, that should swallow up all the rest. This would generally be the case where men should attempt to live without laws or government; nor can they any way secure themselves against all manner of violence and injuries from bad men, but by uniting together in society, agreeing upon some universal rules to be observed by all;–that controversies shall be determined, not by the parties concerned, but by disinterested judges, and according to established rules; that their determinations shall be enforced by the joint power of the whole community either in punishing the injurious or protecting the innocent. Man is not to be trusted with his unbounded love of liberty, unless it is under some other restraint, than what arises from his own reason or the law of God. These, in many instances, would make but a feeble resistance to his lust or avarice; and he would pursue his liberty to the destruction of his fellow creatures, if he was not restrained by human laws and punishment.
Let us next consider,
II. The right of the people to choose their own rulers.
No man is born a magistrate, or with a right to rule over his brethren. If this were the case, there must be some natural mark by which it might be known to whom this right belongs, or it could answer no end: But no man was ever known to come into the world with any such mark of superiority and domination. If a man by the improvement of his reason and moral powers becomes more wise and virtuous than his brethren, this renders him better qualified for authority than others: But still he is no magistrate or lawgiver, till he is appointed such by the people.
Nor has one state or kingdom a right to appoint rulers for another. This would infer such a natural inequality in mankind as is inconsistent with the equal freedom of all. One state may indeed by virtue of its superior power assume this right; and the weaker state may be obliged to submit to it, for want of power to resist. But it is an unjust encroachment upon their liberty, which they ought to get rid of as soon as they can: It is a mark of tyranny on one side, and of inglorious slavery on the other.
The magistrate is properly the trustee of the people: He can have no just power but what he receives from them. To them he ought to be accountable for the use he makes of this power. But if a man may be invested with the power of government, which is the united power of the community, without their consent, how can they call him to account; what check can they have upon him; or what security for the enjoyment of anything which he may see fit to deprive them of? They must in this case be slaves: But as every people have a right to be free, they must have a right of choosing their own rulers and appointing such as they think most proper; because this right is so essential to liberty, that the moment a people are deprived of it, they cease to be free. This, as has been already observed, is a right which the Jews always enjoyed; they elected their kings, generals, judges and other officers; tho’ in some few instances God did expressly point out to them the person whom they ought to choose; which however, he has never done to any other people.
Let us now consider,
III. The business of rulers in general.
And this is, to promote and secure the happiness of the whole community. For this end only they are invested with power, and only for this end it ought to be employed. The apostle tells us, that the magistrate is God’s minister for good to the people. This is the sole end for which God has ordained, that magistrates should be appointed, that they may carry on his benevolent purposes, in promoting the good and happiness of human society; and hence their power is said to be from God; that is, it is so, while they employ it according to his will. But when they act against the good of society, they cannot be said to act by authority from God, any more, than a servant can be said to act by his master’s authority, while he acts directly contrary to his will. And no people, we may presume, ever elected a magistrate for any other end, than their own good; consequently when a magistrate acts against this end, he cannot act by authority from the people; so that he acts, in this case, without any authority either from God or man. He cannot by any lawful authority act against, but only for the good of society. This in general is the business of civil rulers: But there are a variety of ways and means by which they are to carry on this business and accomplish the important end of their institution, which it is quite beyond my present design particularly to point out, tho’ there may be occasion to suggest some of them in the progress of my discourse.
Let us now consider,
IV. The qualifications pointed out in the text, as necessary for rulers.
I. They must be able men. God has made a great difference in men in respect of their natural powers both of body and mind: To some he has given more, to others fewer talents. Nor is there perhaps a less difference in this respect, arising from education. And tho’ there are none but what may be good members of civil society as well as faithful servants of God; yet everyone has not abilities sufficient to make him a good civil ruler. Woe unto thee, O land, when thy king is a child, says Solomon; hereby intimating that the happiness of a people depends greatly upon the character of its rulers, and that if they resemble children in weakness, ignorance, credulity, fickleness, &c. the people will of course be very miserable. By able men may be intended men of good understanding and knowledge; men of clear heads, who have improved their minds by exercise, acquired an habit of reasoning, and furnished themselves with a good degree of knowledge: Men who have a just conception of the nature and end of government in general, of the natural rights of mankind, of the nature and importance of civil and religious liberty; a knowledge of human nature; of the springs of action and the readiest way to engage and influence the heart; an acquaintance with the people to be governed, their genius, their prejudices, their interest with respect to other states, what difficulties they are under, what dangers they are liable to, and what they are able to bear and do. These things are ever to be taken into consideration by legislators, when they make laws for the internal police of a people, and in their transactions with, or respecting other states. It would be going too far to say, that an honest man cannot be a good ruler, unless he be of the first character for good sense, learning and knowledge; but it will not be denied, that the more he excels in these things, the more likely he will be to rule well: He will be better able to see what measures are suited to the temper and genius of the people, and most conducive to the end of his institution; how to raise necessary supplies for the expenses of government in ways most easy and agreeable to the people; how to extricate them out of difficulties in which they may be involved; how to negotiate the calamities of war, by compromising differences or putting the people into a condition to defend themselves and repel injuries: In a word, how to render them happy and respectable in peace, or formidable in war. These things require a very considerable degree of penetration and knowledge.
As it is of great importance to the community, that learning and knowledge be diffused among the people in general, it is proper that the government should take all proper measures for this purpose; making provision for the establishment and support of literary schools and colleges: But ignorant and illiterate men will not be likely to be the patrons of learning; unacquainted with its excellency and importance, and seeing no comeliness or beauty in it; they will reject and despise it, as the Jews did the great teacher of wisdom who came from God. It would not be strange if such men entrusted with the government of a people should wholly neglect to make any provision for the encouragement of literature. It is therefore proper that rulers should be men of understanding and learning, in order to their being disposed to give due encouragement and support to the teachers and professors of the liberal arts and sciences.
It may be further observed, that weak and illiterate men at the head of a government, will be likely to place, in inferior and subordinate offices, men of their own character, merely because they know no better.
But by able men, may be intended men of courage, of firmness and resolution of mind: Men that will not sink into despondency at the sight of difficulties, or desert their duty at the approach of danger; men that will hazard their lives in defence of the public, either against internal sedition or external enemies, that will not fear the resentment of turbulent, factious men; that will be a terror to evil doers, however powerful, and a protection to the innocent, however weak:–Men that will decide seasonably upon matters of importance and firmly abide by their decision, not wavering with every wind that blows. There are some men that will halt between two opinions and hesitate so long, when any question of consequence is before them, and are so easily shaken from their purpose, when they have formed one, that they are on this account very unfit to be entrusted with public authority. Such double-minded men will be unstable in all their ways; their indecision in council will produce none but feeble and ineffectual exertions. And this doubting and wavering in the supreme authority must be prejudicial to the state, and, at some critical times, may be attended with fatal consequences. Wise men will not indeed determine rashly but when the case requires it, they will resolve speedily, and act with vigor and steadiness.
By able men may be further intended men capable of enduring the burden and fatigue of government; men that have not broken or debilitated their bodies or minds, by the effeminating pleasures of luxury, intemperance or dissipation. The supreme government of a people is always a burden of great weight, tho’ more difficult at some times, than others. It cannot be managed well without great diligence and application. Weak and effeminate persons are therefore by no means fit to manage it. But rulers should not only be able men, but
2. Such as fear God. The fear of God, in the language of scripture, does not intend a slavish, superstitious dread, as of an almighty, arbitrary and cruel Being; but that just reverence and awe of him, which naturally arises from a belief and habitual consideration of his glorious perfections and providence; of his being the moral governor of the world, a lover of holiness and a hater of vice, who sees every thought and design, as well as every action of all his creatures, and will punish the impenitently vicious and reward the virtuous: It is therefore a feat of offending him productive of obedience to his laws, and ever accompanied with hope in his mercy and that filial love which is due to so amiable a character.
It is of great importance that civil rulers be possessed of this principle. It must be obvious to all, that a practical regard to the rules of social virtue is necessary to the character of a good magistrate. Without this, a man is unworthy of any trust or confidence. But no principle so effectually promotes and establishes this regard to virtue, as the fear of God. A man may indeed from a regard to the intrinsic amiableness and excellency of virtue, from a mere sense of honor, from a love of same, from a natural benevolence of temper, or from a prudent regard to his own temporal happiness, follow virtue, when he is under no strong temptation to the contrary. But suppose him in a situation, where he apprehends that temporal infamy and misery will be the certain consequence of his practicing virtue, and temporal honor and happiness the consequence of his forsaking it, without any regard to God, as his ruler and judge, and can we expect that he will adhere to his duty? Will he sacrifice everything dear in this life, in the cause of virtue, when he has no expectation of any reward for it, beyond the grave? Will he deny himself a present gratification, without any prospect of being repaid either here or hereafter? Will he expose himself to reproach, poverty and death for the sake of doing good to mankind, without any regard to God, as the rewarder of virtue or punisher of vice? This is not to be expected. We all love, and we ought to love ourselves, and all wish to be happy. Why then should a man give up present ease and happiness for suffering and death, in the cause of virtue, if he has no expectation that God will reward virtue? This would be acting against the principle of self-love, which is generally too powerful to be counteracted.
But suppose a man to be habitually under the influence of this principle, that is, to believe and duly consider God, as his ruler and judge, who will hereafter reward virtue and punish vice with happiness and misery respectively, unspeakably greater than any to be enjoyed or suffered in this world, and he may then upon rational principles and in consistency with his self-love, forego the greatest temporal good, and expose himself to the greatest temporal evil, in the cause of virtue, and we may reasonably expect that he will. Virtue will be his chief good: He will be attached to it, as to his very being, with all the strength and ardor of his love and desire of happiness. The fear of God therefore is the most effectual, and the only sure support of virtue in the world.
Men invested with civil power are not to be sure less, but generally much more exposed to temptations to violate their duty than other men: They have more frequent opportunities of committing injuries; and may do it with less fear of present punishment; and therefore stand in need of every possible restraint to keep them from abusing their power, by deviating into the paths of vice.
It is further to be considered, that the practice of piety, which is comprised in the fear of God, has a powerful tendency to enoble and dignify the mind and beget in it an abhorrence of everything mean and base; to inspire a magnanimity and fortitude of spirit that will support and carry it thro’ the greatest dangers and difficulties; to refine and purify the heart, to disengage it from the vanities of the world, and beget that good will and benevolence which are the brightest part of a virtuous character. Contemplating daily the perfections of the Deity, as displayed in the creation, government and redemption of the world, must naturally tend to exalt the affections and fix them upon divine things, to make us love and desire to imitate the moral character of God; and consequently to weaken the force of those lusts which are so apt to draw men aside and entice them into sin;–to enliven every principle of virtue, and make us perfect, even as our father in heaven is perfect.
It is also to be observed, that the human mind is liable to mistake and err, that circumstances often occur, especially to those who are concerned in government, in which more wisdom is necessary than they are possessed of, even though they may be able men. In such cases we are directed to look up to God, the original and inexhaustible source of wisdom. Nor have we any reason to suspect that such applications will be in vain. God perfectly knows the human mind, and all the ways in which its views and determinations can be influenced: And he may without infringing upon its moral liberty, by a powerful, though imperceptible operation, put it into such a train of thinking, as may give it a juster view, and lead it to a wiser determination, than it would otherwise have formed. Here is, I apprehend, nothing in this supposition, inconsistent with the principles of rational theology and natural religion. Nor without supposing that God does thus interpose, is it easy to conceive how that part of the divine government which is in the hands of civil rulers, should in all cases be adapted to the various circumstances of particular persons. But there is little reason to think that this light and direction will be granted to men who have no fear of God before their eyes; because though they lack wisdom, they will not ask it of God, who giveth to all men liberally and upbraideth not. And rulers being without this divine counsel, it will not be strange, if, merely for this reason, their conduct is wrong, and ill-judged, calculated in many instances, not for the good, but the hurt of the people; and it may be, at a critical time, for their utter destruction.
There can be no doubt, but God often brings distress and ruin upon a sinful people, through the ill-management of their rulers, given up to error and blindness. In the 19th chapter of Isaiah we have a prophesy of the overthrow of the kingdom of Egypt. And the infatuation of their rulers is mentioned as one of the immediate causes of this calamity. “The spirit of Egypt,” says God, “shall fail; and I will destroy the counsel thereof.” It is afterwards added, “Surely the princes of Zoan are fools, the counsel of the wise counselors of Pharoah is become brutish.” And in the 29th chapter of the same book, God threatens his own people, that for their hypocrisy and other wickedness, “the wisdom of their wise men shall perish, and the understanding of their prudent men shall be hid.” In the same way, is reasonable to suppose, God often brings his judgments upon other nations. And therefore if a people desire to have rulers of wise and understanding hearts, counseled and directed by heaven, they should take care, that they be men who fear God.
Let me observe once more, that it is of great importance to their happiness, that religion and virtue generally prevail among a people; and in order to this, government should use its influence to promote them. Rulers should encourage them not only by their example, but by their authority; and the people should invest them with power to do this, so far as is consistent with the sacred and unalienable rights of conscience; which no man is supposed to give up, or may lawfully give up, when he enters into society. But reserving these, the people may, and ought to give up every right and power, which will enable him more effectually to promote the common good, without putting it in his power essentially to injure it. He ought therefore to have power to punish all open acts of profanes and impiety, as tending by way of example to destroy that reverence of God which is the only effectual support of moral virtue; and all open acts of vice, as prejudicial to society: He should have power to provide for the institution and support of the public worship of God, and public teachers of religion and virtue, in order to maintain in the minds of the people that reverence of God, and that sense of moral obligation, without which there can be no confidence, no peace or happiness in society.
Without such care in government, there is danger that the people will forget the God that is above, and abandon themselves to vice; or, to say the least, impiety and vice are much less likely to become general, where such care is taken, than where it is not. And God having in the constitution of nature made religion and virtue conducive, and even necessary to the happiness of human society, he has thereby plainly taught us, that it is the duty and business of society as such, or of the civil magistrate to do everything to promote them, that may be done without injuring the rights of conscience. And no man who has full liberty of inquiring and examining for himself, of openly publishing and professing his religious sentiments, and of worshipping God in the time and manner which he chooses, without being obliged to make any religious professions, or attend any religious worship contrary to his sentiments, can justly complain that his rights of conscience are infringed. And such liberty and freedom every man may enjoy, who’ the government should require him to pay his proportion towards supporting public teachers of religion and morality.
Taking this care of religion appears to be so plain and important a duty, that the government which should wholly neglect it, would not only act a very unwise and imprudent part with respect to themselves; but be guilty of base ingratitude and a daring affront to heaven. By such conduct they would, as a community, in effect adopt the language of the profane fatalists mentioned by Job, who “say unto God, depart from us; for we desire not the knowledge of thy ways. What is the Almighty that we should serve him? And what profit shall we have it we pray unto him?” Now altho’ it is possible, that rulers who have no religion themselves, may enact proper laws to support it among the people, yet it is to be remembered, that their example will have great influence, and, if that be irreligious and vicious, will, in some measure, defeat the good effects of their authority, and do more to spread corruption, than that will to prevent it. It is therefore highly proper in order to promote piety and good morals among the people, that rulers be men who fear God; who have a just sense of religion on their own minds, and conform to it in their lives.
