The Sermon on the Mount Carl Bloch, 1890

Sermon – Eulogy – 1776


Samuel Stillman (1738-1807) was ordained into the ministry in 1759. He preached in a Baptist church on James Island, SC shortly after his ordination then in various congregations in New Jersey for a time before becoming the pastor of a Baptist church in Boston (1765-1805). Stillman was a Boston city convention member, a convention that ratified the U.S. Constitution. This sermon was preached by Stillman in 1776 before the Continental Congress after the death of Samuel Ward.


sermon-eulogy-1776

Death, the last Enemy, destroyed by Christ

A

SERMON,

PREACHED, MARCH 27, 1776,

BEFORE

THE HONORABLE

CONTINENTAL CONGRESS;

ON THE DEATH OF

THE HONORABLE

SAMUEL WARD, ESQ.

ONE OF THE

DELEGATES FROM THE COLONY

OF RHODE ISLAND,

WHO DIED OF THE SMALL-POX, IN THIS CITY,
(PHILADELPHIA) MARCH 16, Et. 52.

PUBLISHED AT THE DESIRE OF MANY WHO HEARD IT.

BY SAMUEL STILLMAN, M. A.

 

TO THE
AFFLICTED FAMILY
OF THE
D E C E A S E D.
My Dear Young Friends,

ACCEPT the following Sermon, now publicly offered, as a small Tribute of that unfeigned Respect, I entertained for Your HONORED FATHER, from the Time of my first Acquaintance with Him. – Great is Your Loss – and great Your Sorrow. – Scarce had You ceased to weep for the Death of that amiable Lady, Your pious Mother; before God, infinitely wise and good, hath been pleased to deprive you of one of the best of Father’s. – From the Moment I heard, that He was seized with that fatal Illness, I feared for Him – I felt for You – But You sorrow not as those who have no Hope – He lived beloved – He died lamented. – He did not descent to the Grave full of Honors. His Life You are not to measure by Duration, but by Action. Much He did to form Your Minds and Manners, to make You happy, and to promote the Public Good. Nor was his Labor lost. – May all Your future Conduct, be worthy of such a Father.

But Your strongest Consolation, under this heavy Affliction, must arise from the Confidence You have, That He is now with God; in whose Presence is Fullness of Joy: And at whose Right Hand are Pleasures forever. That there You may meet Your worthy Parents, and with them enjoy an Eternity of Bliss, is the most ardent Prayer,

Ye Afflicted Youths,
Of Your sincere Friend,
And humble Servant,
SAMUEL STILLMAN. Philadelphia,
April 3, 1776.

 

A

S E R M O N, & c.

I Cor. Xv. 26.

The last Enemy that shall be destroyed, is
Death
.

 

THERE were certain persons at Corinth, who denied the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead; which gave occasion to St. Paul’s reasoning in the context By which he labors to establish the grand fact, that Christ was risen. Having gained this point, he proceeds to shew, that there is a sure connection between the past resurrection of Christ, and the future resurrection of his people. But now is Christ risen from the dead, and become the first fruits of them who slept. For since by man came death, by man came also the resurrection of the dead. For as in Adam all die, i.e. became subject to mortality: even so by Christ shall all be made alive, i.e. be raised from the grave. But this event will not take place till the end come, when Christ shall have delivered up the mediatorial kingdom to God even the Father; when he shall have put down all rule, and all authority, and power. For he must reign, till he hath put all enemies under his feet. THE LAST ENEMY THAT SHALL BE DESTROYED, IS DEATH.

In the text we observe the following ideas;

I. Death is an enemy.

II. The last enemy;

III. Whom Christ will certainly destroy.

I. One principal idea in this passage is, that death is an enemy.

St. Paul, and other inspired writers speak of death as a person; though properly it is the loss of a blessing immensely valuable: All that a man hath, says Solomon, will he give for his life. The Apostle’s mode of expression, authorizes the manner in which the subject will be treated, as it naturally leads us to consider, in what respects death may be called an enemy.

1. He is so to the human body, seeing he destroys that excellent workmanship of God. Man, who is fearfully and wonderfully made, must see corruption. Neither youth, sex, or any other circumstance will avail to suspend his stroke. Did he only cut down the aged, to whom the grasshopper is a burden, whose desires fail, and on whom the days are come, in which they have no pleasure; we should view him, perhaps, with a “deliverer’s hand.” But so far from this, he often attacks the youth in all his bloom and beauty. His strokes are indiscriminate; like fire, which consumes without distinction, the superb building, with the humble cottage. And once he strikes the fatal blow, all the beauties of the human body disappear. The yes, those sparkling orbs, lose all their luster, and sink deep into their sockets. – The crimson which adorned the cheek, is exchanged for a mortal paleness – The lips are closed in a long, and awful silence – The right hand forgets its cunning, and the tongue cleaveth to the roof of the mouth; and all the just, the well-proportioned limbs are stiffened in death!

Should we make a visit to the tomb, we shall be taught still more emphatically, that death is an enemy to the human body. Having entered those dreary mansions, we perceive them crowded with the spoils of the last enemy, from the sucking infant, to the man of eighty. In one place we are astonished to behold a corpse, not long interred, black as an Ethiopean: In another, a naked scull grins full in our faces! Amazed at the sight, we start back, and in haste retire from the place of sculls; and learn from thence to lessen our estimation of the most finished piece of animated clay; since death, our common enemy, will shortly rob it of all its beauties!

2. Death is an enemy to temporal happiness in general; but especially to the happiness of wicked men.

Let the wicked, who have no expectation of a better state of being than the present, consider, That when a few years are come, they must go the way whence they shall not return. This prospect, though remote, at times destroys their present happiness, by introducing such thoughts as these – Death is ever on his way; – I am hourly exposed to his envenomed arrows: Whenever he arrives, he will despoil me of my wealth, my honors, and my friends – yea, commit an universal depradation, and open to me a scene on which I fear to enter. He will rob me of a certainty, and transmit my soul, that conscious, thinking principle, to the world of spirits; and to the bar of that God, in whose hand my breath is, but whom I have not glorified; and who is angry with the wicked every day. Unhappy men! They have nought to comfort them in the view of death, and the awful prospects of a future world.

Nor is death an enemy to such only, for he destroys the temporal happiness of good men, by dissolving the most intimate, and pleasing connections. God made man for society; if not, why indue him with social tempers? Tempers, which forbid him to dwell alone: Influenced by which, he seeks for temporal happiness in friendship, which is the most refined and rational that men can enjoy on earth. But such is our condition in the present state, that the most exquisite pleasures, expose us to the most exquisite pains. The more happy we are in the enjoyment of any object, the more miserable we shall be, when that object is removed.

The happy pair, who have enjoyed each other in perfect harmony, till old age has overtaken them; and whose kindred minds are knit together by the strongest ties of mutual love, tell us, They would gladly finish life together; and hand in hand ascend to join the blessed society above, had heaven so determined. But if, as it in common happens, death should make a separation between the aged lovers, how grievous is the trial! – The survivor, with his snow white locks, oppressed with infirmities and age, wanders from place to place as one forsaken, bewailing the cruelty of the last enemy.

With equal impartiality he acts towards a growing family, and the parents of a numerous off-spring; who have jut reached life’s meridian, and the summit of temporal felicity. Happy in their tempers, pleased with their domestic connections, and flushed with repeated successes, they began to think, ht their mountain stood strong, and should never be moved. But death steps forth, and cuts off with one cruel blow, either the provident, and indulgent father; or the fond and tender mother, who had always looked well to the affairs of her house. Sad catastrophe! – What a family is there! – Reduced at once from the height of happiness, to the depth of woe! Their former animating prospects die, and the once cheerful dwelling becomes a Bochim, a place of weeping. If, in obedience to the laws of religion and humanity, you go to the house of mourning, you at once perceive, that a solemn, expressive sadness fits on every face. That decent cheerfulness, and engaging affability which heretofore prevailed, are swallowed up in over-much sorrow. One laments the loss of the partner of his joys and sorrows; the rest bewail the death of the best of parents; and swell their grief to an enormous size, by a recollection of the happiness that is past; and ten thousand fears of what is yet to come, in consequence of this bereavement. – Such distresses, my Brethren, heightened by the most delicate sensibility, will overwhelm the amiable and numerous family, of our deceased Friend and Brother, as soon as the awful tidings shall reach their ears. – May heaven administer divine support, lest they should faint in the day of their uncommon trial!

SOMETIMES the last enemy passes by the parents, and violently assaults the children. And it is but just to say, that he frequently calls for Isaac, if such there be. – Would to God that parents would be wise, and learn to guard against this too common fault; the hurtful tendency of which we see in the case of Joseph, for whom the pious Patriarch indulged uncommon love. Moses informs us, That Israel loved Joseph more than all his children, because he was the son of his old age. And when his brethren saw that their father loved him more than all his brethren, they hated him, and could not speak peaceably to him. – Nor is this the only evil that results from such impropriety of conduct; parents do themselves an injury; since, according to a preceding remark, The greater our degree of love is to any object, so much the heavier will the trial be, when that object is removed. And removed, we must expect it will be, from us, or we from it: For from death we are invariably to look for the treatment of an enemy. Hence we have seen

The anxious couple, whose affections were reciprocally fixed, and on the eye of marriage, sorrowfully disappointed. Or they have been permitted to complete their wishes, when death, as though envious at human happiness, hath suddenly dissolved the pleasing, new connection. These are facts, which are immediately calculated to teach us, That VANITY OF VANITIES, is a proper motto for all sublunary things.

3. I pass to observe, that as an enemy, death comes to lay waste, and to destroy. The fathers, where are they? And the prophets, do they live forever? No; the grand destroyer hath long since fixed them in the land of darkness. The trophies of his victory are erected in every country. Sometimes he acts with a more sparing hand; at other times he threatens totally to depopulate. In 1665, it was thought there died of the plague, in the city of London, sixty-eight thousand persons; and in a single week of that time, not less than seven thousand one hundred and sixty-five persons. And what havoc has he made amongst us! – Crowds on crowds unnumbered, who once appeared in life to great advantage, after having served their generation, have fallen asleep. Among the band of Worthies, whom death’s rapacious hand hath snatched from the bosom of their friends and country, we place, with deepest sorrow, a Warren, that Proto-Martyr to the Liberties of America – a MONTGOMERY – a MACPHERSON – a CHEESMAN – a HENDRICKS; – with all those worthy heroes, who have fought, and bled, and died in freedom’s glorious cause. – To the venerable catalogue, with deep felt anguish, I am forced to place the honorable name of RANDOLPH, that distinguished patriot, and friend to God and man. For the loss of whom, we have scarce had time to dry our weeping eyes, before all the avenues of grief again are opened, by the present mournful providence, the untimely death of the no less honorable WARD; over whose remains, with undissembled sorrow, we now perform the solemn obsequies! – Thus, death destroys, – or WARD had still lived to bless his family, to serve his country, and make the people happy. – But stop my soul! – It was heaven ordained the blow by which he finished life; and therefore it must be right!

4. DEATH is terrible in his approach. Job rightly stiles him, The king of terrors. As men, and sometimes as Christians, we shudder at the prospect of dissolution. To die – to be dissolved – to change worlds! – how solemn is the thought; how important are the consequences! – Yet some there are, who have no bands in their death; having hardened their consciences, either by a course of sinning, or by false principles. For both produce a like effect. Such instances, however, are few, compared with those who tremble in the view of death; and infinitely more at the apprehension of appearing before an angry God; on whose laws they have ever trampled, and who will not suffer them to pass with impunity. This event they can by no means shun, for death will never rest till

5. He hath conquered. We can neither escape the conflict, nor hope for victory till he himself is vanquished. He pays his court to none, but make as free with kings as peasants. He tears the crown from the monarch’s head, forces him to lay his regalia aside, and consigns the royal body to the land of darkness. Even Alexander, who made the world to tremble, and wept because he had not other worlds to conquer, fell as easy a prey to this grim tyrant, as any other man. At this we cannot wonder, since

6. He has his variety of engines, and weapons to destroy. The conquest is sure, but the methods by which it is accomplished, are various. Sometimes he makes regular approaches, and by lingering sickness obtains the victory. At other times he attacks by storm, and forces the immortal mind from its slender fortress. – Wonder not that men die – rather wonder that so many live; seeing the hidden death lurks in every enjoyment. The air in which we breathe, or the food we receive to nourish us, may convey the deadly poison, and hurry us to the grave:

7. WHERE the last enemy confines the captives. When he hath completed his conquest, the lifeless body is conveyed to the house appointed for all living, there to remain in close imprisonment, till the morning of the resurrection; when the trump of God shall found a general alarm and deliverance for the prisoners. It is apparent, that St. Paul had this circumstance particularly in view, when he assured us that death shall be destroyed.

II. We now pass to consider the second idea in the test, – Death is the last enemy.

1. The first enemy was the devil, who being in honor, did not abide; but left his first estate, hence was cast down to hell; and who, envious at the happiness of man’s primeval state, contrived and effected his ruin, by the introduction of

2. SIN, an enemy he next in order: By which God’s image on the mind is totally defaced; the body exposed to death, and the foul to hell. Which was soon followed by

3. DISEASE: hence the human body became subject to numberless maladies, and was tortured with the most excruciating pains: Which in time introduced

4. DEATH, the last enemy. What is disease, but the harbinger of death? Every pain we feel intimates his approach; and that we must shortly go to that place, from whence we never shall return. Death then is the last in order, having entered last into the world; and will retain his power, until Christ shall destroy him. Which naturally leads us to consider the third idea in the text,

III. DEATH, shall be destroyed. He hath been a cruel and triumphant enemy, but his destruction is inevitable: Nor will our salvation be complete, till that event takes place. For this end it was, that CHRIST took flesh and blood, even that he might destroy him who had the power of death, that is, the devil; and deliver them, who through fear of death, were all their life-time subject to bondage. From death none can be delivered; but from the fears of death, our divine Redeemer hath saved his people.

1. By removing his sting. The sting of death is sin, says St. Paul. How proper, my Brethren, is this epithet, if we consider, that death is the wages of sin – that conscious guilt occasions unutterable anguish to the mind, and forces the sinner to cry out, A wounded spirit who can bear? And that it will subject him, if unpardoned, to an eternal separation from God and glory. Sin thus viewed clothes death with all his terrors. But if sin be pardoned, we have nought to fear from the last enemy. And this is really the case with respect to all believers. JESUS CHRIST, their glorious Saviour, hath made an end of sin, and brought in everlasting righteousness; which is unto all, and upon all them who believe. They are justified, sanctified, and washed, in the name of the LORD JESUS, and by the SPIRIT of our GOD. In the belief of this truth, and others in connection with it, St. Paul triumphed over death; and was led to place him in the inventory of a christian’s treasures. All things are yours – life and death: for ye are CHRIST’S. “How thankful am I, said the devout Hervey in his last sickness, for death, as it is the passage through which I pass to the Lord and Giver of eternal life; and as it frees me from all this misery you now see me endure, and which I am willing to endure as long as God thinks fit; for I know he will by and by, in his own good time, dismiss me from the body. These light afflictions are but for a moment, and then comes an eternal weight of glory. O! welcome, welcome, death; – thou mayst well be reckoned among the treasures of the Christian. To live is Christ, but to die is gain.” – Such instances exemplify the truth before us, that Jesus Christ hath conquered death, by affording to his people in the view thereof, strong consolation.

2. Death appears less terrible to the Christian, when he considers also that he will set him free, from all the evils of the present life, whether natural, or moral: From all pains of body – from all those complicated afflictions which he meets with from the world; and above all, from that body of sin and death which he carries about with him; and which causes him daily to groan, being burdened.

3. But his victory over death, as it respects the mind, is finished by the sure and certain hope, That when the earthly house of this tabernacle is dissolved, he hath a building of God; an house not made with hands, eternal in the heavens; where is fullness of joy, and pleasures forever. – There is no way to heaven, but through the valley of the shadow of death: Dark, but short the passage; and no sooner through, than the holy soul enters on the full fruition of eternal life. Then that which is perfect shall come, and that which is in part, shall be done away. – O glorious hour! Let Christians comfort themselves with the certain prospect of its arrival! – Thus the mind is comforted and secured.

4. Nor shall the body be left under the power of death: Jesus will complete the conquest; for when the glorious resurrection shall be ushered in with a shout, the voice of the Arch-angel, and the trump of God; sleeping millions shall arise, and come forth: Death and hell shall deliver up the dead that are in them, and then shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is swallowed up in victory. Well might our Apostle, and after him, all real believers thus exult, O death, where is thy sting? O grave, where is thy victory? – Thanks be to God who giveth us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ. Thus the resurrection of the body, is the final destruction of death.

Permit me now to subjoin a few reflections, on the preceding subject.

1. Is death such an enemy to the human body, as hath been described? And will he certainly destroy its beauty, and consign it to the land of darkness, to turn to putrefaction? – What have we to be proud of? Dust is our original, and to dust we must return, according to the irrevocable decree of God. No man can by any means redeem his brother, or give to God a ransom for him. We say to corruption, thou art my father: To the worm, thou art my mother, and my sister. How humiliating is this consideration. Were we more frequently to consider what we shall be, we should not be so much delighted with what we are.

2. As death is so severe an enemy to our fond connections, it suggests a caution to us, to guard against placing our affections immoderately on them; which is not only injurious to ourselves, but offensive to the Lord, who will admit no competitor.

3. Seeing all men must die, all should be anxious to know how they may die well. For beyond the grave is vast, immutable eternity. In the grave there is no work, wisdom or device. – There is nothing that can call for our attention, of equal importance with this matter; because our condition in a future world will be fixed forever. A mistake, therefore, in this affair, will prove infinitely fatal. It becomes us to remember, That now is the accepted time, and the day of salvation. No man can have hope in his death, but he who has been renewed in the spirit of his mind. Marvel not, said Christ to Nicodemus, that I said unto you, Ye must be born again. Unless guilt is pardoned by Christ, and our souls conformed to God, through the influence of his ever blessed Spirit, we shall not be admitted to dwell with him in heaven. For nothing that defileth, worketh abomination, or maketh a lie, shall have any inheritance in the kingdom of Christ, and of God.

4. Is it certain that the last enemy shall be finally destroyed by a glorious resurrection? Then we sorrow not as those who have no hope: For if we believe that Jesus died, and rose again, even so them also who sleep in Jesus will God bring with him.

In sine. Is death regardless of distinctions? – most certainly. Of this we have an an affecting instance now before us. – There lie the remains of our departed Friend and Brother, on whom heaven had been lavish of his favors; whose character needs not my feeble efforts to establish and adorn it. – Yet, that we may not be wanting in respect to the deceased, nor the living lose a bright example, have patience with me a few minutes. – But how shall I proceed! I know the difficulties that attend giving characters to the dead. It is hard to hit the happy medium: To say neither too much, nor yet too little. I will however, make truth my guide. And being sensible, that I am called on this occasion, to address the most August Assembly, ever convened in America; I will take encouragement from the consideration, That great minds are always candid.

Mr. Ward descended from one of the most ancient, and honorable families of the Colony of Rhode Island. From his youth up, such were his abilities and conduct, that he was esteemed by his countrymen, and loaded with public honors. He was often chose to serve as a representative in the House of Assembly – was also appointed to the office of Chief Judge of the Supreme Court: And as the highest honor that his country could confer on him, they elected him Governor of the Colony. In all which stations he conducted himself with reputation. – When the oppressive measures of the British ministry rendered a Continental Congress necessary, he was chosen one of the Delegates of that truly honorable Body. And I am authorized to say, That he stood high in their esteem; and was often appointed on Committees, to assist in transacting the most important business: To which he ever paid the closest attention, and was indefatigable. – No other circumstance need be mentioned, to show the esteem the colony had for him, than their choice of him as a Delegate, at a time when everything dear to America was at stake. – He was possessed of a fine mind, which had been improved by education – was a thorough patriot; a real, steady friend to the rights of mankind, he could neither be awed, nor bribed to sell his country, or sacrifice her freedom.

As a companion, he was sensible, pleasant, and improving; soft in his tempers, and easy in his manners.

As a Christian, he was uniform and sincere; a hearty friend to divine revelation; a devout attendant at the Lord’s Table, and a worthy, useful member of the church to which he belonged.

In his family, he was the happy man. God had blessed him with a numerous off-spring, whom he taught by precept, and formed by his own example. They viewed him, not only as their father, but their best companion, and their friend. Their hearts were knit together by the strongest ties of mutual love. They imbibed his tempers, and copied him in life. As a master, he was kind (hole in page – unable to read text) he was mortal. His assemblage of excellencies could not secure him from the iron hand of death.

In his last illness he appeared composed, having placed his expectation of eternal life, on the merits of Christ Jesus; in whom, we trust, he now sweetly sleeps: And while we are paying the last kind office to his frail remains, his better, his immortal part hath joined the spirits of just men made perfect, who continually surround the throne of God, and of the Lamb. – His family, the colony to which he belonged; yea, all the Continent by his death have lost a friend indeed.

Now to the King eternal, immortal, invisible, the only wise God, be glory and honor forever. Amen.

Sermon – Election – 1775, Massachusetts

 

sermon-election-1775-massachusetts
A

Sermon

Preached before the Honorable House of

Representatives

On the Day intended for the Choice of

Counselors,

Agreeable to the Advice of the

Continental Congress

By William Gordon,
Pastor of the Third Church of Roxbury

 

An
ELECTION-SERMON.
I have no other apology to offer, for my venturing to appear here upon the present occasion, nor do I desire a better, than what arises from the concern which the late honorable Provincial Congress had in promoting it. I am conscious they could not choose me to this service, in preference to my reverend fathers and brethren in the ministry, from an apprehension of superior abilities; but that it was owing to a special connection with them, and their persuasion that I had a zeal, for the cause of liberty, the Continent in general, and the welfare of this Colony in particular, answerable to their own most ardent wishes. I shall endeavor to support the justness of that persuasion, by exercising a faithfulness that would have suited the earliest days of the Country’s settlement; and shall flatter myself with the most candid allowances from so respectable an audience, as oft as my knowledge is surpassed by zeal, considering that the last should predominate, now that the times call for vigorous non-abating exertions.

The text upon which I shall ground what I have further to say, you have in these words of the Prophet Jeremiah, recorded 30th chap. 20, 21, 22 ver. Their children also shall be as aforetime, and their congregation shall be established, before me, and I will punish all that oppress them; and their nobles shall be of themselves—the sentence is not perfected without the addition of –and their governor shall proceed from the midst of them—but the wisdom of the Continental Congress, in which we cheerfully confide hath restrained me from making it a part of the text. In an abler hand and some fitter time, it may of itself single and alone, suffice for a complete text, Amen. So let it be.


 

Sin having entered the world depraved mankind, and given a pernicious bias to every human heart, and best constitutions, whether civil or sacred, do after a while degenerate the spirit of them departs, they retain only their outward forms, and by degrees lose even these. That millennia stare, in which many believe, could not continue vigorous and flourishing, through the period of a thousand years, without the constant miraculous interposition of divine power in restraining and keeping down the corrupt disposition of mortal men.

The Jewish establishment, both in church and state, was the ordinance of heaven given in an uncommon manner, and, at the time, the best in the whole world; but it was soon corrupted, and at length so enormously, that the patience of God would not spare the people. The Jews were exercised with heavy divine judgments for their various transgressions in civil and sacred matters, and at last carried away captive to a distant country. However it was not their destruction, but reformation that the Lord Jehovah intended; and therefore, to encourage their repentance, by letting them see that their case was not desperate, and keep them from fainting under their sore trials, the prophet Jeremiah is commissioned to deliver to them the following gracious, soul-reviving message, viz. “Thus saith the Lord, behold, I will bring again the captivity of Jacob’s roots, and have mercy on his dwelling places: and the city shall be built upon her own heap—her former foundation—and the palace shall remain after the manner thereof. And out of them shall proceed thanksgiving, and the voice of them that make merry: and I will also glorify them, and they shall not be small. Their children also shall be as aforetime, and their congregation or assembly (for they are synonymous terms) shall be established before me, and I will punish all that oppress them: and their nobles—leading men of rank the intermediate persons between the assembly and first magistrate in the land—shall be of themselves; and their governor shall proceed from the midst of them, and I will cause him to draw near, and he shall approach unto me: for who is this that engaged his heart to approach unto me, faith the Lord? And ye shall be my people, and I will be your God.” [Jeremiah 30:20-22] Here it’s promised the Jews, by Him, whose veracity might be relied on and whose power could accomplish the event, that their affairs should be brought back to their original state, that they should possess their old form of government, and that they should have the satisfaction of seeing those punished, who had in instrumentally occasioned their calamities, for that the Lord himself would punish them.

A people, when under national judgments or the iron rod of oppression cannot help looking back to those times, when the constitution was in a prosperous and healthy condition—nor having an attachment to those modes of government, to which they had been long habituated, and which they had experienced to be peculiarly favorable to the common rights of human nature, and to have secured them a greater share of the same, than is enjoyed by mankind in general. And when they are encouraged by a divine promise, to look back to them as what they shall be re-possessed of, they must feel the most pleasing emotions, next to those arising from actual enjoyment.

The Jews are told in our text, that their children should be as aforetime. The word children doth not necessarily refer to minors, being frequently used in a much larger sense: Thus the children of Benjamin means the tribe of Benjamin the people of Israel and the people of Judah, the people of Israel and the people of Judah. Their children may therefore intend the body of the Jewish nation; and their being as aforetime, their enjoying that former freedom and prosperity with which they were acquainted in the best days of their political existence.

The best times that the Jewish people ever knew were, I apprehend, those of the judges; before their taste for grandeur, and foolish fondness for being like neighbors, states, made them weary of their plain, simple modes and manners, and put them upon choosing a royal government. During the period of the judges, they were once and again, for their iniquities, given into the hand of oppressors: but when their vices did not bring them under the divine judgments, they were in the full enjoyment of liberty. Every man’s house was his castle—every man’s property was his own—he exercised a supreme authority under, and over his own vine, and his own fig tree; and, wherein he trespassed not upon the rights of his fellow creatures, nor interfered with the Mosaic establishment, did that which was right in his own eyes, without being subject to the counsel even of a crowned head, much less of crown officers; for in those days there was no king of Israel. He could plant or pluck up; could build or destroy; could go here and there; could exercise dominion over the fishes of the sea, no less than over the beasts of the field; and could trade where and in what he would.

The period of the Judges was not only a time of freedom, but a time of prosperity, viewed both in a civil and sacred light. Where fancy, the lusts of the flesh and of the eye, together with the pride of life, captivate the judgment, the Jews may have thought to have been in the greatest prosperity under the reign of Solomon; when the king made silver to be in Jerusalem as stones, and cedars as sycamore trees that are in the vale of abundance; when the Jewish court shone with a superior and dazzling luster; and when their public and private buildings were executed in the highest taste, and with the most costly magnificence, so as to be the wonder of mankind,. But had it been really the case, would the people of Israel have united as one, in the commencement to the next reign, and have complained, to his son and successor Rehoboam, of his grievous service and heavy yoke? Would they have been so enraged with Rehoboam’s answering them roughly, as to forget their fondness for his grandfather, and to revolt from him, crying out, “What portion have we in David? Neither have we inheritance in the son of Jesse: to your tents, O Israel; no see to thine house, David”? [I Kings 12:16] Would all the tribes have revolted except Judah and Benjamin, where the seat of government was established, court influence was the greatest, and the inhabitants monopolized the advantage of those taxes and imports that were collected through the kingdom? There is a national prosperity consisting in superfluities, that catches the imagination of the vulgar, whether in high or low life, but that weakens the internal strength of a people, and breeds many public disorders. And there is a national prosperity, formed out of the temperance, valor, firmness, and virtue of a people, in easy though not affluent circumstances, having enough to make themselves safe and happy, though not to entice others into the attempt of making them a prey. Of this last kind was the civil prosperity of the Jews in the days of the judges. The nearer a state approaches to, and the more its confirmed in, this kind of civil prosperity, the safer and longer, in all probability, will be the enjoyment of its liberties. But besides a civil, the Jews were acquainted with a sacred prosperity in the days of the judges. Allowing for numbers, ‘tis probable that religion in the powers of it, never flourished more among them, than in the beginning of that period. It is certain that Moses himself was not only a lawgiver to but a judge of Israel. Joshua succeeded him in the exercise of all his power, subject to the observance of that law which Moses had given, by which even Moses himself was bound having received it from God. The people said to Joshua, all that thou commandest us we will do, and whithersoever thou sendest us we will go. According as we hearkened unto Moses in all things, so will we hearken unto thee. [Joshua 1:16-17] And we further read, that they served the Lord all the days of Joshua, who had seen all the great works of the Lord that he did for Israel. [Judges 2:7] But we are told, that after all that generation was gathered unto their fathers, there arose another generation after them, which knew not the Lord, nor yet the works which he had done for the sight of the Lord, and served Baalim, and forsook the Lord God of their fathers, which brought them out of the Land of Egypt, and followed other gods. [Judges 2:10] The earliest days of a state are generally the most pure and religious. The prevailing principles of individuals at such a seasons, providential interpositions that they are eye-witnessed to, and are strongly affected with from the peculiarity of their situation, and the modes they are under a necessity of necessity of adopting , lead to it.

Having considered the first sentence in our text, let us attend to the next, in which the Lord says, and their congregation (or assembly) shall be established before me. The Jews having a fixed code of laws, and a provision for confusing and knowing the mind of the Lord upon special occasions, they needed not as other Free governments, an house of representatives or assembly. But they had three grand festivals annually, when all the males, whose age and health admitted, repaired to Jerusalem. The enjoyment of these stated seasons, calculated, to keep up the remembrance of what great things God had done for them, at the commencement of their national existence, to promote mutual affection by bringing individuals from the most distant part of the land into an acquaintance with each other, and to afford them an opportunity for promoting any schemes for public utility, was considered as a blessing and not as a burden by the wife and prudent. The restoration and confirmation of these seasons, after they had been interrupted by the captivity, is therefore enumerated in the catalogue of mercies with which the Jews were to be favored. The congregation or assembly of the people, before the Lord in the capital of the country, should be fixed and confirmed; be made certain and perpetual. The Jewish festivals should be again observed with the voice of joy and the voice of gladness, without the hazard of a suspension; and should be even heightened by the exemplary punishment, that the Lord would inflict upon those that oppressed the Jews.

Thus saith the Lord, I will punish all that oppress them. Was it absolutely unlawful for a people to wish for the punishment of those, who have been the instrumental occasion of their calamities, or to have a pleasing satisfaction in finding that they are punished, we cannot imagine that the same would be promised, in order to sooth the sufferings of the oppressed. Some may indulge a private revengeful malicious spirit against their oppressors, which neither scripture nor reason will justify: but an attachment to one’s country, the cause of truth and equity, and the rights of man-kind—the love of justice—a desire of benefiting the earth by public examples—and the expectation that the providential government of God will be thereby glorified, may lead us to hope that punishment will be inflicted, though not upon all, yet upon the chief promoters of our oppression, and that they will not be suffered to escape God’s righteous judgments in this world; while in the spirit of true Christianity we pray, that they may be brought to that unfeigned repentance and genuine faith, which by interesting them in the righteousness of the blessed Jesus, shall procure them an escape from the punishments of hell, and raise them to the joys of heaven. While the Lord promises the Jews to punish all that oppressed them, He gives them no intimation of the manner in which he would do it. They might be apt to wish that he would punish them in some certain particular way preferable to all others: but in this they might be disappointed. Infinite wisdom often varies the mode of punishment. Providence shall see that the law of retaliation is executed upon on oppressor, as in the case of Adoni-bezek—shall appoint a second to die by the established laws of the country, wherein the oppression hath been committed—shall cut off a third in attempting to establish and perpetuate those cruel plans he hath projected and promoted—shall catch a fourth by that pit and in that snare which he hath contrived and prepared for the innocent—and shall torture a fifth for the remainder of his days , though life is spared, by oversetting all his designs; by causing his contrivances to produce those very effects he meant to prevent; by taking away the mask and cloak under which he concealed himself, and so rendering him odious to former friends and acquaintance; by leading mankind to slight and shun him as the pest of society; by making a by-word and a proverb; and, in direct opposition to the strongest desires of his soul, filling him with a just apprehension that his name will be infamous to the latest posterity.

The last article in our text, which remains to be considered, is, and their nobles shall be of themselves. The persons, occupying the first posts of honor, trust, profit & importance, should be of themselves, either as they should be natives, instead of foreigners and strangers, appointed and set over them, by those that oppressed and kept them in subjection: Or, as they should be of their own choosing and approving, and not forced upon them. In some few rare instances strangers may be equally useful, friendly and acceptable with natives; but in general, the latter are more likely to possess the confidence, to understand the prevailing temper and to accommodate themselves to it, to find the interests, and to promote the happiness, of the people among whom they reside. ‘Tis also desirable that the choice, appointment and continuance of their own nobles should rest in and remain with a people, that there may be the firmer reliance upon them, and the fatal influences that they might be otherwise under may be the more effectually guarded against. Evils may ensure at times, from a nation’s having and exercising this right; but these evils, in the present state of human nature, will not, in all probability, be so many great and permanent, as where ‘tis not enjoyed. Applicable to the present case is that trite observation, that absolute monarchy would be the best government in the world, were monarchs and their successors perfect and infallible, they are not to be trusted with an unlimited power; and the best form of government is that, which provides best against the abuse of power in rulers, while it entrusts them with a sufficiency thereof for the good of the public.

We have gone over the promise made in our text to the Jews; we cannot view it as a divine promise made to ourselves, but it may lead us, to conjecture how it was with this people in the earliest days of their existence—to search into their degeneracy, for which we may conclude that they are now under the correction of heaven— and to remark, that a reformation in principles and practices will be likely to procure the approbation of the supreme ruler, so far as to warrant our expecting, that, through the orderings of his providence, the children of this colony shall be as aforetime, and their congregation or assembly shall be established before him; that he will punish all that oppress them; and that their nobles shall be of themselves.

Suffer me, ye worthy Representatives of the People, and this respectable audience, to spend a few minutes in conjecturing how it was with the colony in the earliest days of its existence. The love of liberty, but chiefly of religion, induced to take up their abode in this then inhospitable wilderness. They were under the strong influence of the most noble principles; though not perfect, and tinctured with the prevailing notion of the age, that religious errors were to be opposed by the sword of the magistrate as well as of the Spirit, which produced those baneful effects, that have stained their annals, and that their posterity pretend not to justify: But may I not say, that those who with rancor condemns them in the lump, without allowing for their misconduct, from the temper and ignorance of the times as to the rights of conscience, know not of what spirit they themselves are, and would be in danger, under the like temptations, of falling into the same mistakes. The most valuable diamond is not without its flaw. And a change of circumstances may prevail upon different religious sects, to give up what they once viewed as leading and essential tenets in their profession; so that even those who are the most peaceable disposed, may at length think with Solomon, that there is a time of war, as well as a time of peace; and that everything is beautiful in its time.

The first settlers being under the strong influence of the most noble principles, we may suppose that, in their private capacity, they exercised a benevolent disposition, and assisted, instead of preying upon, and taking an advantage of each other under their respective difficulties, being mindful of the apostolic direction, bear ye one another’s burdens, and so fulfill the law of Christ. Gal. 6. 2. —that they treated religion as a matter of importance, and were not indifferent to it—that they had their families under a proper regulation, and discouraged all intemperance, impiety and uncleanness—and that they were strict in their morals. We may suppose, that in transacting public affairs, they were disinterested, were not actuated in the choice of Representatives or Counselors by low selfish motives, a view to their own particular advantage, or the aggrandizing their own relations; that, when they sought to the Lord by prayer for his guidance in their elections, they were not absolutely and unalterably detrimental, right or wrong, for whom they would vote, though they might have thought the matter over before, and talked upon it among themselves, in order to their being the better prepared for proceeding in the business with proper expedition and regularity; that they considered the qualities requisite for the persons designed to fill the several departments in the state, and whether such individuals were so qualified; that they had a regard not only to abilities, but integrity and morals, having an eye to Jethro’s advice, whereby Moses was counseled to provide out of all the people, such as feared God, men of truth, (true men) hating covetousness, whom to place over them for rulers and judges. We may suppose, that they did not needlessly entertain jealousies of each other, and suspect those of being traitors, who did not think exactly with themselves, as to the methods to be adopted for the service of the public; that they were not bent upon having their own way, but in their debates and consultations were in search of light to direct them in the best; that there was the least degree possible of all kinds of bribery and corruption; that the strictest care was taken, that the commonwealth should not suffer damage; that they willingly submitted to all necessary expenses to provide for its safety; that they did not, through either a timid or penurious narrow contracted disposition, hazard either its existence or liberties: in a word, that next to the glory of God and the interest of religion, they labored to serve the public, and not themselves of it.

I shall not go on with my suppositions, lest I should trespass upon your patience; but shall proceed to enquire into those degeneracies, that have got footing in the community, since the earliest days of its existence. However some, mistaking the sense of Solomon, may object; Say not thou, what is the cause that the former days were better than these? for thou doest not inquire wisely concerning this: [Ecclesiastes 7:10] Yet I have the best authority, that of the late Provincial Congress, for asserting that as a people we are chargeable with sinful declarations, and a great abuse of those inestimable blessings which God hath bestowed upon us. What those sinful declensions are, the Congress did not mention; but, I humbly conceive, the general voice will justify me in remarking, that a strange degree of selfishness has crept in among us, leading us aside from that golden rule, whereby we are directed to do unto others, as we would that others should do unto us—that the importance of religion has been most sadly overlooked—that the very form of it has been neglected by multitudes, while the generality have given themselves no concern about the powers of it—that ordinances have been slighted, Sabbaths profaned, and the name of the Lord blasphemed—that families have not been properly taken care of; the heads of them have not called them together to worship from day to day; due restraints have not been laid upon children and others, who have been left much to their own guidance, instead of receiving line upon line, precept upon precept, here a little, and there a little, through the help of which they might learn to flee youthful lusts, to mortify the deeds of the body, and to approve themselves unto their heavenly Father. Were cursing, swearing, drunkenness and debauchery of various sorts proportionally prevalent in former times? Were there the like immoralities among the first settlers? They that are acquainted with the history of this country will not venture to asses it. I may also remark that it has been complained of, that there has been great faultiness in the management of public affairs—that improper men, from sinister designs, because of family connections, and to serve a turn, have been chosen, put into, or continued in places of trust or power—that proper ones have been opposed and kept out, through an unwarrantable prejudice, and because they would not be so the slaves of a party, as to be led, or commanded, or act without being convinced or seeing, their own selves, good reason for what they did—that modes of corrupting have been adopted with success—that representatives, instead of being in their place, attending the service of the public, agreeable to the expectations of their electors, have been spending the time in transacting their own business—that it has been evident, that many, in their votes and elections, have not been directed by judgments and conscience, but by other motives, and that by praying to God for his guidance, they have been only increasing their criminality, by the addition of the most daring hypocrisy. These things have been complained of, and reported from one and another. It is well known, that I have not been long enough in the country, and cannot be sufficiently acquainted with the characters of individuals, and the secrets of government, as to venture upon asserting that these complaints are in general, or in diverse instances just. They may have sprang chiefly from disappointment, vexation, malice and envy; though I cannot but fear, that the complainants have had, in past years, some foundation to go on.

Our degeneracies, we must conclude from the light of nature and revelation, have contributed to bring us under the present calamities. God, the infinitely wise Governor of the universe, may (and I trust, almost to a degree of assurance, doth) design, by the contest now existing between Britain and the Continent, to establish us in the enjoyment of our liberties, besides favoring the several Colonies with an enlargement of them. But the divine wisdom could have contrived to have secured us these blessings, without making us acquainted with the horrors of war; and it becomes us to impute it to our transgressions, that we must pass through a scene of difficulties, ere we can be brought to the enjoyment of them. That same all-perfect Being, who, as Creator, hath so wonderfully made mankind, that vicious courses should produce, and be punished by bodily disorders; hath, as moral Governor of the world, so constituted nations, that the like courses should occasion public diseases and convulsions, far their correction, and, if not reformed, their destruction. Do we desire, that our contest would finish in the manner just now hinted at, and that we may soon come to the end of our troubles, and not be destroyed, we should certainly repent and reform.

You have had it already remarked to you, that a reformation in principles and practices will be likely to procure the approbation of the supreme ruler, so far as to warrant our expecting, that, through the orderings of his providence, the children of this Colony shall be as aforetime, and their congregation, or assembly, shall be established before him; that He will punish all that oppress them; and that their nobles shall be of themselves, this remark remains to be insisted upon. I have not mentioned in it the word repentance, but a reformation in principles and practices necessarily includes the thing itself. There can be no such reformation without a change of mind; and our entertaining different thoughts of past conduct, which will of course lead us to repent of it; and no repentance is genuine and godly, that does not produce a reformation in principles and practices. We are now in an unusual way called upon to wash ourselves, to make ourselves clean, to put away the evil of our doings from before our eyes, to cease to do evil, to learn to do well, and to seek every kind of judgment. But considering that the fast recommended, much to the satisfaction of the religious of all denominations, by the Continental Congress, is at hand, when these matters will of course be fully discoursed of, I only touch upon them; at the same time observing, that an alteration of practice must flow from a change in principles, or our relief will most likely prove no better than a temporary expedient. The Sovereign of the universe may so far honor, in the fight of the world, an outward reformation of manners, as to grant deliverance upon the account of it; but where there is nothing beyond such outward reformation the deliverance will probably be neither complete nor permanent. Indeed should we make thorough work of it, and return in principles as well as practices, we have sufficient warrant to expect, that God will gratify all our wishes, wherein they are just and proper, he having once and again declared in holy oracles what is tantamount hereto, though I shall quote the following passage only, out of the 18th of Jer. 7, 8 ver. At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up and to push down and to destroy it; if that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them. On the morrow there is, in some respects, to be a new thing under the sun, that hath not been already of old time, the several united British American colonies are to humble themselves under the mighty hand of God. May the spirit of the Lord prepare and carry us all through the right discharge of so reasonable a service, there may we hope, on the most rational grounds, that the children of this colony will be as aforetime that their assembly will be established before the Lord; that he will punish all that oppress them; and that their nobles shall be of themselves.