It may be proper to add, that though the fear of God may exist, where there is no knowledge or belief of Christianity; yet that the scheme of doctrines contained in the gospel, is much better calculated than any other known to the world, to produce and strengthen that divine principle. The plan of redemption which it unfolds for the fallen race of men, exhibits the Deity in the most amiable light, as the perfection of love and benevolence: “The solemn scenes which it opens beyond the grave; the resurrection of the dead; the general judgment; the equal distribution of rewards and punishments to the good and bad; and the full completion of divine wisdom and goodness, in the final establishment of order, perfection and happiness,” afford such motives to the love and reverence of God, and to the practice of all holiness and virtue, as can be drawn from no other scheme of religion: And therefore a belief of the gospel of Christ may justly be considered, as an important qualification for a civil ruler.
I might observe further under this particular, that impious, immoral men at the head of government, and having authority to appoint subordinate officers, will probably make choice of men of their own character, and in this way be a means of spreading corruption, and of much injury to society: But I must pass on to consider another qualification of rulers. For
III. They must be men of truth.
This means men free from deceit and hypocrisy, guile and falsehood: Men who will not by flattery and cajoling, by falsehood, and slandering a competitor endeavor to get into authority: And who when they are in, will conscientiously speak the truth in all their declarations and promises, and punctually fulfill all their engagements.
In treating with other states, they will act with the same integrity which honest men do in their private affairs, and promise nothing but what they intend, and think they shall be able to perform. Engagements already made to other powers, they will honestly endeavor to fulfill, so far as it belongs to their department, without seeking or pretending a cause for failure, when no such cause exists.
They will shew the same integrity and fidelity in their conduct towards individuals. They will not promise to anyone, what they have reason to think they cannot, or do not intend to perform. Promises of government already made, the execution of which belongs to them, they will look upon themselves bound to fulfill, if possible, that no man may be a sufferer by confiding in the public faith.
Civil rulers generally bind themselves expressly, and always implicitly by accepting their office, faithfully to discharge the duties of it. And a man of truth will pay a sacred regard to this engagement. He will not content himself with receiving the honors and emoluments of his office, while he neglects the duties of it; considering, that he has solemnly bound himself to do this business, he will give the same care and attention to it, that a prudent man in a private station does to his own particular concerns. A man of truth will not undertake an office, for which he thinks himself incapable; because this would be promising to do, what he is conscious, he is incapable; because this would be promising to do, what he is conscious, he is of doing; nor will he be instrumental of appointing others to offices, for which he thinks them unqualified; this would be acting falsely; because by the appointment he declares, that he thinks them qualified. Having solemnly engaged to use his power for the public good, he will never employ it in encouraging and supporting the enemies of his country, or to carry on, under the mask of patriotism, measures to promote his own selfish and private views, or to screen and protect from public justice, offenders against society. He will not employ his abilities to impose upon the understandings of others, and make the worse appear the better reason, in order to disguise truth, and pervert justice. He will not suffer one man, or one part of the community to be injured and robbed by another, when his office enables him to prevent it; because this would be violating his promise. In a word, he will to his utmost endeavor to answer the end of his institution by performing the duties of his station, and manifest by all his conduct that he is an honest, upright man. He will make no false pretences, he will put on no false appearances, but ever act with Christian simplicity, and godly sincerity.
Such will be the conduct of men of truth: And such men only are proper to be entrusted with authority over a free people. Rulers of this character will be honored, beloved and confided in by their countrymen, and respected by other nations; their subjects will be easy and happy, united together in the bonds of truth and love, and by their union able to defend themselves against invaders; their government resting on the basis of truth and justice, will be firm and stable, revered and honoured both at home and abroad. Whereas that deceit and hypocrisy, that falsehood and insincerity, that dissimulation and craftiness, which have so often dictated the measures of government in most of the nations of the earth, and which are expressly recommended to rulers by Machiavelli, and inculcated among other immoralities, as necessary parts of a good education, in the celebrated and much admired letters of a late British nobleman to his son, 1 however they may sometimes succeed and procure some temporary advantages, will almost always weaken and disgrace the government which practices them, 2 by sapping the foundation of public credit, producing uneasy jealousies, disaffection, divisions and contempt of authority among the people, and leading them by example to the practice of the same insincerity, falsehood and dishonesty towards one another, which they see in their rulers; and by rendering them infamous in the eyes of other nations, and perhaps raising up enemies to punish their perfidy.
And it may without doubt e asserted with truth, upon the principles both of natural religion and revelation, that that government, which is directed by truth and integrity, will bid the fairest to secure and promote the happiness of the community, however contrary this assertion may be to the principles and practices of modern courtiers and politicians. But I must proceed to the other qualification of a good ruler, mentioned in the text which is
4. Hating covetousness. Covetousness, you all know, is an inordinate desire of riches; such a desire as will make a man pursue them by unlawful means, and prevent his using them in a right manner. Hating covetousness is a strong expression to denote a freedom from this vicious temper, and a sense of its unreasonableness and turpitude.
That it is of great importance that civil rulers have this qualification will be evident upon a little reflection.
Covetousness is a fruitful source of corruption. A man governed by this appetite will be guilty of any enormity for the sake of gratifying it. “They that will be rich, fall into temptation and a snare, and into many foolish and hurtful lusts which drown men in destruction and perdition: For the love of money is the root of all evil.” Almost all the oppression, fraud and violence that has been done under the sun, has owed its rise and progress to covetousness. The indulgence of this vice debases the mind, and renders it incapable of anything generous and noble, contracts its views, destroys the principles of benevolence, friendship and patriotism, and gives a tincture of selfishness to all its sentiments: It hardens the heart and makes it deaf to the cries of distress and the dictates of charity; it blinds and perverts the judgment and disposes it to confound truth and falsehood, right and wrong.
A civil ruler under the direction of this principle will oppress and defraud his subjects, whenever he has it in his power; he will neglect the duties of his office, whenever he can promote his private interest by the neglect; he will enact laws to serve himself, not the community, and he will enact none that he thinks would be prejudicial to his private interest, however beneficial they might be to the public, however necessary for the support of justice and equity between man and man; he will pervert justice and rob the innocent for bribes; he will discourage every measure that would occasion expense to himself, however salutary to his country; rather than part with his money, he will see the arts and sciences, which are so ornamental and friendly to a community, languish, erudition starve, and the rising genius which promised glory to his country, nipt in the bud by the cold hand of poverty; yea religion itself, the greatest honor and blessing of society, he will see languish and die, rather than impart anything to support its cause; and having long looked upon riches in the same light that good men do upon religion, as his chief good, and feeling the same attachment to them which they do to that, he may, if required, by laws already made, to pay anything for its support, absurdly plead, that it is against his conscience; supposing, with those corrupters of religion mentioned by the apostle, “that gain is Godliness.” If he has a voice in the appointment of subordinate officers, he will sell his vote to the highest bidder, and appoint such as will be most subservient to his private interest, however unqualified for the office: In a word, all his conduct, all his reasoning and votes will be tinctured by his selfish spirit; and in a critical time when great expense is necessary for the public safety, he may by his parsimony be a means of the ruin of his country.
But a ruler who hates covetousness will conduct in a very different manner.—He will never oppress or wrong the community; the public interest will be always safe in his hands; he will freely expend his time and his estate, in discharging the duties of his office for the good of his country; he will be ever ready to promote good laws, tho’ they deprive him of opportunities of making gain, and involve him in expense; he will devise liberal things, and cheerfully bear his part in the expense necessary to carry on every measure, that promises advantage to his country; he will do all in his power to promote the liberal arts and sciences, manufactures and all useful inventions, to encourage men of learning and genius, and to aid the cause of religion and virtue: In promoting men to places of trust, he will be influenced by no selfish, private views, but by a regard to the public good; no bribe will purchase his vote for an unfit man, and hating covetousness himself, no consideration will induce him to give it for a sordid, avaricious wretch; he will neglect no measures necessary for the public safety and happiness, for fear of parting with his money. In fine, all his conduct will bear the marks of his nobleness and liberality of sentiment, of his disinterestedness and public spirit.
I have now considered the several qualifications of a good ruler mentioned in the text: And they all appear necessary to form that character, whether in the legislative, executive or judicial department: Nor is it easy to say in which, they are most necessary; tho’ it is not difficult to see, that the want of any one of them in either, must be prejudicial and dangerous to the community.
I must now make some reflections upon the subject, and apply it to the present occasion. And
1. What has been said of the necessity of government for the peace and happiness of mankind, may lead us to reflect with shame upon the selfishness and corruption of our species, who, with all their rational and moral powers, can no otherwise be kept from injuring and destroying one another, than by superior force, or the fear of temporal sufferings and punishment; and with whom you are no longer safe, than it is unsafe for them to hurt you. This is a very humiliating consideration: And, so far as we know, there is no other order of creatures thro’ out the boundless universe, who, if left to their natural liberty would be so mischievous to one another as men.
2. This may also lead us to reflect with pleasure and gratitude to God, upon the steps which have been taken by this people to frame a new constitution of government; and that a plan has been formed which appears in general so well calculated to guard the rights and liberties, and promote the happiness of society; and which it is to be hoped will soon be the foundation of our government, instead of that antiquated insecure basis upon which it now rests.
3. We may likewise see from what has been said, how much it is the duty and interest of a people to pay due submission to the orders of government, and to endeavour unitedly to support its authority. Both rulers and subjects are perhaps too apt to consider their respective interests as distinct and separate: Whereas they are in truth one and the same,–the prosperity and happiness of the whole community. Everything done by subjects in obedience to, and support of, the just authority of government is conducive to their own happiness; and everything done by governors, that is beneficial to the governed, is likewise so to themselves: And it is from the mutual endeavors of both to serve each other, that the prosperity of society must result. If rulers abuse their power, they may destroy the happiness of the community; but this may be done as effectually by the subjects refusing to obey and support the authority of government. Nor may any people expect to enjoy all the blessings of society, unless their government is preserved in due force and vigor.
4. We are reminded of the gratitude which we owe to God, that he has not permitted the natural and important right which every society has of electing its own rulers to be wrested out of our hands, as is the case in some other countries. Had Great Britain carried on, without opposition, the measures she was pursuing with us, we should probably in a little time have been wholly deprived of this privilege. She had already assumed an absolute right of appointing too branches of the legislature. These would have had the appointment of all judicial and military officers: And upon the same ground that she robbed us of the election of a Governor formerly, and of Counselors lately, she might have annihilated the House of Representatives; or if she had not done this in form, she might by bribery and corruption, have rendered that house a meer tool to the servants of the crown, as is the case in that country. It is therefore owing to the opposition which his people made to the measures of the British court, and to the blessing of God upon that opposition, that they have now a voice in appointing their own rulers; otherwise our government might now have been in the hands of the weakest and most profligate favourites of that corrupt and infatuated court.
5. We are reminded how much it is the duty and interest of a people, who are in the enjoyment of this right, to exercise it with prudence and integrity. The people’s appointing their own rulers will be no security for their good government and happiness, if they pay no regard to the character of the men they appoint. A dunce or a knave; a profligate or an avaricious worldling will not make a good magistrate, because he is elected by the people. To make this right of advantage to the community, due attention must be paid to the abilities and moral character of the candidate. This is a consideration that concerns this people at large, as all have a voice in the election of our rulers, either personally, or by their representatives. But upon this occasion it is proper to observe, that it especially concerns the members of the honorable Council and house of Representatives here present, by whom the counselors for the ensuing year are this day to be elected. And I shall not, I hope, be tho’t to go beyond my line of duty, if I say; that the electors ought not to give their votes at random, or from personal or private views. They act in this business in a public character, by virtue of power delegated to them by the people, to whom, as well as to God, the origin of all power, they are accountable for the use they make of it. Nor can they answer it to either, or even to their own consciences, if thro’ interested or party views, they advance to the Council Board, men unqualified for the important duties of that station. At such a critical time as the present, the want of wisdom or integrity in that house may be attended with the most fatal consequences. The advice of Jethro in the text, demands the consideration of all those who are to bear a part in the elections of this day. “Provide out of all the people, able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness.” There never was a time when such men were more necessary at that board than the present. Nor would I entertain an opinion so dishonorable to my country, as to suppose there are not such men in it; tho’ I cannot at the same time entertain an idea so flattering, as to suppose there are not many among us who fall far short of this character. It belongs to the present electors to distinguish, so far as they can, these characters, one from the other, and to give their votes only for the former. Whoever considers the part which this Board has in legislation, their authority in directing the military and naval force of the state, their being invested with the supreme executive power, and in some important cases with a supreme judicial power will be sensible, that great wisdom, integrity and fortitude are necessary for the right management of these powers. Should they be committed to men of small abilities and little knowledge; men unacquainted with the nature of government, and with the circumstances of this state; men void of integrity, of narrow, contracted views, governed by ambition, avarice or some other selfish passion; men of no fortitude and resolution, of dastardly effeminate spirits; should such men, I say, be entrusted with the great and important powers vested in the Council, what could be expected, but that their public conduct would bear the marks of their ignorance, weakness, effeminacy and selfishness, to the great injury and dishonor, if not to the ruin of the common wealth. And tho’ such men may be as fond of this station, as those who are best qualified for it, and perhaps much fonder, yet it would be so far from rendering them truly honourable, that it would only render them the more infamous, by bringing into public view their vices and defects; while the electors of such men, would fix an indelible stain upon their own characters, and inherit the curses of the present and future generations.
But men who have themselves been honored by the unbiased suffrages of their country, must surely be too wise and virtuous, thus to prostitute their votes; and it may, I hope, be taken for granted, that knowledge and integrity, the fear of God, and a public spirit, will govern in the ensuing election, and such men be raised to the Council Board as will do honor to that respectable station, to their electors and themselves.
I now beg leave, with all due deference and submission, to suggest a few things that may reasonably be expected of a General Court, composed of such men as the text describes, by the people who have invested them with this power and authority, And,
It may be expected, that they will give due attention to the public affairs committed to their care. By accepting a seat in either house, a man does, implicitly at least, solemnly engage to attend to the business, which is there to be transacted. Nor, do I see how he can with any propriety be called a man of truth, who after such engagement, neglects that business, for the sale of going to his farm, his merchandise or his pleasure. It appears to me, that such neglect argues great unfaithfulness in the delinquents, and it may be attended with very pernicious consequences. Individuals may and often do plead in excuse for this, that the business may be done without them: But they ought to remember, that everyone has an equal right to excuse himself by this plea, and if all should do so, the concerns of the public must be wholly neglected. But,
It may be justly expected that our civil rulers will take due care to provide for the public defence. Notwithstanding the great exertions we have already made, and the great things which God has done for us, we must still contend with the enemies of our rights and liberties, or become their abject slaves. And it depends, in a great measure, upon our public rulers under God, whether we shall contend with success, or not. It is by their seasonable and prudent measures that an army is to be provided and furnished with necessaries, to oppose the enemy. And it must be the wish of every true American, that nothing may be omitted which can be done to support and render successful so important a cause: a cause so just in the sight of God and man, which Heaven has so remarkably owned, and all wise and good men approved; a cause which not only directly involves in it the rights and liberties of America; but in which the happiness of mankind is so nearly concerned: For in this extensive light I have always considered the cause in which we are contending. Should our enemies finally prevail, and establish that absolute dominion over us, at which they aim, they would not only render us the most miserable of all nations, but probably be able by the riches and forces of America to triumph over the arms of France and Spain, and carry their conquests to every corner of the globe; nor can we doubt, but that they would carry them, wherever there was wealth to tempt the enterprise: The noble spirit of liberty which has arisen in Ireland would be instantly crushed, and the brave men, who have appeared foremost in its support, be rewarded with an ax or a halter: The few advocates for this suffering cause in Britain would be hunted and persecuted as enemies to government, and be obliged in despair to abandon her interest: And in every country where this event should be known, the friends of liberty would be disheartened, and seeing her in the power of her enemies, forsake her, as the disciples of Christ did their master. So that our being subdued to the will of our enemies, might in its consequences be the banishment of liberty from among mankind. The heaven-born virgin seeing her votaries slain, her altars o’er-thrown, and her temples demolished, and finding no safe habitation on earth, would be obliged like the great patron of liberty, the first-born of God, to ascend to her God and our God, her Father and our Father, from whom she was sent to bless mankind, leaving an ungrateful world, after she had like him, been “rejected and despised of men,” in slavery and misery, till with him she shall again descend to reign and triumph on earth. Such might be the consequence, should the arms of Britain triumph over us. Whereas, if America preserves her freedom, she will be an asylum for the oppressed and persecuted of every country; her example and success will encourage the friends, and rouse a spirit of liberty thro’ other nations; and will probably be the means of freedom and happiness to Ireland, and perhaps in time to Great-Britain and many other countries. So that our contest is not merely for our own families, friends, and posterity; but for the rights of humanity, for the civil and religious privileges of mankind. We have surely then a right to expect, that the government of this state will neglect no measure that is necessary on their part, to aid so interesting a cause, whatever difficulties or expense may attend it. And, I hope, it may with equal confidence be expected, that the people will cheerfully lend their arms, and bear the expense that may be required for so glorious a purpose. Great expense must without doubt be necessary to carry on our defense: But whoever is disposed on this account, to give up the dispute, proves himself totally unworthy of the liberty for which we are contending.
As the support, or rather the recovery of the public credit, is absolutely necessary to our having a respectable army in the field, as well as to our internal peace and prosperity; it may be expected that this government will not be wanting in any measure for this purpose, which wisdom and sound policy can suggest.
If by means of the depreciation of our paper currency, and any law of this state, many persons have suffered, and are still liable to suffer great injury; if this injustice falls principally upon widows and fatherless children, and such others as are least able to support themselves under the loss, this surely is an evil that ought speedily to be redressed; and, if it be possible, compensation should be made to the sufferers, by those who have grown rich by this iniquity. And as the General Court of the last year, did with great justice make an allowance, for the depreciation of the currency, in fixing their own wages, and in some other instances, it may justly be expected that the honourable Court of this year, will go on the extend this justice to every part of the community and order the same allowance to be made in discharging all debts and contracts, however their private interest may be thereby affected.
The large taxes now levying and to be levied, make it peculiarly proper that great care should be taken in fixing the proportion which the different parts of the community are respectively to pay; and we have a right to expect, that our honoured fathers who are to guard the rights of the whole, will not require any particular parts to bear a greater proportion of this burden than is just, considering its ability and circumstances.
Liberty and learning are so friendly to each other, and so naturally thrive and flourish together, that we may justly expect, that the guardians of the former will not neglect the latter. The good education of children is a matter of great importance to the common-wealth. Youth is the time to plant the mind with the principles of virtue, truth and honor, the love of liberty and of their country; and to furnish it with all useful knowledge. And tho’ in this business much depends upon parents, guardians and masters, yet it is incumbent upon the government to make provision for schools, and all suitable means of instruction. Our College justly claims the patronage and assistance of the state, in return for the able men with which she has furnished the public; not to observe, that her present suffering and low state renders her an object of pity: By the well known depreciation, she, as well as many of her sons in the ministry, have lost a great part of their income; she and they having in this respect, had the same hard lot with widows and orphans. Nor will I suppose that we shall ever have a General Court, of so little love to their country, or so little sensible of the importance of literature to its virtue, liberty and happiness, so barbarous and savage, as to suffer her, or any of her family to languish in poverty, or to want what is necessary to their making a decent and honorable appearance.
If anything can be done by government to discourage prodigality and extravagance, vain and expensive amusements, and fantastic foppery, and to encourage the opposite virtues, we may reasonably hope it will not be neglected. The fondness of our countrymen, or, shall I say, country-women, for showy and useless ornaments and other articles of luxury, has been remarked by a gentleman in Europe, of great eminence for political wisdom, as very unbecoming our present circumstances. This is a folly that bodes ill to the public; and it must be the wish of every wise and good man, that it were laid aside. Men in authority, if they can do no more, may, at least discountenance it by their example; and this will not be without its good effect.
Finally, our political fathers will not fail, to do all they can, to promote religion and virtue through the community, as the surest means of rendering their government easy and happy to themselves and the people. For this purpose they will watch over their morals, with the same affectionate and tender care, that a pious and prudent parent watches over his children, and by all the methods which love to God and man can inspire, and wisdom point out, endeavor to check and suppress all impiety and vice, and lead the people to the practice of that righteousness which exalteth a nation. If any new laws are wanting, or more care in the execution of laws already made, for discouraging profanes, intemperance, lewdness, extravagant gaming, extortion, fraud, oppression or any other vice, they will take speedy care to supply this defect, and render themselves a terror to evil doers, as well as an encouragement to such as do well. They will promote to places of trust, men of piety, truth and benevolence. Nor will they fail to exhibit in their own lives, a fair example of that piety and virtue, which they wish to see practiced by the people: They will shew that they are not ashamed of the gospel of Christ, by paying due regard to his sacred institutions, and to all the laws of his kingdom. Magistrates may probably do more in this way, than in any other, and perhaps more than any other order of men, to preserve or recover the morals of a people. The manners of a court are peculiarly catching, and, like the blood in the heart, quickly flow to the most distant members of the body. If therefore rulers desires to see religion and virtue flourish in the community over which they preside, they must countenance and encourage them by their own example. And to excite them to this,
I must not omit to observe that tho’ the fear of God, a regard to truth and a hatred of covetousness, are necessary to form the character of a good ruler, they are, if possible, still more necessary to form the character of a good man, and secure the approbation of God, the Judge of all. For to him magistrates in common with other men are accountable. Nor does he regard the persons of princes any more than of their subjects. If they are impious and vicious, if they abuse their power, they may bring great misery upon other men, but they will surely bring much greater upon themselves. The eye of heaven surveys all their counsels, designs and actions; and the day is coming, when these shall all be made manifest, and everyone receive according to his works. Happy they, who in that day shall be found faithful, for they shall lift up their heads with confidence and amidst applauding angels enter into the joy of their Lord: While those who have oppressed and injured the people by their power, and corrupted them by their example, shall be covered with shame and confusion, and sentenced to that place of blackness and darkness, where there is weeping, and wailing, and gnashing of teeth!
Let me now conclude, by reminding this assembly in general, that it concerns us all to fear God, and to be men of truth hating covetousness. The low and declining state of religion and virtue among us, is too obvious not to be seen, and of too threatening an aspect not to be lamented by all the lovers of God and their country. Tho’ our happiness as a community, depends much upon the conduct of our rulers; yet it is not in the power of the best government to make an impious, profligate people happy. How well soever our public affairs may be managed, we may undo ourselves by our vices. And it is from hence, I apprehend, that our greatest danger arises. That spirit of infidelity, selfishness, luxury and dissipation, which so deeply marks our present manner, is more formidable than all the arms of our enemies. Would we but reform our evil ways, humble ourselves under the corrections, and be thankful for the mercies of heaven; revive that piety and public spirit that temperance and frugality, which have entailed immoral honor on the memory of our renowned ancestors; we might then, putting our trust in God, humbly hope that our public calamities would be soon at an end, our independence established, our rights and liberties secured, and glory, peace and happiness dwell in our land. Such happy effects to the public, might we expect from a general reformation.
But let everyone remember, that whatever others may do, and however it may fare with our country, it shall surely be well with the righteous; and when all the mighty states and empires of this world shall be dissolved and pass away “like the baseless fabric of a vision”, they shall enter into the kingdom of their father which cannot be moved, and in the enjoyment and exercise of perfect peace, liberty and love, shine forth as the sun forever and ever.
Endnotes
1. Lord Chesterfield.
2. There is no safety where there is no strength, no strength without union, no union without justice, no justice where faith and truth in accomplishing public and private engagements is wanting. Sidney’s discourses concerning government.
The following sermon was preached by Samuel Williams at the ordination of John Prince. This sermon uses Luke 2:14 for a basis.
The Influence of Christianity on Civil Society,
Represented In A
DISCOURSE
Delivered November 10, 1779,
At The
ORDINATION
Of The Reverend
Mr. JOHN PRINCE,
To the Pastoral Care of the First Church in
S A L E M
BY
SAMUEL WILLIAMS, A. M.
Pastor of the First Church in Bradford.
LUKE II. 14.
GLORY to GOD in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men.
Most of those great events that have nearly concerned the interests of mankind have been ushered into the world in such a manner, as made manifest the interposition of divine providence. This was the case with regard to the appearance of our Redeemer. On the earth everything was prepared for this great event. War had ceased, and universal peace took place among the nations of the earth. The age was distinguished by wisdom, science, and literary pursuits. The Roman empire was in its full glory: And the minds of men throughout the East Were in expectation of some better instruction than they had ever had in religious matters. In such an age, and when the affairs and minds of men were in such a state, the Son of God appeared.
And so great were the blessings he came to impart to men, that the blessed inhabitants of the heavenly world were themselves moved with joy on the great occasion. “There were in the same country,” saith the sacred historian, “shepherds abiding in the field, keeping watch over their flocks by night. And lo the angel of the Lord came upon them, and the glory of the Lord shone round about them: and they were sore afraid. And the angel said unto them, Fear not: for behold I bring you good tidings of great joy, which shall be to all people. For unto you is born this day in the city of David, a Saviour, which is Christ the Lord. And suddenly there was with the angel a multitude of the heavenly host, praising God, and saying, Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men.” 1
Such was the manner in which Christianity was introduced into the world. And the design of it was worthy its heavenly original. Its aim is not only to make men blessed and happy in the world which is to come, but to promote their purity and felicity in that which now is. This is what the text holds out to our view. Nor can there be a more just or comprehensive account of the nature, de4sign and tendency of our holy religion than this, It is adapted and designed to bring glory to God in the heavens, and to advance the interests of peace and happiness among men while they continue on the earth.
In this view, I shall consider the words. And at a time when the minds of men are deeply engaged in attending to that wonderful preparation of circumstances, and singular combination of causes, by which the Ruler of the world is raising up a mighty and extensive Empire in this land; it may be a useful subject to remind men of the advantages they may derive from Religion, and what a happy tendency Christianity has to promote the interests of civil society.
And,
1. In the first place, The religion of Jesus Christ is well adapted to promote peace on earth and happiness to men, by its influence on the Minds and Manners of Men. All the blessings of which mankind are capable in their present and in their future state of existence, are very nearly connected with their governing tempers, habits, and manners. Pardon of sin, acceptance with their Maker now, justification at the last day, and an immortal state of life and glory, do all suppose a holy character in those who are made partakers of these blessings. And of all blessings the greatest and most important, is to be interested in the favour of God unto eternal life. If God be for us, who can be against us? And if he shall condemn, who is he that can justify? There is no superior tribunal to reverse his decrees: No higher power to alter his purpose: And no good thing can be wanting to those whom the Almighty shall delight to bless.
The same temper and conduct that qualifies men for these spiritual and future blessings, is that which alone can make them capable of a proper enjoyment and improvement of those which are of a civil and temporal nature. Established habits of vice, in their consequences and operations, will always render men incapable of freedom, government, and a proper regard to the public good. No virtuous attempts, no public measures, no useful institutions will succeed when the minds, habits, and morals of a people are become generally vicious and corrupt. The foundation therefore for all the blessings of religion, and for all the blessings of society must be laid in the dispositions, habits, and morals of men. And of consequence it must be one great and primary end of religion to form the hearts and lives of men to virtue; to root out the habits and practice of vice; and to introduce right tempers, views and pursuits: that is, to establish and keep up a permanent dominion over the minds and conduct of men. The Law-givers of all ages and countries have been fully sensible of this: And while they have tried the power of education, and the strength of laws, they have never failed to call in the aid of Religion; well knowing they could manage to advantage all the affairs of Society, if they could but give a right direction to the minds, the views, and the pursuits of mankind.
And here the religion of Jesus Christ will be found to be well adapted to do the most essential service to Civil Society. Its doctrines are a complete system of moral truth, teaching us all that is necessary to be known of our Maker and of ourselves. Its precepts are a pure system of morals, holding out our duty, and directing us how to conduct in all cases. It gives us the best helps and assistances that human nature has ever had. It holds out those prospects and promises to form us to virtue, of which mankind had no certainty before. And the threatenings to deter men from vice are taken from the most powerful of all considerations, those of eternal and never ending existence. “It gives to virtue its sweetest hopes, to impenitent vice its greatest fears, and to true penitence its best consolations.” 2 And what more can religion do to influence the minds and the conduct of men? Or which among all the religions that have ever been believed, is so well adapted to this end? Thus in respect to that which is the foundation of all present and of all future blessings, influencing the hearts and lives of men, Christianity is adapted to promote peace on earth, good will and happiness to men.
2. Another important blessing in respect to which the religion of Jesus is adapted to bring peace and happiness to men while they are on the earth, is, by its tendency and influence to promote their Freedom. While mankind have been looking for another and for a better state of existence, they have been anxious to enjoy the blessings their Creator designed for them in the present state: To have their rights, properties, possessions, and lives, in freedom; and to be secured from injustice, violence, and oppression. This has every where been found to be the genuine desire of Nature, and what all her children have been thirsting for. And it is a desire every way rational, and just; and one that is planted deep in the human mind by our great Creator. But although the sovereign Ruler of the world meant the heavenly gift for all his children, there have been but few ages and nations but what have sooner or later been deprived of this invaluable blessing. The evils and miseries that have succeeded the loss of it, in many places have been without number and without end. They that would have a particular account of them, must read the histories of mankind; and they will find that the relations of despotism, oppression, persecution, violence, and cruelty make much the largest part. Every consideration therefore of prudence, interest, and safety, require that a people who are growing up to a great and mighty empire, guard as much as possible against the most dreadful of all temporal calamities, the loss of their Freedom.
And this depends not a little on the nature and tendency of their religion. By introducing a religion which claimed a divine right to make its way by the sword, and to cut off all its opposers; and whose main aim was to establish the doctrine of unavoidable necessity and fate, Mahomet took a very sure step to establish the despotism that has ever since prevailed in his empire. In all those countries in which the dreadful tribunal of the inquisition has been established, and the clergy armed with a power of delivering over to the flames all they shall declare to be heretics, religion has served to destroy every idea of liberty in the minds of men. In all those formidable attacks that have been made on the liberties of England, it has been the constant practice of the court to engage the clergy to preach the doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance, that the religion of the state might serve to enslave the nation. And wheresoever religion teaches abject submission to the vices of rulers, or serves to oppress and impoverish the people, or puts into the hands of the church the power of life and death, it will prove greatly unfriendly to the liberties of mankind. A religion that teaches the unlawfulness of self-defence, that fills the minds of men with superstitious fears and terrors, or that diverts them from truth and morals, to the useless severities of corporal sufferings, will naturally tend to sink the minds of men into the lowest submission and abasement; and to destroy that activity, spirit, courage, firmness, and magnanimity which lead a people to empire and to liberty.