A man of a timid make, of little faith, no ways conversant with or forgetful of historical facts, may be apprehensive, that, though our assembly is gathered, and we are about to have our nobles of ourselves this mode of government will not be established, and that the present appearances are only like those sudden revivals that frequently proceed the total extinction of life. He may tremble at the thoughts of that power with whom we are to contend. He may be terrified with the notion, that sooner or later we must fall before it: and he may therefore be willing to compound for life and the precarious tenure of a little property, with the tame surrender of his liberties. Was the cause of the Ministry the cause of Great Britain, supported by the united endeavors of the nation, instead of being execrated by persons of the first character, for wisdom, courage, experience, nobility and piety, and opposed by multitudes waiting for advantages against administration. Was there not an immense debt of more than 130,000 millions sterling, hanging like a millstone round the neck of the public—an exhausted treasury—a decaying trade—and the most alarming prospects to the merchant, trader and manufacturer. Were not the internal distresses of the state, through a multiplicity of poor, the dearness of provisions and a load of taxes, exceeding great. Did the interest and policy of France and Spain require their remaining in peace with Britain, during a civil war between her and the colonies, instead of the contrary. Had not the wide Atlantic set us at so great a distance from Europe, and the American winds and seasons promised us their assistance in their respective months. Had the colonies been less united or zealous. Had not officers of courage and conduct, conversant with the arts of war, and warm for the liberties of mankind, offered their assistance, and readily undertook our defense. And had not the individuals of the Continental Congress, regardless of threats and wrath like the roaring of lions, boldly ventured to engage in maintaining our common rights, upon forming and supporting a Continental army, and in appointing able Generals to command it, in whom we can confide and do rejoice, but whom we cannot compliment to any advantage, by reason of their being so superior to everything we can offer of that kind. Had they not adopted those measures, which will expose them to suffer as rebels unless success prevents—Then we might have had a fearful looking for of fiery trials for a long continuance; and might have felt great discouragements: But, when besides the favorable circumstances already hinted at, we reflect, upon he military spirit that the Lord of hosts hath providentially diffused through the Continent, so as in some to overcome the most powerful prejudices of education and denomination: that the British ministry have not succeeded in any one part of their plan, but have been involved in greater difficulties every step that they have taken: God has wonderfully appeared for us, crowning our military operations with unusual success, and disconcerting those of the enemy: that the British troops, instead of ranging at large without opposition, or driving the country before them and being at liberty to riot upon the fat of the land, and to gratify their brutal lusts upon our wives, daughters, or more distant relations, are confined within narrow limits, and cut off from the enjoyment of diverse comforts, by those they have been taught to consider as infamous cowards: that our people, who have suffered the most, lost very considerably, and been reduced to many difficulties and hardships before unknown, have been strangely preserved from dejection and fainting, as though by the special interposition of heaven, and, so far from murmuring and complaining wherever they have gone, have been in common cheerful and pleasant—though strangers before to the desolations and cruelties of war, they have born them as if they had been familiarized to them. When we further reflect, upon the importance and goodness of our cause; how the number of our enemies has been wonderfully kept down from time to time, notwithstanding the reinforcements they have been frequently receiving; how they on the one hand appear to be greatly dispirited, while on the other our forces are animated; that on the side of administration have been all manners of lies, deceit, wicked cunning, corruption, profaneness and blasphemy; but that multitudes are continually supplicating the divine favor and blessing for us. I say, when all these particulars are considered, we are justified in hoping, that the proceedings of this day, instead of being the last of the kind will prove the renewal of our constitutional privileges, and that this mode of government will be established before the Lord. We should certainly rebel against the Sovereign of the universe in his providential dispensations, and reject the divine council communicated to us by that medium, did we not resolve to persist in our present opposition to the wicked designs of an arbitrary ministry. And let but the several members of this honorable house of Representatives exert themselves in their public legislative and private capacities, to bring back the manners of the people to what they were originally, so that our children may be as aforetime, virtuous, disinterested, patriotic and pious; and to extirpate those vices that have crept in unawares among us. Let them approve themselves the genuine descendants and successors of those that composed the most early assemblies, keeping out from among them all those evils, that have been complained of in past years: and we may be almost certain, not only that our assemblies will be established, and our nobles continue to be from among ourselves; but that the Lord will punish those that oppress us, in some way or other, as to him shall seem best, and lead the world to cry out, Verily there is a reward for the righteous: verily He is a God that judgeth in the earth: [Psalm 58:11] Yea, we may probably live to see our governor proceed from the midst of us.

I shall detain this venerable audience no longer than just to mention the few following observations.

No member can consistently take his place, or be admitted to fit in the house of Assembly, who hesitates about setting up government, seeing, that the Continental Congress advised to the latter, no less than the choice of Representatives in order to it; and that there is the like original authority for the one as the other.

He that does not mean to bear a part in the public burdens of the day, but to escape wholly unhurt in person and property is o patriot; while he that, instead of serving, designs only to serve himself of the public, to acquire riches and raise a fortune out of the general calamity, must be really one of the worst men, cannot deserve the protection of the state, and when discovered must be detested by every true son and daughter of liberty, as being a most odious character.

There is not an individual but may be aiding and assisting to the common cause one way or other. The wicked and unrighteous may help it materially, the one by forsaking his wickedness, and the other his unrighteousness. The godly by their inwrought fervent prayers, which avail much with their heavenly father; thus may pious women contribute to the success of those arms, which the feebleness of their sex will not admit of their bearing. Infants may be helpful by moving their parents to exert every nerve, and strain every sinew, rather than train them up to be bond-men and oppressors. The aged and expiring, by encouraging all about them not to surrender the best part of that fair patrimony which they are now leaving behind them. The martial and courageous by their personal bravery. The timid by concealing their fears, withdrawing themselves whenever their fears would be apt to appear and produce a baneful influence, and when they discourse upon a public affairs, by insisting upon the divine interpositions with which we have been favored, and the goodness of the cause wherein we are engaged. The poor may assist by determining, that though poor they will be free; and that if they cannot have riches, they will not wear chains: and the rich by the loan of their, money, that so the necessary expenses may be supplied, and the defense of the country may not fall through, for want of the requisites for carrying on. Nothing can be more faulty than for the rich to decline hazarding their cash, while exempted from hazarding their persons; nor more simple, than for them, through fear of losing some of their riches, to endanger the losing them all, together with their liberties. Could the state be secured, a person would be provoked by such preposterous conduct to say to each of them, confining the words to the body only, Thy money perish with thee. May heaven influence every one of us to contribute our best abilities, according to our several stations and relations, to the defense and support of the commonwealth! Amen.

Sermon – Liberty – 1775

The Rev. Jacob Duche´ (1737-98) was born in Pennsylvania, a descendant of Huguenots who immigrated to America with William Penn. He attended the College of Philadelphia (graduated in 1757) and the University of Cambridge in England. He was made rector of Christ Church in Philadelphia in 1775. Rev. Duche´ was the minister who prayed the famous First Prayer for the 1st Congress in September of 1774, a prayer that deeply impacted those present, including John Adams. While strongly supportive of liberty at the beginning of the Revolutionary War (he even served as Chaplain of Congress), Duche´ gave up hope for the patriot cause after Philadelphia was lost to the British. He brought great dishonor upon himself by sending a letter to George Washington in 1777 urging that the Declaration of Independence be rescinded, which eventually resulted in him being declared a traitor. Even though Rev. Duche´ was later disgraced, his message in this sermon is a powerful and compelling presentation of the liberty Christ provides His people, and the clear application of that liberty to the civil arena.


The Duty of Standing Fast
In Our Spiritual and Temporal
LIBERTIES,

A
SERMON,
Preached in Christ-Church,
July 7th, 1775.

Before the First Battalion of the City
and Liberties of Philadelphia;

And now published at their Request.

By the Reverend
Jacob Duche´, M. A.

Galatians, Chap. 5 Part of First Verse. Stand fast, therefore, in the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free.

Gentlemen of the First Battalion of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia,

Though I readily accepted of the invitation, with which you were pleased to honor me, and am fully satisfied that there can be no impropriety in complying with your request, yet I confess, that I now feel such an uncommon degree of diffidence, as nothing but a sense of duty, and a sincere sympathy with you in your present trying circumstances could enable me to overcome. The occasion is of the first importance: the subject in a great measure new to me – Throwing myself, therefore, upon your candor and indulgence, considering myself under the twofold character of a minister of Jesus Christ, and a fellow-citizen of the same state, and involved in the same public calamity with yourselves; and looking up for counsel and direction to the source of all wisdom, “who giveth liberally to those that ask it” – I have made choice of a passage of scripture, which will give me an opportunity of addressing myself to you as freemen, both in the spiritual and temporal sense of the word, and of suggesting to you such a mode of conduct, as will be most likely, under the blessing of Heaven, to ensure to you the enjoyment of these two kinds of liberty. Stand fast, therefore, in the liberty, wherewith Christ hath made us free.

The inspired Author of this excellent admonition was so sensible of the invaluable blessings and comforts that resulted from that free spirit, with which Jesus Christ through His ministry, had established his Galatian converts, that he was jealous of the least attempt to destroy or even obstruct in them its life-giving operation. He could not brook the narrow spirit of those Judaizing Christians, who, from the most selfish and illiberal motives, sought to force a yoke upon the necks of their Gentile brethren, which neither they themselves nor their fathers had been able to bear. These Gentiles too he severely reproves for not maintaining their ground, and asserting their Gospel freedom against the insidious devices of their brethren who only wanted to bring them into servitude, “that they might glory in their flesh.” – “O foolish Galatians! Who hath bewitched you?” He ascribes their blindness and infatuation to some diabolical charm, which had locked up the powers of their free-born spirits, and made them tamely submit to slavish, carnal ordinances, which the Gospel of Jesus had entirely exploded and abolished. He reminds them, by a spirited explication of a most striking allegory, that they were not “Children of the bond-woman, but of the free;” that their observance of the ceremonial law was a tribute, which they were not bound to pay; or, if they should be so weak as to submit to it, that it could not emancipate them from the bondage of earth and hell; but that their real freedom, their full and complete justification, their happiness temporal and eternal were only to be acquired by a vigorous exertion of those spiritual powers within themselves, which, through the riches of God’s free grace in Christ Jesus, had been communicated to their souls. He concludes this part of his address with the truly noble and apostolical precept of my text: Stand fast, therefore, in the liberty, wherewith Christ hath made us free.

Having thus briefly opened the occasion and meaning of the words, I shall proceed to show, in the first place, what we are to understand by that spiritual liberty, “wherewith Christ hat made us free,” and what kind of conduct that must be, which is here expressed by the words “stand fast.”

I. However sever, my dear brethren, the loss of our temporal liberties may be, there is certainly a bondage far more severe than this, yea, far more cruel, than that of Israel under their Egyptian task-masters. A bondage, not only to men, but to the fallen spirits of darkness, seeking to exercise over us a joint power and dominion with our own irregular and corrupt passions. A bondage universal, from which no son of Adam hat ever been exempt; a tyranny, whose baleful influences have been felt from the fall of man down to this very day. It has seized not only upon the body, but upon the soul. It has erected its throne in the heart, and from thence imposes its arbitrary decrees. It is confined to no age or sex, no state or condition of human life. High and low, learned and unlearned, the savage and the sage, are alike the victims of this despotic power, alike slaves by nature under this bondage of corruption.

It is perpetually manifesting itself under a variety of forms, according to our prevailing desires and pursuits. It follows us into the Sanctuary of God. It steals into our private devotions. It gives a pharisaical tincture to our best good works. It reigns as a matter and absolute sovereign in the wicked and unregenerate. Yea, it frequently enters the most spiritual and regenerate hearts in hostile form, and seeks to shake their confidence in the goodness of their true and rightful Sovereign, and their humble hope of deliverance through the redeeming power of His ever blessed Son.

Now, who would not wish to be delivered from such a bondage as this? And yet, my brethren, such a wish cannot be formed, ’till, by divine grace, the freeborn powers of the soul are brought to be sensible of their burden, and to groan beneath the weight of oppression. “The whole (or they that think themselves whole) need not a physician, but they that are sick.” The madman hugs his chains, as if they were ensigns of royalty. Insensible of his calamity, he cannot even wish for relief.

But no sooner does the child of grace, the offspring of Heaven come to feel the bondage of the infernal usurper; no sooner does he find himself harassed and oppressed by the obedience which he exacts to his unrighteous laws; no sooner is he convinced, that such an obedience must terminate in ever-lasting slavery and wretchedness, than he awakens from his sleep of security, and turns to and avails himself of that light, and strength, and spiritual courage and constancy, which his Redeemer is ever at hand to impart, and without which he feels himself absolutely unequal to the conflict, and incapable of extricating himself from the ignoble servitude.

From hence then it appears, that the liberty, with which Christ hath made us free, is nothing less than such a release from the arbitrary power of sin, such an enlargement of the soul by the efficacy of divine grace, and such a total surrender of the will and affections, to the influence and guidance of the divine Spirit, (“for we are made a willing people in the day of God’s power”) as will enable us to live in the habitual cheerful practice of every grace and virtue here, and qualify us for the free, full and uninterrupted enjoyment of heavenly life and liberty hereafter.

These glorious privileges being once obtained, the sinner being once justified, and adopted into the family of God, and having received the seal of his heavenly citizenship, the conduct recommended to him in my text as the most effectual for the preservation of these privileges, is here expressed by the words “stand fast:” that is to say:

“Maintain, firm and unshaken, the ground which Christ hath given you. Be ever vigilant and prepared against the open or insidious attacks of your adversary.”

He is not commanded to march upon the Devil’s ground, to seek out the tempter or the temptation, in order to make a trial of his strength, or merely that he may have the honor of a victory: But only to “stand fast,’ to act upon the defensive, and armed at all points with a celestial panoply, to be ready to resist and repel the most daring attempts of his perfidious foe: As well knowing, that if he suffers himself to be taken captive, slavery and woe must be his everlasting portion; but, if he comes off conqueror from the conflict, that the life, liberty and joys of Heaven will be his everlasting reward.

Thus far have I traveled in a well known path, and spoken a language familiar to most of you, and which you have long been accustomed to hear from this pulpit.

II. I am now to strike into another path, which, though it may not always terminate in such glorious sense of never-ending felicity as the former, yet, if steadfastly pursued, will conduct the sons of men to an happiness, of an inferior kind indeed, but highly necessary to their present temporary state of existence in this world.

If spiritual liberty calls upon its pious votaries to extend their views far forward to a glorious hereafter, civil liberty must at least be allowed to secure, in a considerable degree, our well-being here. And I believe it will be no difficult matter to prove, that the latter is as much the gift of God in Christ Jesus as the former, and consequently, that we are bound to stand fast in our civil as well as our spiritual freedom.

From what hath been said under my first head of discourse, I think it must appear, that liberty, traced to her true source, is of heavenly extraction, that divine Virtue is her illustrious parent, that from eternity to eternity they have been and must be inseparable companions, and that the hearts of all intelligent beings are the living temples, in which they ought to be jointly worshipped.

We have the authority of divine Revelation to assert, that this globe of earth was once the favored spot, on which she was sent to reside, and that the first man felt and enjoyed her divine influence within and around him. But the same Revelation tells us, what our own experience cannot but confirm, that when man lost his virtue, he lost his liberty too; and from that fatal period, became subject to the bondage of corruption, the slave of irregular passions, at war with himself and his own species, an alien form his native country, a sorrowful stranger and a weary pilgrim in this world of woe.

It was not only to put him into a capacity of regaining his forfeited heavenly bliss, but to mitigate, likewise, the sorrows of his earthly sojourn, that he everlasting Jesus, in and by whom God originally created man, vouchsafed to communicate to him, when fallen, a ray of hope, a spark of heavenly light, wisdom, power and goodness, by which, through the effectual workings of his grace, he might, in future time, inspire him and his hapless posterity with such principles as would lead them to know, contend for and enjoy liberty in its largest, noblest extent.

Whatever of order, truth, equity and good government is to be found among the sons of men, they are solely indebted for to this everlasting Counselor, This Prince of Peace. By nature surrounded with innumerable wants, which his own single unassisted hand could by no means supply, exposed to innumerable dangers, which his utmost strength and sharpest foresight could not possibly ward off, it must surely have been this wisdom of the Father, that first taught man, by social compact, to secure to himself the possession of those necessaries and comforts, which are so dear and valuable to his natural life. And though no particular mode of government is pointed out to us in his holy gospel, yet the benevolent spirit of that gospel is directly opposed to every other form, than such as his the common good of mankind for its end and aim.

Now this common good is matter of common feeling. And hence it is, that our best writers, moral and political, as well clergy as laity, have asserted, that true government can have no other foundation than common consent. ‘Tis the power, the wisdom, the majesty of the people committed to one, to a few, or to many – yea, in some hitherto favored states, the one, the few, and the many, have been entrusted together, that they might mutually control and be controlled by each other.

Inasmuch, therefore, as this solemn delegation was intended for the good of the whole; inasmuch as all rulers are in fact the servants of the public, and appointed for no other purpose than to be “a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well, whenever this divine order is inverted, whenever these rulers abuse their sacred trust, by unrighteous attempts to injure, oppress, and enslave those very persons, from whom alone, under God, their power is derived – does not humanity, does not reason, does not scripture call upon the man, the citizen, the Christian of a community to “stand fast in that liberty wherewith Christ (in their very birth, as well as by succeeding appointments of His providence) hath made them free?”

The Apostle enjoins us to “submit to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake.” But surely a submission to the unrighteous ordinances of unrighteous men, cannot be “For the Lord’s sake: For “he loveth righteousness, and His countenance beholds the things that are just.”

Possessed, therefore, of these principles – principles, upon which the present constitution of Britain was happily settled at one of her most glorious and memorable areas, and upon which alone it can still be supported – Possessed of these principles, I trust it will be no difficult matter to satisfy your consciences with respect to the righteousness of the cause, in which you are now engaged.

The struggle, ’tis true, is an unnatural one. The hard necessity of standing upon our defense against our brethren, children of the same family, educated in the same manners, the same religion with ourselves, bound together by a long reciprocation of endearing offices, by a long participation of common blessings, and of common dangers and distresses, mutually protecting and protected by each other. – The had necessity, I say, of defending ourselves, our just and undoubted rights against such unnatural adversaries, (though sadly to be lamented, as one of the heaviest judgments with which Heaven could visit us for our iniquities) ought not, however, to make us surrender a discretion, or discourage us from “standing fast in that liberty, wherewith Christ (as the great providential Governor of the world) hath made us free.”

We venerate the parent land from whence our progenitors came. We wish to look up to her as the guardian, not the invader of her children’s rights. We glory in the name of children – And children too, that have arrived at years of discretion.

But, if we are to judge from the late ungenerous and ill-digested plans of policy, which have been adopted by those whom she hath entrusted with the powers of administration, we cannot but think, that they began to be jealous of our rising glory, and, from an ill-grounded apprehension of our aiming at independency, were desirous of checking our growth.

Yet why this unseasonable and unrighteous jealousy? – We wish not to interfere with that commercial system, which they have hitherto pursued. We have not even stretched our expectations beyond the line, which they themselves had drawn. We wish not to possess the golden groves of Asia, to sparkle in the public eye with jewels torn from the brows of weeping Nabobs, or to riot on the spoils of plundered provinces 1

We rather tremble for the parent state, and would fain keep off from our own borders, those luxuries, which may perhaps already have impaired her constitutional vigor. We only wish, that what we have, we may be able to call our own; that those fruits of honest industry, which our ancestors had acquired, or those which have been, or may be added to them by the sweat of our own brows, should not be wrested from us by the hand of violence, but left to our own free disposal’ satisfied as we are in our consciences, that when constitutionally called upon, we shall not give “grudgingly of necessity”, but cheerfully and liberally.

And as to any pretensions to, or even desire of independency, have we not openly disavowed them in all our petitions, representations and remonstrances? Have we not repeatedly and solemnly professed an inviolable loyalty to the person, power and dignity of our sovereign, and unanimously declared, that it is not with him we contend, but with an envious cloud of false witnesses, that surround his throne, and intercept the sunshine of his favor from our oppressed land?

If, notwithstanding all this, Britain or rather some degenerate sons of Britain, and enemies to our common liberty, still persist in embracing a delusion, and believing a lie – if the sword is still unsheathed against us, and submit or perish is the sanguinary decree – why then ––––––––––––––– I cannot close the sentence – Indulge a minster of Jesus! – My soul shrinks back with horror from the tragic scene of fraternal slaughter – and the free spirit of the citizen is arrester by the tenderness of gospel love – Gracious God! stop the precious effusion of British and American blood – too precious to be spare in any other cause than the joint interest of both against a common foe!

Pained, as I am at this melancholy prospect, I mean not, however, to decline addressing you in your military capacity, and suggesting such a conduct for the preservation of your temporal rights, as by the blessing of Heaven, will be most likely to ensure your success.

“STAND FAST” then

I. “Stand Fast” by a strong faith and dependence upon Jesus Christ, the great Captain of your salvation. Enlist under the banner of His cross. And let this motto be written upon your hearts, IN HOC SIGNO VINCES, “UNDER THIS STANDARD THOU SHALT OVERCOME.”

II. “Stand Fast” by a virtuous and unshaken unanimity. Of such an unanimity, you have a most striking example now before your eyes – three millions of people, or a vast majority of them, bound by no other ties than those of honor and public virtue, voluntarily submitting to the wise political determinations of an honorable Council of Delegates assembled by their own free and unbiased choice. Avail yourselves of this illustrious example. Be unanimous in your particular department. And as one refractory spirit may defeat the best-devised plan of operations, and throw your whole corps into confusion, see that this unanimity be productive of a just and becoming subordination.

Remember, the gentlemen who command you are your neighbors, friends and fellow-citizens, who have their ALL at stake as well as you. Their authority has not been imposed upon you. They were invested with it by yourselves. ‘Tis surely your part then to support them in the just execution of it; not doubting, but that on their part they will always consider, that they are not called to lord it over mercenaries, but affectionately to command freemen and fellow-sufferers. Accustom yourselves, therefore, to discipline now; or else, when the day of trial comes, (which Heaven avert!) you will too late lament your unhappy neglect.

III. “Stand Fast” by an undaunted courage and magnanimity. And here give me leave to remind you, that there is a kind of courage, which seems to be merely animal or constitutional. – This may stand a soldier in good stead perhaps for a few moments amid the heat of battle, when his blood and spirits are set on fire by the warlike sound of drums and trumpets. But I would have you possessed of more than this, even a courage that will prove you to be good Christians, as well as soldiers, a firm invincible fortitude of soul, founded upon religion, and the glorious hope of a better world; a courage, that will enable you not only to withstand an armed phalanx, to pierce a squadron, or force an entrenchment, when the cause of virtue and your country calls you to such a service, but will support you, likewise, against the principalities and powers of darkness, will stand by you under to assaults of pain and sickness, and give you firmness and consolation amid all the horrors of a death-bed scene.

Such a courage as this too will always be tempered with prudence, humanity, and greatness of soul. It will never degenerate into savage cruelty and barbarity. If to spread undistinguishing ruin and devastation through a country; if with more than Gothic rage, to break into the sweet retreats of domestic felicity and drive the aged and the helpless from their once quiet habitations ––– O my God! If this be heroism, if this be military virtue – suffer not our people to learn the destructive art. Let them rather continue to be injured and oppressed themselves, than taught thus wantonly to injure and oppress others. This caution, however, is unnecessary to you. Permit me, then only to observe, that in our present circumstances, we contend not for victory, but for liberty and peace.

Nor let me dismiss this head of advice without reminding you of the glorious stand that hath been already made for us by our northern brethren, and calling upon you to thank Heaven for his great and gracious interposition. Surely “the Lord of Hosts was with them” – surely “the God of Jacob was their refuge.” –––– Drop a pious tear to the memory of the illustrious slain – and let them yet live in the annals of American freedom.

Lastly, “Stand Fast” by a steady constancy and perseverance. Difficulties unlooked for may yet arise, and trials present themselves sufficient to shake the utmost firmness of human fortitude. Be prepared, therefore, for the worst. Suffer not your spirits to evaporate by too violent an ebullition now. Be not too eager to bring matters to an extremity; lest you should be wearied out by a continued exertion, and your constancy should fail you at the most important crisis. Coolly and deliberately wait for those events which are in the hands of providence, and depend upon him alone for strength and expedients suited to your necessities.

In a word, my brethren – though the worst should come – though we should be deprived of all the conveniences and elegancies of life – though we should be cut off from all our usual sources of commerce, and constrained, as many of our poor brethren have already been, to abandon our present comfortable habitations – let us, nevertheless, “Stand Fast” as the guardians of liberty – And though we should not be able to entertain the Heaven-born maid, with such affluence and splendor, as we have hitherto done, let us still keep close to her side, as our inseparable companion, preserve her from the violence of her adversaries, and, if at last necessary, be content to retire with her to those peaceful, though homely retreats of rural life, in which she was first entertained by our venerable ancestors – determined to contend to the very last for such an illustrious prize, and never to part with her, but for the more sure and complete enjoyment of her blessings in a world of glory.

“NOW, THEREFORE, BE STRONG, O ZERUBBABEL, AND BE STRONG, O JOSHUA, THE SON OF JOSEDECH THE HIGH-PRIEST, AND BE STRONG, O YE Counselors, Generals, and PEOPLE OF THE LAND; FOR I AM WITH YOU, SAITH THE LORD OF HOSTS. —LOOK YE UNTO ME, AND BE SAVED, ALL YE ENDS OF THE EARTH!” Even so, grant, thou great and glorious God, that to thee only we may look, and from thee experience that deliverance, which we ask, not for any merits of our own, but for the sake and through the merits of the dear Son of thy love CHRIST JESUS our Lord! To whom, with thee, O FATHER, and thee O BLESSED SPIRIT! Three persons in one eternal God, be ascribed all honor, praise and dominion now, henceforth, and forever!

F I N I S


NOTES

[1]
Here perhaps it may be objected, that the Americans do with a very ill grace censure their English brethren, either for their iniquitous conquests in Asia, or for the luxuries thereby introduced among them, whilst they themselves are rioting upon the labor of thousands of their own species, torn away from their native retreats, from their dearest relations and friends, and doomed to a most abject and perpetual slavery –

In answer to this objection it may be asked – Where did this infamous commerce originate? And where is it still carried on with all the eagerness which avarice can inspire? Where, but in England? – By what means can it be abolished? Surely by that power alone, which America acknowledges the parent state may justly exercise over all her dominions, viz. the power of regulating their trade? –

Is it not well known, that the legislatures of some of the colonies have done what they could to put a stop to the importation of African slaves, by loading it with the heaviest duties? And that others have attempted the total abolition of it, by acts of assembly, which their Governor refused to pass, have then petitioned the parent state for new instructions to their Governors on this head, and after all, have failed of success?

It is however, devoutly to be wished, that when a happy reconciliation once takes place, this poisonous branch may entirely be shut out, before our great commercial stream becomes so infected by the contagion, as to endanger the health and security of the whole empire.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1774

John Lathrop (1740-1816) Biography:

John Lathrop, also spelled Lothrop, was born in Norwich, Connecticut. He graduated from Princeton in 1763 and began working as an assistant teacher with the Rev. Dr. Eleazar Wheelock of Lebanon, Connecticut, at Moor’s Indian Charity School. He studied theology under Dr. Wheelock (who later founded Dartmouth College) and became licensed to preach in 1767, ministering among the Indians. In 1768, he became the preacher of the Second Church of Boston, but as Boston was central in the rising tensions and violence with the British leading up to the American War for Independence, he relocated to Providence, Rhode Island. When the Founding Fathers declared independence from Britain in 1776, Lathrop returned to Boston. When Dr. Pemberton of New Brick Church was taken ill, Lathrop was asked to become the assistant to the pastor. When Pemberton passed away a year later, Lathrop became pastor of New Brick Church but also retained the pastorate of Second Church, merging it into New Brick in 1779. Lathrop remained pastor until his death from lung fever in 1816. He had served as President of the Massachusetts Bible Society and the Society of Propagating the Gospel in North America, and he was also a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the American Antiquarian Society. Numerous of his sermons were published, including the following one delivered on December 15, 1774.


sermon-thanksgiving-1774

A

DISCOURSE

PREACHED,

December 15th 1774.

Being the Day Recommended

By the Provincial Congress,

To Be Observed

In thanksgiving to God for the Blessings
enjoyed; and humiliation on account of
public Calamities.

By
JOHN LATHROP, A. M.
Pastor of the Second Church in Boston.

A
DISCOURSE,
FROM

PSALM CI. I.
I will sing of mercy and judgment: unto thee O Lord will I sing.

AUTHORIZED by a divine precept, 1 and excited by the feelings of gratitude, the inhabitants of these northern provinces, have made it their constant practice, to meet in their religious assemblies, at the close of the year, and devoutly offer unto the Lord, their sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving.

When the fruits of the earth are gathered in, and we are furnished with provisions for an expensive winter season, nothing can be more proper, than for a people professing godliness, to unite in paying their thankful acknowledgments to the father of the universe, for the expressions of his goodness.—And we rejoice, that the representatives of this Province, who, in the present distracted state of our public affairs, have been consulting the most proper ways to recover and secure our invaded liberties, were not unmindful of the blessings we receive from God almighty; but have invited us to observe this day of general thanksgiving.

But although we have much reason to bless the Lord, for the many expressions of his goodness, through the course of the last year, it is proper, even on this day of festivity, “to humble ourselves before God, on account of those sins, for which he hath suffered our present calamities to come upon us, and implore the divine blessing, that by the assistances of his grace, we may be enabled to reform whatever is amiss, that so God may be pleased to continue to us the blessings we enjoy, and remove the tokens of his displeasure.” 2

The exercises of this day, will therefore be different from what have been usual; and I could think of no passage of scripture, more suitable to place at the head of a discourse, in which we are to have respect, both to the blessings of divine providence, and the public calamities which have befallen us, than the words of David, which have now been read.

A celebrated commentator on the text, has the following observations;–“When God in his providence exerciseth us with a mixture of Mercy and Judgment, it is our duty to sing, and sing unto him both of the one and the other: We must be suitably affected with both, and make suitable acknowledgments of both.” Agreeable to the Chaldee paraphrase,–“If thou bestowest mercy upon me, or if thou bringest any judgment upon me, before thee, O Lord, will I sing my hymns for all.” 3

Let me then ask your attention, while I mention some of the blessings which God is pleased to bestow upon us; and take notice of the principal calamities, which, in righteous Judgment, he has suffered to befall us.

You will be sensible, the time allowed the preacher on a day of thanksgiving, will not admit of an exact enumeration, either of the Blessings bestowed upon us, or the calamities under which we suffer; we must therefore confine our attention to those which are confessedly of the most importance: But should I a little exceed the limits commonly observed on these Occasions, the nature of the subject, I hope, will be an apology for me.

All who possess their belief of the holy Scriptures, will be free to acknowledge, the mercy of God revealed in the gospel, demands our first, our principle attention.

Such is the darkness of the human mind, that had not the children of men, been favoured with the light of divine truth, they would never have found the say to glory. But the father of the universe, in compassion to the human race, exposed to misery, in consequence of the spread of moral evil through the World, was pleased to give his Son, that whosoever believeth on him should not perish, but might have eternal life.– 4 The day-spring from on high hath visited us, to give light to them that sit in darkness, and in the shadow of death, to guide our feet into the way of peace.-—We have reason to join with the angels, and multitude of the heavenly host, ascribing glory to God in the highest, that on earth there is peace, and good will towards men.5

The mercy of God revealed to a guilty World, in the gift of his Son Jesus Christ, will claim an everlasting tribute of Praise.—How deplorable would our condition have been, had the author of our existence, seen fit to leave us to the power of those lusts, which war against the Soul.– 6 Satan, the enemy of all good, was able to seduce our once innocent parents from their loyalty, and render them obnoxious to the wrath of their creator.—And had not Jesus Christ who is stronger than the strong man armed, and is able to subdue all things to himself, 7 undertaken the work of redemption, none of our guilty race, could have entertained a hope of future happiness, or even of life from the dead.

But by the gospel of the grace of God, life and immortality are brought to light.—By the gospel we are made certain of a future state; and the author of our Salvation, has not only suffered for our offences, and rose again for our justification, but clearly pointed out the path to heaven.

We have reason to be thankful, that notwithstanding, all our unworthiness, the gospel is continued among us, and we have liberty to worship our creator, according to the dictates of conscience, without disturbance or molestation.

Many have endured the greatest afflictions, and suffered the most cruel death, not only under pagan Monarchs, and the influence of Romish inquisitions, but under the arbitrary government of tyrants, who in ages past, disgraced the throne of Britain.

Not to mention persecutions in foreign countries, or look back to the ages of darkness and gross ignorance, in our own nation, and in the short time which past between the restoration of Charles the IId, and the glorious revolution, besides many that were inhumanely murdered, five thousand Protestants died in prisons, on account of their religion. 8

But while multitudes have suffered, because they did not choose to submit to unscriptural usages, or attend to modes and forms of human invention, we have enjoyed full liberty of conscience: In no part of the world has the right of private judgment, in matters of religion, been more sacredly maintained, than in America.

In some provinces, all sects and denominations, professing Christianity, Roman Catholics not excepted, are freely tolerated.

In those provinces where the church of England is established by law, dissenters are allowed their own forms of worship; but required indeed, as in most parts of the world, where a form of worship is established by authority, to pay their proportion towards the support of the established clergy.

And in these northern provinces, where the order and discipline, which have generally been observed in the congregation or Presbyterian churches, are favoured with an establishment, dissenters from our worship and discipline, are not only tolerated, but upon their professing to be of other denominations, they are excused from bearing any part of the ministry, and form of worship established by law. 9

Such tenderness to our brethren who differ from us in their sentiments with respect to the modes of worship, or the discipline of the church, is much to the honour of this and the other New-England Provinces.

As the blessings of the gospel, and the privileges of a religious nature which we enjoy, are exceeding precious, we ought to remember them with gratitude, and render to the Lord the warmest affections of our heart for the continuance of them.

We have reason to be thankful “for the smiles of divine Providence upon us with regard to the seasons of the year, and the general health which has been enjoyed.”—God has smiled on the labour of the husbandmen through the course of the year: He has been pleased to grant those showers of rain, and kind influences of the Heavens, which were necessary to perfect the fruits of the earth. Our markets are filled with a variety of provisions; and notwithstanding the multitude of strangers among us, we cannot complain that the necessaries of life are sold us at an extravagant price. 10

We have been visited with no uncommon sickness in this Town, or through the land. This pestilence has not walked in darkness, nor has the destruction wasted at noon day.—Such indeed is human frailty, that every year we must expect to bury some of our friends and valuable acquaintance: But we have reason to be thankful, when mortal diseases have not been general.

“And in particular”, we have reason to be thankful, “from a consideration of the union which so remarkably prevails, not only in this Province, but through the continent, at this alarming crisis.”

It must be acknowledged, America never saw a day so alarming as the present—The unhappy controversy which now subsists between Great-Britain and these Colonies is more painful than any of the distressing wars we have formerly been engaged in.—When the Savages annoyed our infant settlements, or those who we used to consider as natural Enemies threatened to invade us, duty and interest pointed us to the means of safety.—Our young men offered themselves freely to engage in the defence of their country; and being succeeded by Heaven, victory from time to time, crowned their endeavours.—

But when the parent State is contending with us, nothing but the last extremity,–nothing but the preservation of life, or that which is of more importance Liberty, can ever prevail with us to make resistance.

We glory in our attachment to the House of Hanover.—We consider Britain as our native land.—We shall therefore bear much, we shall suffer many hardships, before we can entertain a single wish to the disadvantage of our brethren on the other side the Atlantic.—We never will rebel against the Sovereign of the British dominions.—However provoked,–however oppressed,–however threatened with Slavery and wretchedness, we will never be excited to any other resistance, than what the impartial world shall Judge absolutely necessary to our own defence.

Britons and Americans, subjects of the same Crown, connected by the ties of nature, by interest and by religion, maintained the most perfect harmony, and felt the purest joy in each others happiness for more than a hundred years: And would to God, that harmony had never been disturbed!

But by reason of false, and injurious representations which were made by some, from whom indeed we might have expected better things, a system of government, not long since, was formed for the colonies in America, too degrading and oppressive for British Subjects, quietly to bear.

The Parliament of Great-Britain, some years ago, passed an Act, declaring “That his Majesty in Parliament, OF RIGHT, had power to bind the people of these Colonies by Statutes IN ALL CASES WHATSOEVER.”—“The import of the words above quoted, needs no discant: For the wit of man, cannot possibly form, a more clear, concise, and comprehensive definition and sentence of slavery, than these expressions contain.” 11

In this light was the declaratory Act viewed by Americans in general.—And by several Acts which have passed since, the inhabitants of these colonies have been confirmed in their apprehensions, that the Government at home, had determined to treat them, not as obedient children, but rather as Servants; and let them know that they held life, and property, and whatever is dear to them, at the pleasure of masters three thousand miles distant; on whose ambition they can have no check, on whose power they have no control.

Alarmed it may well be supposed the Americans were, and not doubting but their gracious King would hear their Petitions, and deliver them from their gracious King would hear their Petitions, and deliver them from their troubles, they addressed the throne in the most humble and dutiful manner; but their Petitions were rejected, and treated with contempt. Arbitrary measures were taken to prevent the complaints of the injured and distressed from reaching the Royal ear.—“Assemblies have been frequently dissolved, contrary to the rights of the people, when they attempted to deliberate on grievances.” 12

“The attacks on our rights were incessant”: Not satisfied with taking away our money, in such quantities, and for such purposes as they pleased, the Parliament proceeded, in direct methods, to invade our Charters, and threaten us with transportation to Great-Britain, in order to be tried, on supposition any resistance should be made, to what the Americans might consider as intolerable oppression.

“Hard is our fate, when, to escape the character of rebels, we must be degraded into that of slaves: As if there was no medium, between the two extremes of anarchy and despotism, where innocence and freedom could find repose and safety.” 13

Such were our sufferings, particularly in this Province,–such our fears, and such the apprehensions of all America, that it was judged expedient a Continental Congress should be convened as soon as possible to take our public grievances under consideration, and point out the most proper means of redress.

Deputies were accordingly chosen by the several colonies from New-Hampshire to South-Carolina.—They entered upon the important business to which they were appointed, as it become men professing the religion of Christ.—They made their humble addresses to the Lord of the universe for the influences of his Spirit, to lead them in a safe path, succeed their endeavours to extricate an injured people from their present difficulties, and lay a foundation for lasting tranquility, both in Great-Britain and America.—Many prayers were made for them in our respective churches, and by serious people in their private retirements.

The members who met in that illustrious Assembly, were men of the first character in the several provinces: Men who best understood the rights of America, and were best able to judge what measures would be most proper for the inhabitants in general to adopt, in order to recover and secure them.

After Solemn deliberation on the important subjects which lay before them, they came to a result, which has been made known to the World, and with which you are all acquainted.—We have much reason for thankfulness that the members of the Congress were so remarkably united.—Those among us who wished the late oppressive acts of parliament to be carried into execution, were free to declare, the Colonies would never unite, and endeavoured to make us believe, the Gentlemen who were chosen to represent the several Provinces, were of sentiments extremely different from each other. Had the Congress dissolved without forming any general plans, or had the members been greatly divided in their opinions, it would have discouraged the friends of Liberty, and perhaps given a fatal turn to our public affairs: But their Union has not only expressed the Union of their constituents, but had an happy influence to establish many in their friendship to the American cause, who were before, wavering—Their doings will, as they most certainly ought to, have the force of laws.—The man that ventures to rise in opposition to them, opposes both the wisdom and strength of this amazing continent; and certainly no man in his senses will act so foolish, so desperate a part.

The penalty to be inflicted on such, if any such there should be, as in contempt of the American Association, determine to pursue their own private emoluments, regardless of the public good, is not immediate death, but it must be confessed, it is very little short of it.—You will allow me to repeat some parts of the resolves which declare it.—Whenever it shall appear to the Committees which are, or may be chosen in every county, city, and town, for executing the plans of the continental Congress, that any person within their respective limits, has violated the Association, the truth of the case is to be published,–“To the end, that all such foes to the rights of British America, may be publickly known, and universally contemned as the enemies of American Liberty; and thenceforth we respectively will break off all dealing with him or her.—And we do further agree and resolve, that we will have no trade, commerce, dealings or intercourse whatsoever, with any Colony or Province in North-America, which shall not accede to, or which shall hereafter violate this Association, but will hold them as unworthy of the rights of freemen, and as inimical to the liberties of their Country.”

Who would not dread such a punishment, as much as any temporal evil that can be mentioned?—To cut off from the privileges of human society and lie exposed to universal contempt, is next, if not equal to being cut off from among the living.—People may affect to sport with popular resentment as much as they please, when they have a few companions to flatter and encourage them; but when that punishment, which they may ridicule at a distance, or think little of in its beginnings, falls upon them in earnest, they must have fortitude more than human, to support long under it.—A man of any tender feelings will be unhappy, when he knows a few of his acquaintance are offended with him; how wretched must he then be, who is assured the resentments of almost this whole continent, are raised against him, and that there is no town or village that he can visit, on business, or for amusement, without being exposed to the indignation of the inhabitants!

I have dwelt the longer on this particular, because it appears to me of singular importance.—The union which remarkably prevails through the Continent, at this alarming crisis affords great encouragement, and requires our thankful acknowledgments to almighty God.

It is our duty, as we love righteousness,–as we love peace,–as we love our Country,–as we love the parent state,–ourselves and millions of unborn posterity, it is our duty, to do all in our power, to strengthen and perpetuate, this union.—And was I not sure, you are ready even of yourselves, I would urge you my friends and fellow citizens, by arguments which influence my own mind, “To abide by and strictly adhere to the Resolutions of the continental Congress, as the most peaceable and probable method of preventing confusion and bloodshed, and of restoring that harmony between Great-Britain and these colonies, in which we wish might be established not only the rights and liberties of America, but the opulence and lasting happiness of the whole British Empire.” 14

I CANNOT finish this part of the discourse, without mentioning another reason the inhabitants of this Town in particular have for thankfulness, which, is a consideration of the unexpected liberality of our brethren towards us, since the Port has been shut up, by which thousands were reduced to poverty and distress.

Our condition would have been calamitous beyond expression, had not the hearts and the hands of our Brethren been opened to assist us, when suffering in the general cause.

We thank our generous benefactors: We thank the Father of the universe, for enabling and inclining them to do so much for us: And we thank those worthy Gentlemen, who cheerfully devote a great part of their time to take care of the money and provisions which are sent in from various parts, and make distributions to the needy among us, for no other reward, than the consolation of doing good.15

Thus have we attended to some of the blessings God is bestowing upon us in the course of his providence, which furnish us with proper reasons for praise and thanksgiving.

But as we are called, by the alarming situation of our public affairs, to sing of the judgments of the Lord, as well as of his mercies, we shall now, agreeable to the method proposed, take notice of the calamities which God has suffered to befall us.

The calamities to which we are more especially called to give our attention, are those which arise from “the present controversy between Great-Britain and the colonies.”

We are unhappy in being represented to the parent state as factious,–impatient of government, and wishing for independence; when “we can safely appeal to that Being, from whom no thought can be concealed, that our warmest wish, and utmost ambition is, that we and our posterity may ever remain subordinate to, and dependent upon our parent state. This subordination our reason approves, our affection dictates, our duty commands, and our interest enforces.”16

Great-Britain is possessed of a naval power, able to protect our trade, and guard our coast against a foreign enemy: And the colonies produce almost every article necessary to support the parent state in her present greatness, and add unspeakably to her future glory.