God be thanked there is nothing of this nature in the religion of Jesus. With a spirit and tendency altogether the reverse, it recommends freedom of thought and enquiry, in every thing that concerns mankind. It teaches men to pursue their interest. It directs them to attend to the things that make for their happiness in every state of their existence. It requires them to oppose every thing that would bring them into bondage. And above all it inspires them with that grandeur and elevation of mind, that sublimity of sentiment, that conscious dignity of human nature, and that unconquerable regard to human happiness, which will ever be pushing them forward to the attainment and security of that liberty with which God has made them free. Thus in conformity to the doctrine of our Lord and his apostles, when men “know the truth, the truth will make them free.” John. 8:32. And “where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty.” 2 Cor. 3:17. For it is the nature, genius, and tendency of his religion to produce and preserve it. Again,
3. The religion of Jesus Christ is adapted to promote peace on earth, good will and happiness to men, by its salutary influence on their Government. We know of no way in which the rights, properties, liberties and lives of men can be secured from violence and oppression, but by establishing some form of civil government among themselves. And wheresoever a community have established among themselves the dominion of equal laws, made by common consent, as the basis of their government, they have taken the surest step that human wisdom has yet discovered to secure to themselves the blessings of society. Such a government does not tend to infringe the liberties of mankind, but to preserve them: It does not take away any of the rights of human nature, but protects and confirms hem. “It does not even create any new subordinations of particular men to one another, but only gives security in those several stations, whether of authority and pre-eminence, or of subordination and dependence, which nature has established, and which must have arisen among mankind whether civil government had been instituted or not. The superiorities and distinctions arising from the relation of parents to their children; from the differences in the personal qualities and abilities of men; and from servitudes founded on voluntary compacts, must have existed in a state of nature, and would now take place were all men so virtuous as to leave no occasion for civil government.” 3 A government which is thus consistent with the natural equality of men, and which gives full scope for the exertion of all the rational powers, activity, and vigour of mankind, while it protects them at the same time from violence and injustice, is to be esteemed one of the greatest temporal blessings we are capable of receiving.
A rising empire cannot be too careful to obtain to invaluable a blessing, and to have it carefully preserved. And here a free state may derive much assistance from the religion of Jesus Christ. The mildness of its genius and precepts, is incompatible with despotic power, and lawless violence. The purity of its nature, institutions, and laws, is inconsistent with anarchy, confusion, and disorder. It gives to rulers such representations of their character and duty, and such rules of conduct, as apply with singular propriety to the important office that man bears in society, who is appointed to be a minister of God to us for good; who beareth not the sword in vain; who is an avenger to execute wrath upon him that doth evil; a terror not to good works but to the evil. Rom. 13: 3, 4, 5. It directs and requires the people to be subject (not indeed to lawless violence) but to all lawful authority not only for wrath, but for conscience sake; to submit to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake; I Pet. 2:13. and to render to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, as well as unto God the things that are God’s. Matt. 22:21. And it gives to all, the most solemn and awful threatenings against that impiety which undermines the main pillars of society; against vice which more openly attacks it; and the spirit of contention, party and faction, which tends with still greater force to pull down the whole fabric. “How admirable the religion, which, while it seems only to have in view the felicity of the other life, constitutes the happiness of this.” 4 A free and equal government cannot have any support on which it may with more certainty rely, than what it will find in the genius, spirit, doctrines, and laws, of so pure, mile, and benevolent a religion. To this we may add,
4. The religion of Jesus Christ is also adapted to promote peace on earth, good will and happiness to men, by its happy tendency to promote everything that tends to the growth, progress, and improvement of civil Society. Such is the imperfection of human knowledge, and the mutable state of all human affairs, that it becomes us to speak with great modesty and caution as to the events of futurity. And yet if we may be allowed to reason from the preparations and tendencies of nature and providence, from the great principles of God’s moral government, or the operation and influence of natural causes, we cannot but conclude that an empire like that established among us, founded in freedom and virtue, must, in the progressive improvements of human affairs, exceed anything that has ever yet taken place among mankind. 5
It would tend much to promote this if more of the spirit of Christianity should be introduced into the nature of civil Policy than has ever yet been done. Integrity, equity and good faith, are allowed by all to be of the greatest necessity and utility in the concerns of individuals. It is a reproach to mankind that what is universally allowed to be so necessary in private life, should have been so little practiced in the administration of public affairs. There is no room to doubt but hat religion would essentially benefit civil society in this respect. An empire that shall firmly adopt and steadily adhere to the great principles of equity, righteousness, and public faith, will derive innumerable advantages from their public faith and virtue; which the deceitfulness of unrighteousness, with whatever subtlety it may be managed, will never secure.
And blessed will be that country that shall teach the nations of the earth to make more use of the religion of Jesus in the Wars that may yet take place. This dreadful evil is too often carried on with the most tragical scenes of undistinguished plunder, destruction and carnage. It is to be hoped the time will come when the religion of Jesus will introduce a greater regard to humanity: When it will teach monarchs to reverence the laws of nature and nations; and make the soldier feel a horror at the shedding of innocent blood. 6
Happy for men instead of being designed to destroy men’s lives, the religion of our Lord is adapted to enlarge their Numbers, and to promote their Increase. There have been times and places, in which the religion of a country has served to destroy its inhabitants. This is the case where persons fit for all the duties of life are encouraged to separate themselves from society, and to shut themselves up in the dust and silence of a cloister: And in the highest degree where celibacy, persecution, human sacrifices, and the more infernal butcheries of the inquisition have been enjoined. Institutions so unfriendly to the increase of mankind are as contrary to the nature of true religion, as they are to the good of society.—With a spirit and tendency entirely different, the religion of Christ aims to enlarge society by the most natural and virtuous union. It teaches families the most sober sense of virtue and duty. It requires diligence, industry, and honesty, in all the concerns of life. It makes the marriage union honorable in all. It requires its ministers and professors to be useful members of the state. It grants liberty of conscience, and requires brotherly love of all. A people possessed of all the advantages that arise from freedom, situation, climate, and soil, will find such a religion favorable to the most rapid increase.
The same benign tendency will be found in Christianity if we look forward to Improvements in social happiness. There are many things which conduce to the good of society, which we have reason to think may be carried to a much greater perfection than they have ever yet been. The full force of education has never yet been tried; and we have reason to believe that great improvements may be made in the means and methods of it. Observation, industry, and genius, may greatly enlarge the boundaries of science; and give to men much more extensive views in every branch of knowledge. All those various arts by which business is transacted, and nations lead to greatness, may be carried to a degree of perfection of which we have no conception at present. And what new remedies may be found against those evils which the vices of men are constantly producing; or whether, time, discipline, and experience, may not suggest some further methods to produce greater equality, friendship, virtue and happiness among men, is more than we can say.
But of this we are certain—Our blessed religion is every way calculated to assist the human mind in such enquiries. The freedom it gives to thought and enquiry, the blessings it promises to those who do good to mankind, and above all the amiable example of its divine Author who went about doing good, suggest the strongest motives to encourage and to provoke one another to such good works.
Thus in every view in which the interests of society are considered, it will be found that the religion we profess, the religion of Jesus Christ is adapted in all its parts to promote the good of the State: Or in the language of the text, The nature, genius, design, and spirit of it, is to do honor to God in the highest; and to promote peace on earth, and good will to men.
As a natural remark upon what has been said we may infer, That it is the indispensable duty of Society to encourage and promote religion. That the religion of the Gospel is founded in Truth, may be fairly inferred from its Utility. In all the sciences with which we are acquainted, whatever is true in practice, whatever succeeds in repeated experiments, we conclude is true in theory. The same methods of reasoning may be applied to moral subjects. And it is the conclusion of reason that that religion which is calculated to do the greatest good, has most of the spirit of truth, and is the most acceptable to God. 7 — And hence it is plainly our duty to take every lawful and prudent method in our power to promote the religion of God our Saviour. Youth should be trained up to reverence and regard the religion of their country. Seminaries of learning should explain and teach the great principles and doctrines of Nature and Grace. The ministers of religion should “preach, warning every man, and teaching every man in all wisdom; that we may present every man perfect in Christ Jesus.” Col. 1:28. The Christian magistrate should encourage this religion by his example, and protect the ministers and professors of it by law.
It has been made a question whether the civil magistrate, as such, ever ought to concern himself in matters of religion. So far as religion is a private thing, it ought to be viewed as a personal transaction between God and a devout soul. And in this respect society can have nothing to do with it. Of this nature is the right and exercise of private judgment and free enquiry, articles of faith, sentiments about discipline, ceremonies, forms, modes, and all matters that belong to the jurisdiction of conscience. Such things are and will be personal concerns: And the civil magistrate is not appointed or qualified, to judge or to act in them, for anybody but himself.—But religion is also a public concern. And so far as it is of a public nature, the State never was or can be without it; and therefore must unavoidably be concerned in it. A reverence to the Deity, public worship, and morality, are necessary to the existence and preservation of civil government. And hence an order of men will exist in every state, as public teachers of the people, and ministers of religion; whose conduct will greatly affect society: And the lowest light in which government can ever consider them is that of Custodes Morum, keepers of the morals of the people. And as to the support, restraint, or regulation that shall be necessary on their account, government must in all cases do what the public good requires. — I am sensible an endless scene of controversy may be raised about these matters by men whose business it is to defend their own interest and party. But in all such debates the only question that concerns the public, is What is right and best for society? And this ought always be determined, not by the narrow views, private interests, and intolerant spirit of religious parties, but by the general nature of Religion and Society.
The subject we have been considering may also serve to point out the wisdom and goodness of god in appointing the ministry of the gospel. That glorious Being who make known the most excellent religion, has also made provision that men may enjoy the blessings of it from one generation to another. With this view our Lord appointed pastors and teachers in his church to explain his religion, and to persuade men to embrace it. And no institution could be more necessary or beneficial to the interests of mankind. We cannot conceive how a church or a religion can exist without it. The body of mankind will always be in such a state, as to need constant instruction and persuasion in the things of religion. And nothing can be better suited to promote the interests of truth and virtue, than to have men trained up and devoted to their service. Men of serious minds and good abilities may be of great advantage to their brethren this way.
We rejoice My Brother, that you are found willing to devote yourself to this sacred office. A more useful one you could not have chosen. God grant it may be a happy one to you, and to your people. — Was there nothing more in the religion you are to teach than that it was designed to produce the greatest happiness among men on the earth, in this view it would be worthy of all acceptation. But you are sensible it has a greater and nobler object in view than this. The happiness, the blessedness it means to establish is a blessedness that will be imperfect and perpetual. Man is made for Immortality: His existence will reach out to futurity: It will take in, it will comprehend everlasting ages. And we are informed by unerring wisdom and truth, that our future state of existence will be happy or wretched according to our characters here. So that the great end and design of the religion of Jesus, is the greatest possible good an immortal creature is capable of receiving; —Perfect blessedness in that world and state where all will be eternal. And of this religion you are now to be a minister.
We doubt not, Sir, but that you find in your own heart such a regard to the religion of your Lord as that you can devote yourself to his service with great sincerity. But no good man will rest in any present attainments. The more you attain of the spirit of Christianity, the more you experience of the power of divine truth on your own heart, the more you resemble your great Lord and Master, the more pleasant you ministry will be to yourself, and the more profitable to your people.
You will be particularly careful that the doctrines you preach be the true doctrines of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. I do not mean to dictate to you on this point. I could easily give you an account of my own sentiments; and tell you what I believe to be the most important doctrines of the Gospel. But I never wish to see you pay an undue regard to the opinions of men. It has always been my advice that you should examine with caution indeed and with modesty, but with the greatest freedom in all religious matters. The cause of truth can never suffer by the most free enquiry. Let it therefore be your daily and your serious employment to study the holy Scriptures: And the doctrines which you there find, let these be the doctrines which you preach to others.
The success of your ministry, under God, will very much depend upon your conduct if you go before your people as an example to the believer in all the graces and duties of Christianity, the serious and sensible cannot but esteem you a good minister of Jesus Christ. But the want of seriousness, prudence, and steadiness, argues such a defect of judgment or lightness of character as nothing can excuse. Above all things be faithful to your God, to yourself, and to this people, that you may both save yourself and them that hear thee.
You must expect to meet with many difficulties and trials. Everything great and excellent will be attended with opposition. But you have many things to encourage and animate you. Your Lord has promised that he will be with you. And you are to labor in the best of all causes, that of truth and virtue. An ardor to promote this, distinguished those wise and great men in the heathen world, whose names have been handed down to us, attended with the ornaments of fame and glory. In this, Patriarchs and Prophets exerted themselves in the several periods of ancient time. This was the cause in which the Apostles of our Lord spent their days and their lives. In this the Angels of God have been employed : Yea and what is more, for this end the Son of God himself came down from heaven. — In such a cause what can be wanting to give firmness and to give dignity to the mind?
We ardently wish you the blessing of heaven in the whole course of your ministry. May you long go before this people as an example to the believer, their steady friend, and faithful minister. Be thou faithful unto death, and whatever may be your success, yet shall you be glorious in the eyes of the Lord, and your God shall be your strength.
Brethren of this Church and Society, we are now going at your request to ordain to the ministry a person who we trust will recommend himself more and more to your esteem. You must hear him with candor; you must encourage him with kindness; and have him highly in love for his works sake. The best way to profit by his ministry, is to keep up a serious sense of religion in your own hearts. No church can be under stronger obligations than you are to preserve the religion of Jesus pure and undefiled. Here those good men who came into this part of America for the sake of religion formed the first church. We reverence their memories: And when we look to their days, we cannot but admire the faith, virtue, and magnanimity, with which they were governed. It was their joy to see a church of Christ gathered in this land. But little did they imagine they were laying the foundation for a great and mighty empire: Or that the providence of God from so small beginnings would produce such important events as have already taken place. There is no instance in the history of mankind in which a regard to religion has produced such great and mighty effects: The grand errand into America ought never to be forgot. And you are distinguished among the churches of Christ in this land by the length of days, may you also be distinguished by the piety, the simplicity, the brotherly love, and the public spirit of ancient times.
We rejoice with you in your present prospects. May you and your minister prove mutual blessings here. And when your course shall be finished on the earth may you meet each other in that state where the good men of all ages shall be gathered, and where the spirits of the just shall be made perfect.
Permit me now, My Friends of this Assembly, to address you all on the things of you peace. There are times in which it may be expected that the minds of men should be roused up to attention to great and important objects. Such a time is present. God in his holy providence is now working wonders in the views of all mankind; and bringing about events which greatly concern our temporal interests. Every man ought to bear in mind that he is born to scenes infinitely greater, and more important than any you now behold. Yet a little while and the whole scene of temporal things will be no more. You will all be translated to another country; and you will enter upon an unchangeable state of existence. It is a matter of great moment whether you shall be poor or rich on the earth, in freedom or in bondage? And is it a matter of less concern whether you shalt be heirs of everlasting shame or glory? Is your state on the earth for a few fleeting years of such importance? And is it of less importance what shall be your state through endless ages?
Wherefore, my Hearers, as the ministry of reconciliation is committed to us, we beseech you in the most earnest manner, that you would attend in this your day to the things of your salvation. The only religion that will prove saving to you, is a believing, penitent, obedient submission to the Lord Jesus Christ. All that is sacred in religion, all that is valuable in nature, all that is eternal in duration should lead you to this. “For there is none other name under heaven given among men, whereby we must be saved.” Acts 4. 12. — Be persuaded then, Brethren, to make a proper improvement of all the advantages you now enjoy. By attending to your duty to God, you will most effectually discharge your duty to yourselves, to your families, and to your country. It is from the men of principle and virtue that we must look for peace and happiness on the earth : and it is such only that will be received to glory another day. God of his infinite mercy grant that this may be the case with each one of you through Jesus Christ our Lord.
The CHARGE, by the Rev. Mr. Diman.
As you Sir are, by the providence of God, called to the important work of the Ministry, and have signified your ready compliance with this call : We, as ministers of Christ, do now, in his name, solemnly separate and ordain you to the great work to which you are called. And we in a particular manner commit to your pastoral care the flock of Christ which usually meets in this house for divine worship.
And we solemnly charge you, before God, and the Lord Jesus Christ, the great Shepherd and Bishop of souls, that you use your utmost endeavors faithfully to perform the duties of your office, and fully to discharge the important trust reposed in you. And that in order hereto, you give yourself to reading, meditation and prayer; that you study the holy scripture, and make them your rule — preach the word, not the doctrines and commandments of men. Be instant in season and out of season; reprove, rebuke and exhort with all long-suffering and doctrine. Study to shew yourself approved of God; a workman that needeth not to be ashamed, rightly dividing the word of truth.
Administer the sacraments, baptism and the Lord’s supper to proper subjects. And dispense the discipline of the church according to Christ’s appointment, with prudence and impartiality fearing the face of no man; nor having any man’s peron in admiration because of advantage.
Finally we exhort and charge you to set a good example before your hearers : Pray and strive that the same mind may be in you that was in Christ. Follow his example, that your people may safely follow yours.
Thus we give you charge in the fight of god, and of Christ Jesus, who before Pontius Pilate, witnessed a good confession, that you keep this commandment without spot, unbreakable until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ.
And now Rev. and dear Sir, though we sincerely congratulate you on your being so happy as to have the unanimous suffrage of this people, in your present settlement with them; yet we thing it proper to caution you against depending too much on the long continuance of their esteem and affection. Many have had the same hopeful prospect that you now have, and have been disappointed. If some of those who now appear to be your warmest friends, should hereafter prove your worst enemies, it would be no more than what has happened in many instances, with respect to others. Not only common ministers, but inspired apostles have experienced this. The apostle Paul at his first preaching among the Galatians, was so greatly admired and beloved by them, that they would if it had been possible, have pulled out their eyes and given to him; yet their hearts were soon alienated from him, yea, and set against him; which caused him to expostulate with them saying, “Where is the blessedness which ye spake of? Am I become your enemy, because I tell you the truth?” Nay further, our blessed Saviour himself experienced it. They who seemed most joyfully to welcome him to Jerusalem, crying “hosanna to the son of David, blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord,” a few days after cryed out “crucify him, crucify him.”
If you dear Sir, should hereafter experience any treatment of this kind, thing not that some strange thing has happened to you. Be prepared for the worst: Arm yourself with fortitude and resolution: Fear God rather than man: Keep a good conscience, by keeping close to your duty: And if you thus secure the friendship of God, you need not fear what men can do to you. Their abuse of you will turn to your advantage. If you suffer with Christ, you will also be glorified with him.
Let not my Brethren of this flock of Christ, think that what I have now said, hath proceeded from any suspicion in me that they would be more likely than others, to treat their minister ill. This was far from my thoughts: I had in view the people at large, at this time of great degeneracy and wickedness. Now iniquity so greatly abounds, and the love of many is waxed so very cold: Now the Lord’s day is so shamefully profaned, and the ordinances of the Gospel neglected: Now the ministers of Christ, in general, are slighted, and many of them treated with cruel injustice, by being denied that support which was promised them, and to which they are entitled by the sacred law of God. By this means, some have been reduced to a state of poverty and distress, and then perhaps treated with still greater contempt, for their poverty, even by those who have brought it upon them. Some are treated ill by their hearers, as St. Paul was, because they tell them the truth; because they put them in mind of their wickedness and danger, and exhort them to repent and reform. Some prejudice their children and others against their ministers, not only by their hard speeches against them, but by refusing to attend their public performances; pretending that they can improve their time better at home. But alas, how do they improve it! How do they spend that precious time, which God, in mercy to us, hath set apart for those religious exercises whereby we may be trained up for another and better world? Perhaps in idleness or worldly business, and too often in that which is in itself sinful.
These I look upon to be some of the crying sins of the land, and what have a threatening aspect upon this people, and have therefore thought it a duty, on this occasion, to bear this public testimony against them. 8 If wickedness should increase much longer, as it has done a few years past, what shall we come to! Religion will be at an end, and consequently the well-being of this people: We can then expect nothing but destruction. My Brethren in the ministry, let us cry aloud and not spare: Let us shew the people their transgressions and sins—warn them of their danger, and exhort them to repent and reform, whether they will hear, or whether they will forbear. And if Israel be not gathered, and however ill we may be treated by wicked men, we shall be glorious in the eyes of the Lord.
My Brethren of this society, behold the man who, at your desire, hath now been solemnly set apart to the work of the ministry among you. You have manifested great regard for him; let not trifles—mere human infirmities abate it. Still esteem him highly in love for his work’s sake. Do all in your power to encourage his heart and strengthen his hands. Give him a sufficient support, that he may be as free as possible from all worldly cares: That he may give himself wholly to the work of the ministry, which we trust he is sincerely desirous to do. And may the Lord bless both him and you, and make you great mutual blessings. May you live in love and peace here, and at last meet and be happy together forever in God’s kingdom above. Amen.
The RIGHT HAND of FELLOWSHIP,
by the Rev. Mr. Barnard of Salem.
MY KINGDOM IS NOT OF THIS WORLD, said Jesus the divine Author of Christianity. It is founded upon a nobler basis, and is indebted for its support, to worthier measures.
Interest, a rapacious thirst for conquest and extensive dominion have been in general, the governing principle of political bodies: Ever intent upon these favorite objects, their declarations of amity, and most applauded acts of kindness, have been but a mere disguise, which at the instant they could seize them, has been thrown aside. Sad has been the consequence! War attended with base violations of faith, and wanton acts of cruelty, has almost continually subsisted between them, and when peace has been established, even peace, has been but the prelude of renewed contention and calamity.
But the nobler principle, which the Prince of peace meant should actuate his body the Church, is Love—that gentleness of foul which soothes every turbulent passion, and generous sympathy with others, which influences us to do them the kindest services. How happy would have been the Christian community, had its members uniformly proved themselves the disciples of Jesus, by loving one another!
But alas! the spirit of this world has entered this sacred enclosure, and as its influence is ever the same, it has here produced the same unhappy effects. The Church of Christ has divided into sects, and with ungodly and inhuman zeal have the different parties aimed at the preeminence. Instead of uniting to maintain peace and love, amidst variety of sentiments, and to promote unfeigned piety and virtue, the grand design of its institution, their zeal has been spent about trifles in comparison: They have traduced, anathematized, and butchered each other for the sake of speculative principles, uninfluential upon practice, and forms and ceremonies, which can never make men like to God.
The Right Hand of Fellowship, on such occasions as the present, I suppose was designed as evidential of a temper, opposite to that of party and private interest, and disposed to encourage every good man who takes upon himself the office of a Christian minister: This part of the solemnity of the day has been devolved upon me, by the council now convened.
I do therefore, DEAR BROTHER, give you this RIGHT HAND, in their name, as a testimony of our unfeigned friendship for you, and readiness to serve you, as a minister of Jesus. This HAND is given you not as a deceitful compliment according to the spirit of this world. But in sincerity and truth, which are the glory of the Christian character. This act you may esteem a most solemn declaration on our part, that you shall have a place near our hearts, and that we will improve every opportunity to serve you, while you, endeavor on yours, to promote the great interests of mankind by your Christian doctrines and example, which is the great end of your office; while you keep yourself distant from the spirit of party, and aim not by mean and ungodly arts to build up your own interest with the consistency and dignity of a good man and a Christian, we wish you, BROTHER, the best of divine blessings. May you in this state, in every thing respectable whom you succeed in this desk: And in that which is coming may you receive the plaudit of your Judge, and a crown of immortal glory.
My brethren of this Church, I feel happy this day, that as God in his wise providence, has seen fit to deprive you of the labors of your late Pastor, who was uncommonly dear to you: He has also seen fit so intimately to connect you with a person of Mr. Prince’s fine temper and respectable abilities. But I feel peculiarly so, when I consider, that this event unites our Churches together, which were originally of the same body in every Christian office of love and friendship.
May this divine temper be cherished by us with constant care, and diffuse itself through all our churches, that this town may be eminently a City of peace and love.
Endnotes
1 Verse 8, 9, 10, 11, and 13.
2 Littleton.
3 Dr. Price.
4 Montesquieu.
5 “Every thing tends to this point: The progress of good in the new hemisphere, and the progress of evil in the old. In proportion as our people are weakened, and resign themselves to each other’s dominion, population and agriculture will flourish in America; and the arts make a rapid progress: And that country rising out of nothing, will be fired with the ambition of appearing with glory in its turn on the face of the globe. O posterity! Ye peradventure will be more happy than your unfortunate and contemptible ancestors.” Abbe Raynal.
6 Let us set before our eyes, on the one hand, the continual massacres of the kings and generals of the Greeks and Romans; and, on the other, the destruction of people and cities by those famous conquerors—who ravaged Asia and we shall see, that we owe to Christianity, in government , a certain political law; and in war, a certain law of nations; benefits which human nature can never sufficiently acknowledge.” Montesquieu.
7 “Haec est Christianismi regula, haec illius exacta defer itio, hic vertex supra omnia eminens, publicae utilitati consulere.” Chrysostom.
8 What did our Saviour mention, in his lamentation over Jerusalem, as the grand procuring cause of their approaching destruction, but their ill treatment of the ministers of religion? Mat. 23: 37. O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that killest the prophets, &c.
This sermon was preached by Chauncey Whittelsey (1717-1787) in Connecticut on May 14, 1778.
The importance of religion in the civil
Ruler, considered.
A SERMON,
Preached before the General Assembly
OF THE
STATE
OF
CONNECTICUT,
AT
HARTFORD,
On the Day of the Anniversary Election,
May 14th, 1778.
By Chauncey Whittelsey, A. M.
Pastor of the first Church of Christ in New-Haven.
At a General Assembly of the Governor and Company of the State of Connecticut, in America, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1778.
ORDERED, That Samuel Bishop and Eneas Munson, Esq’rs, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev’d Mr. Chauncey Whittelsey, for his Sermon delivered before the Assembly on the 14th Instant, and desire a Copy thereof that it may be printed A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
George Wyllys, Sec’ry.
An Election SERMON.
II SAM. 23. 3, 4.
“The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God;–and he shall be, as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass, springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain.”
THESE are here recorded, as some of the last words of King David, who could say, v. 2. “The spirit of the Lord spake by me, and his word was on my tongue.” The very solemn introduction used in the text “The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me,” demands universal silence, and the serious attention of all, but especially of those, to whom the following observation has a peculiar reference, “He that ruleth over men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God.”
The fear of God in the sacred writings usually signifies a religious character in general, or that principle of action, that regard to Deity, which produces a truly religious character and conduct: and thus the expression is to be understood, in our text.
The salutary influence of civil government, under the administration of men of such a character, is here beautifully represented, “by the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds,” and by the smiling appearance of the vegetable world, upon clear shining, after a rain. What more striking or beautiful Images could have been used?
This passage therefore very aptly leads to the consideration of the importance, and very salutary influence of religion, or the true fear of God, in those, who are entrusted with the administration of civil government.
A discourse upon any topic of civil policy is rarely to be expected from the sacred desk; but with propriety, and therefore with a decent boldness, may the fear of God be recommended, and urged upon all, by a minister of the religion of Jesus Christ, tho’ he be one of the most undeserving.
The worth, and salutary influence of religion, of the true fear of God, to everyone, who is the subject of it, is much greater, than my abilities would suffice, fully and justly to describe. It sanctifies and ennobles every office and every employment, in private or in public life. It is the source of the most refined delight, and truest honour, in this world, and it leads to complete felicity and immortal honour in the life to come. No less just, than beautiful is what elegant representation in the book of Job. “Where shall wisdom be found? And where is the place of understanding? The depth saith, it is not in me, and the sea saith, it is not with me. It cannot be gotten for gold, neither shall silver be weighed for the price thereof. It cannot be valued with the gold of Ophir, with the onyx, or the sapphire. No mention shall be made of pearls; the price of wisdom is above rubies. The topaz of Ethiopia shall not equal it, neither shall it be valued for the purest gold. Whence then cometh wisdom? And where is the place of understanding?” It is added—“God understandeth the way thereof, and he knoweth the place thereof. And unto man he said, The fear of the Lord, that is wisdom, and to depart from evil is understanding.”1 Thus, God being Judge, who cannot err, religion, or the fear of the Lord is man’s true wisdom, and of inestimable value, to everyone, that possesses it. It has the most happy tendency to render him comfortable in himself, and a blessing to others, whatever his station in life. But it is, in many respects, of peculiar importance, in those who act in any public and difficult station, and particularly, in the civil Ruler.
Very weighty, many times, are the burdens, that are laid upon the shoulders of the civil Magistrate, arduous the duties of his office, intricate and perplexed the causes of public concern, in which he is called to judge, and to act. Now there is a support under the burdens and trials of life, and an animation to the performance of numerous and difficult services, arising from the principles of religion and a genuine regard to Deity, which nothing else can yield; and which indeed is much better and more fully known by experience, than from any of the most accurate and labored description.
Take a view of the story of a number of great Characters, of godly and renowned Rulers of God’s ancient people, from Moses to Nehemiah: To them, under all their burdens, services and dangers, a firm belief of the great principles of religion, and an habitual attention to God, was indisputably of unspeakable benefit. Thro’ faith, they performed their great exploits, and were animated to the various and arduous services of their respective stations, and were supported, when their spirits were ready to sink. By faith they could adopt, under apprehension of the most threatening calamities, that triumphant language, “God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble; therefore will we not fear, though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea.” 2 Such was the language of the pious Psalmist of Israel.
Hear another celebrated ancient, when breathing out the genuine spirit of religion, and manifesting its strong and salutary influence; who, tho’ not a civil Ruler, yet sustained an important public character. When he knew, that he was surrounded with perils on every side, and that sufferings and trials of various kinds awaited him, he could express himself in that truly heroic manner, “3 None of these things move me, neither count I my life dear to me, so that I may finish my course with joy, and discharge well the office, with which, it has pleased the Lord of the universe to entrust me,” Such was the mighty influence of the great principles of religion, firmly believed, upon the mind of the apostle Paul. Nor was this peculiar to him, as an Apostle; by the same influence, the civil Ruler may be rendered superior to every hardship, to every danger, and thus may be made more eminently useful.
That is to anyone the most valuable possession, which best promotes his happiness and usefulness; true religion and the fear of God is indisputably that possession. This sanctifies both natural powers, and all acquirements to the most noble purposes; this unites duty and interest, and renders happy in serving God, and doing good. And this presents the most animating prospects of future felicity, sufficient to inspire an heroic fortitude, in the face of the greatest dangers.
But the great importance of religion, or the true fear of God, in civil Rulers, and its tendency to render them blessings in their places, and the people happy under their administration, will be evident from the following particular observations.
Which leads me to notice some of the advantages of religion, of the true fear of God in the civil Ruler, to the people, the community, by which he is entrusted, and whose welfare he should seek and promote.
1. Religion is the most sure and fruitful source of a genuine public spirit; which is justly reckoned one of the very essential qualifications, with which a civil Ruler should be adorned. It is a public spirit that mainly distinguishes the good Ruler, who is a blessing to his people, from the Tyrant, who is a curse to the world.
By a public spirit, I mean, not the contracted patriotism of the ancient Romans; who, under pretence of love to their own little country, claimed a right to oppress and enslave the rest of the world, at their pleasure.