A CELEBRATED author, writing on the advantages which would naturally result from the happy connection between Great-Britain and the colonies, was no fatal interruption to prevent, has the following elegant and striking expressions.—“The immense advantages of such a situation, are worthy the closest attention of every Briton. To a man that has considered them with attention, perhaps it will not appear too bold to aver, that if an archangel had planned the connection between Great-Britain and her colonies, he could not have fixed it on a more lasting and beneficial foundation, unless he could have changed human nature.—An Alexander, a Caesar, a Charles, a Lewis and others have sought through fields of blood, for universal empire. Great-Britain has a certainty by population and commerce alone, of attaining to the most astonishing and well founded power the world ever saw. The circumstances of her situation are new and striking. Heaven has offered her glory and prosperity without measure. Her wise ministers disdain to accept them—and prefer” 1718

Since advantages of the most important nature might be derived to both countries were they to be perpetually united in affection, as they are in interest, how ardently is it to be wished, no unhappy controversy had arose between them.—But a controversy now subsists, which has a threatening aspect on America, and Great-Britain herself.

Many calamities are already felt, more and greater are much to be feared.—Instead of mutual love, and a desire of each others greatness, mutual jealousies are strongly exercised: The unfailing consequence of which will be, mutual endeavours to prevent each others interest. A principal of self preservation, that law of nature, which has an uniform influence on the children of Men, will excite them to wish the diminution of that power which they suppose, is at present engaged against them, or in some future time may rival them. And what they wish they naturally express, and will pursue in every measure that promises success.

And can it remain a matter of uncertainty, whether many in Great-Britain are jealous of the increasing greatness of the American interest, and wish to check the growth of the colonies, when we are told what opposition was made to the settlement of a new Province by a late minister of State.—When we hear another minister declaring he will lay the Americans at his feet.—When we hear with Application to one of the largest and most important Towns on the continent, “delenda est carthago19 “We know how acceptable to many an earthquake would be to sink some of the colonies in the Ocean.—That we are thought too numerous. And how much it would be judged for the interest of Great-Britain, if a Pestilence should sweep off a million and a half of us.” 20

If Great-Britain is jealous of the increasing interest of the colonies, no doubt she will exert her power to check their growth, or her policy to draw off their riches as fast as they acquire them. And from the measures which have been pursued, with unremitting zeal for several years past, the Americans are made to believe, that Great-Britain does not wish the Colonies to make further advances towards “powerful States.”—The business then is to embarrass new settlements,–to lay such burdens on the colonies now planted as to prevent emigrations to them from the crowded parts of Europe, and establish such laws as shall render, not only the money, but the persons of Americans, the property of the British Parliament, or of the crown. 21

And should I say, this business has been earnestly pursued, “since the close of the late “war”, I should have the authority of the greatest and best men in the nation,–I should have more than nine-tenths of America to support the assertion.

The execution of this business has given rise to the calamities, we are this day called to lament.—The time would not allow us to go into a very particular consideration of the calamities we now feel, together with those which we tear may be permitted to fall upon us: Let it suffice to mention those which most sensibly affect us.

Several laws, have of late been enacted by the Parliament of Great-Britain, for the express purpose of raising a revenue in America. Had hose laws been executed according to their original design, the natural operation of them, would have constantly weakened the interest of the people in general, by giving their wealth to the servants of the crown.—Had those laws been regularly executed the servants of the crown, would have had it in their power, either to riot on the spoils taken from the honest and industrious, or accumulate to themselves great riches. The body of the people, being oppressed, would in time be obliged to sell their lands, and other estates, and content themselves, if contentment be possible in such a state, to be the slaves of imperious lords, on whom, hard necessity had taught them to depend, for their bread.—And should they, remembering their former happy circumstances, grow uneasy and factious, a standing army, supported by money taken from them, would be ready to humble, or destroy them.—Figure to yourselves all the calamities which are felt by the inhabitants of France and Spain, or other parts of the World where despotism is established, and I will be bold to say, we could have no security against calamities equally great, unless in the virtue of the reigning Prince, were the laws which have been passed, with respect to America, since the last war, fully carried into execution.

If the British Parliament, may “of right,” without our consent, “give and grant” any particular parts of our property, for any particular purposes, they may the whole: They say with equal pretentions to right sell our persons as slaves to what masters they please. For “Liberty, Life, or Property, can, with no consistency of words or ideas, be termed a right of the possessors, while others have a right of taking them away at pleasure.” 22

That such laws have been enacted, and that any of them are now in force, we consider as a calamity, and lament that God has in judgment, suffered it to befall the American colonies.—The laws now referred to, have already done unspeakable damage. The struggles which have been made by administration to enforce them, and by the Americans in opposition to them, have not only kept the whole continent in a ferment, but created such an alienation of affections, and unhappy jealousies between the two countries, as we have reason to fear, will never be wholly removed.

It is a calamity that the parliament have resolved, “That colonists may be transported to England, and tried there upon accusations for treason,–or concealments of treasons committed in the colonies.”—Should any unhappy Americans be accused of treason, and prosecuted according to this act, a severe punishment would necessarily be inflicted on them, before it could be determined whether they were guilty or not.

It is a calamity that the Roman Catholic religion is established through the vast province of Quebec, when, as a writer observes, “The abject of the bill, is to cut off all liberties of the rest of the colonies.” 23

Should that vast country which is now taken into the province of Quebec, be filled up with roman Catholics, who are by their religion unfriendly to protestants, and especially to dissenters, it may be in their power, assisted by the Indians to do unspeakable damage to the other colonies. We may easily conceive it will be extremely difficult for Protestants, who now have possessions in that part of the world, to live quietly, or for others to settle where the established religion teaches its professors, that they may violate the most solemn engagements with heretics, and exterminate them from their country when it can be done with safety.

We view it as a calamity, that, by the Lords spiritual, that venerable Bench of protestant Bishops, a warm opposition was not made to a bill brought in to establish a Religion in the most important colony of his Majesty’s dominions, which has disgraced humanity, and crimsoned a great part of the world, with innocent blood.

By the part which the venerable seat of Bishops took in the Canada act, the unparalleled sufferings of our ancestors, by the influence of some protestant Bishops, 24 in former Reigns, are brought fresh to view: And we cannot but apprehend, a foundation is laid, for like ecclesiastical tyranny, at least, in the province of Quebec, should a prince of arbitrary sentiments, hereafter be placed on the throne.

We view it as a calamity, that our most gracious King was pleased to give his royal assent to the Canada Act, by which he has grieved the greatest part of his faithful subjects.—But I forbear.—That unfortunate Prince, who was obliged to fly from Great-Britain, to make way for the Hanoverian succession, was charged among other things, with promoting the Roman Catholic Religion—May the reign of our present rightful Sovereign be long and happy.—May he ever enjoy the full confidence, and affection of all, and especially of his protestant subjects.

We view it as a calamity, that the Parliament have passed an act to alter our ancient method of appointing Juries.—With a Governor and Council entirely dependent on the crown: With Judges and Sheriffs dependent on the Governor, and all entirely independent on the people, we cannot suppose there is provision for the impartial administration of justice: But we have the greatest reason to fear, should any Americans be so unhappy, as to be brought into dispute with crown officers, or any, who on account of their good disposition towards some late acts of Parliament respecting the Colonies, are called friends of Government, a jury returned by such sheriffs, would be under an influence, extremely threatening to the lives and liberties, of such unfortunate subjects.

The noble Lords who entered their dissent, have given a reason, which has respect to this part of the Act for regulating the government, sufficient to convince every mind capable of seeing the force of argument, and is worthy to be writ in letters of gold.—They dissent,–“Because the Governor and Council have the means of returning such a Jury, in each particular cause, as may best suit with the gratification of their passions and interests. The lives, liberties and properties of the subject are put into their hands without control, and the invaluable right of trial by jury is turned into A SNARE FOR THE PEOPLE, who have hitherto looked upon it as their main security against the licentiousness of power.” 25

We view it as a calamity that the British Parliament have lately passed “an Act for regulating the government” of this Province, by which the most important rights of our character are violated, and the way is prepared for exercising an arbitrary and despotic government over us.

Attempts to execute this act have already flung the Province into great disorder.—The inhabitants consider their charter, granted on the faith of Kings, as sacred, and they cannot be prevailed with, either by flattery or threats, to give it up.—Those Gentlemen who have accepted the place of Counselors on the new plan, are viewed as unfriendly to our constitutional liberties:–Our Courts of Justice are shut up: And we are nearly reduced to a state of nature,–In short we have no security for life, or property, or any of the blessings of society, but from the virtue and resolutions of the inhabitants in general.

“To change the government of a people”, says the Bishop of St. Asaph, who is an honour to the sacred order, and an ornament to human nature,–“to change the government of a people without their consent, is the highest and most arbitrary act of sovereignty that one nation can exercise over another. The Romans hardly ever proceeded to this extremity, even over a conquered nation, ‘till its frequent revolts and insurrections, had made them deem it incorrigible.—The very idea of it implies a most total and abject, slavish dependence in the inferior state.”

That great and good man well knew, that attempts to change the government of this province, would be productive of the utmost confusion:–“It will make them mad”.

The noble Lords, who opposed the bill for regulating the government of this Province, entered their dissent,–“Because, say they, we think the appointment of all the members of the Council, which by this bill is vested in the crown, is not a proper provision for preserving the equilibrium of the colony constitution. The power given to the crown of occasionally increasing and lessening the number of the council on the report of governors, and at the pleasure of ministers, must make those governors and ministers masters of every question in that assembly, and by destroying its freedom of deliberation will wholly annihilate its use.”—

But the calamities arising from the unhappy controversy at present subsisting between Great-Britain and America, with which we, the inhabitants of this town, are most sensibly, and in a peculiar manner affected, are yet unnoticed.

When we look back, on our once happy state, and compare the blessings of peace and plenty, which we freely enjoyed, with our present distresses, “the tears are on our cheeks”. “How doth the city set solitary that was full of people! How is she become as a widow! She that was great among the nations, and princess among the provinces, how is she become tributary! 26

The God of nature has taught us by the situation and uncommon advantages of this place, that it was designed for extensive business: And here our fathers planted themselves, that they and their posterity might prosecute those branches of trade and merchandise, which give riches and strength, to nations and states.—And this, for many years, has been the peaceful residence of commerce and wealth.

What joy have we felt to see this capacious and safe harbor, white, with the canvass of our own ships, or of foreigners who came to exchange their treasures, for the commodities which we had to spare.

But how affecting is the change; How gloomy is the present appearance!—Look to our port, and you see it blocked up with British Ships of war—No vessels of trade are allowed to enter this harbor.—Commerce which gave wealth to many, and the means of a comfortable subsistence to thousands, has now ceased.—The well built wharfs are either left naked, or lined with transports, which have been employed to bring the King’s troops to this place.—Stores which were designed for merchandise, are, either unoccupied, or strange to relate!—turned into barracks!—Our public streets,–our most pleasant walks are filled with armed soldiers.—The only avenue to the town by land is fortified on each side, with heavy cannon, and strongly guarded day and night.—In short, all things wear the shocking appearances of war: Of war, not with the natives of the wilderness, or those foreign enemies with whom we have formerly engaged with success.—But,–how shall I speak?—Of war between Great-Britain and the colonies!—Between fellow subjects!! Between brethren!!!

But why these strange appearances? Why is the power of Great-Britain so unnaturally directed against America?—Why is this Town filled with troops? Why is this port blocked up, and the trade of the place ruined?—certainly we must have been guilty as a people of the most daring crimes.—Nothing less than an open and generally avowed rebellion against the best of Princes, one would think, could justify such treatment.—Have we been thus guilty?—Are we, thus charged?—No.—What then is our crime?—It is not pretended to be any more than a trespass, committed by some unknown persons, on private property.—Because a number of people, we know not who, destroyed some cargoes of East-India Tea, this whole community has been condemned, without trial, and is this day suffering in a manner that can scarcely be paralleled in the history of the world.

It is supposed by the rigorous manner in which the port act is executed, poverty, distress and calamity, are brought on 30,000 souls. 27

Other calamities might have been mentioned, and those we have taken notice of enlarged upon, did the time admit.—You will just allow me to say, should the British administration determine fully to execute the laws, of which we complain: Or in other words,–should the prime minister determine to LAY THE AMERICANS AT HIS FEET; and should the new parliament grant supplies for that purpose, we have yet to fear the calamities of a long civil war: For, from the spirit now raised through this continent, and the firm union which subsists, it may be presumed he struggle would be obstinate.

Americans, who have been used to war from their infancy, would spill their best blood, rather than “submit to be hewers of wood, or drawers of water, for any ministry or nation in the world”. 28

But we hope in God, and it shall be our daily prayer, that matters may never come to this.—We hope some wise and equitable plan of accommodation may take place.—For the salvation of the parent state, as well as of these provinces, we sincerely hope the measures, with respect to America, adopted by the last parliament, and pursued with vigour by the ministry, may be essentially altered by this.

We hope the rights and liberties of the colonies may be established on a solid and immoveable basis: And that this Town may emerge from its present distressed and most calamitous state, and be a more prosperous, more rich and happy place than ever yet it has been.

Let us then humble ourselves before God on account of our sins: Let us reform whatever is amiss,–“That so God may be pleased to continue to us the blessings we enjoy, and remove the tokens of his displeasure, by causing harmony and union to be restored between Great-Britain and these Colonies, that we may again rejoice in the smiles of our sovereign, and the possession of those privileges which have been transmitted to us, and have the hopeful prospect that they shall be handed down entire to posterity, under the protestant succession, in the illustrious House of Hanover.”29

FINIS.


Endnotes

1 Exodus 34. 22.

2 See the recommendation from the Provincial Congress, for a day of thanksgiving.

3 Henry on the place.

4 John 3. 16.

5 Luke 2. 14.

6 James 4. I.

7 Phillip. 3, 21.

8 See the History of England during the Reigns of the Stuarts.

9 The following extract from an Act “passed by the Great and General Court” of this province, “to exempt the People called Quakers, and Antipedobaptists, from paying Taxes for the support of Ministers settled by the Laws of this Province, and for the building and repairing Meeting Houses or places of public Worship,” may serve to evince what was said above with respect to religious liberty, and the tenderness which is exercised towards such as dissent from the mode of worship and discipline established by law.
Be it enacted by the Governor, Council, and House of Representatives, that none of the Persons who are either of the Persuasion of the People called Quakers, or Antipedobaptists, who allege a scruple of Conscience as the reason of their refusal to pay any part or Proportion of such Taxes, as are from time to time assessed for the Support of the Minister or Ministers of any Church settled by the Laws of this Province, shall have their Polls or Estate, Real or Personal in their own Hand, and under their actual Improvement; taxed or assessed, in any Tax or Assessment hereafter made for the raising any Monies towards the Settlement or Support of such Minister or Ministers, nor for building or repairing any Meeting-House or Place of public Worship, or be obliged to collect any Taxes granted for the purposes aforesaid.

And to the intent that it may be better known who are to be exempted by this Act.

Be it enacted, That no Person in any Town, District or Precinct in this Province, shall for the future be esteemed or taken to be of the Persuasion of the People called Quakers, or Antipedobaptists, so as to have his, her or their Poll or Polls, or any Estate to him, her or them belonging, exempted by virtue of this Act from paying a proportionable Part of the Ministerial or other Taxes in this Act mentioned, but such whose Names shall be contained in a List or Lists taken and signed by three Members of some Quaker or Antipedobaptist Society or Congregation, who shall be chosen by said Society or Congregation, who shall be chosen by said Society or Congregation for that purpose; one whereof to be the Minister where there is any, who shall therein certify for substance with respect to the People called Quakers in the form following, viz. We the Subscribers being chosen a Committee by the Society of the People called Quakers, who meet together for religious Worship on the Lord’s Day or first Day of the Week in (blank space) to exhibit a List or Lists of the Names of such Persons as belong to said Society or Congregation, do Certify, that (blank space) do belong to said Society or Congregation, and that they do frequently and usually when able attend with us in our Meetings for religious Worship on the Lord’s Day or first Day of the Week, and we verily believe are of our Persuasion.
Dated Signed A. B., C. D., E. F.; Committee.

And with respect to the Antipedobaptists in the words following, viz. We the Subscribers being chosen a Committee by the Society of the People called Antipedobaptists, who meet together for religious Worship on the Lord’s Day in (blank space) to exhibit a List or Lists of the Names of such Persons as belong to said Society or Congregation, do Certify, that (blank space) do belong to said Society or Congregation, do Certify, that (blank space) do belong to said Society or Congregation, and that they do frequently and usually when able attend with us in our Meetings for religious Worship on the Lord’s Day, and we do verily believe are, with respect to the ordinance of Baptism, of the same religious Sentiments with us.

Dated Signed A. B., C. D., E. F.; Committee.

Which Certificate so signed, the said Committee shall cause to be delivered to the Town, District or Precinct Clerk respectively, where such Person or Persons contained in such List or Lists dwell or have Estates liable to be taxed, on or before the first Day of September Annually; and the Clerk on receiving such Certificate, shall enter the same at large in the Town, District and Precinct Book in his keeping, with the time when the same was delivered to him, and shall deliver an attested Copy of such Certificate and the time when the same was delivered to him, to any Person desiring the same, receiving therefor, four Pence only, which Copy shall be received as Evidence on any Tryal respecting the Taxing the Persons whose Names are contained in said Certificate for any Ministerial Charge or Charges, or for building or repairing any Meeting-House.

10 The following Regiments are now Stationed at Boston, and at Castle-William.—Fourth Battalion of the Royal Regiment of Artillery.—Fourth (or King’s own) Regiment.—Fifth Regiment.—Tenth Regiment.—Eighteenth (or royal Irish) Regiment. Twenty-Third-Regiment, Or royal Welch Fusileers.—Thirty-Eighty Regiment.—Forty-Third Regiment.—Forty Seventh Regiment.—Fifty Second Regiment.—Fifty Ninth Regiment.—Sixty Fourth Regiment.—Sixty Fifth Regiment.—We have also the following large Ships of War,–Preston, of 50 Guns. Somerset, of 68. Asia, of 64. Boyne, of 64: Besides a number of smaller Ships and other armed Vessels; together with the Transports which have been employed to bring Troops to this unhappy Metropolis.–

11 See the Pennsylvania Instructions to their Representatives.

12 Proceedings of the American Congress, P. 2.

13 Essay on the constitutional Power of Great-Britain over the Colonies in America.

14 See the Address of the Provincial Congress, presented to the several Ministers of the Gospel in this Province.

15 Some evil minded persons, have wickedly insinuated, that the Committee, with whom the donations are entrusted, and by whom they are distributed to such as stand in need, take pay for their trouble, or they would never devote so great a part of their time to the service.—This insinuation is equally false and malicious.—Those respectable Gentlemen have indeed the thanks of the public, and the blessing of many ready to perish; besides which they neither have nor wish for any reward—is it not base and cruel then, to insinuate, as some have done, that they pay themselves out of the charities which were designed for the immediate sufferers.
But some people have a scurvy trick of lying, to support a certain interest, and if possible injure those who are most faithful and unwearied in the service of their country.—But great is truth, and it will prevail.

16 Essay on the constitutional power of Great-Britain over the colonies in America, p. 52.

17 See the Note in the same Essay, pp. 56, 57.

18 Mr. Nugent’s Speech.

19 Which is to be interpreted, let Boston be demolished. The sage advice of Mr. Van a member of the late parliament.

20 Essay on the constitutional power of Great-Britain &c. p. 61.

21 “The authority of Parliament, has, within these few years, been a question much agitated; and great difficulty, we understand, has occurred, in tracing the line between the rights of the mother country, and those of the colonies. The modern doctrine of the former is truly remarkable; for though it points out, what are not our rights, yet we can never learn from it, what are our rights. As for example—Great-Britain claims a right to take away nine-tenths of our estates—have we a right to the remaining tenth? No.—To say we have, is a “traitorous position”, denying her supreme legislative. So far from having property, according to these late found novels, we are ourselves a property”.
See Essay &c. p. 33, 34.

22 See Essay &c. 41. See Locke on Government. Chap. V. “What property have they in that, which another may by right take, when he pleases to himself?” Mr. Pitt’s Speech.

23 The Canada Act has met with some small advocates in these parts, who pretend the roman catholic religion is not established by it; and that nothing more is designed by that part of it which has respect to religion, than a confirmation of what was stipulated by the treaty of peace.—But what say the Grand American Congress to this matter?—“In the session of Parliament last mentioned, an Act was passed, for changing the government of Quebec, by which Act the Roman Catholic religion, instead of being tolerated, as stipulated by the treaty of peace, is established.”

The Earl of Chatham has declared, that by the Canada Act, popery is established: And Lord Lyttleton, in his Letter to the above-mentioned Earl, does not deny that the Roman catholic religion is established in the Province of Quebec, but endeavours to defend the whole Act, without exception.—After having said, “The Canadians are “above one hundred thousand, the English not more than two thousand men, women, and children.” And that the legislature was therefore to consider whether the law and government ought to be adapted to the many or the few,” he goes on, to consider that part of the bill which has respect to religion; and says,–“The best distinction I know between establishment and toleration is, that the greater number has a right to the one, and the lesser to the other. The public maintenance of a clergy is inherent to establishment; at the reformation, therefore, as much of the church estates as were thought necessary for its support were transferred to the protestant church, as by law established. Surely then when the free exercise of the national religion was given to the Canadian nation, it could never b understood that they were to be deprived of their clergy; and if not, a national provision for that clergy follows of course.”’.—What we have here quoted from his Lordship’s Letter, is sufficient to shew, that he not only considered the Canada Act as establishing the Roman catholic religion in that country, but that he supposed the British Legislature, acted a wise and equitable part in so doing.—But his Lordship’s reasoning does not carry with it the fullest conviction.—Suppose, by a strange Jesuitical influence, in some future period, more than one half the inhabitants of Great-Britain should be converted to the Roman catholic religion, would the legislature be bound in duty to establish that religion, and only tolerate Protestants?—It must be so, it seems, if the best distinction between establishment and toleration is, that the greater number has a right to the one, and the lesser to the other.

Wise legislative bodies, will examine the nature and doctrines of a religion, before they favour it with an establishment; If they find the doctrines of any religion are contrary to that the holy Scriptures, and are persuaded that it is, in its nature, unfriendly to the safety and happiness of the community, certainly they will not establish it, although, the greater number, (of the community) may, at present, be fond of it.—

Let us hear what the learned and pious Bishop Burnet has said of Roman Catholics, and their religion.—“It is certain, that as all Papists must, at all times, be ill subjects to a protestant Prince, so that is much more to be apprehended, when there is a pretended Popish heir in the case.”—“learn to view popery in a true light, as a conspiracy to exalt the power of the clergy, even by subjecting the most sacred truths of religion to contrivances for raising their authority, and by offering to the world another method of being saved, besides that prescribed in the gospel.—Popery is a mass of impostures, supported by men, who manage them with great advantages, and impose them with inexpressible severities, on those who dare call anything in question that they dictate to them.”

Bishop Burnet’s History of His Own Times. If the Roman Catholic religion is what the good Bishop has here declared, is it not astonishing, that any Protestant can plead for its establishment! For a British legislature to tolerate such a religion, is as much, one would think, as they could do consistent with their duty to God, and to that constitution of civil government, which they are bound to maintain.—

It may be said a religion is established, where there are laws for the support of it.—Thus is the church of England established in a great part of the British dominions.—Thus are the congregational order and discipline established in this Province, and thus is the roman catholic religion established in Canada.

24 The high Church party says Bishop Burnet, have all along been unfriendly to the government established on revelation principles: They have not been wanting to reproach those who were of moderate sentiments, and abuse the dissenters,–Why? Because moderate church-men and Dissenters in general, have been friends to the rights of mankind, and honest enough to oppose Tyrants in church and state. I would here beg leave to insert a paragraph from a Pamphlet which fell into my hands since this discourse was delivered, called, An address to Protestant Dissenters of all Denominations &c.—“The measures that are now carrying on against the North-American colonies are alone a sufficient indication of the disposition of the court towards you. The pretence for such outrageous proceedings, conducted with such indecent and unjust precipitation, is much too flight to account for them. The true cause of such violent animosity must have existed much earlier and deeper. In short, it can be nothing but the Americans (particularly those of New-England) being chiefly dissenters and whigs. For the whole conduct of the present ministry demonstrates, that what was merit in the two late reigns, is demerit in this. And can you suppose that those who are so violently hostile to the offspring of the English dissenters, should be friendly to the remains of the parent stock? I trust that both you and they will make it appear, that you have not degenerated from the principles and spirit of your illustrious ancestors, and that you are no more to be outwitted or overawed than they were.”

25 Much to our purpose is the following extract from Doctor Pettingal’s celebrated Enquiry into the use and practice of Juries among the Greeks and Romans.

“The privilege that every Englishman enjoys of having his person and property so far secured, that no injury, under pretence of law can be done to one or the other, but by the consent and approbation of twelve men of his own rank, is the greatest happiness that can belong to a subject, and the most valuable blessing that can attend society; for by this means the poor stands in no fear of oppression from his governor or powerful neighbour; and the hands of the great are tied up from disturbing the public by making inroads upon the ease and property of individuals below them.—So that the powers of each, in their respective stations, are hereby happily directed to carry on one and the same end, the peace, order, and good government of the whole.”

In another place the same great Man writes,–“The trial by Jury was founded on liberty, and contrived both in the Grecian and Roman polity, as a guard and protection of the lower people, against the power and arbitrary judgments of their superiors.”—And again, “Civil liberty, being thus, both in Greece and Rome, founded in equality, that is, a joint power and participation of enacting and executing laws, we hence see the reason why the trial by our equals, the legale judicium parium suorum, makes so great a figure in the character of English liberties; for while we are bound by no laws but those we consent to, and suffer no judgment under those laws but by the approbation of honest men of our own rank and condition, who have no interest in injustice, but an expectation of the same candor and integrity in us upon some other occasions, where perhaps we may be a jury on them or their affairs, there is no danger of being ruined and undone by arbitrary laws, or oppressed by the partial determination of a corrupt Judge. This was the liberty and happiness that arose from the equality which was the foundation of the Greek and Roman constitution, and is the very spirit and life of our own.”—p. 8. In Preface, I. 25, & 26, in the Enquiry.–

26 Lamentations Chap. I. I.

27 The damages arising from the execution of the Port Act are immense: Supposing 30000 people suffer the loss of 1S sterling per day, one with another; which I believe will be judged far short of what is real, considering the destruction of Trade,–the multitudes flung into idleness,–the useless condition of shipping, Wharfs, Stores, Ware-Houses &c. And the damages the last Six months will be 270000 pounds Sterling.

28 See the address of the American Congress to the People of Great-Britain.

29 See the recommendation from the Provincial Congress for a day of thanksgiving.

Sermon – Ordination – 1773


Naphtali Daggett (1727-1780) graduated from Yale in 1748. He was a pastor of a church in Long Island (1751-1756), professor of divinity at Yale (1756-1780), and president pro tempore at Yale (1766-1777). Daggett was taken prisoner in 1779 after personally taking part in fighting the British. He preached the following sermon in Boston on May 19, 1773.


sermon-ordination-1773

 

The Testimony of Conscience a most Solid Foundation of Rejoicing

A

SERMON

PREACHED AT THE

ORDINATION

OF THE

Rev. Joseph Howe,

To the Pastoral Care of the New-South Church in Boston, May 19th, 1773.

By the Rev. Naphtali Daggett, A. M.
President of Yale College in New-Haven, and
Professor of Divinity in the same.

To which is added,

The CHARGE by the Rev. Aaron Brown, and the RIGHT HAND
Of FELLOWSHIP by the Rev. Dr. Chauncy.

Printed at the Desire of the Church.

Herein do I exercise myself to keep a Conscience void of Offence, both towards God and towards Man.

St. PAUL.

My Integrity I hold fast, and will not let it go: My Heart shall not reproach me as long as I live.
JOB.

The Testimony of Conscience a most solid Foundation of Rejoicing under all Circumstances of Life.

II COR. I. 12.

For our Rejoicing is this, the Testimony of our Conscience, that in Simplicity and godly Sincerity, not with fleshly Wisdom, but by the Grace of God we have had our Conversation in the World, and more abundantly to you-wards.

The Apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ had a very arduous and trying service enjoined them.—They were required to go forth into all the world, and teach all nations the Christian religion in direct opposition to the numerous, deep-rooted prejudices, corruptions and false religions then established upon earth; and to insist upon it, that all, who heard them, should believe in, trust and submit to One, as their God and Saviour, who had been lately executed in the ignominious character of a malefactor by his own nation, the Jews.

It was easy to foresee, that in the execution of this their commission they would necessarily meet with the most virulent opposition and persecution from an ignorant, degenerated, prejudiced world, who had slain their Lord and Master with wicked hands. And he had indeed clearly assured them before hand of this event; that they would be hated and persecuted of all men for his sake.

They had neither learning, civil or ecclesiastical power, nor the encouragement of the great ones of the earth to befriend their undertaking. On the contrary, all these were firmly and inveterately leagued against them, with Satan, the prince of the powers of the air, as their head and leader, who had long indulged the most implacable spite against the seed of the woman. Under these discouraging circumstances, it must have been the most extravagant, romantic enterprise ever attempted by mad-men, to set out upon the design of Christianizing the world, unless they had been absolutely certain of the truth of their doctrine, their mission from God, and his unfailing promise of assistance and success.

But God doubtless chose this chose this method for bringing the world to the Christian faith; that it might most evidently appear to after ages to have been effected, not by might, by worldly power and wisdom; but by the spirit of the Lord. So that the surprising success and progress of the gospel under all those unfavourable and forbidding circumstances might be a lasting evidence of its divine original, while at the same time 1 “the foolishness of God is hereby demonstrated to be wiser than man; and the weakness of God to be stronger than man.” The apostles in first propagating the gospel had nothing to support them but the evidence of truth, the God-like grandeur and dignity of their doctrines, the holiness of their lives, and those incontestable miracles which they were enabled to work in confirmation of their divine mission, together with the promised influences of the Holy Spirit upon the minds and hearts of men. By these they made their way surprisingly through all imaginable opposition, converting great multitudes to the Christian faith; yet not without meeting with the most cruel persecutions, reproaches, scourging, imprisonment and death itself; which sufficiently evidenced, how opposite the world was to embracing the religion of Jesus. And while multitudes died martyrs in the cause, still the cause lived, and gained ground, according to the prediction of Gamaliel,– 2 “If it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it.”

The apostle in this chapter mentions some of the tribulations, distresses and trials they had to undergo for the sake of the gospel. “The sufferings of Christ, says he, i. e. sufferings in some measure resembling his, abound in us:–For we would not, brethren, have you ignorant of our trouble which came to us in Asia, that we were pressed out of measure, above strength, insomuch that we despaired even of life.” In another place in this epistle he gives a more particular, but summary account of his sufferings;– 3 “In stripes above measure, in prisons more frequent, in deaths oft. Of the Jews five times received I forty stripes, save one. Thrice was I beaten with rods, once was I stoned, thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a day I have been in the deep, in journeying often, in perils of water, in perils of robbers, in perils by mine own countrymen, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils in the sea, in perils among false brethren; in weariness and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, in cold and nakedness.”

And yet amidst all their arduous labours, their severe trials and sufferings, we see the apostles were comfortably supported, and went on cheerfully in the work, in which they were engaged, notwithstanding all the ungrateful abuses, reproaches and ill treatment they met with from the world. They had no worldly honours, or secular advantages in view; no inviting prospects of an earthly nature to invite and animate them. It is therefore evident, they must have had supernatural assistance and support, which not only kept up their courage and resolution, but raised them superior to all difficulties, and made them even rejoice in tribulations. One important article of this divine support the apostle mentions in the text: For our rejoicing is this, the testimony of our conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, &c. an inward consciousness of our integrity in the sight of God, with a confident reliance on his promise for success, and the glorious rewards of another world to crown our labours. The words suggest this doctrine:–

Doc. That the testimony of conscience in our favour is the most solid foundation of rejoicing under all circumstances in life.

The explanation of the text, if it needs any, will naturally come in, while we consider—What the testimony of conscience is:–What is requisite to its being in our favour:–And why it is the most solid foundation of rejoicing under all circumstances in life.

I. We may consider, what this testimony of conscience is:–Conscience, considered as a faculty, is nothing but our reason exercised in judging of the lawfulness or unlawfulness of our actions, compared with the divine law, the rule of duty. By this reason, which God hath given us, we judge of the truth and evidences of divine revelation, and search out the meaning of it. By this, under the assistance of the Holy Spirit, we examine into the nature, the tenour, and conditions of the gospel, the requirements of it, and the terms of salvation therein revealed. This is necessarily supposed in all the commands and directions given us, to search the scriptures:–To examine, try and prove ourselves, whether we be in the faith?—Whether we be the sons of God, or the children of disobedience. This supposes us able to understand the rule of trial, and to have a capacity of comparing ourselves, or our true character, in order to judge of our conformity to the rule.

Accordingly we find, that we have an immediate consciousness of what passes within us: Not only what our actions are; but what our dispositions, views and governing motives to action. The testimony of conscience then is the inward witness of our spirit to the sincerity and uprightness of our hearts before God, when compared with his laws, and the qualifications necessary to salvation required in the gospel. The testimony of conscience is that reflex act of the mind whereby we judge of the moral goodness or evil of our actions and dispositions, or of the goodness of our state, according to the prescribed rule of judging. Agreeable hereto the apostle says of the heathen,– 4 “Their conscience also bearing witness, and their thoughts the mean while either accusing, or else excusing one another.” And elsewhere,– 5 “if our heart condemn us not, then have we confidence towards God.” We read in scripture of a good conscience, and of an evil conscience. The latter intends a guilty, accusing conscience; the former means directly the reverse of this. The apostle in the text intends the testimony of a good conscience, as this only can be a just foundation for rejoicing. We are likewise to understand him to mean a well-regulated, and duly enlightened conscience: For although the testimony of an erroneous conscience in our favour will necessarily be attended with joy; yet this is only the joy of the hypocrite, that will perish.—Such a misguided conscience is so far from being a just and solid foundation for rejoicing, that ‘tis one of the most awful judgments.

In a word, the testimony of conscience intended in the text, is the inward approbation and witness of our heart, that we have sincerely complied with the offers of the gospel; have truly devoted ourselves to God and his service through Jesus Christ; and in consequence hereof do habitually and prevailingly endeavour to have our whole conversation such as becomes the gospel, in simplicity and godly sincerity.

But do not many enjoy the pleasure of this self-approbation, while in truth and reality they have no solid foundation for rejoicing? Does not the ignorant, conceited Deist feel very comfortably elated in thinking, that by a superior greatness of genius and rare discernment, he has been enabled to soar above he vulgar errors and prejudices of those weak souls, who perceive their need of a revelation from the Father of Lights; and are hence induced to believe, “that God at sundry times, and in divers manners spake to the fathers by the prophets, and to us in these last days by his Son;” and so are credulous enough to believe the bible to be the word of God? while he is conscious to himself that he hath most uprightly followed that sure unerring guide, the dictates of human reason, not only in those social virtues, which he may have occasionally practiced; but also in those more manly freedoms, which the contracted Decalogue unpolitely forbids?

Does not the self-righteous legalist feel extremely satisfied to think he hath been so upright, so sincere, practiced so many virtues, done so many good deeds to mankind, and performed so many acts of piety and devotion towards God, that he cannot imagine the best of beings will be so severely incomplaisant, as to mark against him the few slips and sins he may have been guilty of through inadvertency, or some unhappy inclination of nature?

Does not the affectedly humble, but really proud enthusiast exult with exceeding joy, while he pleasingly fancies himself indulged in the greatest familiarities with the Supreme Being, as one of his most distinguished favourites;–is caught up into the third heavens in the multiplicity of his revelations, and seems to hear from the throne of the Majesty on high such transporting declarations as these, in the very language of scripture,–“O, man, greatly beloved of God:–Son, be of good cheer, thy sins are forgiven thee?”—No doubt these and many other instances of groundless, delusive joy do, and will, take place in the hearts of men, notwithstanding the clearest external teachings and instructions heaven can give. Nor can we rely on anything, but sovereign grace, to secure us from being the unhappy subjects of these fatal delusions. The consideration of which may very justly excite us to have our eyes to the Father of Lights to direct us in judging impartially of ourselves, and in making a due application of the truth, while we consider,

II. What is really requisite to the testimony of conscience being in our favour. It is very plain, negatively, that it is not requisite, that it should bear testimony to our perfect innocence. This is impossible in this state of sin and great imperfection. The conscience of the holiest saint on earth must testify against him, that he hath sinned and come short of the glory of God: That he is in himself a guilty sinner; and that if God should mark iniquity against him, he could not stand:–That he hath been greatly deficient in every duty, and chargeable with continual criminal imperfections in all the holiest services he hath ever performed. The apostle very freely acknowledged he had not already attained what he was aiming at, neither was yet perfect; so that when he had a prevailing disposition to do good, evil was still present with him. Under a deep, affecting sense of this he sighed forth that heavy complaint, O wretched man that I am!

But then the apostle tells us positively, in the text, what was the matter or substance of the testimony which conscience bore in their favour, viz. that in simplicity and godly sincerity they had their conversation in the world.

Now the truth and reality of this is the grand requisite to conscience bearing testimony for us, so that it may be a just and solid foundation of rejoicing to us. I will therefore only briefly consider, what is necessarily comprised in this testimony, as

I. A consciousness that we have sincerely devoted and dedicated ourselves to God through Christ, according to the call and demand of the gospel.

Our hearts must testify this, that we have truly given ourselves up to the Lord and his service, with an hearty desire of glorifying him in such business and employments as Providence shall point out to be our duty. That we have at least a prevailing hope of what the apostle was so well assured of respecting himself, when he says, “I know whom I have believed.” Conscience must give some comfortable evidence to us, that we have really complied with the call of the gospel, have received, and humbly submitted to Christ, as our king to reign over us, as his willing and loyal subjects.

II. That we have faithfully endeavoured to do the work and business which he hath assigned us.

Let our calling be what it will, faithful, vigorous activity and diligence therein is our indispensable duty. And if we do not labour industriously in the service of our Lord, instead of having the testimony of conscience in our favour, it will condemn us, as wicked and slothful servants. If we be called to the sacred work of the ministry, we must “do the work of an Evangelist.” Assiduous labour and vigilance, and that not of the easiest kind, is most plainly assigned to ministers of the gospel. This is evidently required in their character of labourers and soldiers &c. and it is needless to mention how repeatedly and solemnly this is enjoined upon them in the word of God, or to enumerate the various articles of service and labour allotted to them. Nor can slothfulness and idleness in any case be followed with more fatally dreadful consequences than in this. Most applicable to this is what was said by the prophet concerning another work, 6“cursed be he that doth the work of the Lord deceitfully.” How frequently do we find this apostle making mention of his, and his fellow-labourers striving and laboring, even night and day with the greatest ardour and diligence in the work of the ministry? 7 “Whom we preach (meaning Christ) warning every man, and teaching every man, in all wisdom, that we may present every man perfect in Christ Jesus. Whereunto I also labour, striving according to his working, which worketh in me mightily.” The apostles being able to make these and such-like declarations with truth, was what laid a solid foundation for his rejoicing: And we must be able to say the same, if we would share in, and be partakers of that noble joy.

III. A consciousness that we have been incited and influenced by a right principle of action in our conversation.

By the principle of action here I would be understood to mean that temper of mind, or disposition of foul, whereby a person hath been inclined to that course of actions which he hath performed in the world. ‘Tis exceeding manifest, that persons may be influenced to the same visible conduct, or materially good actions from very different springs or principles at heart. The apostle therefore observes, in the text, that their conscience bore testimony with regard to this, that their conversation in the world had proceeded from a principle of godly sincerity, or the grace of God, in opposition to fleshly or carnal wisdom. They had been powerfully inclined to devote themselves to the service of God in the gospel-ministry by the grace of God ruling in their hearts.

If we be induced to action merely from a natural principle of self-love, without a supreme regard for God, his honour and glory, we have not that godly sincerity mentioned in the text. The apostle could say, “We preach not ourselves, but Christ Jesus the Lord; and ourselves your servants for Jesus’ sake.” He may be justly considered as explaining what he means by the grace of God, or godly sincerity in the test, where he tells us in this same epistle, “That the love of Christ constrained them” to their ministerial labours. It was by a supernatural principle of divine grace implanted in their hearts by the spirit of God, that they were irresistibly borne along and carried forward in the service of God; so that while this reigned in their hearts, no obstacles could stop them in their course.

Natural sincerity is, when a person acts from the impulse of mere natural principles, or a regard merely to self-interest, in what he does. Godly sincerity is, when the love of God bears sway, as the ruling spring of action in the soul.

The apostle elsewhere speaks of the wisdom of the flesh, and the wisdom of the spirit; and of that wisdom which is from above, and that which is from beneath, as different or opposite principles of action. And the testimony of conscience can be of no avail to us, unless it witnesses by an inward consciousness, that we are actuated by the wisdom of the spirit, or by a gracious disposition wrought in our hearts by the spirit of God.

IV. That we have fixed upon, aimed at, and pursued a right end in what we have done in the world.

This hath an essential influence in determining the quality of our actions. If our highest, ultimate end be wrong, our conduct, completely viewed, cannot be right, or meet with the divine approbation. Could we suppose the apostles to have been inspired, and have performed all their extraordinary labours and services for any lower end, than the honour and glory of God, the testimony of their conscience would have been essentially defective. But their conscience witnessed for them, that they had behaved with simplicity in the world: That their grand, governing end and design was such, as was naturally indicated by their actions. “Their eye was single.” The word simplicity, in the original, seems to be nearly of the same signification with sincerity. It denotes an uprightness of intention and design, in opposition to hypocrisy, or acting under a disguise: In which case a person’s real end is different from that which he professes, or makes a shew of: When his profession or actions naturally indicate a certain end to be aimed at by him, while he really hath a different one in view. The meaning of the word simplicity, above-given, is agreeable to the etymology of it, and the sense in which it is frequently used in the new testament, as in Romans xii. 8. “Let him that giveth, do it with simplicity;” with an upright intention, and not with any such low, selfish end, as that of being seen of men. Eph. vi. 5. “Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh, with singleness of heart, as unto Christ.” The apostles plainly professed, both by words and actions, that they aimed not at any thing this world could bestow, but at the highest and noblest end in the extraordinary services they undertook. This was the tenour of their declarations: “We seek not yours, but you.”-—“For whether we be beside ourselves, it is to God; or whether we be sober it is for your cause.”-—“For we which live are always delivered unto death for Jesus’ sake.” 8 “Therefore I take pleasure in infirmities, in reproaches, in necessities, in persecutions, in distresses for Christ’s sake.” This being their profession, they must have had an ultimate view to God and his glory, and a disinterested regard to the good of mankind, in order to support the truth of this testimony, that they had their conversation in simplicity. Godly sincerity requires and implies a supreme regard to God as our last end. 9 “For whether we live, we live unto the Lord, or whether we die, we die unto the Lord.” Whatever regard we may lawfully have for our own honour, ease or interest, these must not be uppermost in the view of our minds; but all subordinated to God, and his honour. This is a most material thing, when we come to view ourselves in the sight of God, and under his omniscient eye, who searcheth the heart, and most perfectly views all the springs of action in us, all our motives and designs. It is plainly of the last importance, that a well regulated conscience be able to testify to our sincerity in this respect.