A genuine public spirit implies a disposition, a readiness to forego ones private interest and personal ease, for the benefit of others, for the public good; but authorizes no inquiry or oppression. It coincides therefore with that charity or love, so strongly enjoined by the Christian Law; and it may be cultivated to the best advantage, under the influence of the great principles of religion, especially of the Christian institution.—He that has just sentiments of God, and a supreme, governing regard to him, even to that Being, who is the great Monarch of the universe, and whose glorious character is Love, and who so loved the human race, that he gave his only begotten Son to seek and promote their everlasting good, he will have in his breast and heart, a most fruitful principle of genuine patriotism. It will be his aim and study to do good, and, if he sustains a public character, to promote the public weal.
Among all the instances of a truly great and noble spirit, a spirit of the most exalted patriotism and disinterested goodness, that ever was recorded, there is none to be found that may be compared with that of Jesus our Lord: He, when he was in the form of God, laid aside the glory he had with the Father, and took upon him the form of a servant, for the sake of doing good; and, when he had spent his life in doing good, willingly submitted to the sharpest sufferings, and most acutely painful and ignominious death, for the same great and noble end. With what propriety then, and how forcibly does the Apostle recommend to every Christian Believer, a public spirit from this great and divine example. Phil. 2. 4, 5. “Look not everyone on his own things, but everyone also on the things of others; let the same mind be in you, which also was in Christ Jesus.” What zeal then, what vigorous exertions in doing good may not a supreme regard to Deity, and a becoming attention to such a divine example, justly produce?—What a happy influence must religion have, especially under the Christian institution, upon the mind and conduct of the civil Ruler?—
2. The principles and motives of religion afford the strongest incitements to fidelity and diligence, in the discharge of any public trust, that is undertaken. The truly religious man conceives himself bound by the law of his God, to be faithful, and accountable to him for his conduct. And a sense of the obligation that hence arises, will have a more certain, powerful and permanent influence upon him, than the most solemn oath upon a man of a different character.—Besides, to fidelity and diligence in the discharge of a public trust, religion proposes the most noble and animating rewards; not the applause of mortals, or a wreath of fading laurel, but the open approbation of the supreme Parent, the plaudit of the celestial Choirs, and a crown of glory, that will never fade.
I am sensible, it is not religion alone that fits a man to be a civil ruler; other qualifications are also necessary.—But—
3. Religion, or the true fear of God obliges, and will strongly prompt the man, that is called to manage the business of the public, to seek earnestly these other qualifications, that are necessary, or useful. And in this pursuit, as well as in the discharge of his Trust, the pious Ruler has one peculiar and very great advantage, viz.—
4. He will with humble confidence seek for assistance and direction from the great, the inexhaustible fountain of grace and wisdom. This is one rational and excellent means of gaining knowledge, and of maintaining right action and a useful conduct. For however regardless the generality may be of God, we are all constantly dependent upon him; “the way of man is not in himself; it is not in man that walketh to direct his steps.” 4 And we are assured, that whoever “lacketh wisdom,” and wants direction, if he sincerely “asks it of God, who giveth liberally and upbraideth not, it shall be given him.” 5
5. I may add, that the character of a people depends not a little, upon the character, the example and influence of the civil Rulers, the leading men of the State: The virtue of a people affords the best security of their privileges and prosperity under the overruling providence of God.
And finally, the special smiles of heaven ordinarily attend that people, whose Rulers, and chief men, are such as truly fear God, men of real piety. This observation is abundantly supported by the history of the Children of Israel, from the days of Moses to the times of their dispersion. When their chief men, whether Judges or Kings, did that which was evil, iniquity abounded, and some public calamity soon took place. But if their leading men were virtuous and religious, this usually had a happy influence upon the whole body of the people; and procured the special protection and smiles of heaven: And the same God still governs the world.
It is then of the utmost importance to a State, that it have virtuous and religious, as well as, able men, men fearing God, to rule over them, and manage their public affairs. Such Rulers will surely aim at the public good—will feel the most powerful obligation and strongest incitements, to fidelity, and to the most vigorous exertions for the public good, when requisite—will be most likely to maintain a firm, undaunted mind in critical and stormy seasons, and to guide the helm, with a steady hand.—And under the administration of such Rulers, the people will have the best grounds to hope for, and expect the direction and blessing of the supreme Potentate, on whom all good depends.—With reason therefore, when righteous and godly men are in authority, the people may greatly rejoice.—
Hence we are naturally led to reflect, with gratitude, upon the distinguishing goodness of God towards this Colony or State, from its beginning down to this day; his distinguishing goodness in providing for this people, and raising up and setting over them, such a succession of pious and godly Rulers; who under the influence of the great principles of religion, and the fear of God, have fought diligently the public weal, and been eminently useful in their day. What Province, State or Kingdom, from the beginning of the world, to this time, has been, in this respect, more highly favoured, than Connecticut? I know not any. And hence this has been one of the most happy provinces, upon the face of the earth. On such a day as this, how fitting to pay a tribute of praise to the God of Heaven, not only for our civil Liberties, but also for our upright, godly and faithful Rulers.—Further—
We hence learn, that in the choice or appointment of civil Rulers, special regard should be had to their religious characters. Superior talents, and an acquaintance with ciil policy, may enable a man to do much good in a public station, and are therefore to be desired, and are highly requisite in a civil Ruler. But they equally enable him to do much hut, if integrity, if religion and the fear of God is wanting. The great difference between the holy Angels, and apostate Spirits is of the moral and religious kind, arising from the different regard they pay to the supreme Parent.
We hence infer also, that it is of no small impotence, that the fear of God, and a religious disposition be early instilled into the minds of those, who are designed and are training up, for public service, in the State, as well as in the church of God. Without this, the most learned education will be essentially deficient.—I am not insensible that religion in general, and the Christian religion in particular has been treated even with banter and ridicule by some British Authors of note. But it is to be observed, that their political Creed is as erroneous and absurd, as are their religious Sentiments. As they appear not to revere the God of Heaven nor to believe in Jesus Christ, so they seem to disregard the great end of forming civil Societies, (viz.) the good of the individuals of the community, collectively considered; and they only study the means by which the Chiefs of a Society may aggrandize themselves, at the expence of their neighbours, without respect to the will of God, or the principles of equity and humanity. Such sentiments, whether concerning religion, or civil policy are destructive to the State as well as the Church of God; and they therefore disqualify for public service. Again,
From hence we may collect, that in the present very critical situation of affairs, and considering the many great and very interesting public events, that have taken place of late, it is, at this day, especially requisite that or leading men, our civil Rulers, be virtuous and godly, as well as men of ability, steadiness, and fortitude. In such a day as this “our help is in the name of the Lord who made heaven and earth,” and who an easily frustrate the counsels of the wisest Ahithophel, and bring to nought the devices of the crafty, and who already hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.—
In the rise, and in the whole progress of the unnatural controversy between Great-Britain, and the now United Independent American States, the hand of God has been, I must think, very conspicuous.-When we consider the remarkable union of thirteen disconnected, and many of them distance provinces, and the spirit, which burst forth like a flame, nearly at the same time, in all parts of the land; when we consider the weak, defenceless and unprepared state of the country, when hostilities were first commenced, and in what an unexpected manner, and how quick, a supply of military stores was obtained; when we consider the mighty force, that has come against us, both by sea and land, and the success that has attended our young troops, and even our militia (reckoned by the enemy but a feeble folk) in many warm encounters, with European regular forces; when we consider the little, the very little progress, that our enemy has made, toward accomplishing their injurious design, in three successive campaigns, and the total reduction of their northern army toward the close of the last campaign, who can refrain his astonishment, and adoration of the supreme invisible hand, that rules the world.
Strange was the want of wisdom, of human policy in the famous Politicians of the British court, that they should adopt those measures, that gave rise to the controversy. Upon them, the ingenious Dr. Price, in a pamphlet published in London more than two years ago, has this reflection, “I fancy, I see in those measures something, that cannot be accounted for, merely by human ignorance, I am inclined to think, that the hand of Providence is, in them, working, to bring about some great ends.” What would that ingenious author think, what would he say at this day?—What ends the Dr. had reference to is evident from what follows, a little after, “In America, says he, we see a number of rising States, in the vigour of youth, inspired with the noblest of all passions, the passion for being free—and animated by piety.”—Would to God, that the animation of piety was as strong and universal, as the passion for liberty.—
At this day the prospect evidently is, that a new Empire, under the providence of God, is now rising up, in this western world; a prospect, which from the beginning of he controversy, has from time to time, grown brighter and brighter. Of what importance is it, that this new Empire be founded with wisdom, and that they, who are entrusted with the management of public affairs, have a governing regard to God, and to the principles and interests of virtue and piety?—This might be attended with the most happy consequences, and have a very salutary influence thro’ all the United American States, and to the whole Empire, for generations to come.
By all the remarkable events above mentioned, by the rise, the progress and the present state of this great and interesting controversy, we are admonished, in very emphatic language, “that the most High ruleth in the Kingdom of men and giveth it to whomsoever he will.” 6 And are not all the Gentlemen, who are concerned in the management of our public affairs, and who have had a full acquaintance with the astonishing circumstances of those great events, laid under peculiar and very strong obligations to revere, honour and serve that God, who has done such great things for us, and on whom we are still dependent?
We are contending with a great and powerful nation; the unhappy controversy still subsists; tho’ we are hoping, and with longing expectations, waiting, for a speedy and happy issue. But what is in the womb of Providence we know not; our most raised expectations will end in disappointment, unless Heaven continue to smile upon us, and favour our cause. We still need direction from on high, and the blessing of Almighty God; of what importance then that our ways should please the Lord; that our leading Men should be men of seriousness and piety, men fearing God; that so from their example and influence, religion and virtue may be propagated, thro’ all ranks of people; then shall our peace be as a river, and our righteousness as the waves of the sea.
The chief Magistrates of this State, and the Heads of our tribes, that are here assembled, will therefore permit me (tho’ unworthy the task) a particular application, and an humble address to them, on this great occasion.
And in the first place, may I with proper deference, address his Excellency, the Governor of this State.
May it please your Excellency—
For the many good deeds, done to this State, thro’ your providence, and especially for your vigorous exertions and unwearied attention to the public weal, in this time of peculiar difficulty and danger, I without hesitation, express the sincere thanks of this whole Community, at the head of which the Lord our God has set you.
Among all your accomplishments for public service, your religious character is by no means, the least distinguishing or important.—You have experienced, I doubt not, in the great and arduous business of your station, and amidst the storms of the present day, the happy influence of an habitual regard to Deity, of daily intercourse with heaven, and of a firm confidence, thro’ a divine Mediator, in the providence and grace of God: the happy influence whereof, may you experience still more and more.
Thence, under all the various and difficult services to which you are called, you will not, Sir, you cannot, be disheartened; but will persevere, with steadiness and joyful hope, unto the end. Doing good and being useful is angelic, yea it is a divine employment. Gabriel is a ministering spirit; yea Jesus, to do good, spent, and willingly laid down, his life.—
By means of the many changes and commotions, that take place in the world, and by means of the operations of individuals in their places, a grand plan, formed by the supreme Parent, with consummate wisdom, is carrying on, to final accomplishment. From the dictates of inspired prophecy, we understand, that events of peculiar importance, in the execution of that grand plan, are nigh at hand, and perhaps, at this very day, beginning to take place. A thought this, that will fire your soul, Sir, with sacred ambition, and cause your breast to glow with gratitude to him, who has called you up, to act so significant a part, at such a day.
Altho’ this life is tempestuous, the voyage is short; and by how much the more difficult and dangerous, the greater the gains, to those, who steer by the religion of Christ, and arrive at the haven of safety.
How ample the rewards, how splendid the crown, that the religion of Jesus proposes and ensures to the faithful servant! Rewards already received, by what numbers of pious Rulers of this State, whose names are justly recorded in the annals of fame! With whom to associate in the high and noble employments of heaven, (what an animating thought!) will be your Excellency’s incessant aim: nor will you fail of the glorious reward, thro’ the grace of the gospel, on which, you ground your hopes. For he hath said, whose word is sure, “Be thou faithful unto death, and thou shalt receive a crown of life.”—Amen—
His Honour the Deputy Governor and the Honorable Counsellors of this State will suffer, with proper respect, a brief address.
May it please your Honours—
By the providence of God, and by the voice of a free People, you have been called to act in stations of chief dignity and importance, in one of the happiest provinces upon the face of the earth; whose prosperity and happiness (under the smiles of heaven) has mainly proceeded from the virtue and piety of its leading men, its civil Magistrates. And does not this thought, and the remembrance of many of your Predecessors in office, whom you have known, strongly urge you to pay a steady, serious and sacred regard to the God, and the religion, of your Fathers; that so you may, like them, maintain the distinguished reputation and lustre of the State, and be followers of those Worthies, who, thro’ faith and patience, are gone to inherit the promises.
To be the servants of the Great King of heaven and earth, and to do good to your fellow-men, in the stations in which you are placed in the providence of God, is the truest and highest honour, you can enjoy, on this side heaven, and is a course, that leads direct to those honours, that will be immortal. Actuated therefore by these truly worthy and noble aims, you will never disdain, or be ashamed to be thought men of serious piety, who revere and worship the living and true God, and are the Friends and Advocates of the religion of Jesus. Thus will you honour yourselves, and the high offices you sustain, and most surely promote the public weal. Thence, when dead, your names will be mentioned with respect, and your happy influence may continue, while you are reaping the rewards of immortal honour—Amen.—
The Honorable House of Representatives, who are men of influence in our several Towns, and, as it were, Heads of our tribes, will candidly receive a short address, from an honest, tho’ an unworthy advocate for religion and the public weal.
Gentlemen—
Important is the trust reposed in you, by your brethren. May I not say, they have put their liberties, their property, the comfort and the lies of their dearest connections, and of themselves, into your hands? The weight of such a trust, you, I doubt not, very sensibly feel: in the discharge whereof, especially in the present situation of our public affairs, there is great need, not only of integrity, but also of wisdom, application and firmness of mind. Of these very necessary qualifications, religion and an habitual regard to God, will be, (as you have heard) the surest and most fruitful source. Religion will excite you to seek in all proper ways, that knowledge and understanding, which is needful, and in particular, to ask daily and with fervent desires, direction from the fountain of wisdom: This will prompt you to consider whatever difficult matter of public concern, may lie before you, with engaged attention, and to confer and debate with one another thereon, with coolness and candour. This will influence you, to give your voice with uprightness, and to acquiesce and unite in the conclusion, and with a spirit of resignation to leave the issue, with the divine disposal. And how can public affairs be conducted in any better manner, by dependent, imperfect beings?
When dispersed, and returned to your several places of abode, thro’ the State, your influence, Gentlemen, to suppress iniquity, and to encourage that religion, to promote that righteousness, which God has said, exalteth a nation, or a people, may be great, and of the most salutary consequence. And thus, by acting your parts, under the influence of religion, both in public and in private life, you may be the happy instruments of saving your country, and at the same time securing to your posterity the richest of earthly blessings, and to yourselves an ample reward (not indeed in this momentary life, but) in that life and state, that will never, never end. Gentlemen, may God Almighty thus honour and reward you all—Amen.—
As a considerable number of the Ministers of Christ, and Pastors of Churches are here present, if not the occasion, yet the subject, that has been handled, and the very critical state of our country, will warrant a short address to them from one, who tho’ he might say, methinks, with much greater propriety, than Paul, “less than the least of all Saints,” yet earnestly wishes the spread of religion’s salutary influence, and the welfare of his country.
My Dear Brethren—
The interest of religion, the interest of that cause, for which our divine Redeemer died upon the cross, and the care of the Churches of Christ has been in an especial, and very solemn manner, committed unto us. Our sacred, as well as civil privileges, the cause of the Churches of Christ, and the interest of religion, is, if I mistake not, nearly affected with the contest of the present day. Should we not therefore, out of love to Christ, and concern for the interest of his religion, and the welfare of our people, exert ourselves, with vigour, in our places, especially to inculcate the fear of God, and promote that spirit of serious religion, which will secure the protection of the God of Heaven, and be the surest means of preserving our civil and religious rights? And will we not encourage the hearts and strengthen the hands of our civil Rulers, in this so critical and threatening a day, and be mush and earnest in prayer to God for them, and for the revival of religion, and the restoration of peace to our land? May we each one so discharge the great and good work, to which we are called, that when the chief Shepherd shall appear, we may receive a crown of glory, that shall never fade.—Amen.—
Finally, since religion is the truest wisdom, the richest treasure, the brightest ornament, and the best defense, may the spirit of the Lord be poured out upon all the people, that so pure religion may again flourish in the midst of us, and glory and happiness fill the land. AMEN and AMEN.
Jacob Cushing gave the following sermon in 1778 on the anniversary of the Battle of Lexington.
Divine judgments upon tyrants: And compassion to the oppressed.
A
S E R M O N,
PREACHED AT LEXINGTON,
APRIL 20TH, 1778.
In commemoration of the MURDEROUS WAR and RAPINE, inhumanly perpetrated, by two brigades of British troops, in that town and neighborhood, on the NINETEENTH of APRIL, 1775.
By JACOB CUSHING, A. M.
PASTOR of the CHURCH in WALTHAM.
Divine judgments upon tyrants: And compassion to the oppressed.
DEUTERONOMY, XXXII. 43.
Rejoice, O ye nations, with his people, for he will avenge the blood of his servants, and will render vengeance to his adversaries; and will be merciful unto his land, and to his people.
THAT there is a God, “is the prime foundation of all religion.” We should therefore employ our utmost diligence to establish our minds in the steadfast belief of it. For when once we have firmly settled in our minds the belief of God’s being, it will mightily influence all our powers of action; it will invite our hope, alarm our fear, and address to every passion within us, that is capable of persuasion, and be in us a never-failing source of devotion and religion.
A God without a providence, is a solitary kind of being, and affords but gloomy apprehensions. For ‘tis by his providence that all intercourse between God and his rational creatures is maintained,—therein he exercises and displays his perfections,—therein his power executes the contrivances of his wisdom, and his wisdom plans the methods of his goodness and grace, which open to the view and admiration of the wise and good, through successive ages and generations.
But that branch of providence, which, in a peculiar manner, demands our attention on this occasion, and should excite our gratitude, is God’s un-interrupted government of the rational part of his creation,—mankind in particular. For as all government, so the divine, supposes laws, and laws suppose rewards and punishments, of which intelligences only are capable.
Since, therefore, God interests himself in the affairs of mankind, and the universal administration of his providence extends to all his works, a large field opens for the employment of our contemplative minds. And we are naturally led to consider this divine government, as respecting communities; the affairs whereof are important, and upon which the order and felicity of the world greatly depend.
God is the sovereign of the world, and disposes all things in the best manner. All blessings and calamities, of a public nature, and the revolutions of kingdoms and states, are to be viewed as under the special direction of heaven. Hence the scripture faith, that God “increaseth the nations, and destroyeth them, he enlargeth the nations, and straineth them again—sometimes he blesseth them so that they are multiplied greatly; again, they are diminished, and brought low, through oppression, affliction, and sorrow.”
These truths being necessarily interwoven with religion and extensively useful under the varying scenes of life, and mysteries in providence—the main design of the present discourse, is to awaken our attention to the passages of divine providence—and lead us to a religious improvement of God’s hand in the tragical events that took place on the nineteenth of April, 1775. I mean the MURDEROUS WAR, rapine and devastation of that day, which we are now met to commemorate.
Under this visitation, or the greatest trials imaginable, we have abundant consolation, that God rules in the armies of heaven, and among the inhabitants of this earth.
The words but now read, may be, perhaps, not unfitly applied to us, for comfort and encouragement under God’s chastisements, and his usual conduct towards the enemies of his church and people:—“Rejoice, O ye nations, with his people, for he will avenge the blood of his servants, and will render vengeance to his adversaries, and will be merciful unto his land, and to his people.” These are the concluding words of Moses his song, which setteth forth God’s works of mercy and judgment towards the children of Israel, his covenant people. And though, in their primary meaning, they respect that nation only, yet they may be accommodated and fairly applied to God’s faithful and obedient people, at all times, and in all ages; inasmuch as the latter part of the prophecy reaches unto the latter days, and is not yet wholly fulfilled.
Some interpret the former part of the verse thus,—“Rejoice ye nations, who are his people.” Supposing it to be a prophecy of the Gentiles becoming one body with the people of Israel;—because Moses had supposed in this song, great enmity between them, and that sometimes they had sorely plagued Israel; as at others, God rendered to them according to what they had done unto his people: but now breaks out in a rapture of joy, to think that they should one day be reconciled, and made one people of God.
The prophecy then before us, is not limited to the Israelites; but may be understood as extending to all God’s chosen, though oppressed and injured people, in all generations,—that he will recompense their wrongs—plead their cause—and do justice upon their enemies. And taking it in this latitude, we may collect several things from it, as worthy our notice, and pertinent to this occasion. Accordingly I observe,
First, That God, in the righteous administrations of his providence, permits the sons of violence to oppress his saints and people; and, in their malice and rage, to attempt their ruin, by waging war with them.
God is a being of infinite power and inflexible justice, as well as consummate wisdom; and doth according to his sovereign pleasure, in the national and moral world. He over-rules all things for his own glory, and in subordination to that, has a particular regard to the happiness of his covenant people:—His church and chosen are not without mistakes and errors, in this imperfect state—hence they are prone to degenerate and transgress—to be too regardless of God, and deficient in their obedience—nay, to be guilty of great wickedness. And it becomes necessary, to punish such revolters from the ways of God, and purity of manners. Hence, when the all-wise God designs the chastisement and reformation of his backsliding people, he “visits their transgressions with the rod, and their iniquity with stripes,”—and uses those methods, that shall best promote his moral government; inflicting this or that judgment, as pleases him. The divine providence then is to be devoutly acknowledged in all events, in all public evils and calamities.
Sometimes there are visible marks of God’s anger and displeasure against his people. Their counsels are divided, and their strength impaired—their enemies are permitted to distress and injure them—or they have been harassed by the will and conduct of ambitious, designing men, who have contributed to the ruin of their country, even at the same time they pretend a mighty zeal for its interest:—Or, they are scourged by haughty tyrants and cruel oppressors:—Yet the hand of God, and his over-ruling providence is to be acknowledged in these things, as much as when a people suffer by famine, pestilence, earthquakes, storms and tempests, &c. which are commonly regarded as the more immediate tokens of God’s anger, and works of his providence.
In all public evils, calamities and distresses of God’s people, He, in his providence, proceeds according to equal rules, and for wise and salutary purposes. Hence the promises of temporal blessings made to the Israelites, in case of their obedience to the divine commandments, and the threatnings of temporal evils and plagues denounced against them, in case of their disobedience, recited in Levit. XXVI, and Deut. XXVIII chapters; related chiefly to them as a body politic, because with regard to the public, they always took place. When religion and virtue flourished among them, and they walked in obedience to the divine laws, they prospered, were successful in their wars, had great plenty, and all things conducive to their welfare and happiness.
But when they revolted from God, and were generally corrupt and dissolute, they were despised, miserable, and a prey to their jealous and envious neighbours. And it may be noted, in general that when public calamities were inflicted upon them, whether by the more immediate hand of Heaven, as drought, pestilence, famine, and the like; or, by instruments in providence, as the hands of their enemies and oppressors; it was always as a just punishment for their national iniquities; their idolatry, irreligion and abounding wickedness. And upon their repentance and reformation, these calamities were removed, and their prosperity restored.
Nor was this course of providence peculiar to the Jews. The established rule of the divine procedure towards nations is ascertained in Jer. XVIII, 7, &c. “At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it: If that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them.—And at what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to build, and to plant it; if it do evil in my sight, that it obey not my voice, then I will repent of the good wherewith I said I would benefit them.”
We are assured, in the oracles of truth, that “Righteousness exalteth a nation; but sin,” i.e. abounding vice and wickedness, “is a reproach to any people” And with regard to mankind in all ages, may it not be said, that when a people have been remarkable for justice, temperance, industry, and zeal for the public good, they have prospered in all their affairs, and been high in reputation? And, perhaps, no instance can be produced of a nation’s being given up to exterminating judgments and calamities, so long as virtue, probity and religion flourished among them. But when falsehood and perfidy, injustice and general corruption, with a contempt of religion, have generally prevailed among them, they have fallen into many calamities, and been deprived of those advantages they so much abused.
Thus God, in a variety of ways, may correct and punish his degenerate people; and, among others, permit enemies to oppress them, shed blood in their land, and lay them waste.
It by no means reflects upon the righteousness of God, that those whom he employs as instruments in the execution of his judgments upon a revolting, sinful people, are themselves chargeable with injustice and cruelty; and have nothing in view but the gratifying their own ambition, avarice and lust of power. And commonly they who are the authors, or perpetrators of such violence and severity upon a people, are afterwards, in God’s time, justly punished in their turn, for their vices, their pride, wantonness and barbarity.
Wherefore, if we make a religious improvement of such dispensations, we shall resolve all into the good pleasure of Him, who is “higher than the highest,” and has the absolute disposal of all in his hands. And however undeserving we may be of such unrighteous treatment from men, our fellow-mortals; yet we are to adore the great—the wise—the powerful God,—humble ourselves under his mighty hand,—accept the punishment of our sins,—learn righteousness,—patiently bear the indignation of the Lord, and quietly submit to his providences; and, while his judgments are upon us, repent and reform, confide in his almighty power, hope in his mercy, and plead his compassion and the riches of his grace, that in his own way and time, which is the fittest, we may see his salvation. Pass we, therefore,
Secondly. To observe, the dispensations of heaven towards oppressors and tyrants, the enemy of God’s people. “For he will avenge the blood of his servants, and will render vengeance to his adversaries,”—none shall hinder his proceedings, to be fully avenged of them.
He is the supreme Lord, governor and judge of the world, therefore will he chastise offenders; to him belongeth vengeance,—therefore the wicked shall not go unpunished.
The enemies of God’s church and people, are God’s adversaries. “The Lord’s portion is his people,—he keeps them as the apple of his eye”—verses 9, 10, of the context. Whoever grieves or afflicts them, provokes God, for they are “his peculiar treasure.” And having a singular concern for them, he will be their shield and their defence, however they may be persecuted by their enemies. “For the Lord shall judge his people;” verse 36. i.e. plead their cause, and deliver them from the oppression of their enemies; as this phrase is frequently used in the book of Psalms. He will have mercy upon his servants, and turn his hand, which punishes them, upon their adversaries.
Thus utter destruction is denounced upon Edom, for their unnatural enmity against the Jews, and cruelty towards their brethren, in Obad, ver. 10, “For thy violence against thy brother Jacob, shame shall cover thee, and thou shalt be cut off forever.”
To confirm our faith and hope in God, in troublous times, in days of darkness and misery, it may be proper to look back, and devoutly contemplate that most signal act of divine providence, that when the primitive religion which had been derived from the beginning, was in danger of being lost among men, and the world became generally involved in gross superstition and idolatry, it pleased God to single out a nation from the rest of mankind, and to erect them into a sacred polity, set apart by their fundamental constitution for the profession and worship, the faith and obedience of the one true God, in opposition to the worshipping idols or false deities, and to the worshipping the true God by images. The more effectually to awaken the attention of mankind, and to give the more illustrious confirmation to that church constitution, it was wisely ordered, that in the founding and establishing of it, there were repeated and amazing exertions of the power of God.
And the whole of that dispensation was admirably so contrived, as to prepare the way for a more spiritual and perfect state of the church, which was to succeed it, and was to be more universally diffused; in the founding of which, providence interposed in a yet more remarkable manner, by a series of most astonishing events.
Through the powerful influence of a wise providence, events that were designed for the destruction of the church, have been made subservient to its greater stability. Thus Haman’s malicious, revengeful plot, which threatened utter ruin to the Jewish nation and religion, was most marvelously over-ruled to contribute to the confirmation thereof.
Likewise the Christian church, though the world ever was an enemy to it, has been firmly established: It has been maintained against cruel persecution, and the greatest violence.—And though continually burning, it has not been consumed,–though tossed with tempests, and worried by its oppressors and adversaries, frequently passing through the furnace of affliction; yet it retains a form more bright and beautiful, as of the spouse of Christ, and the joyful mother of children, which no man can number.
Indeed churches are not perfect or complete; they are apt to decline and transgress;—nothing therefore can be more equal and fit, than that God should, in his holy providence, manifest his righteous displeasure against backsliding churches that have fallen from the power and purity of religion, into a state of corruption.
Should it happen that, in times of persecution, bloodshed and war, the church may be reduced in its members, still the remnant may become more refined, holy and heavenly. The faith and patience of the saints be more exercised, their zeal and piety more eminent, and practical godliness more gloriously appear. And then, in due season, God raiseth his church and people from their afflicted and oppressed state, and rendereth vengeance to their adversaries and persecutors. Thus Babylon of old was punished for her cruelty and oppression of the Jewish church. And thus shall it likewise be in the case of mystical Babylon; which, after having been long suffered to prevail, and to “make war with the saints of the most High,” shall have a mighty downfall, wherein the vengeance and justice of almighty God, shall be illustriously displayed; of which we have a striking description in SVIII. Chap. of the Revelation.
And that we may be established in the faith of the prophecy before us, that God “will avenge the blood of his servants,” and execute “vengeance upon their adversaries,” we may advert to the animating promise of our blessed Saviour, in the parable of the unjust judge, who, neither fearing God nor regarding man, was nevertheless prevailed on by the continual cries of the widow, to do her justice against her adversary; our Lord adds, And shall not God avenge his own elect?—“Will he not much more be moved to vindicate his chosen and dearly beloved people, that cry to him day and night, under the cruel oppression of their insulting enemies, even though he may seem to bear long with them, to give them space for repentance? I tell you, he will certainly indicate them, and when once he undertakes it, he will do it speedily too.” Herein, “our condescending Lord only intended to intimate, that if the repeated, importunate cries of the afflicted, may at length prevail even upon an inhuman heart, they will be much more regarded by a righteous, and merciful God, who is always ready to bestow his favours, when he sees we are prepared to receive them. We may rely upon it, that God will vindicate his saints. Let this encourage them, though the rod of the wicked may for a while rest on them—and let it intimidate the proud oppressors of the earth, who, in the midst of all their pomp and power, are so wretched as to have the prayers of God’s people against them.”
We have encouragement then, to hope in God, that he will build up Zion—that he will appear still for us, under all our distresses and oppression—that he will avenge the innocent blood of our brethren, inhumanly shed in the beginning of the present unjust war—that he will render vengeance to his and our adversaries—and one day restore tranquility to our country—that he will make our land “a quiet habitation,” when we may view it in perfect peace, and free from all fears of hostile invasions. For, to use the words of the prophet Isaiah, “The Lord is our judge, the Lord is our lawgiver, the Lord is our King, he will save us.” Hence we are naturally led, in the last place, to observe from the concluding words of my text.