I am not insensible how difficult it is for us, in this imperfect state of blindness and self-partiality, clearly to know our deceitful hearts in this matter, nor of the danger we are in of drawing up a wrong judgment in our own favour, which should make us exercise the greatest care and caution, while we examine ourselves by attending to the workings of our hearts, and comparing them with the tenour and habitual course of our conduct, enquiring what we are enabled to do for God, and how far we can readily deny ourselves for his sake, and give up, and sacrifice our interest to his honour and interest. And yet I am fully persuaded, that those, whose hearts are right with God, and found in his statutes; who daily exercise themselves to keep consciences void of offence towards God and towards man, may, by due attention and careful self-examination, upon solid evidence, obtain a comfortable, satisfactory testimony of conscience in their favour, and be able to appeal to God, with humble modesty, “Thou knowest that I am not wicked,” i.e. allowedly so.

V. That we have, according to the best of our knowledge and skill, used the proper means for attaining this best end. Conscience must be able to testify, that we have not regulated our conversation by the principles and maxims of fleshly wisdom. Fleshly wisdom is that craft or policy whereby the men of this world govern their conduct in order to attain their ends. And as they are prevailingly determined by a regard to their own gratification, they will not ordinarily stick at the greatest unlawfulness of the means they use, provided they can judge them most subservient and conducive to their purpose.

This was not the manner of the apostles conduct: Nor did they govern themselves by these rules of prudence. They were harmless and blameless, as the sons of God, without rebuke: Yet very far from being supinely inactive. They were vigilant and attentive; sagacious to espy dangers, cautious not to create them needlessly, and wary to escape them. Their prudence consisted much in giving no just occasion of offence to Jew or Gentile: In performing every innocently-winning office of goodness and condescension, without meanly seeking applause of men. They were discrete and wise: But then their wisdom was not only consistent with, but greatly consisted in, the innocence of the dove. They were harmless as sheep in the midst of wolves;–yet not cowardly timorous.—They were bold as lions, when the honour of God and the Redeemer, the cause of truth and pure religion was endangered: Nor did they, when called to action, shun to expose themselves to the most formidable dangers in defence of it. They would not comply with an unlawful measure, to conciliate the favour of monarchs and the whole world, or extricate themselves out of the greatest difficulties and dangers. They would not neglect a plain, known duty, or shun to declare the whole counsel of God, even the most obnoxious, offensive truths, that were profitable, and that before kings, in order to avoid the severest persecution. For it was their governing maxim, to obey God rather than man, when their commands clashed with each other. When the Holy Ghost assured them, that bonds and imprisonments awaited them in every city, and the affectionate, kind entreaties of Christian friends urged them hard not to expose themselves to the threatened dangers, though they could not indeed be unaffected with the expressions of their kindness, they felt it deeply, almost to the breaking of their hearts; but still a deeper sense of duty and obligation to their divine Redeemer supported their resolution undaunted, as we have it expressed with inimitable beauty, and the liveliest sensibility in such language as this, “What mean ye to weep and break my heart? For I am ready not only to be bound, but also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus.”

There was a just and noble simplicity in their conduct in this respect; that they would not descend to mingle carnal measures, and crafty devices of their own invention, with the means which God had directed them to use. They kept strait and close to the line of truth. Thus they express themselves; 10 “We can do nothing against the truth, but for the truth.”-—“We have not followed cunningly devised fables, when we made known unto you the power and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.” They had no party to espouse, besides that which Christ had made himself the head of, who came to bear witness to the truth. They had no little party designs or interest to serve; were not therefore necessitated to deal in ecclesiastical intrigues and politics. 11 “They renounced the hidden things of dishonesty; not walking in craftiness, nor handling the word of God deceitfully; but by manifestation of the truth commending themselves to every man’s conscience in the fight of God.” They were not indifferent about the great distinguishing truths of the gospel; nor did their Catholicism consist in (what some have since valued themselves upon) regarding the treating almost all the doctrines of the gospel, as indifferent points of speculation. They boldly and fairly oppose all false religion, and all corruptions of the Christian doctrine by blending error with the truth. This condescending apostle, who was willing to become all things to all men, in matters of mere indifference, did not scruple to anathematize an angel from heaven, that should dare to advance any other, i.e. contrary, doctrine to what he had preached, as knowing that he had received his from the unerring spirit of truth. 12 Those who advanced pernicious errors in doctrine, subversive of, or highly prejudicial to, the gospel-scheme and plan of salvation, or favouring licentious practices, they openly and boldly declared to be enemies to the cross of Christ. But then they practiced no little fly craft, no low, under-hand measures to blacken the character of their enemies needlessly.—They willingly left the honour of such low dealing to their enemies, who did not fail to practice it very freely, as many since have done, who will scarcely allow common sense to those who differ a little from them in some immaterial points, not unfrequently characterizing them for fools and dunces. Or if they oppose any of their peculiar, darling whims, or more hurtful errors, they will be sure, either by fly insinuations, or confident majesterial assertions, to endeavour to stigmatize them with the frightful, ambiguous name of heretics, or the still more unmeaning epithet of contracted bigots. I know it is good to be zealously affected always in a good thing; nor is it surely any evidence of meanness or malevolence to contend earnestly for the faith once delivered to the saints with the meekness of wisdom, and with that zealous boldness, which the high importance of sacred truth justly requires, in opposition to all those adversaries, who endeavour to corrupt or pervert the gospel of Christ. All that I mean to condemn is, the using sly, crafty, ill natured artifices in support of what we deem to be the cause of Christ, which cause always disdains such ill chosen and unfriendly assistance. It rests securely on the open, honest evidence of truth: It never deigns to call in, or ever thinks it can be served by, any aid that wickedness can afford it. It may not be improper to observe here, those who are engaged on the side of error are by much the most likely, in their straits, to have recourse to such an impolitic, wicked refuge, like Saul to the witch of Endor, when God had departed from him.

All these practices are intirely inconsistent with that simplicity and godly sincerity, on which the apostles justly valued themselves.

However good therefore our cause may be, we must be ware that we do not take undue methods for the support of it; but trust it with God, in the use of those means which he hath prescribed. The cause of God, in which the salvation of souls is concerned, may not, cannot be maintained or served by craft, carnal policy, or any measures not consistent with the strictest truth, justice and goodness. And if by a close, prudent adherence to these we cannot obtain the desired success, or accomplish what we sincerely aimed at, yet we shall have the testimony of a good conscience, if it witness for us, that we have used all lawful and proper means for attaining the end. Not the greatness of success; but the sincerity of our intentions, and the suitableness of the measures used are the grand articles requisite to be attested by conscience.

III. I proceed to consider why or how this testimony of conscience is the most solid foundation of rejoicing under all circumstances of life.

Not because it implies, that we have done the whole of our duty. No, there will still be an humbling consciousness of many criminal defects and neglects of duty, which will effectually exclude all boasting or glorying in ourselves, under any such notion as this, that we have hereby in the least merited the favour or approbation of God. A deep sense of guilt will stop the mouth, and lay the holiest saint on earth low before God. His rejoicing therefore will not be in himself, but in the Lord, in his sovereign abounding mercy through Christ. And yet this testimony of conscience will afford as many just reasons for rejoicing, as,

I. That we have in any good measure, or only in some small degree acted up to our character and obligations.

Our being entirely indebted to rich grace, for any good we may have been enabled to do, doth not at all exclude a real, just self-approbation, wherein we have in any measure complied with the will of God, and performed our duty. Perfectly consistent are these several declarations of this great apostle Paul;–“By the grace of God I am, what I am.—I labored more abundantly than they all; yet not I, but the grace of God which was with me.” And yet this is my rejoicing, the testimony of my conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, &c. I have had my conversation in the world.”

While we ascribe to God the whole praise of whatever good he hath been pleased to bestow upon us, or enabled us by his grace to do, there is just room to feel a humble, self-complacency in being what God hath made us, although the more we are enabled to do for him, and act up to our character, the more we are indebted to him.

II. ‘Tis just cause of rejoicing, that we have been instrumental of doing any good to mankind.

It is an high honour to be faithful servants to our generation.

The apostle Paul magnified his office, while at the same time he declared himself a debtor to the Greeks and Barbarians, to the wise and the unwise:–And that a necessity was laid upon him to preach the gospel. “It is more blessed to give than to receive;” to communicate good to others, than to receive it from them, however indisposed our selfish hearts may be to relish this blessedness. The ever blessed God delights in thus communicating good: And an imitation of him herein affords a pleasing gratification to a benevolent heart, and yields the soul a sublime, refined joy and pleasure. If we have the same mind in us, which was also in Christ; if we have that law of kindness written on our hearts, requiring and disposing us to love our neighbour as ourselves, we cannot fail of feeling a sensible joy in the thought of having contributed to the promoting their happiness.

III. This testimony of conscience is just cause of rejoicing, as it assures us of our having been designed active in advancing the glory of God and the Redeemer.

The infinite blessedness of God renders it impossible for us to be really profitable to him; yet we may be said in some proper sense to honour and glorify him by serving him: And he condescends to represent himself as honoured by the willing, faithful services of his creatures. It is, it will forever be, the inseparable effect of love to make us rejoice and take delight in pleasing and honouring the object of it. Gratitude for the infinite blessings of redemption by Christ will necessarily make the creature’s heart rejoice in thinking he hath contributed his mite in displaying the honour of the Redeemer, and the glory of God’s grace:–That he hath herein been a worker together with God; and is unto him a sweet savour of Christ in them that are saved, and in them that perish.

IV. As it furnishes us with a comfortable refutation of the reproaches and calumnies that may be cast upon us.

To be suspected, vilified and reproached, and injuriously robbed of that good name, which is as precious ointment, hath something in it very painfully grating to human nature. There is likewise something tenderly affecting in the thought of the injuriousness of this conduct, especially when it springs from, and has base ingratitude mingled with it. Innocence however, like a brazen wall of defence, affords a comfortable shelter, a mighty support under such attacks of ignorance or malice; enables the soul to rise superior to them, and to esteem it comparatively a little thing to be judged by man’s judgment, while he can appeal to the Searcher of Hearts, as the Judge of his integrity, assured that he will bring forth his judgment as the light, and his righteousness as the noon-day.

But just reproaches, the echo of the voice of conscience, sting and cut to the quick, when they come keenly edged with conscious guilt; which will often be our mortifying situation, if we have not the testimony of conscience to our simplicity and godly sincerity.

But a well-grounded testimony of conscience in our favour appears a matter of still infinitely greater importance, when we consider it.

V. In connection with the divine approbation, and as giving assurance of final acceptance with him.

In this view of it the mind cannot conceive of any equally just foundation for rejoicing. This makes heaven:–This must give joy unspeakable and full of glory.—Let us pause a moment, my brethren, and consider what an importantly critical situation we are in this moment, while probationers for eternity, I mean in this life, which is but a moment. We stand, as it were, in the middle between Heaven and Hell, this moment of life determines the event, and consigns us over to the one or the other for eternity. The favour and approbation of the Almighty is life and endless felicity: His frowns and displeasure are death and hell. Imagination cannot suggest any real good, any thing possibly desirable for us, but it is all fully comprehended in final acceptance with God.—When therefore we anticipate in our thoughts the decisive sentence to be very shortly given from the tribunal of Christ, with assurance from the testimony of conscience, that we shall be able in that solemn day to give up our account with joy and not with grief, it is impossible not to feel ourselves supported by the most solid foundation of rejoicing, a foundation as firm and solid, as the immutable rock of ages. The rejoicing that can spring from any other consideration, of riches, honour, and all the enjoyments of time and sense, will bear no more comparison with this, than a moment’s laughter of the fool with the endless, ever-fresh, unsatiating joys of Paradise, and those deep rivers of pleasure, which flow perpetual at God’s right hand. With the utmost reason then did the apostles make this the matter of their rejoicing, even a consciousness of their simplicity and godly sincerity.

APPLICATION.
The considerations which have been suggested may justly excite in us all the greatest solicitude now to lay well this foundation of rejoicing, and secure it for our own.

The present state, though very wisely calculated for a state of probation, is far from yielding uninterrupted joy and pleasure. We cannot travel long on earth, under the most promising circumstances, before we shall descend into some Bokim, a vale of tears; and very often are but just ascended from one to higher ground and fairer prospects, before we are obliged to descend again into another, which we must wade through in grief and sorrow, with the wearisome, lonely steps of pilgrims. Under these dark, solitary scenes, when the joy of our heart is ceased; when the fig-tree blossoms not, nor creation wears a smile, to what shall we betake ourselves for rest and consolation? The whole creation cannot give it.—Happy then, if we can find solid cause of rejoicing in the testimony of our conscience: This will give peace and joy; not as the world giveth: Will enable us to rejoice in the Lord, and joy in the God of our salvation, yea, even to rejoice in tribulations. Or, if we suppose the best that possibly can be supposed relative to the present state, that we may live many days and rejoice in them all; yet let us remember the days of darkness, for they will be many. All that cometh is vanity. For what is our life! It is even a transient vapour, which appeareth a little while, and then vanisheth away. When therefore our declining sun is just setting, and we are got into the dusky, lonely evening of life; or when any other indubitable symptoms declare death to be just entering our doors, to what shall we then have recourse for support or consolation? Will all the past pleasures or enjoyments of the world afford us any relief? ‘Tis impossible; for they are annihilated;–they are not. Will any future expectations from earth come in to our aid, when we shall stand in the most pressing need of it? Alas! we cannot reach them: They are absolutely cut off by the supposition, and flee away before us. Will the kindest assistance of friends be of any avail to us? No; we are in the very article of biding a lasting adieu to them, our dying hands withdrawing from theirs. Nothing therefore will be able to administer any relief, or solid rejoicing, or even tolerable support, but that testimony of conscience which assures us of the divine favour, “That when our heart and strength shall fail, God will be the strength of our heart, and our portion for ever.”

At these solemn seasons, and indeed through the whole of life, this testimony of conscience will be of infinite importance to all, whatever their rank, condition or employment may be. But when we consider the words of our text, as coming from the mouth of a minister of Jesus Christ, under inspiration, with a particular application to himself and his brethren in the ministry, they seem in a special manner to demand the most serious attention of those who sustain that sacred character.

Permit me then, my reverend fathers and brethren in the ministry, with all humility and freedom, to address to you and to myself the hints that have been offered on the subject.

Such a solemnity as this before us cannot but impress our minds afresh with a sense of the very sacred obligations we laid ourselves under to God, when we devoted ourselves to his service in the gospel ministry. And it highly concerns us at such a time to review our past conduct with the strictest impartiality, as in the awful presence of him who searches our hearts, and enquire how we have acted up to these obligations: And to enter into ourselves, and examine, whether conscience testifies for us, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace of God, we have hitherto had our conversation in the world?—Have our prevailing motives and principles of action been such, as will meet with the divine approbation?—Have we made God, his interest and glory, the highest end of our ministerial labours, while at the same time we have been prompted and constrained to faithfulness by a benevolent solicitude for the souls committed to our charge?

For our quickening to industry and diligence in the work of the Lord, let us consider, that we may well afford to be active and laborious therein. We have not such an hard, trying service, in many respects, assigned to us, as was laid on the apostles and primitive ministers of Christ. Instead of the want of all things, hunger and nakedness, which they were called to endure, we are comfortably supported, have a competency, if not an affluence, of worldly good. Instead of that infamy, reproach and contempt, with which they were loaded, we are kindly treated with all the esteem and honour we deserve (and sometimes more) by the world around us, except some few profligate sons of Belial, in whose power it is not to honour us so much any other way, as by their spiteful reproaches, thereby giving a lively specimen of the ancient enmity put between the woman’s seed and the seed of the serpent: At the same time they treat us full as respectfully as they do their Maker. It must then be most criminal ingratitude in us to be slothful in our business, while we are serving the Lord, who hath made our work so much easier than was that of the apostles. Not but that we have toil and labour enough, with many sinking discouragements, and exercising scenes to pass through, in the faithful discharge of our trust. But let none of these things move us, any otherwise than only to animate us to labour and strive, that we may obtain the rejoicing testimony of conscience. And let us daily bear in mind the solemn, closing scene, when we must give up an account of our stewardship, and be no longer stewards; when our departure shall be at hand, and we shall be ready to be offered up. When it shall be at hand, did I say? It is at hand now, even with the youngest of us; for the time is short. And with respect to some of us the shadows of evening, already arrived, are extended long from the hoary head, and remind us, that our sun is just setting. May we all be faithful to the death; and while we live, have the testimony of our conscience for our rejoicing, as a sure earnest of a crown of glory to be bestowed upon us at the last day.

But I must briefly address myself more particularly to this our younger brother, who is now to be solemnly set apart to the work and service of the sanctuary.

Dear Sir,

The solemn hour is now come, in which you are publicly to devote yourself, and be consecrated, to the noble, arduous work of the gospel-ministry, and take upon yourself one of the weightiest trusts ever committed to a mortal. You are about to inlist under the Captain of our salvation, as a fellow-soldier with the apostles, a fellow-servant with angels, who are ministering spirits to the church; yea, as a worker together with God himself, for the grand purpose of accomplishing the designs of redeeming mercy towards your fellow-sinners. Doth not the weight of the charge make your heart tremble, and constrain you to look up by faith and fervent prayer to God through Christ for that grace, which alone can make you an able and faithful minister of the new testament? Both duty and affection incline me to say a few words to you on this solemn, joyful occasion. I trust you have weighed well the importance of your undertaking, and often seriously considered the great necessity of those being truly and experimentally religious, whose business and profession engages them to spend their lives in making others so. let it then be your first care to save your own soul: Then will you be the more likely to save the souls of them that hear you. May this affecting thought daily engage your attention to the concerns of your soul, and quicken you to walk humbly and closely with God. The agreeable, intimate acquaintance I have had with you, while you faithfully discharged the office of a tutor in our college for several years to its great advantage, and with equal reputation to yourself, gives me the pleasure of knowing both your natural and acquired accomplishments for the work you are engaging in, as well as your soundness in the faith. Hold fast that form of sound words, which you have learned from the sacred oracles, and which (may I not say) you have in part heard of me. Practice all that condescension to the weakness and prejudices of others, which the apostle intended by becoming all things to all men. Be gentle towards all men. To which I know your natural disposition is very inclinable. But then be on your guard, lest a condescending and pacific temper at any time betray you into compliances, injurious to your virtue and dishonourable to your profession. Set down your foot at the line of truth, and let not fear, frowns, flatteries or reproaches, or any temporal inconveniencies whatever, make you swerve an hair’s-breadth from it. Condescendingly sacrifice any thing for the sake of peace, except truth and duty: But invariably keep to these. In all your instructions study to be plain and intelligible, which is the prime end of language. And let not your taste for elegance of stile, accuracy of diction and composition, by any means prevent the most plain, close and pungent application to the hearts and consciences of your hearers. Study infinitely more to recommend Christ and his religion to your hearers, than yourself. Keep the great end of the gospel-ministry always in view, the advancing the glory of God and Christ in the salvation of souls committed to your charge. Let me just intreat you to pay a particular attention to the youths and children, and those under serious, religious impressions in your congregation, as having the greatest prospect of success with these: And herein imitate the great Shepherd of the sheep, “who carries the lambs in his arms, and gently leadeth those that are with young.” I cannot now suggest to you the numerous, weighty motives, that might be urged to excite you to the greatest faithfulness and diligence in discharging the high rust you are now to have committed to you. I trust you will daily bear in mind the vast importance to yourself, as well as others, of being able to adopt, with application to yourself, through the course of your ministry, and especially at the close of it, the declaration of the apostle in the text. May you experimentally know the solid rejoicing, which this testimony will not fail to give all those who are faithful to the death; and may you than receive the promised crown.

Let me now say a few words to the church and congregation, at whose call and request a minister is now to be ordained over them in the Lord.

Beloved Brethren,

My unacquaintedness with your particular circumstances will excuse me with only saying a few words to express our joy and congratulation with you in having been directed to, and succeeded in, your unanimous choice of one to be your pastor, who, we have reason to hope, will be an able and faithful minister of the new-testament among you, and naturally care for the welfare of your souls. We desire to join with you in thankful acknowledgments to the great Shepherd and Head of the church, for the provision he is making from time to time for the edification of the same, by raising up and qualifying men to feed his sheep and his lambs, the flock which he hath purchased with his own blood. And that you have this day the experience of this his kind care for you, in providing one to take the oversight, and act the part of a bishop towards your souls; in consequence of which you are like to enjoy the ministry of the gospel and the administrations of its ordinances resettled among you; and that under prospects very encouraging, and joyfully promising happy success. O let your eyes and fervent prayers be directed this day to the God of all grace for his blessing to accompany these solemn transactions, and render the means of grace provided for you a favour of life unto life to the salvation of all your souls: That you and your pastor may have sweet communion with God and one another, while you dwell here in the house of the Lord, feasting on the rich provisions, with which the gospel abundantly furnishes you. Dear brethren, I trust our hearts all ardently breathe out this wish and prayer, The Lord send you the blessing out of Sion.

I close with a word to this great assembly in general. What doth conscience now testify to you, respecting the manner of your conversation in the world? That it is conducted and regulated in simplicity, godly sincerity, and by the grace of God? Blessed are ye indeed, if this be the case. How thankfully and joyfully may you live; and how cheerfully go on in the ways of the Lord, while you have this for your rejoicing, even the testimony of your conscience; a testimony that carries with it an assurance of the divine approbation and final acceptance with God? But if it be the reverse of this with you, and conscience either be asleep, or pronounce plainly to you, that you have your conversation with fleshly wisdom, and live after the flesh, in the neglect of God and religion, think seriously, with what torturing fears and distressing apprehensions, this conscience, if it be duly enlightened, will distract your guilty souls at the near approach of death, when your next speedy remove must be into eternity, and to the bar of God, who is greater than your conscience, and knoweth all your wickedness. And what an everlasting source of unutterable anguish will its accusations be to you, when it shall be fully awakened to the liveliest sensibility, in the regions of horror and despair, and pour in continual reproaches and self-condemnation upon your souls, like a stream of fire from incensed Omnipotence! O be persuaded now to turn its testimony in your favour, by turning from all your sins unto God through Jesus Christ: Then will it speak peace to you here, as a sure pledge of peace and joy everlasting in the presence and favour of God in the coming world.

AMEN.
 

The CHARGE, by the Rev. Aaron Brown.

Reverend and Dear SIR,

It having pleased God to lead this church into the unanimous choice of you to be their pastor, and to incline you to accept of their call; we, whose hands are imposed, do in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, and by virtue of authority derived from him, ordain and separate you, Joseph Howe, to the great, important and laborious work of the gospel-ministry; especially committing to your pastoral care and oversight the Christian Society, who usually assemble in this place for public worship.

And in that same all-glorious name, we do now most solemnly charge thee, before God and the elect angels (which are doubtless witnesses of these solemnities) that to the utmost of thy power thou discharge thyself, in all parts of that ministry and trust we are now committing to thee.—Preach the word, and declare the whole counsel of God, that you be pure from the blood of all men; for it is required of ministers, who are stewards of the mysteries of God, that a man be found faithful.—Keep back nothing that may be profitable to this people. Let them know from the word of God, that they are naturally guilty and depraved, that “there is a vast and unspeakable difference between a sinner and a saint,” between those who are in a state of nature and those who are in a state of grace. Testify unto them repentance towards God and faith towards our Lord Jesus. Preach Christ and him crucified, the doctrine of his atonement and satisfaction, justification through faith in his blood, and sanctification by his spirit.

Remember that you are a minister of the gospel of Christ: Let Christianity therefore, and not the subtleties of wit and philosophy, be the grand matter and aim of your discourses.—Be not of those who corrupt the word of God, or handle it deceitfully; but by manifestation of the truth commend yourself to every man’s conscience in the sight of God. Nor speak with the enticing words of man’s wisdom, but in the demonstration of the spirit and of the power. Study more to be profitable, than to be popular,–more to gain the divine approbation, than the applauses of a polite and respectable assembly.

Reprove, rebuke, exhort, with all long suffering and doctrine; and in the discharge of this part of your trust, variously accommodate yourself to the needs and circumstances of every one; instructing the ignorant,–convincing the unconvinced,–reproving the transgressor,–refuting and putting to silence the gain-sayer,–exhorting the indolent and slothful, and comforting the feeble minded.—In a word, like the great and good Shepherd, gather the lambs in your arms, carry them in your bosom, and gently lead those that are with young.

We, moreover, authorize and charge thee to administer to all persons, duly qualified, the sacraments of the new-testament, (baptism and the Lord’s supper) with becoming solemnity, and agreeable to the rules of the gospel.—Feed Christ’s sheep and feed his lambs.

Exercise also that holy discipline with which, as a gospel-minister, you are entrusted; exercise it with fidelity and tenderness; not lording it over God’s heritage, nor doing any thing by partiality.

We likewise commit unto you authority to assist in ordaining others to the sacred office, as you may be called of God thereunto: But lay hands suddenly on no man.

Let no man despise thee, but esteem thee highly in love, for thy works sake: Therefore be thou an example to believers, in word, in conversation, in charity, in spirit, in faith, in purity.—Give attendance to reading, to exhortation and doctrine. Neglect not the gift that is in thee, which is given by the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery. Meditate on these things give thyself wholly to them, that thy profiting may appear unto all.

Pray fervently, constantly for this people, and bless them from time to time in the name of the Lord. Pray also for yourself, that the grace of Christ may be sufficient for you; for who is sufficient for these things?

Finally, and in a word, in all things approve thyself a faithful minister of the new-testament, a workman that needeth not to be ashamed.

Long may you be continued a great blessing to this people, and they a comfort to you. May the blessing of many souls ready to perish, come upon you; and the God of peace, which brought again our Lord Jesus Christ, the great Shepherd of the sheep, through the blood of the everlasting covenant, make you perfect in every good work to do his will, working in you, that which is well pleasing in his sight, through Jesus Christ our Lord, to whom be glory forever and ever,

A M E N.
 

The Right Hand of Fellowship, by the Rev. Dr. Chauncy.

Dear Sir,

As you have now been separated to the work of the Gospel ministry, and to the charge of the Christian society who worship God in this place, “by prayer and the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery.” In conformity to the common usage upon these occasions, founded on apostolic example, at the desire of the venerable council present, and in their name, I give you my right hand. and I do it, to signify to you, to this great assembly, and to all the churches in the land, that we esteem you a true minister of Jesus Christ, well furnished for, rightly called to, and regularly instated in, the ministerial office; that we affectionately embrace you, as one who has been solemnly devoted to the service of souls; and that we shall always be in readiness to lend you our help by our prayers, advices, and in all other Christian ways, according to our respective abilities, as you may need, and desire it; especially in things “pertaining to the kingdom of God, and Jesus Christ.” Expecting the same expressions of pious charity from you, as the interest of religion may make them proper.

At the same time we “bow our knee to the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of mercies, and God of all grace,” humble and importunately beseeching, that he would adorn you more and more with the gifts and graces of His spirit; that He would animate you to your work, guide and assist you in it, and support and comfort you under all the trials you may be called to meet with in the upright and faithful discharge of it; that he would make you “wise to win souls,” and happily instrumental in “turning many to righteousness;” and that, at “the time of the time,” you may be found among those servants of our Lord Jesus Christ, who shall shine in the kingdom of His Father as “the brightness of the firmament, and as the starts for ever and ever.”

We now salute you, the Christian church, who statedly worship in the Deity in this house; rejoicing with you in that kind Providence, which has given you, with so much unanimity, love, and peace among yourselves, “a pastor (as we trust) after God’s own heart;” one who is well qualified to “feed you with knowledge and understanding.”

Brethren, we own you as members, in common with yourself, of that “one body” of which Christ is “the head;” we profess a cordial regard to you as such; and we promise, that we will cheerfully afford your own assistance, to all the purposes of “spiritual edification;” as we are able, and may be called thereto; expecting and desiring the like office of brotherly love and duty from you.

Finally, we commend both you and your pastor “to God, and to the word of His grace; which is able to build you up, and give you inheritance among the sanctified by faith in Jesus Christ,” to whom be glory in the church, on earth, and in Heaven, both now and throughout all ages.

AMEN.
 


Endnotes

1. I. Cor. 1. 25.

2. Acts v. 39.

3. Chap. xi. 23-27.

4. Rom. II. 15.

5. 1st John III. 21.

6. Jerem. Xlviii. 10.

7. Col. i. 28, 29.

8. xii. 10.

9. Rom. xiv. 8.

10. 2d Cor. xiii. 8.

11. 2d Cor. iv. 2.

12. Gal. i. 13.

Sermon – Slavery – 1791


Jonathan Edwards (1745-1801) was a son of the First Great Awakening preacher, the senior Jonathan Edwards. When the Revolutionary War began and after the death of his father, Edwards and his family relocated to Princeton, NJ. He graduated from the College of New Jersey (1765), and was a tutor at Princeton (1767-1769). Edwards was pastor of: the society at White Haven, CT (1769=1795), and a Church at Colebrook, CT (1796-1799). The following sermon was preached by Edwards in opposition to the slave trade and slavery.


sermon-slavery-1791

THE

INJUSTICE AND IMPOLICY

OF THE

SLAVE TRADE,

AND OF THE

Slavery of the Africans:

ILLUSTRATED IN

A SERMON

PREACHED BEFORE THE CONNECTICUL SOCIETY FOR THE PROMOTION OF FREEDOM, AND FOR THE RELIEF OF PERSONS UNLAWFULLY HOLDEN IN BONDAGE,

AT THEIR ANNUAL MEETING IN NEW-HAVEN,

SETEMBER 15, 1791.

By JONATHAN EDWARDS, D. D.
Pastor of a Church in New-Haven.

 

At a meeting of the Connecticut Society for the Promotion of Freedom, and for the Relief of Persons unlawfully holden in Bondage, at New-Haven, September 15, 1791,

Voted, That the President return the Thanks of this Society to the Rev. Doctor Edwards, for his Sermon this Day delivered before the Society, and that he request a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

Test. Simeon Baldwin, Sec’y.

 

The injustice and impolicy of the slave-trade, and of the slavery of the Africans.

MATTHEW VII. 12.THEREFORE ALL THINGS WHATSOEVER YOU WOULD, THAT MEN SHOULD DO TO YOU, DO YE EVEN SO TO THEM; FOR THIS IS THE LAW AND THE PROPHETS.

This precept of our divine Lord hath always been admired as most excellent; and doubtless with the greatest reason. Yet it needs some explanation. It is not surely to be understood in the most unlimited sense, employing that because a prince expects and wishes for obedience from his subjects, he is obliged to obey them: that because parents wish their children to submit to their government, therefore they are to submit to the government of their children: or that because some men wish that others would concur and assist them to the gratification of their unlawful desires, therefore they also are to gratify the unlawful desires, of others. But whatever we are conscious, that we should, in an exchange of circumstances, wish, and are persuaded that we might reasonably wish, that others would do to us; that we are bound to do to them. This is the general rule given us in the text; and a very extensive rule it is, reaching to the whole of our conduct: and is particularly useful to direct our conduct toward inferiors, and those whom we have in our power. I have therefore thought it a proper foundation for the discourse which by the Society for the Promotion of Freedom, and for the Relief of Persons unlawfully holden in Bondage, I have the honour to be appointed to deliver, on the present occasion.

This divine maxim is most properly applicable to the slave-trade, and to the slavery of the Africans. Let us then make the application.

Should we be willing, that the Africans or any other nation should purchase us, our wives and children, transport us into Africa and there sell us into perpetual and absolute slavery? Should we be willing, that they by large bribes and offers of a gainful traffic should entice our neighbours to kidnap and sell us to them, and that they should hold in perpetual and cruel bondage, not only ourselves, but our posterity through all generations? Yet why is it not as right for them to treat us in this manner, as it is for us to treat them in the same manner? Their colour indeed is different from our’s. But does this give us a right to enslave them? The nations from Germany to Guinea have complexions of every shade from the fairest white, to a jetty black: and if a black complexion subject a nation or an individual to slavery; where shall slavery begin? Or where shall it end?

I propose to mention a few reasons against the right of the slave-trade—and then to consider the principal arguments, which I have ever heard urged in favour of it,—What will be said against the slave-trade will generally be equally applicable to slavery itself; and if conclusive against the former, will be equally conclusive against the latter.

As to the slave-trade, I conceive it to be unjust in itself—abominable on account of the cruel manner in which it is conducted—and totally wrong on account of the impolicy of it, or its destructive tendency to the moral and political interests of any country.

I. It is unjust in itself.—It is unjust in the same sense, and for the same reason, as it is, to steal, to rob, or to murder. It is a principle, the truth of which hath in this country been generally, if not universally acknowledged, ever since the commencement of the late war, that all men are born equally free. If this be true, the Africans are by nature equally entitled to freedom as we are; and therefore we have no more right to enslave, or to afford aid to enslave them, than they have to do the same to us. They have the same right to their freedom, which they have to their property or to their lives. Therefore to enslave them is as really and in the same sense wrong, as to steal from them, to rob or to murder them.

There are indeed cases in which men may justly be deprived of their liberty and reduced to slavery; as there are cases in which they may be justly deprived of their lives. But they can justly be deprived of neither unless they have by their own voluntary conduct forfeited it. Therefore still the right to liberty stands on the same basis with the right to life. And that the Africans have done something whereby they have forfeited their liberty must appear, before we can justly deprive them of it; as it must appear, that they have done something whereby they have forfeited their lives, before we may justly deprive them of these.

II. The slave-trade is wicked and abominable on account of the cruel manner in which it is carried on.

Beside the stealing or kidnapping of men, women and children, in the first instance, and the instigation of others to this abominable practice; the inhuman manner in which they are transported to America, and in which they are treated on their passage and in their subsequent slavery, is such as ought forever to deter every man from acting any part in this business, who has any regard to justice or humanity. They are crowded so closely into the holds and between the decks of vessels, that they have scarcely room to lie down, and sometimes not room to sit up in an erect posture; the men at the same time fastened together with irons by two and two; and all this in the most sultry climate. The consequence of the whole is, that the most dangerous and fatal diseases are soon bred among them, whereby vast numbers of those exported from Africa perish in the voyage: other in dread of that slavery which is before them, and in distress and despair from the loss of their parents, their children, their husbands, their wives, all their dear connections, and their dear native country itself, starve themselves to death or plunge themselves into the ocean. Those who attempt in the former of those ways to escape from their persecutors, are tortured by live coals applied to their mouths. Those who attempt an escape in the latter and fail, are equally tortured by the most cruel beating, or otherwise as their persecutors please. If any of them make an attempt, as they sometimes do, to recover their liberty, some, and as the circumstances may be, many, are put to immediate death. Others beaten, bruised, cut and mangled in a most inhuman and shocking manner, are in this situation exhibited to the rest, to terrify them from the like attempt in future: and some are delivered up to every species of torment, whether by the application of the whip, or of any other instrument, even of fire itself, as the ingenuity of the ship-master and of his crew is able to suggest or their situation will admit; and these torments are purposely continued for several days, before death is permitted to afford relief to these objects of vengeance.

By these means, according to the common computation, twenty[five thousand, which is a fourth part of those who are exported from Africa, and by the concession of all, twenty thousand, annually perish, before they arrive at the places of their destination in America.

But this is by no means the end of the sufferings of this unhappy people. Bred up in a country spontaneously yielding the necessaries and conveniences of savage life, they have never been accustomed to labour: of course they are but ill prepared to go through the fatigue and drudgery to which they are doomed in their state of slavery. Therefore partly by this cause, partly by the scantiness and badness of their food, and partly from dejection of spirits, mortification and despair, another twenty-five thousand die in the seasoning, as it is called, i.e. within two years of their arrival in America. This I say is the common computation. Or if we will in this particular be as favourable to the trade as in the estimate of the number which perishes on the passage, we may reckon the number which dies in the seasoning to be twenty thousand. So that of the hundred thousand annually exported from Africa to America, fifty thousand, as it is commonly computed, or on the most favourable estimate, forty thousand, die before they are seasoned to the country.

Nor is this all. The cruel sufferings of these pitiable beings are not yet at an end. Thenceforward they have to drag out a miserable life in absolute slavery, entirely at the disposal of their masters, by whom not only every venial fault, every mere inadvertence or mistake, but even real virtues, are liable to be construed into the most atrocious crimes, and punished as such, according to their caprice or rage, while they are intoxicated sometimes with liquor, sometimes with passion.

By these masters they are supplied with barely enough to keep them from starving, as the whole expense laid out on a slave for food, clothing and medicine is commonly computed on an average at thirty shillings sterling annually. At the same time they are kept at hard labour from five o’clock in the morning, till nine at night, excepting time to eat twice during the day. And they are constantly under the watchful eye of overseers and Negro-drivers more tyrannical and cruel than even their masters themselves. From these drivers for every imagined, as well as real neglect or want of exertion, they receive the lash, the smack of which is all day long in the ears of those who are on the plantation or in the vicinity; and it is used with such dexterity and severity, as not only to lacerate the skin, but to tear our small portions of the flesh at almost every stroke.

This is the general treatment of the slaves. But many individuals suffer still more severely. Many, many are knocked down; some have their eyes beaten out; some have an arm or a leg broken, or chopt off; and many for a very small or for no crime at all, have been beaten to death merely to gratify the fury of an enraged master or overseer.

Nor ought we on this occasion to overlook the wars among the nations of Africa excited by the trade, or the destruction attendant on those wars. Not to mention the destruction of property, the burning of towns and villages, &c. it hath been determined by reasonable computation, that there are annually exported from Africa to the various parts of America, one hundred thousand slaves, as was before observed; that of these six thousand are captives of war; that in the wars in which these are taken, ten persons of the victors and vanquished are killed, to one taken; that therefore the taking of the six thousand captives is attended with the slaughter of sixty thousand of their countrymen. Now does not justice? Does not humanity shrink from the idea, that in order to procure one slave to gratify our avarice, we should put to death ten human beings? Or that in order to increase our property, and that only in some small degree, we should carry on a trade, or even connive at it, to support which sixty thousand of our own species are slain in war?

These sixty thousand, added to the forty thousand who perish on the passage and in the seasoning, give us an hundred thousand who are annually destroyed by the trade; and the whole advantage gained by this amazing destruction of human lives is sixty thousand slaves. For you will recollect, that the whole number exported from Africa is an hundred thousand; that of these forty thousand die on the passage and in the seasoning, and sixty thousand are destroyed in the wars. Therefore while one hundred and sixty thousand are killed in the wars and are exported from Africa, but sixty thousand are added to the stock of slaves.

Now when we consider all this; when we consider the miseries which this unhappy people suffer in their wars, in their captivity, in their voyage to America, and during a wretched life of cruel slavery: and especially when we consider the annual destruction of an hundred thousand lives in the manner before mentioned; who can hesitate to declare this trade and the consequent slavery to be contrary to every principle of justice and humanity, of the law of nature and of the law of God?

III. This trade and this slavery are utterly wrong on the ground of impolicy. In a variety of respects they are exceedingly hurtful to the state which tolerates them.

1. They are hurtful, as they deprave the morals of the people.—The incessant and inhuman cruelties practiced in the trade and in the subsequent slavery necessarily tend to harden the human heart against the tender feelings of humanity in the masters of vessels, in the sailors, in the factors, in the proprietors of the slaves, in their children, in the overseers, in the slaves themselves, and in all who habitually see those cruelties. Now the eradication or even the diminution of compassion, tenderness and humanity, is certainly a great depravation of heart, and must be followed with correspondent depravity of manners. And measures which lead to such depravity of heart and manners, cannot but be extremely hurtful to the state, and consequently are extremely impolitic.

2. The trade is impolitic as it is so destructive of the lives of seamen. The ingenious Mr. Clarkson hath in a very satisfactory manner made it appear, that in the slave-trade alone Great-Britain loses annually about nineteen hundred seamen; and that this loss is more than double to the loss annually sustained by Great-Britain in all her other trade taken together. And doubtless we lose as many as Great-Britain in proportion to the number of seamen whom we employ in this trade.—Now can it be politic to carry on a trade which is so destructive of that useful part of our citizens, our seamen?

3. African slavery is exceedingly impolitic, as it discourages industry. Nothing is more essential to the political prosperity of any state, than industry in the citizens. But in proportion as slaves are multiplied, every kind of labour becomes ignominious: and in fact in those of the United States, in which slaves are the most numerous, gentlemen and ladies of any fashion disdain to employ themselves in business, which in other states is consistent with the dignity of the first families and first offices. In a country filled with Negro slaves, labour belongs to them only, and a white man is despised in proportion as he applies to it.—Now how destructive to industry in all of the lowest and middle class of citizens, such a situation and the prevalence of such ideas will be, you can easily conceive. The consequence is, that some will nearly starve, others will betake themselves to the most dishonest practices, to obtain the means of living.

As slavery produces indolence in the white people, so it produces all those vices which are naturally connected with it; such as intemperance, lewdness and prodigality. These vices enfeeble both the body and the mind, and unfit men for any vigorous exertions and employments either external or mental. And those who are unfit for such exertions, are already a very degenerate race; degenerate, not only in a moral, but a natural sense. They are contemptible too, and will soon be despised even by their Negroes themselves.

Slavery tends to lewdness not only as it produces indolence, but as it affords abundant opportunity for that wickedness without either the danger and difficulty of an attack on the virtue of a woman of chastity, or the danger of a connection with one of ill fame. A planter with his hundred wenches about him is in some respects at least like the Sultan in his seraglio, and we learn the too frequent influence and effect of such a situation, not only from common fame, but from the multitude of mulattoes in countries where slaves are very numerous.

Slavery has a most direct tendency to haughtiness also, and a domineering spirit and conduct in the proprietors of the slaves, in their children, and in all who have the control of them. A man who has been bred up in domineering over Negroes, can scarcely avoid contracting such a habit of haughtiness and domination, as will express itself in his general treatment of mankind, whether in his private capacity, or in any office civil or military with which he may be vested. Despotism in economics, naturally leads to despotism in politics, and domestic slavery in a free government is a perfect solecism in human affairs.

How baneful all these tendencies and effects of slavery must be to the public good, and especially to the public good of such a free country as ours, I need not inform you.