Thirdly, The kindness and compassion of God, to his penitent, praying and obedient people: “And will be merciful unto his land, and to his people.”
Though God chastise his people with the rod of his hand, or permit enemies to oppose and oppress them, yet he will remember his holy covenant, and shew compassion to them, upon their humiliation and repentance. This is illustrated in Neh. Ix chap. wherein the Levites make a religious confession of God’s goodness, and the Israelites wickedness—greatly provoking God by their disobedience and rebellion against him, and contempt of his law; Therefore, as in verse 27, “Thou deliveredst them into the hands of their enemies, who vexed them, and in the time of their trouble, when they cried unto thee, thou heardest them from heaven; and according to thy manifold mercies thou gavest them saviours, who saved them out of the hand of their enemies.”
God will not “cast off his people, neither will he forsake his inheritance: The Lord will not cast off forever—but though he cause grief, yet will he have compassion, according to the multitude of his mercies.” He will arise, and have mercy upon Zion, when the set time to favor her, is come.
To represent the perpetual love of God to his church and people, the prophet Isaiah utters himself in this rapturous strain, “Sing, O heaven, and be joyful, O earth, and break forth into singing. O mountains, for God hath comforted his people, and will have mercy upon his afflicted”—chap. XLIX. 13. And speaking of their deliverance at last, saith, ver. 26. “And I will feed them that oppress thee, with their own flesh, and they shall be drunken with their own blood, as with sweet wine, and all flesh shall know that I the Lord, am thy Saviour, and thy redeemer, the mighty one of Jacob.
The intention of God’s severe dispensations being no the destruction of his people, but their amendment, it becomes them to acknowledge his hand, confess and forsake their sins, and importunately seek to him for needed salvation.—Hence, we are frequently exhorted in scripture to repentance as the surest way to obtain mercy from God; Job v. 17. “Behold, happy is the man whom God correcteth; therefore despise not thou the chastening of the Almighty—For he maketh sore, and bindeth up, he woundeth, and his hands make whole. He shall deliver thee in six troubles, yea, in seven, there shall no evil touch thee. In famine he shall redeem thee from death, and in war from the power of the sword.”
The corrections of his hand are the scourges of a faithful God, who retaineth not his anger forever, because he delighteth in mercy. To this purpose we have a more general exhortation to repentance, in Hos. VI. I. “Come, and let us return unto the Lord, for he hath torn, and he will heal us; he hath smitten, and he will bind us up.” The same God that punisheth us, can only remove his judgments, and shew us mercy. God will “speak peace to his people, and to his saints, if they return not again to folly—Surely his salvation is nigh them that fear him.”
And the church of Christ, notwithstanding, all oppression and persecution, shall one day break forth as the morning, clear as the sun, fair as the moon, and triumph over all its potent, cruel adversaries; even when the glorious things spoken of her, in the latter days, shall be accomplished;—corresponding to the prophecy of Isaiah, chap. lx. Wherein describing he Jews restoration from captivity, takes occasion therefrom to represent the glories of Christ’s kingdom, which began upon the first publication of the gospel, but will not be completed ‘till the fullness of Jews and Gentiles are come into the church; and faith, “Violence shall no more be heard in thy land, wasting nor destruction within thy borders: Thy sun shall no more go down, neither shall thy moon withdraw itself; for the Lord shall be thine everlasting light, and the days of thy mourning shall be ended: Thy people also shall all be righteous; they shall inherit the land forever, the branch of my planting, the work of my hands, that I may be glorified. A little one shall become a thousand, and a small one a strong nation:—I the Lord will hasten it in his time.”
From the preceeding discourse, in connexion with our context, arise the following truths, for instruction and improvement of the dispensations of heaven; and therefore proper for our meditation, on the present occasion. As,
That we should extol the Lord of heaven and earth, who is possessed of glorious perfections, which render him the only fit object of our religious worship.
That we should acknowledge the infinite power of our God, and his sovereign dominion over all; and give honour and service to none other.
That his works of providence, no less than of creation, are most perfect; since he doth nothing without the greatest reason, and according to the rules of exact justice.
That we are ignorant of the methods and reasons of God’s judgments, that take place in the world.
That all the evil, and all the good, that befalls any man, or the whole church, proceeds from the just and equal administrations of divine providence.
That in God we may find a sure refuge, at all times, for he is in one mind, and changeth not.
That He will render vengeance to his adversaries, and do justice to the enemies of his church.
That he will be merciful to his people, his humble, penitent, praying people, and will, in his own way and time, avenge the blood of his servants.
That therefore we have abundant cause to rejoice with his people; and to yield cheerful and constant obedience to him.
These limits might be profitably enlarged upon; but I must leave the more particular improvement of them, to your own private meditations; and fall in closer with the design of this anniversary, which is to keep in mind a solemn remembrance of the origin of the present MURDEROUS WAR, and more especially of the innocent blood wantonly shed around this sacred temple; and the subsequent slaughter and desolation by British troops, on that memorable day, APRIL NINETEENTH, one thousand, seven hundred, seventy-five: A day religiously to be regarded by all professed Christians.
The distress and anxiety of the inhabitants of this town, and the adjacent, arising from the singular and horrid scenes of that dismal and dark day, tho’ diminished by time, can never be effaced in the human breast.
With compassion and tender sympathy, we renew the sorrow and lamentation of the bereaved, for their deceased friends and relatives, who then fell a sacrifice, bled and died, in the cause of God and their country, by the sons of violence, and hands of murders,—as multitudes have fallen since in our land,—whose blood we hope in God, he will speedily and righteously avenge, and restore peace and tranquility.
The all-interesting events of that day,—that distressing day, have been painted in lively colours, by my worthy Brother: 1—and the leading steps, or rather stretches of parliamentary power, and hasty strides of British ministerial vengeance, to reduce Americans to submission and abject slavery as introductory to this unjust and ruinous war) have been set in a striking point of light, by my Rev. Father, 2 —who have gone before me in this lecture.
Nothing new therefore, can be suggested by me on this occasion.—I have only to stir up your pure minds, by way of remembrance, of the transactions of that awful day; to excite your devotion, and to recommend a religious improvement of God’s righteous dispensations then, and through three revolving years now completed.
In pursuance of their oppressive measures (if not intentionally to begin the barbarous and bloody scene) the enemy came upon us like a flood, stealing a march from Boston, through by-ways, under the darkness and silence of the night; and, like cowards and robbers, attacked us altogether defenceless; and cruelly murdered the innocent, the aged and helpless. Accordingly they are described by the prophet, as persons whose hands are defiled with blood;—adding, “their works are works of iniquity, wasting and destruction are in their paths.”
With astonishment and gratitude we recollect the kindness of our almighty Preserver, that no more were slain by the hand of violence; and that the people willingly offered themselves to the help of the Lord against the mighty, who manfully opposed the efforts of British pride, power and barbarity.—The hand of God was visible in these things; and the power and goodness of God manifested in our deliverance, from the enraged, disappointed enemy, is to be devoutly retained in memory, and thankfully acknowledged. When we consider, how weak and unprepared we were at that time, for such a sudden assault, (though the behavior of the British troops might have led us to expect hostile measures would ensue) 3 we may, not unfitly, adopt the words of the Psalmist, concerning the church of old; in Ps. 124, wherein the blesseth God for a miraculous deliverance from a formidable enemy; I say, we may apply the words in the beginning of the Psalm, to ourselves and circumstances, with a little variation; “If it had not been the Lord, who was on our side, now may New-England say: If it had not been the Lord, who was on our side, when men rose up against us; then they had swallowed us up quick, when their wrath was kindled against us,” and began to break out in fierceness:—In their furious rage they would have suddenly devoured us, and laid waste the country.
But blessed be God, to whose infinite mercy we ascribe our deliverance, who was then a present help. These barbarous savage enemies were put into fear; they were made to flee before us, and hastily to retreat (as wild beasts to their dens) before a few scattered, undisciplined Freemen: 4 Not to our courage or conduct, but to God’s name be all the praise and glory.
A close attention to the occurrences in this unnatural war, from its rise to the present time, affords us great occasion to sing of God’s mercy, and to rejoice with his people;—and likewise to fear and tremble before the Lord, that his anger is not yet turned away, but his hand is stretched out still.
If this war be just and necessary on our part, as past all doubt it is, then we are engaged in the work of the Lord, which obliges us (under God mighty in battle) to use our “swords as instruments of righteousness, and calls us to the shocking, but necessary, important duty of shedding human blood;” not only in defence of our property, life and religion, but in obedience to him who hath said, “Cursed be he that keepeth back his sword from blood.”
Here I shall take occasion, to address the companies of militia in this town; 5our Brethren, now under arms. My Friends, Having early distinguished yourselves in a readiness to promote the common good, and safety of your country; by opposing, with others, its invaders, and the murders of your brethren in this town and neighbourhood, on that day we are now commemorating:—You escaped the arrows of death, when perhaps equally exposed, as those that were cut off by the hand of violence: To the God of your life, and who was then, in a peculiar sense, your preserver, defence and shield, you owe everlasting love and obedience.
You were spared, it may be, further to signalize yourselves, and to do yet greater service for God and your bleeding country, which calls aloud to you, and all its hearty friends, to rouse and exert themselves, for the destruction of the common enemy and oppressor; and to wipe away the blood wherewith this land has been stained. To arms! To action, and the battle of the warrior! Is the language of divine providence; and you have every motive imaginable to awaken, and excite you to be up and doing the work of the Lord faithfully.—The honor and glory of God, and the salvation of your country under God, call aloud upon all.—Duty, interest, liberty, religion and life, every thing worth enjoyment, demand speedy and the utmost exertions.
Cultivate, my friends, a martial spirit, strive to excel in the art of war, that you may be qualified to act the part of soldiers well; and, under providence, be helpful in vanquishing and subduing the enemies of God and this people; and be numbered among those who shall be worthy to wear the laurels of victory and triumph.
Above all, let me recommend and urge it upon you, to strive for a more honorable and shining character; I mean that of true Christians, good soldiers of Jesus Christ; and to fight manfully under his banner, as the high priest of your profession, and great captain of your salvation. Then whatever service he shall call you to, or sufferings allot you;—wherever he shall lead, you will cheerfully follow,—be ready to face the enemy and every danger, and meet death with calmness and intrepidity, wherever arrested, and be conquerors through Him.
We wish you, and all our friends and brethren, called to bear arms, and jeopardy their lives in defence of their country, and support of the common rights of mankind, the presence of God, and a blessing this day, from the house of the Lord, all grace and good in time, and glory everlasting.
Finally, Let us all devoutly worship and honor, fear and serve the Lord of hosts, and God of armies; hearken to his word, and seriously attend to every providence.—Let us continue our fervent cries to God, and offer up importunate, unceasing supplications to the most High, to “avenge the blood of his servants,”—and be “merciful to” this “his land, and to his people.” We are encouraged to this from the providence and promises of a powerful and faithful God.—The repeated successes during this calamitous war, from its beginning to the present day, have been great and wonderful; and give us confidence in God, and hope of a happy conclusion, if we amend our ways and doings. Our enemies, indeed, have been permitted to make great destruction in divers parts of our land (in their rage and cruelty unequalled) who have attempted, with fire and sword, to spread desolation far and wide. 6 For as they began the war with a mean, dastardly spirit, so they have prosecuted it, in all their measures, with a rigour and barbarity, exceeding the savages of the wilderness; yet, through the interposition of heaven, they have been frustrated in their grand design, defeated and disgraced.
In various instances, particularly in the last campaign, a merciful God hath crowned our arms, with singular success and victory; 7 enabling us to destroy and break up a whole army, under one of the greatest Generals, perhaps, that Britain can boast of. This is the Lord’s doing, and ‘tis marvelous in our eyes.
The Lord’s hand is not shortened, that it cannot save. We may then confidently put our trust in the living God, and refer our cause of our oppressed and bleeding country-inasmuch as “he will be merciful to his land.” We are assured, “The Lord loveth the gates of Zion:” That he “will bless his own inheritance;” And that when “the Lord shall build up Zion, he shall appear in his glory. He will regard the prayer of the destitute—the children of his servants shall continue, and their seed shall be established before” him; and enjoy the tokens of the divine presence among them.
These assurances of our covenant-God and Father, may well animate our spirits, invigorate our faith, confirm our hope, and establish our confidence in him, under the severest trials and miseries that befall us, in this day of calamity and war.
Whether the prophecy and proise in our text, shall be accomplished, while we of the present generation, are upon the stage of action; is known only to him, who is the Lord of life and death. However, we may piously and cheerfully leave the event to God, whose righteousness remaineth, and his faithfulness to all generations.
I cannot conclude, without just hinting, that though we must necessarily concern ourselves, in some degree, with the things of this present civil world, so long as God shall protract our lives; yet our highest interest lies in another region, far beyond this state of noise and war, danger and misery. And whoever faithfully serves God and their generation here, in a wise improvement of their talents, shall in the end, receive a crown of life, unfading and eternal.
Here is nothing, my hearers, nothing worthy your highest affection and unceasing pursuit.—“All that cometh is vanity.”—All things are liable to change, and in perpetual uncertainty. Every thing tends to dissolution, and God alone is invariable.
We are all children of mortality—and must die out of this world.—Blessed be God, honor and immortality beyond the grave is ascertained by divine revelation. Being called to glory by virtue, let us diligently and conscientiously perform all the duties of our holy religion; labor to secure our peace with God, through Jesus Christ our Savior—that we may be perfect and complete in him, as our head.
That so, when contending powers and jarring nations on earth shall be removed—all kingdoms and states dissolved—and all empire and dominion blotted out, excepting His, who is the first cause, and last end of all things:—We may have a place in the highest heavens;—be admitted to dwell in God’s immediate presence—and join the heavenly host in the warmest ascriptions of blessing, and honor, and praise and glory to God and the lamb, for ever and ever.
A M E N.
Erratum. P. 8, 1. 16-for paternal read natural.
Endnotes
1. The Rev. Mr. Clark, in his printed Sermon, preached April 19, 1776, and his annexed impartial narrative.
2. The Rev. Mr. Cooke, in his printed Sermon, preached April 19, 1777.
3. Witness their numerous insults to the inhabitants of town and country:—And their warlike preparations, and formidable fortifications on Boston-Neck, and at the entrance of the town, erected in terrors.
4. From the best accounts it appeared, that not more than 300 of these, were, at any time properly engaged with the two British brigades, (in their flight from Concord to Charlestown) near 2000 strong.
5. Under the command of Capt. John Bridge and Capt. Francis Brown, which by their military parade on this and similar occasions, and martial appearance, while attending the religious exercise, add to the solemnity of the day.
6. Among many instances may be mentioned the burning of Charlestown, Falmouth, Norfolk, Kingston:—The rapine and devastation in New-York and the Jersies; and their unparalleled treatment of the inhabitants there, both for inhumanity and debauchery.—To which may be added, their murdering our friends, whom the fortune of war put into their hands; I mean their starving them to death; inhumanity more than savage! And to compleat their accursed plan, they have hired and let loose upon us the Indians, to scalp and butcher of every age and sex, to plunder and lay waste wherever they came: All this has been acted by Britons, who glory in their valor and humanity.
7. Our army in the Northern Department, was remarkably successful in divers actions; particularly on the 7th October, in which they attacked the lines of the enemy, and drove them from their works, killing and captivating several of their principal officers, and many privates; gaining great advantages. On the 17th October, 1777, Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne surrendered himself, and his whole army into the hands of the brave Major-General Gates, at the head of well-disciplined continental troops, and intrepid militia of New-England.
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