4. In the same proportion as industry and labour are discouraged, is population discouraged and prevented. This is another respect in which slavery is exceedingly impolitic. That population is prevented in proportion as industry is discouraged, is, I conceive, so plain that nothing needs to be said to illustrate it. Mankind in general will enter into matrimony as soon as they possess the means of supporting a family. But the great body of any people have no other way of supporting themselves or a family, than by their own labour. Of course as labour is discouraged, matrimony is discouraged and population is prevented.—But the impolicy of whatever produces these effects will be acknowledged by all. The wealth, strength and glory of a state depend on the number of its virtuous citizens: and a state without citizens is at least as great an absurdity, as a king without subjects.

5. The impolicy of slavery still further appears from this, that it weakens the state, and in proportion to the degree in which it exists, exposes it to become an easy conquest.—The increase of free citizens is an increase of the strength of the state. But not so with regard to the increase of slaves. They not only add nothing to the strength of the state, but actually diminish it in proportion to their number. Every slave is naturally an enemy to the state in which he is holden in slavery, and wants nothing but an opportunity to assist in its overthrow. And an enemy within a state, is much more dangerous than one without it.

These observations concerning the prevention of population and weakening the state, are supported by facts which have fallen within our own observation. That the southern states, in which slaves are so numerous, are in no measure so populous, according to the extent of territory, as the northern, is a fact of universal notoriety: and that during the late war, the southern states found themselves greatly weakened by their slaves, and therefore were so easily overrun by the British army, is equally notorious.

From the view we have now taken of this subject we scruple not to infer, that to carry on the slave-trade and to introduce slaves into our country, is not only to be guilty of injustice, robbery and cruelty toward our fellow-men; but it is to injure ourselves and our country; and therefore it is altogether unjustifiable, wicked and abominable.

Having thus considered the injustice and ruinous tendency of the slave-trade, I proceed to attend to the principal arguments urged in favour of it.

1. It is said, that the Africans are the posterity of Ham, the son of Noah; that Canaan one of Ham’s sons, was cursed by Noah to be a servant of servants; that by Canaan we are to understand Ham’s posterity in general; that as his posterity are devoted by God to slavery, we have a right to enslave them.—This is the argument: to which I answer:

It is indeed generally thought that Ham peopled Africa; but that the curse on Canaan extended to all the posterity of Ham is a mere imagination. The only reason given for it is, that Canaan was only one of Ham’s sons; and that it seems reasonable, that the curse of Ham’s conduct should fall on all his posterity, if on any. But this argument is insufficient. We might as clearly argue, that the judgments denounced on the house of David, on account of his sin in the matter of Uriah, must equally fall on all his posterity. Yet we know, that many of them lived and died in great prosperity. So in every case in which judgments are predicted concerning any nation or family.

It is allowed in this argument, that the curse was to fall on the posterity of Ham, and not immediately on Ham himself; If otherwise, it is nothing to the purpose of the slave-trade, or of any slaves now in existence. It being allowed then, that this curse was to fall on Ham’s posterity, he who had a right to curse the whole of that posterity, had the same right to curse a part of it only, and the posterity of Canaan equally as any other part; and a curse on Ham’s posterity in the line of Canaan was as real a curse on Ham himself, as a curse on all his posterity would have been.

Therefore we have no ground to believe, that this curse respected any others, than the posterity of Canaan, who lived in the land of Canaan, which is well known to be remote from Africa. We have a particular account, that all the sons of Canaan settled in the land of Canaan; as may be seen in Gen. x. 15-20. “And Canaan begat Sidon his first born, and Heth, and the Jebusite, and the Emorite, and the Girgasite, and the Hivite, and the Arkite, and the Sinite, and the Arvadite, and the Zemorite, and the Hamathite; and afterward were the families of the Canaanites spread abroad. And the border of the Canaanites was from Sidon, as thou goest to Gerar, unto Gaza; as thou goest unto Sodom and Gomorrah, Admah, and Zeboim, even unto Lashah.”—Nor have we account that any of their posterity except the Carthaginians afterward removed to any part of Africa: and none will pretend that these peopled Africa in general; especially considering, that they were subdued, destroyed and so far extirpated by the Romans.

This curse then of the posterity of Canaan, had no reference to the inhabitants of Guinea, or of Africa in general; but was fulfilled partly in Joshua’s time, in the reduction and servitude of the Canaanites, and especially of the Gibeonites; partly by what the Phenicians suffered from the Chaldeans, Persians and Greeks; and finally by what the Carthaginians suffered from the Romans.

Therefore this curse gives us no right to enslave the Africans, as we do by the slave-trade, because it has no respect to the Africans whom we enslave. Nor if it had respected them, would it have given any such right; because it was not an institution of slavery, but a mere prophecy of it. And from this prophecy we have no more ground to infer the right of slavery, than we have from the prophecy of the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, or by the Romans, to infer their right respectively to destroy it in the manner they did; or from other prophecies to infer the right of Judas to betray his master, or of the Jews to crucify him.

2. The right of slavery is inferred from the instance of Abraham, who had servants born in his house and bought with his money.—But it is by no means certain, that these were slaves, as our Negroes are. If they were, it is unaccountable, that he went out at the head of an army of them to fight his enemies. No West-India planter would easily be induced to venture himself in such a situation. It is far more probable, that similar to some of the vassals under the feudal constitution, the servants of Abraham were only in a good measure dependant on him, and protected by him. But if they were to all intents and purposes slaves, Abraham’s holding of them will no more prove the right of slavery, than his going in to Hagar, will prove it right for any man to cohabit with his wench.

3. From the divine permission given the Israelites to buy servants of the nations round about them, it is argued, that we have a right to buy the Africans and hold them in slavery. See Lev. Xxv. 44-47. “Both thy bondmen and thy bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you; of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids. Moreover, of the children of the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families, that are with you, which they begat in your land; and they shall be your possession. And ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be your bondmen for ever: but over your brethren the children of Israel ye shall not rule one over another with rigour.” But if this be at all to the purpose, it is a permission to every nation under heaven to buy slaves of the nations round about them; to us, to buy of our Indian neighbours; to them, to buy of us; to the French, to buy of the English, and to the English to buy of the French; and so through the world. If then this argument be valid, every man has an entire right to engage in this trade, and to buy and sell any other man of another nation, and any other man of another nation has an entire right to buy and sell him. Thus according to this construction; we have in Lev. Xxv. 43, &c. an institution of an universal slave-trade, by which every man may not only become a merchant, but may rightfully become the merchandize itself of this trade, and may be bought and sold like a beast.—Now this consequence will be given up as absurd, and therefore also the construction of scripture from which it follows, must be given up. Yet it is presumed, that there is no avoiding that construction of the absurdity flowing from it, but by admitting, that this permission to the Israelites to buy saves has no respect to us, but was in the same manner peculiar to them, as the permission and command to subdue, destroy and extirpate the whole Canaanitish nation; and therefore no more gives countenance to African slavery, than the command to extirpate the Canaanites, gives countenance to the extirpation of any nation in these days, by an universal slaughter of men and women, young men and maidens, infants and sucklings.

4. It is further pleaded, that there were slaves in the time of the apostles; that they did not forbid the holding of those slaves, but gave directions to servants, doubtless referring to the servants of that day, to obey their masters, and count them worthy of all honour.

To this the answer is, that the apostles teach the general duties of servants who are righteously in the state of servitude, as many are or may be, by hire, by indenture, and by judgment of a civil court. But they do not say, whether the servants in general of that day were justly holden in slavery or not. In like manner they lay down the general rules of obedience to civil magistrates, without deciding concerning the characters of the magistrates of the roman empire in the reign of Nero. And as the apostle Paul requires masters to give their servants that which is just and equal, (Col. iv. I.) so if any were enslaved unjustly, of course he in this text requires of the masters of such, to give them their freedom.—Thus the apostles treat the slavery of that day in the same manner that they treat the civil government; and say nothing more in favour of the former, than they say in favour of the latter.

Besides, this argument from the slavery prevailing in the days of the apostles, if it prove anything, proves too much, and so confutes itself. It proves, that we may enslave all captives taken in war, of any nation, and in any the most unjust war, such as the wars of the Romans, which were generally undertaken from the motives of ambition or avarice. On the ground of this argument we had a right to enslave the prisoners, whom we, during the late war, took from the British army; and they had the same right to enslave those whom they took from us; and so with respect to all other nations.

5. It is strongly urged, that the Negroes brought from Africa are all captives of war, and therefore are justly bought and holden in slavery.—This is a principal argument always urged by the advocates for slavery; and in a solemn debate on this subject, it hath been strongly insisted on, very lately in the British parliament. Therefore it requires our particular attention.

Captives in a war just on their part, cannot be justly enslaved; nor is this pretended. Therefore the captives who may be justly enslaved, must be taken in a war unjust on their part. But even on the supposition, that captives in such a war may be justly enslaved, it will not follow, that we can justly carry on the slave-trade, as it is commonly carried on from the African coast. In this trade any slaves are purchased, who are offered for sale, whether justly or unjustly enslaved. No enquiry is made whether they were captives in any war; much less, whether they were captivated in a war unjust on their part.

By the most authentic accounts, it appears, that the wars in general in Africa are excited by the prospect of gain from the sale of the captives of the war. Therefore those taken by the assailants in such wars, cannot be justly enslaved. Beside these, many are kidnapped by those of neighbouring nations; some by their own neighbours; and some by their kings or his agents; others for debt or some trifling crime are condemned to perpetual slavery—But none of these are justly enslaved. And the traders make no enquiry concerning the mode or occasion of their first enslavement. They buy all that are offered, provided they like them and the price.—So that the plea, that the African slaves are captives in war, is entirely insufficient to justify the slave-trade as now carried on.

But this is not all; if it were ever so true, that all the Negroes exported from Africa were captives in war, and that they were taken in a war unjust on their part; still they could not be justly enslaved.—We have no right to enslave a private foe in a state of nature, after he is conquered. Suppose in a state of nature one man rises against another and endeavours to kill him; in this case the person assaulted has no right to kill the assailant, unless it be necessary to preserve his own life. But in wars between nations, one nation may no doubt secure itself against another, by other means than the slavery of its captives. If a nation be victorious in the war, it may exact some towns or a district of country, by way of caution; or it may impose a fine to deter from future injuries. If the nation be not victorious, it will do no good to enslave the captives whom it has taken. It will provoke the victors, and foolishly excite vengeance which cannot be repelled.

Or if neither nation be decidedly victorious, to enslave the captives on either side can answer no good purpose, but must at least occasion the enslaving of the citizens of the other nation, who are now, or in future may be in a state of captivity. Such a practice therefore necessarily tends to evil and not good.

Besides; captives in war are generally common soldiers or common citizens; and they are generally ignorant of the true cause or causes of the war, and are by their superiours made to believe, that the war is entirely just on their part. Or if this be not the case, they may by force be compelled to serve in a war which they know to be unjust. In either of these cases they do not deserve to be condemned to perpetual slavery. To inflict perpetual slavery on these private soldiers and citizens is manifestly not to do, as we would wish that men should do to us. If we were taken in a war unjust on our part, we should not think it right to be condemned to perpetual slavery. No more right is it for us to condemn and hold in perpetual slavery others, who are in the same situation.

6. It is argued, that as the Africans in their own country, previously to the purchase of them by the African traders, are captives in war; if they were not bought up by those traders, they would be put to death: that therefore to purchase them and to subject them to slavery instead of death, is an act of mercy not only lawful, but meritorious.

If the case were indeed so as is now represented, the purchase of the Negroes would be no more meritorious, than the act of a man, who, if we were taken by the Algerians, should purchase us out of that slavery. This would indeed be an act of benevolence, if the purchaser should set us at liberty. But it is no act of benevolence to buy a man out of one state into another no better. Nay, the act of ransoming a man from death gives no right to the ransomer to commit a crime or an act of injustice to the person ransomed. The person ransomed is doubtless obligated according to his ability to satisfy the ransomer for his expense and trouble. Yet the ransomer has no more right to enslave the other, than the man who saves the life of another who was about to be killed by a robber or an assassin, has a right to enslave him.—The liberty of a man for life is far greater good, than the property paid for a Negro on the African coast. And to deprive a man of an immensely greater good, in order to recover one immensely less, is an immense injury and crime.

7. As to the pretence, that to prohibit or lay aside this trade, would be hurtful to our commerce; it is sufficient to ask, whether on the supposition, that it were advantageous to the commerce of Great-Britain to send her ships to these states, and transport us into perpetual slavery in the West-Indies, it would be right that she should go into that trade.

8. That to prohibit the slave trade would infringe on the property of those, who have expended large sums to carry on that trade, or of those who wish to purchase the slaves for their plantations, hath also been urged as an argument in favour of the trade.—But the same argument would prove, that if the skins and teeth of the Negroes were as valuable articles of commerce as furs and elephant’s teeth, and a merchant were to lay out his property in this commerce, he ought by no means to be obstructed therein.

9. But others will carry on the trade, if we do not.—So others will rob, steal and murder, if we do not.

10. It is said, that some men are intended by nature to be slaves.—If this mean, that the author of nature has given some men a license, to enslave others; this is denied and proof is demanded. If it mean, that God hath made some of capacities inferior to others, and that the last have a right to enslave the first; this argument will prove, that some of the citizens of every country, have a right to enslave other citizens of the same country; nay, that some have a right to enslave their own brothers and sisters.—But if this argument mean, that God in his providence suffers some men to be enslaved, and that this proves, that from the beginning he intended they should be enslaved, and made them with this intention; the answer is, that in like manner he suffers some men to be murdered, and in this sense, he intended and made them to be murdered. Yet no man in his senses will hence argue the lawfulness of murder.

11. It is further pretended, that no other men, than Negroes, can endure labour in the hot climates of the West-Indies and the southern states.—But does this appear to be fact? In all other climates, the laboring people are the most healthy. And I confess I have not yet seen evidence, but that those who have been accustomed to labour and are inured to those climates, can bear labour there also.—However, taking for granted the fact asserted in this objection, does it follow, that the inhabitants of those countries have a right to enslave the Africans to labour for them? No more surely than from the circumstance, that you are feeble and cannot labour, it follows, that you have a right to enslave your robust neighbor. As in all other cases, the feeble and those who choose not to labour, and yet wish to have their lands cultivated, are necessitated to hire the robust to labour for them; so no reason can be given, why the inhabitants of hot climates should not either perform their own labour, or hire those who can perform it, whether Negroes or others.

If our traders went to the coast of Africa to murder the inhabitants, or to rob them of their property, all would own that such murderous or piratical practices are wicked and abominable. Now it is as really wicked to rob a man of his liberty, as to rob him of his life; and it is much more wicked, than to rob him of his property. All men agree to condemn highway robbery. And the slave-trade is as much a greater wickedness than highway robbery, as liberty is more valuable than property. How strange is it then, that in the same nation highway robbery should be punished with death, and the slave-trade be encouraged by national authority.

We all dread political slavery, or subjection to the arbitrary power of a king or of any man or men not deriving their authority from the people. Yet such a state is inconceivably preferable to the slavery of the Negroes. Suppose that in the late war we had been subdued by Great-Britain; we should have been taxed without our consent. But these taxes would have amounted to but a small part of our property. Whereas the Negroes are deprived of all their property; no part of their earnings is their own; the whole is their masters.—In a conquered state we should have been at liberty to dispose of ourselves and of our property in most cases, as we should choose. We should have been free to live in this or that town or place; in any part of the country, or to remove out of the country; to apply to this or that business; to labour or not; and excepting sufficiency for the taxes, to dispose of the fruit of our labour to our own benefit, or that of our children, or of any other person. But the unhappy Negroes in slavery can do none of these things. They must do what they are commanded and as much as they are commanded, on pain of the lash. They must live where they are placed, and must confine themselves to that spot, on pain of death.

So that Great-Britain in her late attempt to enslave America, committed a very small crime indeed in comparison with the crime of those who enslave Africans.

The arguments which have been urged against the slave-trade, are with little variation applicable to the holding of slaves. He who holds a slave, continues to deprive him of that liberty, which was taken from him on the coast of Africa. And if it were wrong to deprive him of it in the first instance, why not in the second? If this be true, no man hath a better right to retain his Negro in slavery, than he had to take him from his native African shores. And every man who cannot show, that his Negro hath by his voluntary conduct forfeited his liberty, is obligated immediately to manumit him. Undoubtedly we should think so, were we holden in the same slavery in which the Negroes are: And our text requires us to do to others, as we would that they should do to us.

To hold a slave, who has a right to his liberty, is not only a real crime, but a very great one. Many good Christians have wondered how Abraham, the father of the faithful, could take Hagar to his bed; and how Sarah, celebrated as an holy woman, could consent to this transaction: Also, how David and Solomon could have so many wives and concubines, and yet be real saints. Let such inquire how it is possible, that our fathers and men now alive, universally reputed pious, should hold Negro slaves, and yet be the subjects of real piety? And whether to reduce a man, who hath the same right to liberty as any other man, to a state of absolute slaery6, or to hold him in that state, be not as great a crime as concubinage or fornication. I presume it will not be denied, that to commit theft or robbery every day of a man’s life, is as great a sin as to commit fornication in one instance. But to steal a man or to rob him of his liberty is a greater sin, than to steal his property, or to take it by violence. And to hold a man in a state of slavery, who has a right to his liberty, is to be every day guilty of robbing him of his liberty, or of man-stealing. The consequence is inevitable, that other things being the same, to hold a Negro slave, unless he have forfeited his liberty, is a greater sin in the sight of God, than concubinage or fornication.

Does this conclusion seem strange to any of you? Let me entreat you to weigh it candidly before you reject it. You will not deny, that liberty is more valuable than property; and that it is a greater sin to deprive a man of his whole liberty during life, than to deprive him of his whole property; or that man-stealing is a greater crime than robbery. Nor will you deny, that to hold in slavery a man who was stolen, is substantially the same crime as to steal him. These principles being undeniable, I leave it to yourselves to draw the plain and necessary consequence. And if your consciences shall, in spite of all opposition, tell you, that while you hold your Negroes in slavery, you do wrong, exceedingly wrong; that you do not, as you would that men should do to you; that you commit sin in the sight of God; that you daily violate the plain rights of mankind, and that in a higher degree, than if you committed theft or robbery; let me beseech you not to stifle this conviction, but attend to it and act accordingly; lest you add to your former guilt, that of sinning against the light of truth, and of your own consciences.

To convince yourselves, that your information being the same, to hold a Negro slave is a greater sin than fornication, theft or robbery, you need only bring the matter home to yourselves. I am willing to appeal to your own consciences, whether you would not judge it to be a greater sin for a man to hold you or your child during life in such slavery, as that of the Negroes, than for him to spend one night in a brothel, or in one instance to steal or rob. Let conscience speak, and I will submit to it’s decision.

This question seems to be clearly decided by revelation. Exod. xxi. 16. “He that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death.” Thus death is, by the divine express declaration, the punishment due to the crime of man-stealing. But death is not the pu7nishment declared by God to be due to fornication, theft or robbery in common cases. Therefore we have the divine authority to assert, that man-stealing is a greater crime than fornication, theft or robbery. Now to hold in slavery a man who has a right to liberty, is substantially the same crime as to deprive him of his liberty. And to deprive of liberty and reduce to slavery, a man who has a right to liberty, is man-stealing. For it is immaterial whether he be taken and reduced to slavery clandestinely or by open violence. Therefore if the Negroes have a right to liberty, to hold them in slavery is man-stealing, which we have seen is, by God himself, declared to be a greater crime than fornication, theft or robbery.

Perhaps, though this truth be clearly demonstrable both from reason and revelation, you scarcely dare receive it, because it seems to bear hardly on the characters of our pious fathers, who held slaves. But they did it ignorantly and in unbelief of the truth; as Abraham, Jacob, David and Solomon were ignorant, that polygamy or concubinage was wrong. As to domestic slavery our fathers lived in a time of ignorance which God winked at; but now he commandeth all men every where to repent of this wickedness, and to break off this sin by righteousness, and this iniquity by shewing mercy to the poor, if it may be a lengthening out of their tranquility. You therefore to whom the present blaze of light as to this subject has reached, cannot sin at so cheap a rate as our fathers.

But methinks I hear some say, I have bought my Negro; I have paid a large sum for him; I cannot lose this sum, and therefore I cannot manumit him.—Alas! This is hitting the nail on the head. This brings into view the true cause which makes it so difficult to convince men of what is right in this case.—You recollect the story of Amaziah’s hiring an hundred thousand men of Israel, for an hundred talents, to assist him against the Edomites; and that when by the word of the Lord, he was forbidden to take those hired men with him to the war, he cried out, “But what shall we do for the hundred talents, which I have given to the army of Israel?” In this case, the answer of God was, “The Lord is able to give thee much more than this.”—To apply this to the subject before us, God is able to give thee much more than thou shalt lose my manumitting thy slave.

You may plead, that you use your slave well; you are not cruel to him, but feed and clothe him comfortably, &c. Still every day you rob him of a most valuable and important right. And a highwayman, who robs a man of his money in the most easy and compliant manner, is still a robber; and murder may be effected in a manner the least cruel and tormenting; still it is murder.

Having now taken that view of our subject, which was proposed, we may in reflection see abundant reason to acquiesce in the institution of this society. If the slave-trade be unjust, and as gross a violation of the rights of mankind, as would be, if the Africans should transport us into perpetual slavery in Africa; to unite our influence against it, is a duty which we owe to mankind, to ourselves and to God too. It is but doing as we would that men should do to us.—Nor is it enough that we have formed the society; we must do the duties of it. The first of these is to put an end to the slave-trade. The second is to relieve those who, contrary to the laws of the country, are holden in bondage. Another is to defend those in their remaining legal and natural rights, who are by law holden in bondage. Another and not the least important object of this society, I conceive to be, to increase and disperse the light of truth with respect to the subject of African slavery, and so prepare the way for its total abolition. For until men in general are convinced of the injustice of the trade and of the slavery itself, comparatively little can be done to effect the most important purposes of the institution.

It is not to be doubted, that the trade is even now carried on from this state. Vessels are from time to time fitted out for the coast of Africa, to transport the Negroes to the West-Indies and other parts. Nor will an end be put to this trade, without vigilance and strenuous exertion on the part of this society, or other friends of humanity, nor without a patient enduring of the opposition and odium of all who are concerned in it, of their friends and of all who are of the opinion that it is justifiable. Among these we are doubtless to reckon some of large property and considerable influence. And if the laws and customs of the country equally allowed of it, many, and perhaps as many as now plead for the right of the African slave-trade, would plead for the right of kidnapping us, the citizens of the United States, and of selling us into perpetual slavery.—If then we dare not incur the displeasure of such men, we may as well dissolve the society, and leave the slave-trade to be carried on, and the Negroes to be kidnapped, and though free in this state, to be sold into perpetual slavery in distant parts, at the pleasure of any man, who wishes to make gain by such abominable practices.

Though we must expect opposition, yet if we be steady and persevering, we need not fear, that we shall fail of success. The advantages, which the cause has already gained, are many and great. Thirty years ago scarcely a man in this country thought either the slave-trade or the slavery of Negroes to be wrong. But now how many and able advocates in private life, in our legislatures, in Congress, have appeared and have openly and irrefragably pleaded the rights of humanity in this as well as other instances? Nay, the great body of the people from New Hampshire to Virginia inclusively, have obtained such light, that in all those states the further importation of slaves is prohibited by law. And in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, slavery is totally abolished.

Nor is the light concerning this subject confined to America. It hath appeared with great clearness in France, and produced remarkable effects in the National Assembly. It hath also shone in bright beams in Great-Britain. It flashes with splendor in the writings of Clarkson and in the proceedings of several societies formed to abolish the slave-trade. Nor hath it been possible to shut it out of the British parliament. This light is still increasing, and in time will effect a total revolution. And if we judge of the future by the past, within fifty years from this time, it will be as shameful for a man to hold a Negro slave, as to be guilty of common robbery or theft. But it is our duty to remove the obstacles which intercept the rays of this light, that it may reach not only public bodies, but every individual. And when it shall have obtained a general spread, shall have dispelled all darkness, and slavery shall be no more; it will be an honour to be recorded in history, as a society which was formed, and which exerted itself with vigour and fidelity, to bring about an event so necessary and conducive to the interests of humanity and virtue, to the support of the rights and to the advancement of the happiness of mankind.

A P P E N D I X.

Some objections to the doctrine of the preceding sermon, have been mentioned to the author, since the delivery of it. Of these it may be proper to take some notice.

1. The slaves are in a better situation than that in which they were in their own country; especially as they have opportunity to know the Christian religion and to secure the saving blessings of it. Therefore it is not an injury, but a benefit to bring them into this country, even though their importation be accompanied and followed with slavery. It is also said, that the situation of many Negroes under their masters is much better, than it would be, were they free in this country; that they are much better fed and clothed, and are much more happy; that therefore to hold them in slavery is so far from a crime, that it is a meritorious act.

With regard to these pleas, it is to be observed, that every man hath a right to judge concerning his own happiness, and to choose the means of obtaining or promoting it; and to deprive him of this right is the very injury of which we complain; it is to enslave him. Because we judge, that the Negroes are more happy in this country, in a state of slavery, than in the enjoyment of liberty in Africa, we have no more right to enslave them and bring them into this country, than we have to enslave any of our neighbours, who we judge would be more happy under our control, than they are at present under their own. Let us make the case our own. Should we believe, that we were justly treated, if the Africans should carry us into perpetual slavery in Africa, on the round that they judged, that we should be more happy in that state, than in our present situation?

As to the opportunity which the Negroes in this country are said to have, to become acquainted with Christianity; this with respect to many is granted: But what follows from it? It would be ridiculous to pretend, that this is the motive on which they act who import them, or they who buy and hold them in slavery. Or if this were the motive, it would not sanctify either the trade or the slavery. We are not at liberty to do evil, that good may come; to commit a crime more aggravated than theft or robbery, that we may make a proselyte to Christianity. Neither our Lord Jesus Christ, nor any one of his apostles has taught us this mode of propagating the faith.

2. It is said, that the doctrine of the preceding sermon imputes that as a crime to individuals, which is owing to the state of society. This is granted; and what follows? It is owing to the state of society, that our neighbours, the Indians roast their captives: and does it hence follow, that such conduct is not to be imputed to the individual agents as a crime? It is owing to the state of society in Popish countries, that thousands worship the beast and his image: and is that worship therefore not to be imputed as a crime to those, who render it? Read the Revelation of St. John. The state of society is such, that drunkenness and adultery are very common in some countries; but will it follow, that those vices are innocent in those countries?

3. If I be ever so willing to manumit my slave, I cannot do it without being holden to maintain him, when he shall be sick or shall be old and decrepit. Therefore I have a right to hold him as a slave.—The same argument will prove, that you have a right to enslave your children or your parents; as you are equally holden to maintain them in sickness and in decrepit old age.—The argument implies, that in order to secure the money, which you are afraid the laws of your country will some time or other oblige you to pay; it is right for you to rob a free man of his liberty or be guilty of man-stealing. On the ground of this argument every town or parish obligated by law, to maintain its helpless poor, has a right to sell into perpetual slavery all the people, who may probably or even possibly occasion a public expense.

4. After all, it is not safe to manumit the Negroes: they would cut our throats; they would endanger the peace and government of the state. Or at least they would be so idle, that they would not provide themselves with necessaries: of course they must live by thievery and plundering.

This objection requires a different answer, as it respects the northern, and as it respects the southern states. As it respects the northern, in which slaves are so few, there is not the least foundation to imagine, that they would combine or make insurrection against the government; or that they would attempt to murder their masters. They are much more likely to kill their masters, in order to obtain their liberty, or to revenge the abuse they receive, while it is still continued, than to do it after the abuse hath ceased, and they are restored to their liberty. In this case, they would from a sense of gratitude, or at least from a conviction of the justice of their masters, feel a strong attachment, instead of a murderous disposition.

Nor is there the least danger, but that by a proper vigilance of the select-men, and by a strict execution of the laws now existing, the Negroes might in a tolerable degree be kept from idleness and pilfering.

All this hath been verified by experiment. In Massachusetts, all the Negroes in the commonwealth were by their new constitution liberated in a day: and none of the ill consequences objected followed either to the commonwealth or to individuals.

With regard to the southern states, the case is different. The Negroes in some parts of those states are a great majority of the whole, and therefore the evils objected would, in case of a general manumission at once, be more likely to take place. But in the first place there is no prospect, that the conviction of the truth exhibited in the preceding discourse, will at once, take place in the minds of all the holders of slaves. The utmost that can be expected, is that it will take place gradually in one after another, and that of course the slaves will be gradually manumitted. Therefore the evils of a general manumission at once, are dreaded without reason.

If in any state the slaves should be manumitted in considerable numbers at once, or so that the number of free Negroes should become large; various measures might be concerted to prevent the evils feared. One I beg leave to propose: That overseers of the free Negroes be appointed from among themselves, who shall be empowered to inspect the morals and management of the rest, and report to proper authority, those who are vicious, idle or incapable of managing their own affairs, and that such authority dispose of them under proper masters for a year or other term, as is done, perhaps in all the states, with regard to the poor white people in like manner vicious, idle or incapable of management. Such black overseers would naturally be ambitious to discharge the duties of their office; they would in many respects have much more influence than white men with their country men: and other Negroes looking forward to the same honourable distinction, would endeavour to deserve it by their improvement and good conduct.

But after all, this whole objection, if it were ever so entirely founded on truth; if the freed Negroes would probably rise against their masters, or combine against government; rests on the same ground, as the apology of the robber, who murders the man whom he has robbed. Says the robber to himself, I have robbed this man, and now if I let him go he will kill me, or he will complain to authority and I shall be apprehended and hung. I must therefore kill him. There is no other way of safety for me.—The coincidence between this reasoning and that of the objection under consideration, must be manifest to all. And if this reasoning of the robber be inconclusive; if the robber have no right on that ground to kill the man whom he hath robbed; neither have the slave-holders any more right to continue to hold their slaves. If the robber ought to spare the life of the man robbed, take his own chance and esteem himself happy, if he can escape justice; so the slave-holders ought immediately to let their slaves go free, treat them with the utmost kindness, by such treatment endeavour to pacify them with respect to past injuries, and esteem themselves happy, if they can compromise the matter in this manner.

In all countries in which the slaves are a majority of the inhabitants, the masters lie in a great measure at the mercy of the slaves, and may most rationally expect sooner or later, to be cut off, or driven out by the slaves, or to be reduced to the same level and to be mingled with them into one common mass. This I think is by ancient and modern vents demonstrated to be the natural and necessary course of human affairs. The hewers of wood and drawers of water among the Israelites, the Helots among the Lacedemonians, the slaves among the Romans, the villains and vassals in most of the kingdoms of Europe under the feudal system, have long since mixed with the common mass of the people, and shared the common privileges and honours of their respective countries. And in the French West-Indies the Mulattoes and free Negroes are already become so numerous and power a body, as to be allowed by the National Assembly to enjoy the common rights and honours of free men. These facts plainly show, what the whites in the West-Indies and the Southern States are to expect concerning their posterity, that it will infallibly be a mongrel breed, or else they must quit the country to the Negroes whom they have hitherto holden in bondage.

Thus it seems, that they will be necessitated by Providence to make in one way or another compensation to the Negroes for the injury which they have done to them. In the first case, by taking them into affinity with themselves, giving them their own sons and daughters in marriage, and making them and their posterity the heirs of all their property and all their honours, and by raising their colour to a partial whiteness, whereby a part at least of that mark which brings on them so much contempt, will be wiped off. In the other case, by leaving to them all their real estates. It is manifest by the bare stating of the two cases, that the compensation in the latter case is by much the least. In the former cause, the compensation will include all that is included in the latter and much more. If therefore our southern brethren and the inhabitants of the West-Indies would balance their accounts with their Negro slaves, at the cheapest possible rate, they will doubtless judge it prudent, to leave the country with all their houses, lands and improvements to their quiet possession and dominion; as otherwise Providence will compel them to much dearer settlement, and one attended with a circumstance inconceivably more mortifying, than the loss of all their real estates, I mean the mixture of their blood with that of the Negroes into one common posterity.

At least it is to be hoped, that these considerations will induce them to forbear any further importation of slaves, as the more numerous the slaves are, the more dangerous they will be, and the more deeply tinged will be the colour of their mulatto posterity.

It is not to be doubted, but that the Negroes in these northern states also will, in time, mix with the common mass of the people. But we have this consolation, that as they are so small a proportion of the inhabitants, when mixed with the rest, they will not produce any very sensible diversity of colour.

Sermon – Election – 1791, New Hampshire


Israel Evans (1747-1807) graduated from the College of New Jersey in 1772. He was a chaplain during the Revolutionary war, serving with units from New York (1775-1777) and New Hampshire (1777-1783). Evans was the pastor of the First Congregational Church in Concord, NH (1789-1797) and a trustee of Dartmouth College (1793-1807). This sermon was preached by Evans in New Hampshire in June, 1791.


sermon-election-1791-new-hampshire

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED AT CONCORD,

BEFORE

The Hon. General Court

OF THE STATE OF

NEW HAMPSHIRE,

AT THE

ANNUAL ELECTION,

HOLDEN ON THE FIRST WEDNESDAY IN JUNE,

M.DCC.XCI.

By the Rev. ISRAEL EVANS, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN CONCORD.

 

State of New Hampshire.
In the House of Representatives, June 3,
1791.
Voted,

That Mr. Foster, Mr. Parker, and Mr. Macgregore, with such of the honourable Senate as they may appoint, be a Committee to present the Reverend Mr. Evans with the thanks of the General Court, for his excellent Discourse delivered yesterday before the court, and request a copy of the same for the Pres.

Sent up for concurrence,
NATH. PEABODY, Speaker.

In Senate, the same day.
Read and concurred: Mr. Dow, joined.
J. PEARSON, Sec’ry.

 

GALATIANS V. I.

Stand fast, therefore, in the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of Bondage.

 

Friends and Fellow-Citizens,

We have numbered more than twenty-seven years since your opposition to a foreign system of heavy oppression began. The year 1764 has been rendered memorable, on the one side by the folly and injustice of a hated stamp-act, and, on the other, by the resisting energy of the patriot sons of Freedom. From that period, the genius of American liberty, by combating distress, misery, and hosts of enemies, waxed strong in her own defence, and hath crowned more than THREE MILLIONS of mankind with national independence.—Instructed in the school of Freedom, the inhabitants of these confederate States combined their strength in the protection of the rights of men. THEY KNEW AND THEY FELT THAT FREEMEN WILL BE FREE. By their exertions, under the favour of a righteous providence, they have established a wise constitution of federal government: they have reached the consummation of every patriot’s wish, the glory and felicity of their country; and now enjoy a free system of political happiness, such as gives pleasure, and even transport, to the enlightened patriots of many nations; and has made, perhaps, no small advancement of joy among the benevolent hosts of Heaven: for, to every benevolent and virtuous being, the freedom and happiness of the human race is a most pleasing consideration.—But there are some men, with the means of public prosperity in their possession, who do not realize the value of Freedom: they partake of the common blessings of a free people, and yet are not conscious of national felicity.—This, however, does not lessen the real worth of Liberty; for in every situation of life, it is the richest inheritance. In true Liberty is included, Freedom, both moral and civil; it has nothing in contemplation but the happiness of mankind, and therefore it is the principal glory of man; and, in this world, there can be nothing more dignified, or more exalted. Without civil and religious Liberty, man is indeed a poor, enslaved, wretched, miserable creature; neither his life, nor his property, nor the use of his conscience, is secured to him; but he is subjected to some inhuman tyrant, whose will is his law, and who presumes to govern men without their consent.—But let not this gale of honest zeal carry us beyond the recollection of our text.

In the discussion of the text, it may be observed, that the word Liberty, in this place, does principally imply a freedom from the injunctions of the ceremonial law. This freedom our Saviour purchased for all Christians; and in this freedom the apostle Paul exhorted the Galatians, and all the followers of Christ, to stand fast. When we consider the age, and state of the world, in which the Jews lived, and their fondness of show, idolatry, and superstition, we shall find that their religion was well suited to their genius and temper. The religion of the Jews had a very pointed allusion to the character and office of the Messiah, and was therefore wisely enjoined. But those typical and ritual services, after the coming of Christ, having fulfilled their design, became unnecessary. “These, said the apostle Paul, were a shadow of things to come; but the body is of Christ, who hath abolished the law of commandments contained in ordinances.” Without the external pomp and show of the Jewish religion, the gospel recommends the worship of God in spirit and truth. The doctrines of the gospel are calculated to promote good will and liberty among men; and where their genuine influence has been extended, mankind have been rendered more happy: they have been instructed, civilized, humanized, and made free. “The wisdom that is from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy.”—The true spirit of the Gospel contains the true spirit of Liberty. We may be assured, that under this benevolent institution, useful liberty of every kind is recommended by the spirit of our text.

Altho my text, in the original meaning, did not respect civil so much as religious liberty, yet I hope I shall not seem to misuse it by making it the foundation of a discourse on Liberty in general.

A few observations on the nature of religious Liberty, shall constitute the first part of this discourse.

I. Religious Liberty is a divine right, immediately derived from the Supreme Being, without the invention of any created authority. It is the natural privilege of worshipping God in that manner which, according to the judgment of men, is most agreeable and pleasing to the divine character. As the conscience of man is the image and representative of God in the human soul; so to him alone it is responsible. In justice, therefore, the feelings and sentiments of conscience, and the moral practice of religion, must be independent of all finite beings. Nor hath the all-wise Creator invested any order of men with the right of judging for their fellow-creatures in the great concerns of religion. Truth and religion are subjects of determination entrusted to all men; and it is a privilege of all men to judge and determine for themselves.

Religious Liberty secures every man, both in his person and property, from suffering on account of his peculiar sentiments in religion; and no practice which flows purely from this fountain of natural right can justly be punished. But when a man adopts such notions as, in their practice, counteract the peace and good order of society, he then perverts and abuses the original Liberty of man; and were he to suffer for thus disturbing the peace of the community, and injuring his fellow-citizens, his punishment would be inflicted not for the exercise of a virtuous principle of conscience, but for violating that universal law of rectitude and benevolence which was intended to prevent one man from injuring another. To punish men for entertaining various religious sentiments, is to assume a power to punish them for doing what God gave them an unalienable right to do. For neither the principles of reason, nor the doctrines of the gospel, which are he perfection of reason, have empowered any man to judge for himself and for another man also: this is religious tyranny; this is to control another man’s conscience: and to control any man’s conscience is to contradict that true principle of eternal justice which Jesus Christ published to the world: Therefore, all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.

Suffer me a little to illustrate this maxim of primitive justice. We will suppose, that some man should endeavour to prove, that he had a right to determine what our religious principles and sentiments ought to be; but how would he be pleased when his own arguments should be turned against himself? Should this man, who was unwilling to allow us the free exercise of rational, accountable creatures, be forced, in the change of human affairs, to reside among a people very different from him in matters of religion; he however behaving himself as an honest and peaceable man, and, as a good subject of civil society, serving the interest of the country; would he not think it very unjust and tyrannical to be persecuted for his religious opinions—imprisoned, deprived of his property, and finally condemned to die, only because he could not with a clear conscience worship as they did? Only the Supreme Governour of mankind has a perfect right to receive the homage of the human mind; it is his peculiar prerogative to control the consciences of men by his infinitely wise and equitable laws. True religion must therefore be founded in the inward persuasion and conviction of the mind; for without this it cannot be that reasonable service which is pleasing to God. The human understanding cannot be convinced by external violence of any kind; nor can immaterial spirit be influenced by the laws of men, unless they correspond with the goodness, justice, and mercy, of our blessed Creator, our most bountiful Benefactor, and our all wise and righteous Judge.—Here joy and gratitude prompt me to say, Oh happy people, who live in this land and in this age of religious Liberty! Here every man has equally the freedom of choosing his religion; and may sit every man under his vine, and under his figtree; and, on the account of religion, none shall make them afraid. Let us, my friends and fellow-citizens, Stand fast, therefore, in the religious Liberty wherewith God and Christ hath made us free.

II. With submission to the professional knowledge of my political Fathers, I will now venture to make some observations on the nature and principles of civil Liberty. These observations shall be included within the following particulars.

1. In this happy land of light and liberty, it is a truth fully established, that all men are by nature equally free. From this principle of natural Liberty we derive an indefeasible right of being governed by our own civil constitutions. WE THE PEOPLE are the source of all legislative authority. Upon this just, benevolent, pleasing, and even delightful principle, the constitution, the laws, and the governments, of these federal States, will stand fast. All men who understand the nature, and feel the spirit, of such principles, are self-instructed to be their own Legislators, either in one collected body, or by representation. When all the people can assemble, and personally contribute their aid in framing constitutions and laws for the government of themselves, then their liberty is most natural and most perfect. But since great loss of time, much expense, and many inconveniences, would attend this mode of legislation, the people have agreed, in free States, to select from the whole body, some of their brethren, whom they invest with legislative power. What shall be transacted by these delegates or representatives, consistently with the constitution of the people, must be acknowledged as the act of the people. In conformity to this plan, the people keep as near the possession of natural Liberty, as is convenient and really useful; and while they are truly virtuous, they will enjoy as much perfect Liberty as is necessary to preserve peace, establish justice, and secure political happiness.—I shall only add further, under this particular, that when a free people have, according to their constitution, determined to legislate by representatives, they should take great care that the representation may be fully adequate to the importance and welfare of the people; the elections should also be perfectly free, and sufficiently frequent.

2. The elections should be conducted agreeably to the principles of justice and honour. The privilege of electing freely, or being freely elected, is one of the fairest features in the pure image of natural Liberty. A free and unbiased election of the best and the wisest men, is a certain evidence of the flourishing state of Liberty.—On the other hand, when elections are under dishonest influence, and men can be sold and bought, it is a most lamentable sign that Liberty is either in a deep sleep, or in a dangerous decay. When this birth-right of the people is bartered for something as mean as a mess of pottage—when they neglect and despise this natural and constitutional right—they then lose their share and influence in that government of which they were the original foundation. Having neglected that security which at first existed in themselves, and having counteracted the very design of that social compact which was intended to secure them from every species of political injury, they turn traitors to their God who made them free; and for want of exercising that natural power which their Creator gave them, their glory will depart: and, having the hearts of slaves, they will wear the livery and endure the misery of slaves.—But I am not willing to spend time in representing this horrible image of slavish misery. This assembly is the image and representation of a free state. I have the honour, I have the felicity, of speaking before men who are too well acquainted with the blessings of Liberty to neglect or despise any of the natural or constitutional rights of freemen.

3. The public happiness of a people is promoted, not only by the freedom of elections, but also by the wisdom and goodness of the laws. A wise and good representation will produce good laws. Good and wise men, who are clothed with the natural power of their constituents, will study to unite closely the interest of the country and the power of the laws; and where the representation is good, the laws will appear to carry with them the voice and common consent of the people. The laws made after this manner, are the laws of the people, and prove that they are free, and that they virtually legislate for themselves.—I leave this particular, after observing, that the public happiness should be the first duty and the prime object of all legislators; and that, in every free and virtuous state, this is the pole-star of legislation.

4. It is the duty of the people, in conformity to the principles of Liberty, to choose men to superintend the executive department of the nation: for no man, in a free state, can justly claim the authority of an executive magistrate, without the voice and consent of the people. In the exercise of their own natural power, by their constitution, they must appoint their chief magistrate to this place of honour and trust. In this respect, it may be said, that the people do not only make their laws, but they also execute them, and govern themselves. These considerations should have a tendency to discourage all officers of government from feeling themselves independent of their brethren, THE PEOPLE. With these proper views, they will be more likely to pay that attention to the wants and feelings of the people, which is necessary to increase the public happiness. When, therefore, the most exalted characters in authority feel themselves connected to the whole community by a brotherly, benevolent attachment; then the lives and the states of the nation are most secure. In addition to this, it may also be said, that the administration of men in power will then be the most useful and honourable, when the affairs of government are conducted with moderation and justice: for the people have not appointed men to insult and injure them, but to promote their best interest. Violence & compulsion will never advance the happiness of freemen. They will know when they are governed agreeably to their constitutions and laws: they will know when they enjoy a portion of that civil prosperity which they are entitled to by their rights and privileges: and they will easily know when they are treated with civility and kindness. The people should have reason to believe, that men in office have nothing more at heart than the felicity of the nation.

5. The best measures should be adopted to establish esteem and confidence between the people and their rulers; for without this favourable impression, there will be but little peace and satisfaction in the public mind. Great care should be taken not to disturb and irritate the temper of the people; their patience should never be tortured; but they should have as many reasons to be pleased with the transactions of government, as possible, consistent with the public welfare: for good humour and satisfaction greatly contribute to the peace and happiness of government and mankind. When the people have reasonable satisfaction and rest of mind, they will be more industrious, and consequently more virtuous: the produce of the land will be more plentiful; and the strength and resources of the nation will be in proportion to the pleasure and encouragement of the m mind. A free, willing, industrious, and virtuous people, well united and well pleased, are the strength of a nation; while the great wealth of a few luxurious, idle drones, are the great bane of Liberty.—A people with that happy temper of mind which I have described, will be cheerfully obedient to their laws; they will respect and esteem all their good civil officers; and peace and harmony will be pleasant and lasting.—The man, whom every benevolent, free and virtuous citizen respects and loves, suffer me to adorn my humble page with the name of WASHINGTON, hath declared that THE BEST WAY TO PRESERVE THE CONFIDENCE OF THE PEOPLE DURABLY IS TO PROMOTE THEIR TRUEST INTEREST.

6. The principles of a free people are directly opposed to taxation without their own consent by representation. Money should never be extorted by violence, but received as the gifts and free will offerings, or contributions of the people, to pay for the security of their persons and property. Let them be convinced, that the public demands are reasonable and necessary, not merely for the benefit of civil officers, but for the general advantage of the nation; and then as a free, enlightened, generous, virtuous people, they will take pleasure cheerfully to defray the necessary expenses of government. They will be pleased when they recollect, that for a very small portion of their property they can be secured in the real possession of all the blessings of true Liberty.—But how will their pleasure rise still higher, when they consider, that by doing justice to their brethren, to whom they have committed the toils and dangers of public business; when they consider, I say, that by their contributions they advance not only the great prosperity of the nation, but include also their posterity in the general happiness. But here let it be observed, that no requisitions should be made but such as are really and absolutely necessary for the support and contingencies of government; and of the expenditure of money the people should have an account. Much the greater part of mankind toil severely for what property they acquire; it would therefore be very unjust and cruel to use it for the gratification of pampered pride and luxury. In a word, that government which improves the interest and happiness of the people, and manages their public affairs consistently with the principles of a generous economy, as well as a just and magnanimous policy, free from a prodigal and dishonest waste of the public wealth, such a government will furnish the most reasonable satisfaction, and will be the most valued and the most bravely defended.

III. Under this head of discourse, I will endeavour to shew when it may be said that a people stand fast in the Liberty wherewith they are free. With the prosecution of this design, I will attempt to intermix the spirit and freedom of an APPLICATION.

1. The people are in the habit and exercise of Liberty, when they resort to the first principles of government, and trace their rights up to God the Creator: when they exercise their natural power of framing any social compact conducive to the common interest: feel independent of all human power but that which flows from themselves: disdain the subjection of their consciences to any authority but the will of God: refuse to be controuled by the will of any man who claims an independent power of disposing of their lives and estates: recollect that they entered into society to have their natural rights, which are the basis of civil rights, secured. To maintain such principles of original justice, is to stand fast in the righteous Liberty of man. True Liberty suffers no man to be injured in his person, estate, or character: it encourages and enables him to improve his happiness; and, within the limits of the public good, insures to him every blessing to which imperfect human nature can attain. All the toils, sufferings, treasure and blood of men, are not lost, when they are the price and purchase of Liberty. Without religious and civil Liberty, we can have no security of life, or of any of the good things of God: we cannot practice the sentiments of our consciences:–but where the rights of man are equally secured in the greatest degree, there is the greatest happiness—AND THAT IS OUR COUNTRY.

2. When you carefully regard the election of your representatives and officers of government, you will stand fast in your Liberty. It is a darling privilege of all freemen to elect the best qualified men to represent them in a State or National Assembly. But do a people stand fast in the discharge of their duty—are they in the exercise of their civil rights, when they neglect to choose men of established principles of Virtue and Liberty? Do they wish to have good laws, and yet neglect to choose men who have proved themselves friends to the rights of their brethren? Can they reasonably expect that good laws will proceed from men who fear not God nor regard man? Will men, who feel no obligations of love and duty to their Creator, be good examples to their constituents? Will they add any weight to the laws they assisted to make, when they are so prompt to violate them? Do they not, as far as their influence will reach, defeat the very laws they voted for? Will a public and patriotic spirit originate from vicious principles? Is it natural for noble and generous sentiments to flow from vice? Do not bad principles make men selfish, narrow the mind, and banish all benevolent propensities of doing good to men? Will not the very knowledge which unprincipled men may have, degenerate into selfish low cunning, and serve only to embarrass and perplex the honesty and good common sense of men who are able and willing to promote the interest of society?—I need not tell you, that men under the influence of selfish passions, will sacrifice the best interest of their country, whenever they can greatly advnce their own importance; and, like a Dean and an Arnold, by the most infamous and horrible treason, betray that Liberty which they once pretended to defend.—Do any of the people ask me, as one of their brethren, Who are the men we must choose, in order to stand fast in our Liberty? First, separate, in your minds, the most wicked and unprincipled men, from being objects of your choice; and then, out of the rest, select men of understanding, for of such there will enough remain, who are actuated by principles of love and obedience to God, and animated by a generous benevolence to mankind; who really love to see their brethren free and happy: for in this every benevolent man must take pleasure. Benevolent principles will produce the noblest acts of public and patriotic good; they will enable men to discern easily the advantage of the people. “For when private interest and private views are removed, it will be easy to know what is the public good.”—Let me beseech all the people to remember, that their safety and happiness in society depends upon the election of good and wise representatives. Under the smiles of providence, the prosperity of a free people is in their own hands; for they have knowledge enough, if well improved, to advance and secure their welfare. In a few words, choose the men to manage your public affairs, to whom you would not fear to entrust the most important concerns of a private nature.—This is the way to stand fast in your Liberty.

3. The example of civil officers has great influence on the minds of mankind. They ought to be punctual in their observation of the laws of the country. As public men, or private citizens, they should be uniform in the practice of virtue, and the defense of Liberty. The people call them Fathers: we are willing to be their political children, as long as they are good parents. But, Should not fathers be examples of goodness to their children? Will children do well, if the parents are wicked and do wrong? Will the children be obedient to the public laws, if the parents violate them? Will the children love Freedom, if the parents disregard it? Will the children cultivate a public spirit, if the parents are selfish? Do fathers love their children, and not strive in all respects to promote their felicity? It is most reasonable, therefore, to conclude, that it is the great and indispensible duty of rulers to encourage the practice of religion by their own influence and example: and I venture to declare, that no civil officer does the half of his duty, unless he endeavours to suppress vice and disorder, and so prevent the necessity of punishment. Mankind very quickly and justly exclaim against the absurdity of allowing those men to be teachers of religion, who live in the habitual practice of vice and wickedness: Shall we not, with equal justice, condemn the practice of those men who break through those restraints which were intended to suppress vice, and consequently encourage virtue? Should they not be ministers of God for good to the people, in every possible way? Every man of common sense acknowledges, that religion is very useful to mankind; and especially the precepts and truths of the gospel. It is also allowed, that public worship is of particular and national advantage. To favour and practice virtue is therefore to increase the public happiness, and to answer the intention of government: and by these means their own importance and authority will be increased.

4. When the people are submissive to their laws and rulers, upon the principles already mentioned, their Liberties will be permanent. Where the true spirit of religion is united to the free and generous spirit of Liberty, obedience will be a pleasing duty. The author of our benevolent religion hath commanded us to render unto Caesar the things which are Caesar’s; and unto God, the things that are God’s. The apostles also say, Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s sake. Render to all, their dues: tribute, to whom tribute is due; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; honour, to whom honour. Men who are under the influence of reason and religion, will not blame the necessary measures of government. They will not be factious and turbulent, but of a reasonable and complying disposition. They will be influenced by such generous sentiments as the following: Look not every man on his own things, but every man also on the things of others. We must endeavour to render ourselves extensively useful, and promote the good of our country; in which, not only our own happiness, but the happiness of millions, is included.

5. The Liberties of a people cannot be lasting without knowledge. The human mind is capable of great cultivation. Knowledge is not only useful, but it adds dignity to man. When the minds of men are improved, they can better understand their rights—they can know what part they are to act, in contributing to the welfare of the nation. Freemen should always acquire knowledge; this is a privilege and pleasure unknown to slaves; this elevates the mind of man; this creates a conscious dignity of his importance as a rational creature, and a free agent. The happiness of mankind has been much advanced by the arts and sciences; and they have flourished the most among freemen. Slavery blots the image of the Creator, which was at first impressed upon man: it banishes knowledge, and courts misery. But men, enlightened, pursue with ardour the knowledge and recovery of their rights. Liberty is enlightened by knowledge; and knowledge is nurtured by Liberty. Where there is wisdom, virtue, and Liberty, there mankind are MEN.—In all the dark ages of the world, tyranny has been established upon the slavish ignorance of mankind. Tyrants, in time past, secured their domination by darkening the minds of their subjects. In the present day, they tremble at the approaching light of knowledge and Liberty. They turn indignant from the glorious illuminations of America and France. They hear with horror the sound of Freedom and the rights of men. They would still imbrute the human race, and make mankind forget that they are men.—Be assured, my dear countrymen, knowledge is absolutely necessary to secure the blessings of Freedom. If you wish to see your country not only free in your day, but also to feast your imaginations with the pleasing prospect of a free posterity for many ages to come; let me entreat you, to encourage and promote that knowledge which will enable the people successfully to watch all the enemies of Liberty, and guard against the designs of intriguing men. Unless the people have knowledge, they may be imposed upon by men who are always lying in wait to disturb the peace of society, create disorder and confusion, and, in the tumult, overturn the Liberties of the country. Be always awake to your own interest, and you will have nothing to fear: but if you sleep, the enemies of Liberty will awake:–sleep, and by your death-like slumbers you will give them life: for Liberty has never yet appeared upon the face of the earth without meeting enemies to contend with.—There have been men in America, who have reprobated what they were pleased to call the inquisitive sauciness of the people, when they wished to know how the public affairs of the country were conducted, and how Justice and Liberty might be secured. Nay, some men, still more unjust and tyrannical, have ventured to say—blush! Ye degenerate sons of free parents!—that the people, when in the possession of Liberty, are unable to use it for their own advantage, and therefore they ought to be governed against their wills, and without their choice, by men, to be sure, much wiser than themselves, and more disposed to do them good. This is as much as to say, that the people ought to be robbed of their natural rights for their own advantage and happiness. But whoever is acquainted with the history of despotic power, need not be informed, that a free people will always use their Freedom more consistently with the principles of justice and reason, than any men with uncontrouled power. It is a truth, and it is now too late to deny it, that no man, or body of men, are fit to be entrusted with unlimited power. This power they would most certainly abuse, whenever their unjust wills were in the least opposed. Let the youth be well educated in wisdom and virtue; let them be instructed in the true principles of Freedom, and they will improve their Liberty most agreeably to the rational happiness of mankind. In this free country, knowledge is peculiarly necessary, where no other qualifications are requisite, for the most important offices of government, but virtue and ability. I again say, let the children and youth be well educated. In the earliest stages of life, let a free and public spirit be infused into the youthful mind. This is the way to exclude from their young breasts all oppressing and cruel passions.—Unless the doors of education are open to all the youth of the country equally, advantages may be taken by some men of sunning, to tyrannize over the rest, and become masters of their property. Every parent, and every friend to the Freedom of his country, ought to be solicitous for the improvement of our youth in the principles of Freedom and good government, and then the people will stand fast in their Liberty for a long time; yes, as long as such principles are in their true exercise; and, with submission to the divine will, as long as they please.—But what! Shall I doubt the attention and exertions of my fellow-citizens to this all-important cause of public prosperity? Shall the children and youth of a free people be suffered to grow up ignorant of the value of those Liberties you intend to commit to their trust? Shall they be unfit to take care of those political blessings which have been secured for them at the great expense of much toil, treasure, and precious blood? Oh! Liberty, thou friend to mankind, forbid it; justice, thou guardian of the rights of men, forbid it; ye patriots and fathers of your country, forbid it: but rather let me say, Oh! thou blessed God, who takest no pleasure in the misery of thy children, forbid it, for the sake of him who hath made us free.

6. The principles and practice of our peaceable and benevolent religion, are the foundation on which all the blessings of life and Liberty must stand fast. Righteousness exalteth a nation. True religion will incline a people to love and honour the Most High who ruleth among the children of men. The Lord hath said, Them that honour me, I will honour. Religion is intended to unite men together in the bonds of brotherly love and good will; to prevent bad habits; to suppress disorder; to calm factious spirits; and to put an end to the shedding of brothers’ blood. The influence and importance of religion should be felt by men both in their family and national connections. Without it, they can neither be happy in this world nor in a future state.—May the benevolent efforts of all public teachers of true religion, be united with the affectionate influence of parents, to promote the personal and national welfare of our country. By instilling good sentiments into the tender minds of children and youth, you will teach them to stand fast in their Liberty. Good impressions, made in early life, are very frequently of lasting benefit both to individuals and the public. Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old he will not depart from it. But, in addition to all your pious exertions, let me entreat you, never to forget to beseech the Father of mercies and the God of all grace, to implant in the hearts of our youth, by the divine Spirit, the true principles of holiness.

I hope it has been evident, that, in the whole body of this discourse, I have endeavoured to interweave sentiments of religion and virtue. I cannot, therefore, suppose it necessary at present, to prosecute this particular article any farther. Permit me, however, to assure you, that I have not ventured nor wished to recommend Liberty without Virtue; for this would have been a recommendation of licentiousness. True Liberty may be summed up in this declaration: that we have a right to do all the good we can; but have no right to injure our fellow-men: we have a right to be as happy as we can; but no right to lessen the happiness of mankind.

Thus far I have attempted to comply with the appointment of the civil Fathers of this State. In this compliance, my dissidence and fear have given me no small anxiety, lest I should not answer the design of their appointment. I have not, therefore, been influenced by a presuming expectation of communicating to this honourable political body, any new information. I feel, nevertheless, in my mind, a pleasing persuasion, that my Fathers in government will not be displeased with any sincere and humble attempt to inspire their younger sons with a just sense of the blessings and privileges they enjoy under the present legislative and executive authority. In a few years, some of the youth of the present day must be called to fill the places of the Fathers now in office.—The thought is serious! Who knows the consequence? Is it not then of the utmost importance, that the minds of young men should be impressed with the best sentiments of equal Liberty? Shall we not exhort them to stand fast in their Liberty, that their country may be free? Shall we not animate the rising generation, to transmit to their posterity that invaluable inheritance of Freedom, which they must soon receive from the present race of patriots when they shall rest from their labours?—This is a day of joy: it reminds you of one of the great privileges of freemen:–it should be a day of gratitude also. Oh! that you did but feel and realize your happy situation, that you might send up to Heaven the warmest gratitude of hearts glowing with love and praise to that blessed Saviour who hath made us FREE!

Fathers, brethren, and fellow-citizens, with the happy feelings of a brother freeman, I congratulate you on the enjoyment of that Liberty which I have been describing: it involes in it everything most conducive to your peace and prosperity on earth:–clasp it to your bosoms, and religiously swear, that you will live freemen, or die bravely. I rejoice, that it is in your power, under God to stand fast in your Liberty.—Shall I contrast your present situation with the deplorable state of man in ages past? Would not this draw a cloud of grief over the bright sunshine of your happy feelings? We rejoice, that the earth hath been delivered from the hands of those inhuman butchers, whose unrelenting murders have filled so many bloody pages of history; who slaughtered millions of the human race, for no other purpose but to extend their cruel and ambitious power, and oppress and lay waste the world. Tyrants, who, instead of being transmitted down to us with illustrious names, for being the most successful destroyers of their fellow creatures, should be named after the most furious beasts of prey; and, on account of the mischief they have done to mankind, be classed with tempests, earthquakes, and plagues. We rejoice, with thankful hearts, that we are not under the power of such plagues of the human race, who wage war with the peace and happiness of mankind; who think it an act of heroism to depopulate whole countries to gratify private revenge. We now see that the patriotic resolutions of our countrymen have not been in vain: we now see that the treasures expended in the defence of Liberty, have realized a national interest of more value than ten thousand percent: we now see that the inexpressible trials and sufferings of a patriot army, have been productive of the richest fruits; and that the blood of our heroes has been the seed of Liberty.—But, we commiserate the deplorable condition of many of our fellow-men, who now groan under the heavy chains of despotism: we wish the rights of men may be soon restored to them.—

But I return from this digression. I find political happiness not abroad, but at home. Happy age and country in which we live! We remember no era since the creation of the world, so favourable to the rights of mankind as the present. The histories of mankind, with only a few exceptions, are the records of human guilt, oppression, and misery. Although some shadow of rude Liberty was contended for by a few small uncivilized tribes of men, yet they were subjected by those nations who were more powerful. At the beginning of the Christian era, almost two thirds of mankind were in the most abject and cruel slavery. The Grecian and Roman nations, notwithstanding their boasted love of Liberty, were not acquainted with the true principles of original, equal, and sentimental Liberty. Though an imperfect civilization had made some progress among them, yet they neither understood the nature, nor practiced the duties, of humanity. They who are acquainted with the true history of Greece and Rome, need not be informed, that the cruelty they exercised upon their slaves, and those taken in war, is almost beyond the power of credibility. The proud and selfish passions have always endeavoured to suppress the spirit of Freedom. Even Rome herself, while she pretended to glory in being free, endeavoured to subject and enslave the rest of mankind.—But no longer shall we look to ancient histories for principles and systems of pure Freedom. The close of the eighteenth century, in which we live, shall teach mankind to be truly free. The Freedom of America and France, shall make this age memorable. From this time forth, men shall be taught, that true greatness consists not in destroying, but in saving, the lives of men; not in conquering, but making them free; not in making war, but making peace; not in making men ignorant, but making them wise; not in firing them with brutal rage, but in making them humane; not in being ambitious, but in being good, just, and virtuous. Of France, it may be said, in the language of Scripture, Who hath heard such a thing? Who hath seen such things? Shall the earth e made to bring forth in one day? Or, shall nation be born at once? Behold a nation of freemen, rising out of a nation of slaves! This gratifies the feelings of humanity and benevolence. We wish to see all men independent of all things but the laws of God, and the just laws of their country. And will any man blame me for saying, that, in America, every friend to justice and the rights of men wishes prosperity to that generous nation, who are allied to these United States, and who so powerfully aided them in securing their independence and peace. In the name of the Lord of hosts, let us pray, that no weapon that is formed against their Freedom, shall prosper.

I once more invite you to join me in gratitude to that best of Beings, by whose providential goodness and power the lines are fallen unto us in pleasant places; yea, we have a goodly heritage. Here harvests grow for the free and cheerful husbandman: here, neither awed by lordly and rapacious injustice, nor dejected by beholding idleness high fed and fattened on the labours of other men, they reap and enjoy the pleasing fruits of their honest industry. Ye shall eat your bread to the full, and dwell in your land of safety. Here the people dwell together as brethren; peace, harmony, industry, and health, unite their various gifts to make this life a blessing: here poor human nature, in other parts of the world long depressed by ignorance and enslaving power, seems to reclaim the primitive blessings of creation, and to rejoice that it was made in the image of God: here conscience assumes her first authority; religion is no longer enslaved to the wills and laws of men; public and private happiness are guarded by the laws and government of the people.—Stand fast, therefore, in the Liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free, and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage. Let us determine to be free from the unjust power of men, and free from the slavery and tyranny of sin, and we hall then be truly free. If the Son, therefore, shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed.

With the words of a celebrated French writer, this discourse will be concluded.

“Ye people of North America, let the example of all nations who have gone before you, and above all that of Great Britain, serve you for instruction. Fear the affluence of gold, which brings with luxury the corruption of manners, the contempt of laws. Fear a too unequal distribution of riches, which exhibits a small number of citizens in opulence, and a great multitude of citizens in extreme poverty; whence springs the insolence of the former, and the debasement of the latter. Secure yourselves against the spirit of conquest. The tranquility of an empire diminishes in proportion to its extension. Have arms for your defense; have none for offence. Seek competency and health in labour; prosperity in the culture of lands, and the workshops of industry; power in manners and virtue. Cause arts and sciences, which distinguish the civilized from a savage man, to flourish and abound. Above all, watch carefully over the education of your children. It is from public schools, be assured, that come the wise magistrates, the capable and courageous soldiers, the good fathers, the good husbands, the good brothers, the good friends, the good men. Wherever the youth are seen depraved, the nation is on the decline. Let Liberty have an immoveable foundation in the wisdom of your laws, and let it be the indestructible cement to bind your States together. Establish no legal preference amongst the different forms of worship. Superstition is innocent, wherever it is neither persecuted nor protected; and may your duration, if it be possible, equal the duration of the world!”

AMEN.

Sermon – Election – 1791, Massachusetts


Chandler Robbins was born in Branford, Connecticut in 1738, and he graduated from Yale in 1756. He studied theology and was ordained pastor of the Congregational church in Plymouth, Massachusetts.

sermon-election-1791-massachusetts

 

A

sermon

Preached Before

His Excellency John
Hancock
, Esq.

Governor;

His Honor Samuel
Adams
Esq.

Lieutenant-Governor;

The Honorable The Council,

And The Honorable The

Senate And
House Of

Representatives,

Of The Commonwealth
Of

Massachusetts,

May 25, 1791.

Being The Day Of

General Election.

By Chandler Robbins,

Pastor of the First Church in Plymouth.

II. Chronicles, Chap. XII. Verse XII. Last Clause.

-And also in Judah things went well.

A Short, but a very striking description of the prosperous state of a community. May it ever characterize the growing Empire of this Western World- and, till time shall be no more, may “things go well” with United America!

The passage now read, alludes to the then peaceful and happy state of the kingdom of Judah. Judah, though once united with Israel, was now become a separate and independent people. Under the reign of some former Kings, they had enjoyed great prosperity- they were highly distinguished by the blessings of Heaven, and had long lived together in harmony and friendship. But, by an unhappy stroke of policy, and by certain arbitrary claims in the reigning Prince, instigated by evil counselors, such a convulsion was produced in the nation, as, in the end, dismembered the empire; and Israel and Judah became distinct governments, and were never afterwards united again.

It seemed a mysterious event in providence, at first; but we do not find, in the succeeding history of that people, that Judah had any particular cause to regret the separation, on account of any special calamities that befell them in consequence of it. On the contrary, it appears, that God was pleased, for his servant David’s sake, whom he loved, to make the kingdom of Judah the object of his peculiar care. They had, at different periods, Kings of eminent character, at the head of their government- renowned for piety and wisdom; under whose administration, the people of Judah enjoyed great quietness. When they were of a different character, and “did evil in the sight of the Lord,” he often testified his displeasure against them, by “terrible things in righteousness”- not unfrequently, by letting loose a barbarous, heathen enemy upon them, and they were brought into great distress.

This seems to have been the case with Judah, just before the happy Era, mentioned in the text. But when, in their trouble, they sought the Lord, and appeared to repent and humble themselves before him, God, rich in mercy, and who “never afflicts willingly,” turned from the fierceness of his anger, scattered the threatening storm, and again restored tranquility to their land. And now it is said of them, “in Judah things went well.” Their government was peaceful and happy- the smiles of Heaven attended their affairs, and there was no special cause for sorrow or complaint.

A concurrence of similar circumstances, must render any people happy. More happy still, if, in the enjoyment of these favors, they make suitable returns, to the author of all good, and are thankful.

The words, it is presumed, are a proper ground for some observations, suited to the present occasion. The method proposed, is,

I. To consider, more generally, the import of the phrase in the text, as applied to a civil community- or to enquire, when may things be said to go well in a State?

II. Shew, more particularly, what are necessary, as means, to constitute this prosperous state of community. Which will naturally lead us, by way of application, to confider the obligations such a people are under to a grateful sense, and a wise improvement of the divine favors.

I. To consider, more generally, the import of the expression in the text- or when do things go well with a civil community?

From the known analogy between the political and the human body, we may find a natural illustration of the phrase in the text.- This expression, when applied to the political, seems to import the same as health in the natural body.- The most happy and perfect state of the human body, results from the due order of its various members and parts, each performing regularly, the several offices assigned them by the great Creator. When this is the case, we say of a person, he is well- or, in other words, he enjoys health.

So in collective bodies, or societies- as they are composed of various orders and individuals, each connected with, and subservient to the other; the health and prosperity of the whole, is then only maintained, when the several parts and members of the body politic preserve their proper places, and regularly and faithfully perform the duties of their various stations.- When this takes place, “things go well with them”- they are in a state of political health.- These things, at least, constitute the internal welfare of a community, and the condition of such a people, must be really happy, provided they are not disturbed by enemies abroad, and are virtuous at home.

The political, as well as the natural body are liable to injury, from both these causes. And they may operate so powerfully, if unrestrained, as to prove fatal to both.

In order therefore, that a people may enjoy that prosperity in the fullest sense, which is intended in the text, it is necessary, not only, that internal order be preserved in the state, and the members of it be at peace among themselves, but that they be undisturbed by external force, and be permitted to “sit under their vine and fig tree, and have none to make them afraid.”

In a word, it goes well with a State, when they enjoy the blessing of a good government, wisely administered- when no foreign invasion disturbs their peace-no internal sedition interrupts their harmony- especially, when, in addition to this, benevolence and virtue reign among them- when the fear of God rules in their hearts, and Love to men, influences their conduct- when they practice sobriety- temperance- industry, and all the social virtues, and “lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.”- Under these happy circumstances, who, but must acknowledge, “things go well” with such a community.

But this naturally leads us, in the Second place-

II. To point out, more particularly, what are necessary as means, to promote that happy state of society, mentioned in the text.- This important question may, perhaps, be elucidated, by a little further attention to the similitude before adduced.

What do we conceive necessary to constitute full health and vigor in the human frame? And, by what means, may an individual be rendered capable of enjoying life and the blessings of it?- To this, doubtless, it must be answered,

1st. That a good Constitution is of principle importance. Where this is wanting, a person can never enjoy high health- There is a radical obstruction to it- an original defect; which can never be fully supplied, by the greatest regularity and care.

Of equal importance to the health of a community, is a good civil Constitution or frame of government. This is the foundation on which political life and happiness are raised and secured. A defect here, will be attended with lasting ill consequences to the State- consequences, which will be felt through every part of the system- if not by convulsions and violent disorders, which threaten the life of the body, yet, by growing debility and languor, and such a want of energy, as will forever prevent the enjoyment of any great degree of happiness.

With respect to civil constitutions, mankind, it is true, have entertained different ideas; in consequence of which, the forms adopted, have been various; according to the different habits, genius and circumstances of the people. Some have been pleased with a monarchical form- others have chosen an aristocratical- while others have given the preference to a more popular mode of government.

Government, however, in some form, mankind have, in all ages, found absolutely necessary for their security and happiness. This seems to be a sufficient proof, if there were none more express, that civil government is of divine ordination the necessity of it, for the order and happiness of the world.

“The proper knowledge of mankind, is man.” And, however humiliating the thought, yet those who have attained the truest knowledge of men, will readily own, that such is the present state of depraved human nature- such the lusts and passions which predominate in the hearts of men, that without the restraints of government, the world would be but a stage of confusion and war. Murders- thefts- rapine and violence would spread horror and desolation over the earth.

That criminal selfishness, which is so opposed to the good of society, and is the bane of public happiness, if permitted a free operation, unbridled by laws, would make this earth, instead of a “quiet habitation,” a scene of outrage and misery.- The beneficent and wise Parent of the Universe, who is a “God of order,” hath therefore, in his “good will to men,” and that there might be “peace on earth,” granted, with. the Gospel, the great blessing of civil government; which is therefore expressly called the ordinance of God.

As to the particular forms, which have obtained among men, without remarking, either on the wisdom of some, or the impolicy of others, I think we may safely affirm that to be the best Constitution, which provides for, and secures to a people, the greatest degree of real liberty, and which has the best tendency to promote mutual confidence among the several orders in society.

But however important a good Constitution may be, it is certainly, of no less consequence to the prosperity of a State-

2dly, That there be a good administration of the government. The political health of a community, very essentially depends on this.

It is well known, that, in the natural body, the best original habit- the finest constitution, will not ensure health, where a person, either carelessly neglects the means of preserving it, or wantonly indulges to intemperance, and every criminal excess. So in the civil body, a people may boast the wisest frame of government; a constitution, in which every provision is made, equally to secure the rights of government, and the liberty of the subject; and yet after all, their hopes may be blasted, and all their agreeable prospects, end in disappointment, from no other cause than a corrupt administration.

This being a point of so much importance in the present subject, it merits a particular consideration in this place.

In every free government, founded on social compact, it is the indisputable right of the community, to elect their own rulers. When they are chosen, the path of their duty is clearly pointed out, as with a sun beam. The constitution defines their power, and Heaven has declared the end of their appointment. “He is the Minister of God to thee for good.” This is the great object, to which they are to direct all their views. “As men, they have, like other men, private interests and private views; and may as lawfully pursue them. But in their public capacity, they can of right, have no other end, than that of the public happiness.”

Rulers, indeed, are not to be denied the right of private judgment, in their official transactions. They are not to be considered as machines in the political system: Nor in such sort obligated to pursue the happiness of their constituents, as not to be at liberty to act their own sentiments. To desire this, would be highly unreasonable in a people; and to consent to it, would argue a contemptible weakness in rulers. They are to seek the good of the public; but, in pursuing this object, the are to act with freedom and choice with wisdom and determination.

These observations may serve to shew the importance of choosing to office, such men, as are duly qualified for a trust, on the right discharge of which, so much depends. To this then, let us briefly turn our attention, and endeavor to point out some of the leading traits in the character of a good Ruler. Among which, are, Knowledge- Integrity- A Public Spirit- Firmness and Resolution- yet, Tenderness and Compassion- and finally, Religion, which crowns his character, and adds a glorious luster to all his other qualifications.

That rulers should be men of knowledge and wisdom, it appears of great importance, from the very nature and design of their office. Public rulers are to the politic body, what eyes are to the natural. “The light of the body is the eye, if the eye be single, the whole body is full of light, but if the eye be evil,” what can be expected, but that the whole body will be full of darkness.”

It was, therefore a special command of God; to his favorite people, when they were about to elect their Officers of Government, “take ye wise men, and understanding, and known among your tribes, and I will make them rulers over you.” On the other hand, it was viewed as a great calamity, and a mark of God’s peculiar displeasure against them, when weak and ignorant men were placed at the head of their public affairs. “Wo unto thee, O land, when thy King is a child!”

It is mentioned of King Solomon, as a special qualification for his high trust, that “God gave him wisdom and largeness of heart, as the sands on the sea shore.” So convinced was he, of the vast importance of this blessing, that he made it his first petition to Heaven, when he began his administration, that “God would give him a wise and an understanding heart, that he might be able to judge so great a people.”

Indeed, the want of this qualification in a ruler, renders him so unfit for his station, on a variety of accounts, that no other accomplishment can fully compensate for the defect. Suppose him possessed of the strictest probity of heart- of the most upright intentions; yet, for want of wisdom, he will never be able to discern the true interests of the people, or know when their rights, are in danger. He will be perpetually liable to the impositions of crafty, designing Politicians, who, like erratic fires, will bewilder his judgment- impose on his understanding, and lead him into the mire.

There ever have been such characters, Ira civil communities. The best framed constitutions on earth, are not a sufficient security against them. They will profess a zealous attachment to liberty; none so true friends to their country as they; when at the same time, self is the idol they worship; and to advance their own private interest, they will sacrifice every other consideration.

How shall such political hypocrites be detected, and their dangerous machinations frustrated? Surely in no way more likely, than by appointing to public offices, men of knowledge and abilities- men of less craft, but of wiser heads, and more honest hearts than they.

It is not every kind of knowledge, however, that will qualify a man for a good ruler. He may excel in many parts of learning, and yet never make a Statesman. He may be a wiser Philosopher, yet no Politician. Many have done essential service, in various departments of life, who, yet, would have made wild steerage at the helm of State.

It is of particular importance, that rulers have a knowledge of men, as well as laws- of the different genius, humors and interests of the people, over whom they preside; that they may accomodate their administration in such a manner, as, at the same time, they may secure the love of the people, promote the general good, and preserve inviolate the rights of government.

There are other branches of knowledge, which will be of great advantage to men in power. It is, at least, desirable that they should have a tolerable acquaintance with natural law- that they understand the natural rights of men, which are the same, under every species of government, and do not owe their origin to the social compact. Such, in a peculiar manner, are the sacred rights of conscience

But, especially, is it incumbent on the civil magistrate; to be thoroughly acquainted with the constitution of the State in which he lives; that he may ascertain the limits of his own power, as well as the rights and privileges of the subject. That while he, with firmness asserts the former, he may guard, with sacred caution, against any encroachment on the latter.

“In free governments,” one justly observes, men are apt to feel, much quicker, than in those of a different form. To torch their liberties, is to touch the “apple of their eye.” Every attempt alarms them, and makes them jealous of further designs; and sometimes throws them into the hands of factious demagogues, who are enemies to all government; and are ever watching opportunities to embarrass public measures, and to introduce anarchy and confusion. Where so much, therefore, depends, and where the danger of acting wrong, is likely to produce such mischievous effects in the community, rulers ought to know very well, what it is to act right; where power ends, and liberty begins. The more difficult it is to settle this point, so much the more wisdom, knowledge and prudence, do rulers need, and so much the more cautious should they be in their political conduct. And where people observe such caution and tenderness in their rulers, they will make allowances for mistakes, and even for faults.”

Another, and an equally important qualification for public trust, is uncorrupted integrity- a mind free from base design- from low art and intrigue. A ruler should possess a soul above disguise, or dissimulation- that will neither be seduced by bribes and flattery, or intimidated by frowns and threatenings, to betray his trust- to counteract his judgment, or violate truth and justice.

How constantly do we had it inculcated in the sacred writings, that rulers be just men- fearers of God- haters of covetousness. That they shake their hands from holding bribes, because, a gift blindeth the eyes of the wise, and perverteth the words of the righteous.

It would exhibit but a dark picture of human nature, to trace the history of the fall of Empires- the loss of liberty- and the unnumbered miseries that have, like a flood, over- whelmed mankind, by means of corrupt and wicked rulers. Sad experience has evinced the truth of that observation, “That nothing will so surely, so rapidly bring on the dissolution of society, and the loss of the liberties of a people, as a want of virtue and integrity in their rulers”.

How many once flourishing States, who gloried in their freedom, have, from this fatal cause, tumbled into ruins: And from the heighth of political glory, have been reduced to the most abject slavery and wretchedness:- Where is thence boasted freedom of Rome- of Sparta, and of Carthage?- Where, may I not add, is that of the nation, with which we were once connected?- On whom, if we believe some of her best writers “Corruption and Bribery seem nearly to have accomplished the prediction of the great Montesquieu, which was, “She will lose her liberty- will perish; and will then perish, when the legislative power shall be more corrupt than the executive.”

Of such importance is integrity in civil rulers, that without it, the finest talents- the most brilliant genius, and the greatest improvements in erudition, instead of securing happiness to the State, would rather endanger its peace. Knowledge without honesty- a good genius with a bad heart, would but furnish them with an advantage with greater success, to rob the people of their rights, whenever it might serve the base purpose of their own aggrandizement, or help to carry a favorite plan.

Benevolence and a public spirit were mentioned as qualifications of importance, in a civil ruler.- These will dispose him, cheerfully to subordinate all private views to the public emolument.

We sometimes meet with such characters in public life, who seem to be born to do good, and to make mankind happy. Such is their diffusive goodness- such their ardent Philanthropy, that they exhibit a noble resemblance of that being, the glory of whose character, is, infinite benevolence.

Firmness and resolution in a civil magistrate, are also virtues, which will be found exceedingly necessary. Frequently, in the execution of his trust, may cases occur, when timidity would be treachery- when a temporizing compliance with the humors of a party, would be basely to betray the interests of the community.

Yet, in perfect consistence with this quality, is the exercise of compassion and tenderness, which are no less necessary, than amiable qualifications in a ruler.- As, the “Minister of God,” he is bound to imitate the “Father of mercies,” who is “slow to anger and of great kindness.” Who, when he inflicts punishment on offenders, does it, not because he takes pleasure in the misery of his subjects, but to vindicate his authority and government- to preserve order in the system, and, in the end, to promote the public good.- A glorious pattern for earthly judges. Nothing so truly exalts the character of a magistrate- nothing renders him more amiable to his fellow men, or more worthy the office he sustains than to see him softening the rigor of Justice, with beams of clemency. Gentleness often subdues, when wrath would but inflame; and well timed lenity has frequently, a more powerful and happy effect, upon a refractory spirit, than all the thundering menaces of penal law. In which case, all the good ends of government are secured, and the disobedient reclaimed, “being drawn by the cords of a man, the bands of love.”

I proceed to mention the other qualification of a good ruler, which indeed, crowns his character, and adds a peculiar glory to all his other accomplishments, which is religion. This, above all things, gives true dignity to his person and his administration.

Civil rulers are, in the inspired writings, denominated Gods. “I have said, ye are gods.” The expression is striking, and full of instruction. And whatever other qualities are implied in it, certainly it more than intimates that they should exhibit a moral resemblance of the supreme God, in virtue and holiness. For what a solecism in language, as well as religion, is an ungodly god!

When we consider them as men, as moral agents in common with others, accountable to God; it is certain, that their highest interest- their everlasting well- being depend upon their being men of piety and real religion, and as rulers, this divine principle will afford them the best, the only solid support under all the burdens and cares of government.

By Religion, I do not intend, merely the profession, or external shew of goodness. This, some have assumed, who have, eventually proved the most mischievous enemies, both to Church and State. Under the cloak of religion, they have gained, that confidence and affection of the people, which they have, afterwards abused, to, betray their most important interests. “No consideration can be of force sufficient to bind him, who dares to prevaricate with Heaven, and trifle with the Lord his maker.”

But, by a man of Religion, I mean one who fears God from the heart, with a fear sounded in esteem- in a supreme love implanted in the soul, by the renovating influence of the Spirit of God- one who believes in, and honors his Son Jesus Christ, as the only mediator and Savior; and who makes conscience of conforming his temper and life to the sacred rules of the Gospel.

Although we renounce the absurd heresy of “dominion sounded in grace”- because “Christs kingdom is not of this world”- yet virtue and religion must be, on a variety of accounts, considered as a necessary qualification in public rulers. This will regulate their passions- dignify and enlarge their minds, and form them for noble and benevolent actions. This will inspire them, with undaunted firmness, to pursue the path of duty, though it should lead them through a scene of the most painful opposition.

Every station in life hath its difficulties and its temptations- few, perhaps, are exposed to more than those advanced to power and eminence. They, therefore, stand in greater need of the aids of divine grace; without which they will be in danger of making shipwreck of their consciences, and of the rights of men.- But the man who is animated with the spirit which true religion inspires, will stand firm and unmoved when temptations assail him- and “his heart being fixed trusting in his God,” no unworthy motive shall induce him either to neglect his duty, or to betray his sacred trust.

It must be allowed, indeed, that many persons have been useful in public stations, and have done great service to the Commonwealth, who were actuated by other principles, than that of religion. Ambition- a desire of popularity- and in some, a certain benevolence and greatness of soul, have prompted them to actions exceedingly beneficial to society.- But these when compared with a fixed principle of religion, will be found, at best, but a very insecure and uncertain basis on which to build our confidence of a persevering, upright administration of government.

That men in authority, should be men of religion, it appears important, in another point of view- on account of the influence their example will have on society. There is a peculiar fondness in the lower orders of life, to copy after their superiors. This indeed would be of no hurtful consequence to the community, provided “great men were always wise.” But, unhappily, this is not always the case; and when it is otherwise, the effects are often, very pernicious. Agreeably, the inspired Solomon faith, “when a ruler hearkens to lies, all his servants are wicked.” It is a just remark, thatvices, like money, receive much of their credit and currency from the practice of the great.”

Besides, irreligion in a magistrate, counteracts the very design of his office. What ground can there be to expect, that he who, himself disregards the laws of God; will frown on vice and immorality in others? Or, that he who is a slave to his own lusts and passions, will seriously attempt to regulate the passions of others? vicious members of society will despise such a magistrate; and while they see the absurdity of his conduct, will insultingly apply the Proverb, “Physician heal thyself.” And thus all authority is brought into contempt.

But when men in power, are men of piety and religion, when they exhibit in their lives, a bright example of the amiable virtues of Christianity, what an encouraging aspect has it on a community. Such rulers answer to the description given in that sublime passage of inspiration, “The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me, he that ruleth over men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God; and he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, a morning without clouds, as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by the clear shining after the rain.”

We have hitherto considered those two essential requisites to the health and prosperity of a State,- a good constitution; and a faithful virtuous administration.

But there is something still further, necessary to the full attainment of this great object, which is,

3dly. The concurrence of the People, by a cheerful discharge of their duty as subjects. “Things never can go well” in a society or State, where this is neglected. Public happiness depends as much, yea more, on the temper and conduct of the people, than upon the quality of their laws, or the character of their rulers. These may be of the best description, yet, if there be a prevailing spirit of licentiousness in the people, it will be impossible for the government to be happy.

It seems necessary, therefore, to point out the duty of the people, considered as subjects of government. This involves the obligations which they are under to their rulers- to themselves- and to the public at large,

To their Rulers, they owe respect- support- and obedience.

A respectful behavior, is, unquestionably due to those in authority. To withhold this, is not only disobedience to divine precept, but would imply a gross reflection upon the people themselves, by whom, in all free States, the rulers are appointed. Not to honor and reverence them, would be, implicitly to own, that in their choice of them, they were not governed by rational motives- that they had no regard to the worthiness of character, as a qualification- but have elected such men to office, as are only worthy of contempt,- And it would be a direct violation of a divine command, which requires us to “give honor to whom honor is due.”-

A cheerful support, is another branch of the duty of subjects to their rulers. They have a just claim upon society, not only for aid and encouragement, in the execution of their trust, but are justly entitled to a pecuniary consideration. They are the appointed guardians of the rights of the community. It is a sacred depositum, which the people have committed to their trust. Close application- great attention, are requisite to a faithful discharge of their duty. By accepting the trust, they have consecrated their time and abilities to the public, and they are under obligations to employ them in their service. It is but reasonable, therefore, they should receive an adequate compensation from the people, which ought not to be considered in the light of a gratuity, or viewed as a burden.- At the same time, a wise Legislature will always regard the ability of the people- they will cultivate the principles of economy- and will never countenance unnecessary expense, or wantonly lavish the public treasure.

Permit me to add, that the happiness of a State, greatly depends upon a regular and peaceful subjection to the authority of their rulers. Without proper subordination, it is absolutely impossible, things should go well with any community.

The doctrine of passive and unlimited obedience has, we know, in former periods, been carried to a most- contemptible length. The abettors of tyranny, have ever found it their interest to inculcate it, as an engine best calculated to support their lawless dominion. Thanks to the great source of light and liberty, this slavish doctrine has, long since, been proscribed by the enlightened part of mankind.

The obedience, for which we plead, is a rational subjection to constitutional authority.- It is the happiness of a republican government, that theirs is “a government, not of men, but of laws.”- Obedience, therefore, to their rulers, is nothing more then obedience to the authority and majesty of the laws- and laws too, made by themselves.

There is a fixed, unalterable rule, by which, the measure of obedience to rulers, is to be determined- that is, while they regulate their administration by the immutable laws of morality, and by the constitution and laws of the State- Or, in other words, while they act agreeably to the original design of all government, the good of the governed.- So long is obedience a duty, and no longer.

When those in power, so far lose fight of this object, as to enact laws, and require obedience, in violation of the constitution, or of the laws of God, in such a case, obedience would be rebellion against Heaven, and implicit treason against the State.

The only question that seems to arise here, is, when do those in power deviate from this rule?- And who are to decide upon this point?- They, who under God, are the fountain of all the power their rulers possess, undoubtedly, ought to determine it.- Yet this must be understood with proper caution; the want of which, may be attended with serious consequences- and may precipitate the Commonwealth into the most distressing scenes.

All power originating in the people, will, by no means justify individuals, or a small part of the community, in refusing obedience to laws which they may think oppressive.- They have an indisputable right, with a decent, and manly firmness, to represent their grievances, and to remonstrate to government, in a suitable manner. And rulers who are wise, will always pay proper attention to their applications, and will, in every instance remove the cause of complaint, when it can be done consistently with the public good.- But if tile aggrieved should fail of obtaining their wishes, and the ideas of the Legislature should not correspond with theirs, must they rise up and declare their will to be the Supreme law, and throw off all subjection to “the powers that be”?- Reason- Justice, and common Prudence revolt at the idea- and for this plain reason, that they are but a small part of the society, by whom the government was erected, and laws established.

There are some periods, in the revolution of events, wherein a people, who, in general, are well disposed to government, yet from a mistaken apprehension, that their liberties are threatened, have, in the phrenzy of their zeal, and being pushed on by men of restless minds, been guilty of unwarrantable combinations against authority, and of daring opposition to the laws; tending to bring on such convulsions as would shake the foundation of government.

If we have seen this observation in any degree verified, in the years that have gone over us, we will only learn instruction by the event. “Things have gone well in Judah, since.”- And we would by no means wish to revive painful ideas, but cover, with a mantle of charity, the human frailties of our brethren, and draw a friendly veil of oblivion over what was, in the greater number, perhaps, a well intended, but a misguided zeal. While at the same time, we reprobate with marked abhorrence, the spirit and conduct of those who aimed at anarchy and rebellion.

We are taught, however, by such events, the importance and value of good government, and the absolute necessity of regular subordination to the laws, in order to the prosperity and happiness of a State.

But, besides the obligations which a people are under to their rulers, there are duties which they owe to one another, and to the community at large; without attention to which, things cannot go well with them. Among these, nothing is of greater importance, than to cultivate a spirit of love and benevolence; of peace and kind affection one to another. That divine command, “By love serve one another,” is as obligatory on societies as on individuals. This is the principle, which gives animation and vigor to the whole political body. It is “the vital spring which puts every member in motion, and sets the whole system at work, in such a circulation of services, as cannot fail to produce happiness and health in the community.

Industry- attention to business, is another, and a very essential requisite to public prosperity. A spirit of dissipation and indolence is the bane of societies, as well as of families and persons. “Let every one abide in his calling,” is the divine injunction. A disregard of which, is commonly, and justly, followed with poverty, lots of credit, and misery to individuals, and to societies,

Frugality and temperance- sobriety and economy, are also, of singular importance, especially in a young and rising republic. Nothing so enervates the mind, and relaxes the sinews of the body politic, as the vices of intemperance, debauchery, prodigality and luxury, And certainly, judging by the tenor of the divine conduct towards mankind nothing has a more direct tendency to provoke the divine vengeance upon a community.- I observe once more.

Would a people be truly great and happy- would they enjoy the highest degree of political prosperity, the present state of things will admit, it is of the last importance that they be a truly virtuous- a religious people.- It will remain an unalterable truth, founded on the nature and eternal fitness of things, as well as on the express word of God, that righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people. Vice and wickedness have both a natural and a judicial tendency to misery and ruin.

On the other hand, such is the friendly aspect of virtue and religion on mankind, that they not only tend to promote the present and future welfare of individuals, but are the surest and most effectual means of advancing the happiness of society.

The Supreme Governor of the World, rewards or punishes, nations and civil communities only in this life; and that according to their visible character and conduct. Political bodies are but the creatures of time. They have no existence, as such, but in the present state; consequently, are incapable of punishments or rewards, in a future. We can, conceive no way in which the divine Being shall therefore, manifest the purity of his nature- his infinite abhorrence of sin, and love of virtue, towards such societies, but by rewarding or punishing them here, according to their public conduct- We find, therefore, from sacred, as well as profane history, the dispensations of divine providence, towards public bodies, have always corresponded with this rule; agreeable to that solemn declaration, delivered with an authority becoming a messenger of the Lord of hosts, to the King and nation of Judah, “Hear ye me Asa, and all Judah and Benjamin, The Lord is with you, while ye be with him, and if ye forsake him, he will forsake you.”

Improvement

But it is time to ask the indulgence of this respectable audience, while a few remarks are made from our subject, suitable to the occasion of the present solemnity.

And on this auspicious Anniversary,- what grateful emotions ought to rise in every heart, towards that infinitely good and gracious Being, who by a series of surprising events, has, in so great a degree, realized the words of our text, upon this Commonwealth, and upon our favored land. Whatever scenes of danger and distress we have, in past years experienced- at present, through the good hand of our God upon us, “things seem to go well” in our nation.

When we contrast our situation with that of a great part of our fellow- men, who are this day, groaning under the yoke of civil and religious bondage- When we view others, who have little more than the name and shadow of liberty- Indeed, when we take a retrospect of our own situation, but a very few years since, when our liberties- our country- and even life itself might be said to “hang in doubt”- suspended on the precarious event of an unequal war,- now to reflect, that we have lived to see a happy period to those days of anxiety and sorrow- to see the peaceful establishment of a national government- a government founded on the basis of justice and equal liberty, securing to its to citizens the full enjoyment of their natural, civil and religious rights; we are constrained to say, “surely this is the Lord’s doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes.”- With the profoundest gratitude, let us, as a people, bow the knee to the great Arbiter of nations, who has given us such a distinguished lot among the inhabitants of the earth, and that “the lines are fallen to us in so pleasant a place, that we have so goodly an heritage.”

“Since the world first existed,” says a late ingenious traveler, speaking of America, “no people ever had a more solemn charge committed to their hands; as the welfare of millions, for ages to come, rests on the persevering virtue of the present generation. America stands, like the sun in the Heavens, the centre of light, and the wonder of an admiring world, who feel the influence of its rays.- There the persecuted will find rest- tortured virtue and exiled worth, will take refuge among them, from every quarter of the old world.

“When we contemplate the singular advantages of this young empire, unconnected, by its situation, with the entangled politics of Europe- enjoying the freest local government on earth- inhabited by a brave, and enterprising people, scattered over a vast continent- we know of no limits, we can fix to our anticipations of their future wealth and glory.- Especially should the enlightened citizens be so peculiarly fortunate, as to be blest with a just and virtuous government, which will draw all their views and interests, under one compact head, fairly represented, from the pure and uncorrupted body of the people?” He concludes, “I pray God, this infant fabric may never be shattered by the clashing interests of different States, that they may continue their glorious career, nobly sacrificing partial views, to the general good of the common empire.”

These sentiments are, doubtless, just, and merit the attention of every class of citizens.

Our greatest danger, apparently, is from ourselves. And there are two sources, more especially, from whence I apprehend, this danger may arise- A criminal abuse of our liberty- and a careless inattention to the exercise of our rights.

There is great danger to be apprehended from the abuse of liberty.- It cannot be denied, that, by our constitution, we enjoy all that liberty, that a people can rationally desire. We have for instance, the inestimable privilege of appointing our own rulers. “Our nobles are from ourselves and our Governor proceedeth from the midst of us.”- But, great as this privilege is, how easily may it be abused? As when in the choice of the public officers, men are influenced, either from party spirit- from private pique and resentment, or other selfish motives, to neglect men of known and tried abilities, and the best characters, and, in their stead, to advance those to public trust, who are destitute of the most essential qualifications.

Another important privilege, in a free Commonwealth, is, that of writing, speaking and publishing, with decent freedom, our sentiments on public men and measures.- But is this liberty abused and prostituted to licentious purposes? It undoubtedly may be, many ways. As when persons, of little information, take liberty, upon the smallest pretence, to censure the conduct of their rulers, to vilify their characters, and to declaim against the measures of administration, thereby exciting jealousies, and destroying the public peace.

Jealousy, indeed, under proper regulations, far from being a crime, is a public virtue- and a very necessary one, in a republican government. Under Providence, it is one of the greatest securities of freedom.- But there is a jealousy, which is ungrounded- is petulant and unreasonable, and the bane of public happiness. And this is found, perhaps most frequently, among two sorts of men. One is, disappointed Seekers, who are ever finding fault with government, because they are not in place. No public measure is right, because they had not a hand in adopting it.

The other sort is found among persons in the lower walks of life- men of honest minds, but, uninformed an affairs of government, they become prejudiced, by the incessant declamations of the former, who take advantage of their ignorance, and blow up their minds with a jealousy that their rights are in danger- their rulers are plotting to aggrandize themselves upon the ruin of the liberties of the people.- It is easy to discover, that such a spirit may be productive of infinite mischief to a community.

Honest rulers are never unwilling, or afraid to have their public conduct examined. They have no objection to submit their measures to the judgment of a candid public, and to have their mistakes pointed out. (Humanum est errare.) But, to be subject to the envenomed tongue of slander, from men of capricious and unprincipled minds, is extremely hard, to an honest and feeling mind.

These observations have been confined to our civil- but our religious Liberty is no less liable to abuse.

The rights of conscience, by our happy constitution, are also secured, with great care and attention. It breathes a spirit of toleration, perhaps, unknown in any other part of the world. We have no religious establishment of one denomination of Christians, above another. Every man, as he is, at the day of judgment, to stand or fall for himself, so, is now at liberty, while he behaves as a peaceable citizen, to worship God in that way, which he, in his conscience, believes to be most acceptable to him. For “what government” (says a distinguished assertor of the Rights of men) “Shall dare to interpose between God and the heart of man.”

But how easy is it to perceive, that this liberty, important as it is to individual and social happiness, may be greatly abused? As when persons, under pretence of liberty of conscience, throw aside all visible reverence of the Deity, and of divine institutions- profane his Sabbaths, and cast practical contempt upon his word and ordinances- indulging to those licentious principles and practices, which, in their tendency, destroy all peace and order in society.- And then, perhaps, not unlike the Pharises of old- “Thank God they are not” as their Fathers were- that they live in a more liberal and catholic age, and enjoy liberty in a more refined degree, than did their well- meaning but bigoted ancestors.

The other source of danger, mentioned, is a careless inattention to our privileges. This, as it argues ingratitude to God, is also attended with consequences exceedingly prejudicial to the Commonwealth.

Man is a strange kind of being.- How often, like the pendulum, do we go, from one extreme to the other; and are guilty of the most palpable; inconsistency of conduct.- At one time, a people will be all vigilance and attention to their liberties- jealous of the least encroachment- careful in the extreme, to preserve and exercise their rights.- No pains are accounted too great, to find out the best characters for wisdom, virtue and patriotism, to fill public offices, lest the welfare of the community should be endangered.

At another time, there seems a total indifferency and carelessness, as if it were a matter of the smallest consequence, whether rulers are qualified for their stations or not.- By this means, how easy, for a designing few, by artful management, to obtain a majority of suffrages for a person to fill some important office in government, who is qualified only to bring reproach upon himself, and disgrace on his constituents.- Such, at least may be the effect of inattention and neglect of privilege; and if such an event, hereafter, should take place in our Republic, the people will have none to criminate but themselves, if their feelings are wounded, and the interests of the community suffer.

These things are suggested, and these sources of danger held up to view, that seeing the rocks before us, we may seasonably avoid them.

Should we, however, be so blind to our duty and our interest, as carelessly to neglect our privileges, or ungratefully abuse the favors of Providence.- Should prevailing infidelity and vice, profaness and irreligion, mark the character of this people; as we shall justly deserve, so we shall have awful reason to fear, that a God of infinite purity and righteousness, provoked by our daring offences; will not suffer us long to go on with impunity.- That for the vindication of his holy name and injured goodness, he will “empty us from vessel to vessel,”- despoil us of our glory, and lay our crown in the dust; and that by withdrawing his special protection, he will leave us to feel the sad effects of that righteous denunciation, “Woe also unto them, when I shall depart from them.”

But, if we are wise for ourselves- if we become a truly penitent, thankful, religious people, and make a suitable improvement of the blessings we enjoy, we have the highest grounds for hope, that we and our posterity, shall reap the happy fruits of liberty and peace, and, to the latest ages, glory in the name of Americans.

The revered characters, of different orders, which compose the administration of this Commonwealth, now demand our respectful attention.

The personal presence of his Excellency, our Commander in Chief, forbids eulogiums, affrontive to delicacy. But, while the preacher would avoid the insult of flattery, pleasing only to weak and ignoble minds, he may not omit, on this public occasion, and in the name of the Commonwealth, to pay that tribute of rational respect, which his just merits and high station demand- and to acknowledge, with gratitude, those unremited exertions for the public welfare, which, for so many years, have rendered his administration so happy to himself, and peaceful to this people.

He can neither wish, nor enjoy a higher encomium on his character or government, than that singular mark of confidence and affection, which the citizens of this great Commonwealth have so repeatedly shewn, by advancing him to the highest seat of honor among them.- His Excellency will, we doubt not, in return, convince them, by his paternal care and wise administration, that that confidence is not misplaced, that affection not unmerited. This, while it must afford a pleasing satisfaction to his own mind, will naturally lead him to feel the obligation he is under, to continue to exert all his powers, to promote the great end of his appointment, the happiness of the people.

To animate him to the greatest fidelity herein, his Excelllency will frequently contemplate that solemn period, when he must render an account of the talents with which he has been entrusted; and he will remember, that “unto whom much is given, of him shall much be required.” He is fully sensible, that in the great day of “dread decision,” no earthly titles or distinctions will avail, to procure acquitance at the bar of God. That none but the faithful servants of Jesus Christ will meet the approbation, and receive the plaudit of their Judge.

Under these impressions, from a sense of his own insufficiency, and his absolute dependence on divine aids, he will daily look to the fountain of all grace, for wisdom and strength to discharge the whole of his duty, to God and man. He will walk before this people, in the alluring example of piety and virtue, the greatest ornaments of the Christian character, and which truly ennoble that of a ruler.

May the infinitely good God, keep his servant under his holy protection- grant him confirmed health, and every personal and domestic blessing.- And when he shall have served his generation, by the will of God, may he, full of days, wisdom and Lord.

May the other distinguished character, whom the people have raised to be second in office and in honor, in this Commonwealth- who glories in the appellation of a “servant of a free people”- whose venerable locks have grown hoary in the service of his country- and who now, in declining years, experiences the love and esteem of his fellow- citizens, continue to merit and enjoy their grateful approbation. May the evening of his days be made bright and happy, not only by the testimony of an approving conscience, but, which is infinitely superior, by the “light of God’s countenance.”- And when the present scene of earthly cares shall close forever, may he be admitted to that “rest which remaineth for the people of God.”

The Honorable Council of this State, from the dignity of their station and characters, and the important services rendered to the Commonwealth, deserve our veneration, and are entitled to great respect. May this branch of our government ever be composed of men of approved abilities- of liberal minds- of sound judgment and uncorrupted probity. By their advice and co- operation with His Excellency, may they cheerfully pursue such measures, in the executive administration of government, as shall happily sub- serve the prosperity of the State; and when life shall cease, and worldly honors be no more, may they receive the reward of faithful servants.

Particular respect and attention are now due to the Honorable Senate, and the Honorable House of Representatives, who, by the voice of their brethren, are advanced to be the guardians of the liberties of a great community. In the fear of God, and in perfect harmony, may they enter upon the important transactions of this day. Under the influence of the same principles, and a solemn sense of the oath of God upon them, may they conduct all the public transactions of the year.

Our venerable Fathers will permit me, as a minister of Christ, to remind them, that they are subjects, and owe the most cordial allegiance to Him, who is “Head over all things.” That they possess but a delegated power- that Jesus Christ hath clothed them with their authority, and this day, constituted them his “Ministers for good,” to this people. They will remember, this is the great object they are to keep in view.- In all their acts of legislation, they will have a sacred regard to justice- to the honor of God, and to the true interest of this Commonwealth. In filling up the vacancies in the Legislature, and in all their other appointments, they will endeavor that their minds may be divested of all private views, and have regard only to those persons who are best qualified to serve the public.

And, to give weight and dignity to their administrations, our honored Rulers will consider the vast importance of example, from men in public station. They will therefore, go before the people, in the practice of all the moral and Christian duties: Particularly, in a sacred respect to the Word of God; a practical veneration of his Sabbath, and of all the holy institutions of the Gospel;- Remembering, that “the fear of the Lord, is the beginning of wisdom;” and that impiety in Rulers, brings aggravated guilt on themselves, and has the most baneful influence on the morals of Society.

They will, moreover, in their official, as well as private characters, use every means, to promote Industry, Frugality, and Temperance- as well as Agriculture, and Commerce- Arts, and Manufactures.

And, the more effectually to answer the end of their appointment, our political Fathers will give every possible encouragement to learning and education. Fully sensible of the great benefits which have arisen to this people, from literary institutions, they will feel the importance of them to the safety and well- being of the community. They are public fountains, from which such streams are diffused through the land, as add strength and dignity to the State, and “make glad the city of our God.” Persuaded of this truth, our civil Rulers will never lose sight of this great object; lest “darkness cover our land, and gross darkness the people.”

It might seem needless for me, before so enlightened a body, as compose the Legislature of this Commonwealth, particularly to recommend to their patronage, the university in this vicinity. The acknowledged benefits derived to this community, and to our land, from that institution; the many worthy and eminent characters it has produced, who have been ornaments to their country, and blessings to the world, all conspire to place that Seminary in a favorable point of light; and would, on this occasion, for obvious reasons, justify an importunity of address, which, in a matter of inconsiderable moment, might be deemed inexcusable, before an audience, I so justly revere.- But I chose to take it for granted, that our honored Fathers, are so fully apprized of the importance of that Society, to the welfare of the community, that nothing further need be added, to recommend it to their cordial support, and to the generous regards of government.

Among other objects of public importance, our respected Rulers, will not neglect to cultivate, both among themselves, and the people at large, a sacred regard for our national character and government. The importance of this, must be obvious to every real friend to our union and happiness. To this end, a liberal confidence ought to be placed in the National Legislature.

Groundless Jealousies, should, above all things, be banished from our minds; and every expression avoided, which has a tendency to create them.- May I be permitted to enquire- can it be wise- can it be just, or politic, to speak of our National Government, as a foreign jurisdiction?- What purpose can it serve, unless to inspire the public mind with jealousy, and uneasy fears? Such is the quick sensibility of Americans, who recollect the trying scenes, from which they have so lately emerged, that the term foreign, carries alarm and avoidance in its very sound- and excites dissidence in the people; as though the interests of the Federal government, and those of the States, were separate, at least, if not opposed to each other; than which, no idea can be harbored, more dangerous to our peace, or more untrue. We are one, is our motto,- May it so continue, to the latest period of time.

The Legislature, of the Union are our Brethren- our fellow-subjects. It is the offspring of the States. It has no existence but upon the basis of the individual governments- a sentiment recently urged from the highest authority in this State, and which ought to be indelibly impressed upon every member of the Union.- Let us cautiously avoid every dangerous insinuation- every alarming expression, which can have no other effect, than to scatter the seeds of jealousy and discontent- weaken our government- destroy the public confidence, and, in the end, sap the foundation of that fair structure, which under God, has been raised by American wisdom and valor.

There are many other objects, which will claim the attention of our honored rulers, which their own good judgment, and particular acquaintance with the circumstances of the Commonwealth, will naturally suggest to their minds.- The tranquility of the State so much depends upon their wise, steady and prudent administration, that it cannot fail to inspire them with an anxious concern, to act well the important part assigned them. And a consciousness of their need of divine aid, should excite them to a humble and prayerful dependence on him “who giveth wisdom to the wise, and understanding to the prudent.”

Among other powerful motives to fidelity, our civil fathers will remember, that their present conduct is not only strictly observed by him who “standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods,” but will have an important influence into their Eternal State. They will frequently anticipate their approaching dissolution, and the solemn account they must soon render to the Supreme Judge. For though they are stilled “gods on earth, they must die like men.”

This naturally brings to our recollection, the affecting comment which the providence of God hath lately given us, upon this sacred passage, in the removal, from our world, of that great and good man, who, not long since, appeared, once and again, on these anniversary solemnities, at the head of our tribes.- But “he is no more!” Imagine, honored sirs, you hear him, “though dead, yet speaking” this day, from the regions of unmolested security, and addressing his former associates in government, in some such language as this- “You are now employed in a sphere of action, interesting indeed to mortals, whose happiness in their present state, greatly depends on your fidelity and virtue. But, be assured, my friends, the hour is on the wing, and will quickly arrive, when, like me, you must quit your stations- must leave all sublunary scenes, and visit the world of unbodied spirits. Neither your eminence of character- usefulness in life- nor the wishes and tears of your country or your friends, can save you from that fatal stroke, which will lay your honors low, and bring all your earthly glory to the dust. Would you obtain immortal honor and an unfading crown, fear the great God- believe in, honor and obey his Son Jesus Christ- and, like Christian magistrates, fulfill the duties of your station- persevering to the end; and be assured, from the word of the immutable God, that glory, honor and immortality await you.”

We are not insensible, that the field of service is large, and the burthen great, to which our civil rulers are called. The consideration of which, must excite every man of religion to pray for them.- We cordially wish them a blessing, this day, from the house of the Lord.- May He who is “wonderful in counsel,” assist them in all their deliberations. May Justice and Benevolence distinguish their laws- May wisdom and equity mark the whole of their administration.- May they, with great unanimity and God- to themselves, and to mankind, may they, “with joy give up their account” at last, and exchange the honors and burden of government, “for a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory.”

My Fellow- citizens, of every order, will now permit me to close this discourse, with an earnest exhortation to them all, to contribute, in their various stations, to the advancement of the peace and prosperity of our country. Our advantages for happiness as a people are great, almost beyond a parallel, bounteous Heaven has, with liberal profusion, poured his blessings upon our land- has given us a name and distinction among the kingdoms of the earth- we are spread over a great continent- so that, to use the expression of an European, and a great friend to America, “we make a world within ourselves.” Our national character and credit are daily rising- our resources are extensive, and increasing- arts and manufactures make surprising progress. We live under a mild and good government.- Our laws are equal and just- and we are blest with a wise and judicious administration.- Add to all, we live in a land of vision. We enjoy the divine Word- are favored with the glorious privilege of the Gospel of Christ.- Indeed, there seems to be nothing wanting, to complete, our character and our happiness, as a community, but the spirit and practice of real religion. The want of this, it must be acknowledged, has the most threatening aspect upon our nation.- The diffusive and rapid progress of declared infidelity and deism, of licentiousness and skepticism- the disregard of divine institutions- the practical contempt of the gospel of our Salvation- the awful dishonor which, with unblushing confidence, many have openly cast upon the eternal Son of God, whom we are commanded to “honor as we honor the Father,” because he is “the brightness of his glory, and the express image of his person”- In fine, the torrent of immorality, profaness and impiety, which daily increases among us- exhibit but a sad presage, if permitted in, of impending miseries on our land.- It is, in the nature of things, impossible it should eventually go well with a people of the above description, and who remain impenitent and unreformed. Truth must become falsehood- Immutability must change, before such an event can take place. For this is the language of unerring truth, “Say ye to the righteous, it shall be well with him, for he shall eat of the fruit of his doings- but woe to the wicked, it shall be ill with him, for the reward of his hands shall be given him.” It is manifest therefore, that righteousness alone can truly exalt our nation- that religion is the only basis, on which true happiness can be founded, either in communities or individuals.-

Let this then, be the object of universal concern. A few revolving Suns more, my brethren, will waft us into the eternal world, and close our state of trial forever. Our different stations here- our various social connections, will shortly, be all done away. The period fast approaches, when, according to the Scriptures, this world and all things in it, shall be dissolved- when “nature shall fall asleep, time expire, and death itself shall die.” Then, Empires, Kingdoms and States, shall be no more. The only happy collective body, will then be composed of the righteous and the holy- to the eternal exclusion of the “ungodly and the sinner.” The former will be united in bonds of the most pure and exalted friendship; but in a far different manner of society, from those on earth; and they will shine as the “brightness of the firmament,” in that “kingdom that shall never be moved.”- “There, an endless circle of happiness, infinitely greater than can be derived from the most prosperous state of things here, is provided- provided by the mercy of God, through the mediation of Christ- provided for all who repent and believe the gospel”- who “abound in all the fruits of righteousness,” and who continue “faithful to the death.”- To which holy and happy state, may we all, through grace, be admitted, for the sake of Jesus our only hope.-

AMEN

Sermon – Election – 1791, Connecticut


Timothy Dwight (1752-1817) graduated from Yale in 1769. He was principal of the New Haven grammar school (1769-1771) and a tutor at Yale (1771-1777). A lack of chaplains during the Revolutionary War led him to become a preacher and he served as a chaplain in a Connecticut brigade. Dwight served as preacher in neighboring churches in Northampton, MA (1778-1782) and in Fairfield, CT (1783). He also served as president of Yale College (1795-1817). This sermon was preached by Dwight in Connecticut on May 12, 1791.


sermon-election-1791-connecticut

Virtuous RULERS A National Blessing.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT THE

GENERAL ELECTION,

May 12th, 1791.

By TIMOTHY DWIGHT, D. D.
Pastor of a Church in Fairfield.

Our holy religion makes good men; from thence the Transition is easy and natural to regular citizens, and obedient subjects. Where private virtue cannot be found, it is in vain to look for public; and laws are of little efficacy without good examples. The operation of the one is slow and silent; that of the other is visible and strong, everyone sees and feels it.
Governor PATTERSON’S Answer to the Address of the Presbytery of New-Brunswick.

 

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, in said State, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1791.

ORDERED, That James Davenport, Esq. and Colonel Elijah Abel, return the Thanks of this Assembly to the Rev. Dr. Dwight, for his Sermon delivered at the General Election, on the 12th Day of May 1791, and request a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined by
George Wyllys, Sec.

 

ELECTION SERMON.
 

2 SAMUEL, xxiii. 3, 4.

The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me, He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God.

And he shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth; even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain.

 

When our ancestors instituted the solemnities of this day, they gave the world a fair exhibition of their wisdom and piety. The election of the great officers of a state is an event highly important, and solemn, and ought to be regarded with solemn emotions. To inspire such emotions, they justly determined, nothing would more effectually conduce, than the union of he Legislature in the public reverential acknowledgement of the presence, and agency, of Him, “whose throne is prepared in the heavens, and whose kingdom ruleth over all.” Influenced by that piety, which was their governing characteristic, they were experimentally convinced, that, as no consideration is so interesting, so none is so productive of rectitude, in public, or in private life, as the omnipresence, and omniscience, of that God, to whom we must give an account of all our conduct. Persons of such a character must also have clearly seen, and strongly felt, that pertinent religious discourses, concerning the duties incumbent on rulers, delivered at such a time, could not fail of advantageous effects. From these just and commendable sentiments, the divine service of this anniversary was instituted by our ancestors; and from the same sentiments, it has been uniformly celebrated by their descendants.

The truth of these remarks will, it is presumed, be readily acknowledged, by those at least, whose authority sanctioned, and whose presence countenances, the business of this meeting. With equal readiness will it be acknowledged, that they clearly point out the duty of the preacher. It is visibly his duty to aim at making such impressions on the minds of his audience, as will most effectually accomplish the design of the institution. It is his duty to address his discourse to the peculiar circumstances of those, who summoned him to the employment; and as far as may be, to awaken in them those reflections, which cannot fail to produce, in men of consideration, some desirable consequences.

For about a hundred and thirty years, has this institution existed; and, throughout this long period, wise and virtuous men have annually uttered, from this place, useful truths, and pious exhortations. After the labours of such a train of respectable characters, the present preacher cannot hope to entertain his audience with novelty, or instruction. In the humbler office of a monitor, he may however advantageously remind those, who hear him, of their interest, and duty; and thus may render to them an office of benevolence, eminently necessary to so frail, and so forgetful a being, as man.

To a design of this nature, the passage of scripture mentioned as the theme of the following discourse is an obvious introduction. The sentiments it contains, are of high importance, and unfold their truth, and moment, to the slightest inspection.

In the first of these verses, it is asserted to be the duty of a ruler to be just, and to rule in the fear of God.1 In the second, the beneficent influence of government, formed on these principles, is declared and described in terms of singular force, and unrivalled beauty.

On the first of these assertions, it will be unnecessary to expatiate. Of its truth, there can be neither denial, nor doubt; and of its importance, a brief examination of the second will furnish sufficient evidence. The following observations will therefore be principally confined to this solemn declaration of the God of Israel—That a just and pious Ruler is an eminent blessing to a people. Of this doctrine, the text naturally forms the first illustration.

Perhaps there is not, in the whole sacred volume, a single passage, introduced with such solemnity and magnificence, as the passage before us. It is ushered in by two prefaces; both of them conspiring, in a striking manner, to increase the impression. We are first informed by the recording prophet, that these are the last words of David—his solemn farewell to the great kingdom, he had so long governed; his dying monition to the numerous tribes of future princes, whom, with the eye of prediction, he saw springing from his loins; his final benediction to those unnumbered princes, and nations, for whom, throughout the vast regions, and extended duration, of this world, he knew his instructions would be recorded. That we may feel the weight of this preface, a singular and illustrious character of David is subjoined. “David, the son of Jesse, the man who was raised on high, the anointed of the God of Jacob, the sweet Psalmist of Israel, said,” &c.

Nothing could, with more pertinence, have been prefixed to these remarkable words, by the prophet who has recorded them. From the character of the author they derive the highest human sanction. Selected by the wisdom of Jehovah from the whole Israelitish nation, at the divine command, he ascended the throne. In this dignified station, he gave the clearest proof of the propriety of this providence. His country had, for ages, been involved in the most distressing wars. In a period of the deepest calamity, he assumed the direction of its public affairs, roused its dismayed inhabitants to arms and enterprise, and, in a little time, subdued all the surrounding nations, from the great sea to the river Euphrates. With soldiers, whom he raised, officered, and disciplined, with a heroism and military wisdom wholly unprecedented, and in dangers, difficulties, and distresses, of which there are few examples, he established the most respectable empire, at that time in the world.

For the government of these extensive dominions, he projected, and executed, a series of the wisest military, and political measures. Steadily attentive to all the great objects of policy, he effectually provided for the defense of his kingdom, for the enlargement of commerce, for the improvement of agriculture, for the promotion of useful knowledge, and for the regular administration of justice; and, in all, displayed a strength of genius, and a largeness of heart, to which we shall not easily find a parallel. At the same time, he exhibited an illustrious example of the most distinguished virtue. In his excellent and splendid institutions for the public worship of the nation; in those glorious monuments of genius and piety, those perpetual directories of private and public devotion, the psalms he composed; in the regular, expeditious, and impartial distribution of civil justice; and in the combined beauties of a noble personal example; he gained from the voice of heaven that exalted title, “the man after God’s own heart;” and left his memorial to succeeding ages, as a sweet smelling savour, as an object of the applause, and the imitation, of all who should come after him.

It is further to be remembered, that he was advanced to the kingdom, from the humblest station of private life. Tho’ descended from princes, he was, like the Messiah, whom he principally typified, born, and educated in the vale of poverty. In the condition of a subject, he had seen, and felt, all the evils of unjust and impious rule, exercised by his predecessor. As a subject, he knew how to feel for other subjects; as a man persecuted, for other objects of persecution; while, from his long possession of the sceptre of government, he became extensively acquainted with the art of governing with dignity, and success.

Of such a man, are these the last words, uttered at the close of such a life.

The preface of David is still more solemn, and affecting. “The spirit of the Lord,” saith he, “spake by me, and his word was in my tongue.” That eternal spirit “who searcheth all things, even the deep things of God,” speaks expressly the things, which I now utter, as the sum of his own infinite knowledge of this great subject, and the effusion of his infinite benevolence to the children of men. “The God of Israel said, the Rock of Israel spake to me,” &c. The father of the universe, the ruler of an infinite empire, declares to mankind these counsels, as a general conformity to his pleasure and example; and as the result of his own experience, in the august employment of ruling the immensity of intelligent beings.

Such is the magnificent introduction of this singular passage; and such is the force, with which it is intended to operate on the mind of every reader.

In a manner, perfectly suited to so impressive an exordium, is the doctrine exhibited by the passage itself. And he, i.e. a virtuous ruler, shall be as the light of the morning, when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth, by clear shining after rain. Never were objects of more pleasing and splendid beauty exhibited in comparison; nor could any conceivable images unfold this subject with superior energy. The light of the morning is, without a question, the first object in the natural world, for beauty and glory, and the happiest allusion for the illustration of scenes, marked with unusual gladness, prosperity, and splendor. But it is here enhanced with peculiar felicity. It is not only the morning, but the happiest time of the morning; the time when the sun riseth; it is a morning without clouds; a morning of the spring, when the tender grass is springing out of the earth, and peculiarly endeared by the remembrance of the dreariness of winter; a morning succeeding a night of clouds and rain, and doubly delightful by the contrast it forms, to the melancholy gloom of the preceding darkness. Thus is the general gladness and felicity, produced by the benignant influence of a virtuous ruler, most advantageously impressed on us, by the voice of the infinite God, in the singularly happy allusion to the universal delight, created, thro’ this lower world, by the glorious rising of an unclouded morning in the spring, when a preceding night of rain and darkness has ushered it in with increased beauty and splendor; when the new born and newly freshened verdure has mightily enhanced the general luster of all those pleasing forms of elegance and grandeur, which the day-spring, in the magnificent language of the Creator, has stamped on the face of the earth, turned to the sun, “as clay to a seal,” that it may derive from his power an impression so wonderful and divine.

2. The conduct of a virtuous ruler, both in his public, and in his private character, will also happily illustrate the doctrine.

To form satisfactory ideas of the natural, the necessary conduct of a virtuous ruler, it may be useful to turn our attention, for a moment, to the several principles, under the influence of which, a ruler may be supposed to aim at the public good.

A ruler may be supposed to aim at the public good, from the selfish principles of avarice and ambition; so far as he conceives the public good and his own private interest to be inseparably connected. With what uncertainty and hazard, the welfare of a community is entrusted to men, governed solely by these principles, we may easily determine, by recollecting how often that welfare will be really separated from the private interest of any individual, and how much oftener these things will be viewed as separate, by the selfish affections, and the biased judgment of that individual. If this mode of determining should be thought improper, history, filled with the unnumbered and infinite evils of sceptered ambition, and avarice, will establish the like determination, with an authority, which can neither be gainsayed, nor resisted.

Honour constitutes another basis, on which it has been thought, the public interest might safely rest. Honour, as commonly used, and pride are but different names for the same odious, treacherous, domineering passion. Of its usual and natural effects, we may find an impressive list, in the private history of gambling, lewdness, dueling and suicide; and a more splendid one, in the public annals of imperial luxury, war, and despotism. It is however further to be remarked, that, as honour, in this sense, is wholly governed by a regard to the eye of mankind, so it can have no influence in measures, withdrawn from the inspection of that eye: a class of measures, on which always a great part, and often the whole, of the public good ultimately depends.

But it has been urged, that there is another and superior kind of honour, which, in opposition to the false kind, I have mentioned, is called true honour. This is variously defined. Sometimes it is asserted to be an instinctive and exquisite sensibility to right and wrong, to that which is noble or debased; by which the mind is irresistibly, or at least very forcibly, led to pursue that, which is right and noble, and to shun that which is wrong and debased. Sometimes it is spoken of, as a governing reverence, felt by a man for the approbation of his own mind, and a disposition steadily determined to deserve it. The opinion, contained in the first of these definitions, is fairly presumed to be chimerical; no satisfactory evidence having been hitherto offered, of the existence of such a principle. According to the last, honour will probably be found to differ little from conscientiousness; a principle which I shall now proceed to consider.

The natural conscience, then, carefully cultivated by education into habit, enlivened by a fixed sense of accountableness to God, and strengthened by the belief of future eternal retribution, as revealed in the scriptures of truth, forms another, and it must be confessed, a much more solid foundation, on which to rest the welfare of a community. A habit of conscientiousness is frequently lasting, and frequently extensive in its effects; and the steady belief of a certain, endless retribution, beyond the rave, furnishes a guard against temptation, and iniquity, which is powerful in its operations, and which extends its influence to the closet, as well as to the house top; to the conduct, which no human eye seeth, as well as to that, which is opened to the eye of the world.

But real or scriptural virtue presents us a still different object of public as well as private confidence. The great law of righteousness, by which the Creator requires his intelligent creatures to regulate their affections, is “Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself;” or, as it respects the actions of such creatures, “Whatever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them.” A cheerful obedience of the heart to this great command, and to that “other, which is like unto it,” is the sum of real, or scriptural virtue.

How fair and sufficient ground of public confidence is displayed by this principle, a few observations will easily illustrate. The governing disposition of a ruler, whose heart is conformed to this great law, must necessarily lead him to a faithful, uniform pursuit of the public interest, in preference to any private one, and to seek the good of millions rather than his own. Between selfish and general objects, as there is in reality, so there will be in his view, no proportion; and between the pleasure of seeking the one, and the duty of promoting the other, he can admit of no balancing. The principle, by which he is rendered the object of the public confidence, is superior to that of the avaricious, and that of the ambitious man, not only because it possesses higher dignity, and amiableness, but also because his interest can never be separated by it from that of the community: to that of the man of honour, because it furnishes a ruling motive to rectitude, in secret, as well as in open measures; and to that of the man habitually conscientious, and possessed of clear conviction of accountableness and retribution, because virtuous habits cannot change; and because, as we daily discern, in the different degrees of obedience, rendered by the dreading servant, and by the affectionate child, love is an incomparably more efficacious spring, than fear, of steady, faithful, and uniform duty.

Under the direction of this principle, the magistracy of a ruler will naturally be such as to secure the approbation of wisdom, and to command the applause of virtue. This all amiable disposition, pointing, with a few variations of human infirmity, to the pole star of public happiness, will direct the extensive means of usefulness, encircled by his office, to the noblest purposes. In the laws he enacts, in the judgments he pronounces, and in the punishments he executes, justice, benignity and mercy will form the great outlines of his character. It will be his natural, his constant labour, so to distribute the burthens of the community, that they will rest most easily on the public shoulder; to husband the public property, with the exactness of private economy; to treat the creditors of his nation with the scrupulous fairness of mercantile punctuality; and to pursue, through all its numerous paths, that righteousness, which nourishes, adorns, and exalts a nation. As a magistrate, he would blush to project, or to countenance, any measure, which would disgrace him as a man. If it were proposed to sanction fraud, to promulgate falsehood, or to establish iniquity, by law, it would present him no temptation, it would yield to him no support, to remember that multitudes, beside himself, were sharers in the guilt and in the infamy.

The first duty of a ruler, and the first concern of a virtuous ruler, is the support of religion. Let not my audience from this remark imagine, that I wish a revival of that motley system of domination which in Europe has so long, so awkwardly, and so unhappily blended civil and spiritual objects. An infidel could not, with more regret, see spiritual courts, laws prescribing faith, binding the conscience, and distinguishing by civil privileges the several classes of religious, or magistrates usurping the throne of the Creator, and claiming the prerogatives of the supreme head of the church. The ruler, who wishes to befriend religion, is forced by no necessity to acts of persecution, injustice, or party; nor because he is desirous of avoiding such acts, is he by any necessity restrained from acting at all. Friendship to religion is the first characteristic of a good man. As such a man must universally desire the good of mankind, so he must, with the greatest ardency, desire this infinite good. That elevation to office, which enlarges the means of doing good, will, in his view, instead of lessening, increase his obligations to “seek first the kingdom of God, its righteousness,” and prosperity. This duty he will endeavour to perform, not in the mistaken ways already mentioned, but by steadfastly opposing immorality, by employing and honouring the just, by contemning the vicious, by enlarging the motives to righteousness, by removing the temptations to sin, and, in a word, by that general train of virtuous measures, which, like a magical charm, unobservedly spreads its influence over moral things, and, in a gloomy waste of vice and impiety, calls up a new creation of beauty, virtue, and happiness.

Among the means of advancing religion, a personal example is commonly of the first importance. Even in private life, its effects are great and striking—In family education, a good parental example instructs more than the wisest precepts, and regulates beyond the best exerted government. But in a ruler, the importance of example is not easily measured. So numerous are the persons, who observe, and imitate his conduct, so distinguished is the brilliancy reflected on it by office, that in forming an idea of its influence, the most romantic imagination will easily fall short of the truth. Strongly affected by the importance of these facts, it will be the daily study of a virtuous ruler, to act always in such a manner, as to allure others to virtue, and not to vice; to uphold religion, and not licentiousness; to support the righteous, and not the enemies of righteousness. Though, during his administration, as at the present time, “iniquity should abound, and the love of many should wax cold” the strength of the opposition, the boldness of the ridicule, and the impudence of the contempt, will instead of relaxing, confirm his resolution, and redouble his efforts against the enemies of religion.

Thus to lessen the public distresses, to increase the public happiness, to discourage vice, to uphold religion, to stand approved at the awful tribunal of his conscience, and to gain the approbation of him, from whose judgment there is no appeal, will be the end of his plans and his exertions, his example and his magistracy.

3. The peculiar power which a virtuous ruler possesses, of being useful to a nation, may also advantageously illustrate the doctrine.

The pertinence of this observation, which is intended principally to be applied to the ruler of a free people, may be exhibited in the following manner. An important part of a ruler’s ability to be useful consists in his influence. The influence of any man depends principally on his personal character. If his actions be such, as to manifest principle, integrity, or virtue, to the general eye, he becomes, of course, possessed of the general confidence. In a country where all measures are decided by suffrages, a fixed belief of the mover’s integrity, and steady patriotism, as often commands those suffrages in favour of the measures, which he proposes, and gives popularity, and efficacy, to the execution of them, as the nature of the measures. Perhaps it is not even a strong assertion, to declare, that the confidence, reposed in the virtue of the first magistrate of this country, has had as much influence, in procuring the general voice in behalf of our national constitution, and in sanctioning its operations, as the nature of the constitution, or the wisdom and justice conspicuous in its operations. As therefore it will frequently happen, that very important public measures will much depend on this confidence, or the want of it, for their adoption, or their rejection, and as the whole wellbeing of a nation may not infrequently be decided by this circumstance, it’s weight cannot fail of a high estimation.

4. In the last place, I shall endeavour to illustrate the doctrine by a summary exhibition of the contrast, formed by a wicked ruler, to a virtuous one.

In all the important particulars, I have mentioned, a wicked ruler is the reverse of a virtuous one. His administration commences under the government of these two noxious principles—That his own highest interest is distinct from that of the public—and that his own interest is, in all things, to be preferred by him to that of the public. Magistracy is, therefore, in his view, but a convenient engine for the accomplishment of his selfish wishes; a courser, put into his hands, merely that he may ride, for business, or for pleasure. From these governing principles are derived all those evils, in public administration, which distract a community from within, or waste it from without. Oppressive laws, partial judgments, and cruel executions; burdensome taxes, and squandered revenues; injurious promotions, causeless ejections from office, neglect of the worthy, and employment of the worthless; caballing, electioneering, and corruption; general sufferings, and general murmurs, are in the number of those evils, which under the magistracy of such a ruler, distress the internal state of a people. It will be needless on this occasion to turn our eyes to the external miseries of war and devastation, naturally springing from the same fountain; war kindled merely to gratify pride, and devastation and rapine extended merely to glut the rapacity of avarice, or cruelty. Our own immediate concern is with the other class of objects; and from his class, I presume, a sufficient selection has been made.

The particular course of wicked conduct, pursued by an unprincipled ruler, will indeed be pointed out by his predominant propensity. As this may happen to be avarice, ambition, sloth, or sensuality, his conduct will be marked by the colouring peculiar to it; or should he, as frequently occurs, be governed by several, or all of them, his magistracy will be tinged by the evil disposition, at the time prevailing; but the tincture will be always deep and poisonous, and the variegations will be only variegations of foulness, guilt, and dishonor.

It has been generally agreed by enlightened men, and even by enlightened infidels and atheists, that religion in a community is essentially necessary to its wellbeing. This agreement may, I presume, be fairly supposed to be a sufficient proof of the justness of the opinion. Should higher proof be demanded, perhaps it may be furnished by a momentary survey of the state of a people, wholly without religion. Think, for a moment only, of a country, inhabited by those, who neither feared God, nor regarded man; by men, insensible to moral obligation, governed by fierce passion, and gross appetite; men of this world merely, unconcerned with truth, or duty, rewards, or punishments; men, strangers to veracity, justice, delicacy, and decency; men, exceptions to the character of human nature, even in the vilest national condition; an astonishment, a byword, and a hissing, to their fellow creatures; a nuisance to the universe, and a smoke in the nostrils of their Creator. On what grounds could the infinitely wise and just God be supposed to continue the existence of such a nation? What valuable end of being could they be supposed to answer?

But if a nation of profligates would be such a blot in the creation of God, let it be uniformly remembered, that a profligate ruler is the first and greatest instrument of national profligacy. That striking and infamous character of Jeroboam, “that he sinned himself, and made Israel to sin,” belongs, as the common sense of mankind, recording with an unerring, and prophetic hand, steadily testifies, to every wicked ruler. Combining in himself the great springs of action, presiding over all the great interests of a nation, directing all it’s great operations, and diffusing a malignant moral influence over all the parts of it, he is at once the moving principle and the regulating power, of the whole machine. Nor can we for a moment hesitate to believe, that, thus moved, and thus regulated, it must be soon disordered, and destroyed.

From the magistracy, and from the example, of such a ruler, alike, will corruption and ruin spread through the members of community, and poison the streams of health and life. Awed by his power, authority, and measures, the friends of virtue are necessitated to hide their heads from shame, insult, and punishment. Called forth, from their lurking places, into office, character, and distinction, “the wicked walk on every side.” Charmed by the splendor of dignity, by the glare of pomp, and by the dazzling effects of influence, all seen with a false deceiving gaudry, by the jaundiced eyes of ambition, the young, the gay, the aspiring, and the brilliant, look up to him, as the standard of excellence, and pant “to be perfect, as he is perfect.” His sentiments are greedily imbibed, his actions anxiously imitated, and his speeches repeated with admiration and applause. Example always powerful, and in a ruler always peculiarly powerful, in a vicious ruler has a redoubled power. The vicious inclinations which are so commonly the governing ones, are peculiarly delighted to see the door to vicious indulgence opened by the example of officed vice, and feel themselves strengthened to every evil pursuit, by the flattering union of wickedness and dignity. Thus is an allurement to depravity and corruption presented to youth, especially to the brightest and most ambitious, against the ruinous effects of which, reason and religion struggle in vain.

Thus all the valuable interests of a nation, the public and the private happiness alike, suffer, from the magistracy of an impious ruler. Law no longer looks with an equal eye on the several classes, and the several concerns, of the nation. Justice weighs, and distributes, with an uneven balance, and suffers that sword which was appointed to be the terror of evil doers, to rust in the scabbard. Religion, opposed by his measures, and discountenanced by his example, languishes and decays. Irreligion, elevated to distinction, and graced by office, impudently lifts up her deformed face, and looks down upon humbled wisdom and piety. The parent trembles for the morals, the character, the salvation of his children; the husband’s heart beats with perpetual alarms, for the fidelity, the honour, and the happiness of his wife; the wife sickens at the changed countenance; and the wife and good man is daily excruciated by the sight of his degenerating friends, and his corrupting country, by the decline of piety and wisdom, by the retreat of truth and salvation.

The several sentiments advanced as illustrations of this interesting doctrine, fraught with truth and evidence in themselves, receive the highest sanction from the inspired declarations. In the 101st Psalm, David, with the voice of truth, beautifully unfolds the proper character of a ruler, in a solemn covenant with his Maker, to “rule in the fear of God.” “I will sing of mercy and judgment, unto thee, O Lord, will I sing. I will behave myself wisely in a perfect way, I will walk within my house with a perfect heart. I will set no wicked thing before mine eyes; a forward heart shall depart from me; I will not know a wicked person. Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour, him will I cut off; him that hath a high look, and a proud heart, will I not suffer. Mine eyes shall dwell upon the faithful of the land, that they may dwell with me; and he that walketh in a perfect way, he shall serve me. He that worketh deceit shall not dwell within my house; he that telleth lies shall not tarry in my sight. I will destroy all the wicked out of the land, that I may cut off all wicked doers from the city of the Lord.” In the 72d Psalm he also exhibits both the character of a virtuous ruler, and the blessings of his government, with that glow of feeling, that splendor of poetry and inspiration, which are not often to be even in his writings, and which prove, at once, the peculiar sincerity of the writer, and on high importance of the subject. In the first nine chapters, and occasionally through the remaining part, of the book of Proverbs, Solomon urges the strictest course of piety, and righteousness, upon his son and successor, with the wisdom of the wisest of men, with the yearnings of a father’s heart, and with the fervor of a man bleeding at every pore, from the remembrance of his own backslidings. In the description of a corrupt and impious prince, given to the Israelites by Samuel, I. Sam. viii. 11, &c. we have one of the many striking pictures, in the Bible, of the odious character, and unspeakable miseries, of unrighteous dominion. To appeal to other passages of either kind will be unnecessary. These prove, beyond dispute, that, 2 ”as a roaring lion, and as a ranging bear, so is a wicked ruler over the poor people;” and that 3 ”the king by judgment” and righteousness “establisheth the land.”

History also yields abundant and unanswerable proof of the doctrine, and of the sentiments, by which it has been illustrated. In the history of the sacred volume, a history, which, beside its unquestionable authenticity, possesses the great advantage of being far better known to every Christian audience, than any other history, and is therefore more happily applied to this design, it seems to have been a principal intention, throughout several books, to exhibit the beneficent influence of virtue, and the malignant influence of vice in rulers. David, Jehoshaphat, Jotham, Hezekiah, Josiah, and Nehemiah, are illustrious examples of virtuous magistracy. The justice with which they governed, the heroism with which they defended, the constancy with which they loved, their people, were glorious proofs of their benevolence. The encouragement which they uniformly gave to the friends of religion, and the opposition they uniformly made to its enemies, by their public conduct and personal example, were equally glorious proofs of their piety. Under their protection, their countenance, their auspicious patronage, piety and righteousness, as in a fruitful soil, cheered by kindly rains, and temperate suns, sprang up, flourished, and yielded a plentiful and most profitable harvest. While the whole earth beside was one gloomy scene of ignorance, violence, and profligacy, the country which they ruled, enjoyed, in a greater degree than could be rationally hoped, peace, liberty, light, and happiness. Tinged they undoubtedly were with human imperfections; but they were yet very fair examples of the amiableness, the excellency, the propitious influence, of “ruling justly, and in the fear of God.”

From our own history, which after that of the scriptures, is better known to us than any other, I might multiply examples, of the like pertinent application. Perhaps no country has enjoyed the government of so many rulers, of distinguished virtue, as this. Our rulers have not only been decent, and unexceptionable, but bold, strenuous, and exemplary, in their virtue. In their public and private conduct, they have fought, and secured, the general prosperity, and caused “the righteous to flourish, with abundance of peace.”

Correspondent with their efforts have been the blessings generally enjoyed. The liberty, the order, the peace, the population, the learning, the piety, of our State have scarcely known an example. No such exhibition has probably been given to the eye of time, of the reign of righteousness; no such specimen of the weight of wisdom and integrity, unclothed with the ensigns of splendor; no such proofs of the happy influence of virtuous rule, since authority first erected her throne among the descendants of Adam.

The minds of all my audience will, almost of necessity, call upon me to produce, on such a list, the name of the first Magistrate of the United States of America. Had not the most evident propriety forced me to mention this great and illustrious person, I would have avoided making an addition to that burden of praise, with which he has been so long distressed. But as there are some persons from whom, on every occasion, infamy instinctively borrows her examples; so to him, with equal spontaneity, commendation always turns her eye, whether she searches for proofs, of private amiableness, or of public dignity and virtue. The application of this example to the doctrine in hand is, in every respect, obvious and striking. All persons must feel, and confess it, who remember, that to the charm of his influence, and to the confidence universally reposed in his integrity and wisdom, the adoption of our national constitution, the peace, the order, and the facility, with which it has begun to operate, and, of consequence, our present union, and all its interesting attendants, are, in a prime measure, to be attributed.

It may also, with the greatest propriety, be observed, that both the countries, from which our historical illustrations have been drawn, have, while thus governed, and thus influenced, been regarded by Heaven, with peculiar favour. That this might be fairly expected, few persons will dispute; and that it took place, with regard to Israel, we are assured by God himself. Concerning our own country, we have not indeed a prophet to testify; but if an uniform experience may be allowed to decide, there will be left little room for doubt. If we remember the blessings, which we have received; if we remember the declarations, on the general subject, in the word of God, if we remember, that the inhabitants, by their suffrages, have ever created their rulers; we shall be easily convinced, that the application of the sentiment is as just, to this country, as to Judea. While, therefore, the steady election of persons, distinguished by virtue, to the first offices of government, reflects the highest glory on the wisdom and integrity of the inhabitants of this State, we have very sufficient reason greatly to attribute, to this conduct, the peculiar favour of Heaven, which we have always enjoyed.

From history, also, we are furnished with the amplest proof, that the operations of wicked magistracy have ever constituted the first class of human evils, and stained the name of man with the deepest infamy. The earth has groaned with the insupportable burthen; time has shuddered to rehearse the tale; and Heaven, as at the deluge, has been often called upon for new feelings of repentance, that man was made. The names of Ahab, Manasseh, Nero, Caligula, Heliogabalus, Mary the 1st, and Charles the 2d, with innumerable others, are a sufficient verification of these remarks; but very page of history, sacred and profane, must be searched, if we would comprehend the height, and the depth, of this vast and humiliating subject.

I have only to observe further, concerning the doctrine, that it is applicable to all rulers, of what office soever, in proportion to the importance of their offices, and the extensiveness of their influence.

Among the several sentiments, naturally deduced from this discourse, two appear to be peculiarly commended to our attention.

1. How illustrious a character is a virtuous ruler.

All things, relating to this subject, unite to unfold, and to complete, the character of a virtuous ruler. The station, to which he is advanced, is the first eminence, beneath the sun. The views, excited by it, in the human mind, are strongly pictured to the eye, by those ensigns of majesty, which have surrounded it, from the beginning; the throne, the crown, the scepter, the pomp of attendance, and the other numerous peculiars of royalty. ON the ear are these views impressed by titles of dignity, of awfulness, of sanctity, of divinity. The services of the body, the treasures of the purse, and the homage of the heart, have conspired to shew, and that, even when mistaken and impious, the sublime ideas, men have instinctively formed of the dignity of a ruler.

The vast means of usefulness, within the limits of superior offices in government, not only render them desirable objects of possession to a person, who wishes to be useful, but exceedingly enhance their importance in the eyes of mankind. The human eye beholds, with the most solemn regard, so much happiness entrusted to the disposal of a single man, such extensive means of doing good attached to a single office, and is instinctively led to form no distant resemblance between him who fills that office, in a manner correspondent with the divine designation, and that glorious Agent, who, in an office infinitely more elevated, “is good, and doth good, and exercises his tender mercies over all his works.” Nor is this resemblance impiously, or irrationally formed. In the language of inspiration itself, we find the name Elokim, one of the titles of divinity, applied to those, who are appointed to be “Ministers of God, for good, to his people.” We can therefore scarcely be surprised, though we may well be displeased, that the mind of man, darkened, as it has generally been, with ignorance and superstition, and disposed, as it has ever been, to carry all its conduct into extremes, should attach to supremacy of dominion some of the attributes of Godhead, and render to the persons of princes that sacred homage, which is due to Jehovah alone.

In the hands of a virtuous ruler, all these materials of dignity, and all these means of usefulness, are presented to the considerate eye, with a peculiar splendor. Such a ruler not only fills the station, which, in this world, is the nearest approach to that infinite station, filled by the Creator; but he also acts the character, which is the nearest resemblance to his. Far from being satisfied with escaping censure, and passing, with quiet decency, through his administration; far from contenting himself with wishing kindly to the public weal, he makes it his prime object, he uses his most strenuous efforts, to promote it. To accomplish extensive good, to make mankind better, and happier, to give confidence to virtue, to trample vice under foot, to extend the kingdom of righteousness, to enlarge the general assembly of the first-born, to increase the glory of the Father, the Redeemer, and the Sanctifier, of man, is his constant, his favourite, his professional employment.

To a serious mind, the character of such a ruler appears invested with singular glory. In the view of such a mind, he stands the vicegerent of Jehovah, appointed to execute the noblest purposes. In the view of such a mind, he is not only elevated to the first earthly distinction, entrusted with the first means of usefulness, and separated from the rest of men by peculiar ensigns of dignity; but, by the voice of God, he is entitled to an unrivalled homage, and secured from opposition, obloquy, and irreverence. A long train of solemn commands, respecting the virtuous ruler alone, and pointed directly to great and general happiness, oblige us to love, to fear, to honor him, with a regard wholly singular, and inferior to that only, which is due to the infinite Ruler. Awful in his station, and amiable in his character, he is justly considered as a fellow-labourer with the Redeemer, in that glorious kingdom of righteousness which he came to establish. Temporal good he steadily promotes, to discharge his duty, to indulge his benevolence, and to furnish daily means of accomplishing eternal good. To him, the support, the reverence, the applause, of wisdom and piety are uniformly given; and servant supplications ascend daily from that great family, of which he is the common parent, that his life may be happy, and that his death may be blessed.

Venerable, however, as this character always is, in this country it is peculiarly venerable. It is here a distinction of reason, and rectitude; an elevation, holding a confessed superiority of intelligence, virtue, and amiableness. A ruler is here the favourite object of the approbation, and the choice, of an immense number of wise and good men. He is singled out from other men, not by conquest, law, or birth; but by the hearts of those, who obey, Free and unsolicited suffrages raise him to office. In the original bond, therefore, by which our society was formed, in the covenant interwoven in the very act of electing, our respect, affection, and allegiance, are pledged to our rulers. Happy in presiding over a people eminently free, enlightened, virtuous, and happy, they are ornamented with distinguished glory, and assured of a most honorary, and to an enlarged mind, a most delightful obedience.

2dly. The preceding observations strongly urge the duty of ruling virtuously.

To impress the importance of this great duty is the principal end for which the preacher was summoned to this place; the first use of this solemn institution. This remark, therefore, cannot be esteemed improper, or unseasonable. Should it be thought unnecessary, a little reflection may perhaps persuade us to adopt a contrary opinion.

It is a humiliating, but just observation, verified by daily experience, that human nature is much more resolute in perpetrating that, which is wrong, than in practicing that, which is right. The friends of virtue are often characteristically distinguished by modesty, and meekness; while the votaries of vice are s often marked by a brazen front, and an overbearing insolence. This calamity, at all times existing, in times of degeneracy is predominant. In such times, vicious men, encouraged by numbers, and feeling bold by increasing example, naturally indulge their hatred to virtue, and throw off that mark of decency, which fear and selfishness have before obliged them to wear. As their audacity gains strength, the confidence of most men’s virtue usually diminishes. When wickedness ascends the throne, when her conduct is fashion, when her voice is law, and her ministers are elders and nobles in the land, those, “who have not bowed the knee to Baal” will be unobserved, and unseen.

In our own country, the present period, tho not a period of the most absolute declension, will yet furnish a ruler sufficient allurements to a lukewarm temper and timid administration. A bold and steady course of virtuous measures will usually produce opposition, and obloquy; and, in a degree, the loss of suffrages, and the loss of reputation. Cabals will undermine, jealousy misconstrue, rivalry misrepresent, and enmity blacken. Thus threatened, alarmed, and wearied, human frailty will be too easily induced to seek the midway, inoffensive course of magistracy: a course, often leading to political safety, but oftener conducting away from duty and righteousness.

But however frequently timidity and indifference may mark the public, or private conduct of those, who act in public offices, it is not because they are not furnished, by Providence, with motives to strenuous virtue, sufficiently numerous, and sufficiently important.

In addition to those, already suggested in this discourse, the remembrance of what has been done, to establish virtue and piety in this land, and of the blessings, which they have produced, presents to the mind one of the most powerful, and interesting. Superior to danger, triumphant over persecution, and glowing with piety, our generous ancestors, that they might leave to their children this best of all legacies, braved every hazard, and overcame every difficulty. Heaven, as if to try, to refine, and to beautify their virtues, to hand down to their descendants a glorious example of meek and matchless fortitude, and to give the world an illustrious pattern of Christianity, “enduring to the end,” led them to seek a refuge in a distant and savage wilderness, summoned the tempest to meet them, on the ocean, and spread want and disease before them, on the land. Chastened, but not forsaken, cast down, but not destroyed, they submitted, yet they endured; they suffered, yet they overcame. Religion was their constant, their angelic guest, a cheering inmate of every dwelling, a divine Paraclete of every heart. This heavenly stranger, since the apostacy of man, and the closure of paradise, had travelled down the gloomy progress of time, and wandered over this inhospitable globe, shut out from the greatest part of human society, and, in most regions, but the guest of a night. Even in Judea, her proper dwelling place, she was often alarmed by violence, and often thrust out by corruption and idolatry; and when the Redeemer of men made that land his earthly residence, though, like him, she went about doing good, yet, like him also, she was shunned, and persecuted, and “had not where to lay her head.” In the company of his apostles, indeed, with the wisdom, strength, and loveliness, which she had derived from his precepts, miracles, and example, she gained a noble, but transient triumph, and saw, with ecstasy, her “still small voice” vanquish, for a season, the sophistry of philosophers, the power of emperors, and the furious persecution of ignorance and idolatry. But her transports were soon to terminate. In the midst of her friends, in the temple where her sacred mysteries were celebrated, arose a new and most terrible enemy, and with “a deadly wound,” pierced her to the heart. After a long and fatal torpor, she was raised, however, as from the grave, by the reforming voice of Zuingle, Calvin, and Luther, lifted up her head with returning strength, and placed her habitation in the western parts of Europe. But, as if warned by a divine premonition of returning licentiousness, with our forefathers she sought out this new world, as a last and permanent asylum. The savage, nursed with blood, and trained up to fraud, revenge, and idolatry, shrunk from her presence. Called into existence, as by a creating voice, towns and villages, schools and churches, rose up in the wilderness and the desert was changed into the garden of God. Let there be peace, she said, and there was peace. She commanded order, liberty, and happiness, to arise, and it was done. The land was no more called desolate; but she named it “Beulah, and Hephzibah,” “an enduring excellency, a joy of many generations.”

By her side, and for her blessings, our progenitors toiled, watched, bled, and died. In their counsels, she animated and presided; in their wars, she inspired and overcame; in their government, she influenced, and blessed; and in their families, she ruled and trained up for endless life.

To watch, to preserve, to extend, to perpetuate this mighty mass of good, earned by our ancestors, and given as an answer to the prayers, and as a reward of the obedience, of piety, is the first duty of every magistrate, minister, and man. Most unnatural children shall we prove, if, with the combined force of so glorious an example, and in the possession of such hard earned happiness, we neglect any means, or refuse any efforts, to discharge this duty.

On the magistrate this burden rests with peculiar weight; for “if the foundations be destroyed, what shall the righteous do?” While, therefore, those of my audience who hold offices of government may, in pursuing this inestimable object, assure themselves of the support and the prayers of the ministers of righteousness, and of all wise and good men, let me, to close with faithfulness the present duties of my office, summarily address to them the solemn motives to virtuous magistracy, suggested by this discourse.

Are you called by the Creator of men, to rule in the several offices of government, let m entreat you to think solemnly of the dignity, the importance, the usefulness of this employment. Remember that it is the noblest of all employments, the first of all the stages of usefulness. Remember that it is a singular honour to be summoned, by God, to the office, and to the power, of doing more good, than other men. Think affectingly, and always, of the inestimable worth of that religion, which the Son of God came from heaven to teach, and to establish which he died on the cross. Often recall to view the illustrious things, which your fathers have done, to leave the invaluable inheritance to you; and think, that your children justly demand of you similar proofs of parental tenderness. Feel, that it is unworthy of the descendants of such ancestors, to tarnish, or even to lessen, that high moral glory, which they attained; and that it is eminently cruel, to deprive your children of the superlative blessings, which those ancestors, with such strenuous duty, such unexampled distresses, such enduring fortitude, purchased for them, as well as for you. Call up into realizing view the glory of making a people virtuous and happy, of promoting the honour and kingdom of Jehovah, and of leaving a name to the affection, the reverence, and the imitation, of succeeding ages. Think of the manner, in which virtuous rulers, who have departed, are loved and mentioned; of the manner, in which you yourselves love and mention them. In all the temptations, dangers, and distresses, which surround you, you will find sufficient consolation, and firm support, in the love of good men, in the applause of conscience, and in the approbation of God. These are satisfactions, of which you cannot fail, independent solaces with which no stranger can meddle, and which worlds and ages cannot diminish. In that solemn period, “when flesh and heart shall fail,” when friends shall retire, and the world recede from your view, when the awakened guilty mind shall open its eyes, with infinite dismay, upon accumulated crimes, surpassing number, and conception, and shrink, with inexpressible amazement, from the approaching sentence of immutable justice, “the rod and the staff” of your Redeemer, your Shepherd, the testimony of a good conscience, the remembrance of so important a stewardship faithfully discharged, the consciousness of having steadfastly done good to your fellow men, “will support and comfort you,” will give you peace in so awful an hour, and firmness in so stupendous a trial. And may He, who holds the hearts of rulers in his hand, and turns them as the rivers of water are turned,” aid you to a faithful discharge of the duties of magistracy, to a fixed reliance on his favour, to a constant fear of his presence, to a steadfast love of mankind, and to a final attainment of the infinite approbation.

 


Endnotes

1. This passage of scripture has been supposed, perhaps justly, to be a prophecy of the Messiah; according to the following translation—There shall be a ruler over men, a just one, ruling in the fear of God, &c. Should this opinion be adopted, the doctrine may be fairly derived from it. The justice and piety with which it is prophesied, this glorious person shall rule over men, are plainly mentioned, as the reason of that great and general happiness, produced by his government. From the force of the argument, and the dignity of the example, the doctrine receives as high a sanction, as it could receive from any precept.

2. Prov. xxviii. 15.

3. Prov. xxix.4.

Sermon – Eulogy – 1790


Peter Thacher (1752-1802) graduated from Harvard (1769), was ordained pastor in Malden, MA (1770), and also served as pastor to the Brattle Street church (1785-1802). He was a supporter of the Americans during the Revolution, preaching a sermon against standing armies and publishing a “Narrative of the Battle of Bunker Hill.” Thacher was also a delegate to the Massachusetts state constitution convention (1780) and served as chaplain to one or the other of the branches of the state legislature for 15 years. The following sermon by Thacher was preached in 1790 on the death of James Bowdoin.


sermon-eulogy-1790

A

SERMON

PREACHED TO THE

SOCIETY IN BRATTLE STREET, BOSTON

NOVEMBER 14, 1790

AND OCCASIONED BY THE DEATH OF

The Hon. JAMES BOWDOIN, Esq. L. L. D.

Lately GOVERNOR of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

BY PETER THACHER, A. M.
PASTOR of the Church in Brattle Street.

Mr. THACHER’s
SERMON.

II. SAMUEL, iii. 38.

AND THE KING SAID UNTO HIS SERVANTS KNOW YE NOT THAT THERE IS A PRINCE AND A GREAT MAN FALLEN THIS DAY IN ISRAEL?

Observations upon mortality and the universal empire of death, are so frequently made in the pulpit, as sometimes to become tedious The ravages of this great enemy t mankind are constant, and our afflicted friends frequently call us to sympathize with them; so that every topic relating to the subject, fruitful as it is, appears to be exhausted, and I scarcely know whither to lead your thoughts on these occasions, till a new calamity takes place, and the peculiar circumstances which attend the stroke, point out some passage of scripture, seemingly dictated for the occasion.

The holy and wise providence of God has rendered the words of the text a proper subject to employ our present meditations; and not a person is there in this assembly perhaps who did not feel that propriety when they were first mentioned. We mourn this day on of those distinguished characters, which in life command the respect and esteem, and at death excite the sorrow and lamentations, of every good man. Never do we more regret the dominion of death, that when its power is exerted upon such men, nor do we ever more deeply feel the vanity of all things below the sun and the uncertain natures of earthly enjoyment, than upon these occasions.

It was the treacherous and violent murder of Abner, commander in chief of the forces of Israel, which drew from king David the words of the text. This great man was negotiating an union between Israel and Judah, and was preparing to set the crown of the United Kingdoms upon the head of David when this fatal event took place. Joab, captain of the host of Judah, was jealous of the influence which his service would give to Abner over his royal master; and ambition, burning, restless ambition stimulated him to an act of mean and treacherous cruelty, which his religion as a man ought to have prevented, and his honour as a soldier should have led him to detest. He met Abner as a friend; he saluted him in the mode, and with the language of a friend; but in the very act of salutation, while the suspicions of Abner were lulled to sleep, Joab plunged a dagger in his bosom, and removed forever this obstacle to his influence and advancement. Fatal indeed are the effects of a thirst for power! It destroys every feeling of religion and humanity in the bosom : It steels the heart against the dictates of justice, of honour, and of pity; and often embrues the hands in the heart’s blood of thousands!

David reprobated in pointed terms this conduct of his servant, and though the strength and influence of the sons of Zeruiah were then so great as to prevent him from doing justice upon Joab, yet he afterwards commanded it to be done. He lamented over Abner, and attended his remains with every mark of respect and honour, to the grave. Upon this occasion the words of the text were spoken, and they are the eulogy upon this faithful servant of the house of Saul.

The frailty of human nature and the social qualities of man, have rendered law and government necessary; and those who exercise them are, in the language of scripture, called princes. When magistrates answer the purposes for which power is entrusted to them; when they guard with vigilance and firmness the lives, the liberties, and estates of those whom they govern, they are the delights of mankind, and the favourite servants of heaven. For, government is an ordinance of God, and those who rule well over men are as “the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds, as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.” When men therefore who have sustained these useful and honourable stations are taken away from the world, we are called to deep lamentation over them, to cease from man whose breath is in his nostrils,” “to avoid putting our trust in princes, or in the son of man in whom there is no help, for his breath goeth forth, he returneth to his earth; in that very day his thoughts perish.”

The idea of greatness is generally annexed to power and authority, and it is annexed with propriety, when such power originates from its purest source, the unbiased suffrages of a free people. To enjoy the confidence of enlightened citizens to be marked out by them as the “man whom they delight to honour,” to be at the head of a free, sovereign, independent commonwealth, and thus to be designated as his favourite citizen, this is real greatness among men. It is a greatness far different from that which is caused by the fortuitous circumstance of descending from royal progenitors, or which is purchased by the base arts of adulation and venality. The latter may be the lot of a weak or wicked man, the former is not to be supposed attainable by any but the wise, the patriotic, and the good.

The phrase “great” is a relative term, and a comparison must be made with some other person, or objects, in order to its being applied to either with propriety. God alone is supremely great. Compared with him, “all nations are as the drop of the bucket and are counted as the small dust of the balance. He hath measured the waters in the hollow of his hand, and meted out heaven with the span, and comprehended the dust of the earth in a measure, and weighted the mountains in scales, and the hills in a balance. He setteth upon the circle of the earth, and the inhabitants thereof are as grasshoppers; he stretcheth out the heavens as a curtain, and spreadeth them out as a tent to dwell in; he bringeth the princes to nothing, and maketh the judges of the earth as vanity.”

It is in comparison with his fellow men only, that any mortal can be termed “great.” God hath been pleased to make a difference in the moral and intellectual faculties of men, as well as in their outward situation and circumstances. There is a difference also in the manner wherein men approve their faculties and use their advantages. And I will now attempt to describe with brevity, to whom the epithet of the text can with propriety be applied, and when we are justified in calling one of our fellow mortals a great man. Such a detail will prove the fitness of my text for this melancholy occasion, and will point out the course to be pursued by those who wish to become great and honourable.

The unthinking world have agreed to call heroes and conquerors of nations by this flattering appellation, because they have been distinguished by their valour and their triumphs. The mind of man is dazzled with the prospect of splendid actions, and they cast such a glare upon the optic of the soul, as prevents true and just vision. Hence Alexander of the ancient age and Frederick of our own, both arbitrary despots, both lawless invaders of the rights of men, both scourges, heavy bitter scourges to their subjects , have been dignified with the name of great : when they were really enemies to the human race, and by yielding to their mean and sordid passions, they discovered a littleness which is truly distinguishing. They were wild beasts of the earth, who preyed upon innocent and defenceless men. The sacrificed to their own lust, ambition, and avarice, the happiness and the lives of millions better than themselves. They were the common foe of humanity and peace, and merit their contempt and abhorrence of mankind, instead of their applauses.

By governing his spirit, and regulating his temper and conduct according to the rules of reason and religion; by performing the duty which he owes to God and man; by promoting the public and private happiness of his country and his friends; by cultivating his mind and improving his faculties in the attainment of science, human and divine; by filling with dignity and propriety every department in which he is placed; finally, by “living the life of righteous, and dying his death,” a man may purchase to himself the flattering appellation given to Abner in the text.

The government of our ourselves appears to be considered by scripture, as the first mark of greatness. “He, saith the wife man, that is slow to anger, is better than the mighty, and he that ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a city.” This dominion over ourselves implies not only a constant suppression of the angry, the envious and resentful passions, but also a resistance, an uniform and constant resistance to every impure, unjust intemperate, or sinful inclination. It implies a watchful attention to the state of our minds, and a power to deny ourselves, whenever our wishes and our duty interfere, This conquest is an evidence of a real greatness, because it proves our superiority to the strongest feelings of the human heart, and evidences that we can triumph over an enemy of equal strength, equal policy, and equal advantages with ourselves.

The good are always great. The man who reverences the DEITY in his heart, and who embraces the religion of the despised and persecuted Nazarene, proves himself superior to the casuistry and the sneers of thoughtless infidels. He is great enough to avow an attachment to his master, when others forsake him, and manifests himself to be above the reproaches and contempt of a misjudging world. He proves that he is great and wise, because he can look beyond present to future and more important objects, and can keep under his feet, and view with indifference what the world esteems as the most valuable good. He is great because he acts rightly according to fitness and propriety; because he honours GOD, recommends religion, and by these means does good to his family, to society, and the world. His religion teaches and induces him to practice sympathy with the afflicted, and charity to the poor; it enforces upon him impartial justice and strict fidelity to all men, and renders him temperate, decent and agreeable in his own person. Religion obliges us to improve our time and to cultivate all our talents, and where it is felt in its power, it effects an attention to everything which can dignify, adorn and improve human nature.

True it is that the world in general do not consider piety or religion, as indispensable to greatness. But still a brief consideration of the importance of morality and virtue to society, will shew us the justice of the above remarks. Let a man, destitute of principle, be endued with common talents, or invested with great riches and power, and how much injury will he do! We are to expect nothing from him but violence, oppression, and lawless indulgence, and his example is contagious to all around him. He is a scourge and a curse to society, and when he dies, the world rejoices that it is freed from one of its burdens. A man, destitute of religion and morality, a man who indulges his passions with out control, who is without principle in his mind, and who is debauched in his life, does not enjoy the reverence of mankind, nor will they agree to call him great.

Real religion is indeed real greatness, and is the true dignity of man; but it may with reason be observed, that eminence in the Christian virtues, as well as some superiority in moral faculties, if not in external circumstances, are necessary to constitute greatness of character. The mild virtues of Christianity may submit in the heart, and shine in the life of a man who is not, in other respects, superior to his fellow men.

There is a great difference, we know, in the faculties of mankind. But whence this difference arises, except from the will of the DEITY, whether from climate, the formation of the body, or the peculiar qualities of our parents, has not yet been determined. The faculties of some men are weak; they do not appear capable of receiving, comparing, or recollecting ideas. Others are endued with strong and vigorous minds, and every thing within the ken of human knowledge, appears to be easily attained, and faithfully remembered by them. Some persons are placed by providence in situations favourable to expand their faculties; while others are depressed by the hand of poverty and discouragement, so as effectually to cramp their powers, and nip in the bud the blossoming genius. Certain situations are necessary to call out men’s exertions, and discover the extent of their capacities, otherwise they will lie dormant, and never make their appearance. A warm and genial influence must arouse the latent faculties, and prove what fruit they are capable of producing. Perhaps Newton and Locke, had they been educated at the plow, and compelled by poverty to labour for their support, would have descended to the grave, undistinguished and unknown, like other peasants. And perhaps in the meanest walks of life there exit men, who, if they were properly called out, would sine with distinguished lustre as philosophers, statesmen and heroes.

But much, very much, depends upon the manner in which we improve our abilities and advantages, for in the intellectual as well as moral world, “to him that hath shall be given, but from him which hath not shall be taken away even that which he seemeth to have.” God almighty places us in particular situations, and furnishes us with opportunities of exerting our faculties, but we exercise our own volition inn improving them. Diligence, industry, and attention, will often render men of slow and narrow faculties “great.” Such persons frequently outstrip those of livelier fancies and more brilliant talents, who think that they have no need of exertion or diligence, because they have a native fund within them, competent to every demand. That man is great, who, from small beginnings, by his industry, his diligence, and prudence, rises to the universal learning or honorary distinction in the fields of science.

He is a great man, who, with patriotic fervor, resists strong temptations from wealth, power or honor, and boldly espouses the cause of mankind. It is great to resist these allurements so fascinating to mankind in general. It is great to have the bosom warmed with the love of our country, to sacrifice our own prospects to public emoluments, to contribute by our self denial, by our own counsels or arms, by our whole energies, to emancipate men from slavery, and secure and happiness of millions, who “are yet to be born.” Such patriotism affords the purest delight to the human breast. It elevates our prospects in this world, and death itself is not so painful, when we consider that we leave behind us the “good name, which is as precious ointment,” and that future generations shall “rise up and call us blessed.”

The compliance, or rather the false judgment of the world, hath induced them to call those who are affluent in their circumstances, and who can thus procure to themselves better accommodations, and more refined enjoyments than their neighbours, great men. But, although the goods of fortune are not to be despised, for they are valuable as they give us opportunity to honour God, and make mankind happy; yet no wise man will suppose that they give him any real greatness, or raise him above those who, with less property, have more wisdom or more virtue.

In these respects men are great during their lives, but there is a period approaching upon every one of the human race, which will try the efficacy of our principles, and assay the real value of our characters. This period is death, and the manner in which we die, will throw a light or shad over our whole lives. The great man, the Christian philosopher, will discover a superiority even to this formidable enemy, and will meet the king of terrors without apprehension, and with a calmness, serenity, and dignity, which shall evidence that he is not “weak like other men.” Death conquers all men, and he who conquers death, must necessarily be great. Delightful as well as affecting is it to see such a man bidding a farewell to the world, unappalled by those distressing circumstances which strike terror into others, laboring to do good, even in his last moments, and yielding to the fatal stroke, only because it is the will of God, and because it is inevitable. The principles of Christianity alone can give us this superiority, and divest death of its sting, for they alone hold out to us the certainty of pardon for our sins, and the glorious prospects of immortality.

The picture drawn in this discourse, is a bright and pleasant one. Its traits are agreeable and flattering to us, and we are ready to “call the great happy,” and look up to them with envy; but how mortifying is the last circumstance mentioned, how mortifying is the reflection, that great and “wise men die as well as the fool and brutish person!” How humiliating to human pride is the idea, that none of these distinctions can avail us in the hour of death, but that the greatest, the wisest and best of men must be weakened by disease, and conquered by death, as well as he who “knows not his right hand from his left,” and who “grinds at the mill” for his daily bread! But this we know to be the fact, for it is verified in daily and most affecting instances. Where are the heroes who have freed their country from slavery, and broken the chains of oppression; the legislators who have laid the strong and permanent foundations of great and happy states; the philosophers who have arrested the thunder of heaven in its course, and taught us to investigate the laws and properties of nature; the moralists who have defined the limits of right and wrong; and the patriarchs, the apostles, the evangelists, who have make known to us the pardon, the light and immortality of the gospel? — They are “gone the way hence composed their names only are known to us, and their dust is mixed with common clay! Universal indeed are the ravages of Death! He is no “respecter of persons,” and he visits, with equal certainty and equal indifference, the superb palace of the wealthy, and the humble cottage of the peasant!

Why are these things so? why doth “death pass upon all men,” and thus indiscriminately draw within its fatal vortex, everything that hath life? It is so ordered to shew that a future state shall succeed to the present, as men die before they reap the rewards, or the experience the consequences of their actions in the present world! It is to repress the towering thoughts of human vanity; to display the sovereignty of God, and the frailty of man; to quicken us with the greatest earnestness, to seek an int4erest in future and more important blessings; to nurture us in the school of affliction, and to shew us that sin is hateful above all things in the sight of God.

Let the consideration, I observe by way of improvement, of human greatness, lead us to admire the goodness of God, in bestowing such faculties, opportunities, and advantages upon men. The divine influence is the source of all things, good and great in man. “Every good gift and every perfect gift cometh down from the father o lights, with whom is no variableness nor shadow of turning.” We are sinful and unprofitable creatures, but his “gentleness has made us great.” He is “the father of our spirits and the former of our bodies.” He hath implanted “a spirit in man, and his inspiration hath given us understanding.” To his free grace we may ascribe all that we now are and all that we hope hereafter to be. Let our attainments in virtue, in science, in rank, or in property, be what they may, still we must ascribe them to him “in whom we live, and move, and have our being.”

This reflection with a sense of our mortality, should constantly keep us humble, and prevent us from “thinking more highly of ourselves than we ought to think.” For with the utmost propriety asks the apostle, “who maketh thee to differ from another? And what hast thou that thou didst not receive? Now, if thou didst receive it, why dost thou glory as if thou hadst not receive it? “Thus faith the Lord, let not the wise man glory in his wisdom, neither let the might man glory in his might; let not the rich man glory in his riches, but let them that glorieth glory in this, that he knoweth and understandeth me.”

Great men are useful to the world. Those who act under the influence of religion, and who are exemplary in their deportment, recommend the Christian profession, and induce others to embrace it. Their precepts and their example introduce the social and relative virtues, and thus increase the sum of private happiness. Patriots are blessings to their country, and good rulers are as the “shields of the earth.” Men of elevated stations and affluent fortunes, who conduct with wisdom, dignity, and prudence, shine with peculiar lustre, and warm, while they bless all within their circle.

To God then let us be thankful when he raises up such persons to do good to individuals and our country; and let us be properly affected when they are taken away from us. Good and great men are the pride, the ornament, and the defense of their country. They are “the chariots of Israel and the horsemen thereof.” And when it pleaseth “the Lord of hosts to take away from Judah and Jerusalem, the judge and the prophet, and the prudent and the ancient, the honorable man and the counselor,” deep sensibility and humble grief are proper exercises for our minds. When “a prince and a great man falls in Israel,” it becomes us to say with the psalmist, “For we are consumed by thine anger, and by thy wrath are we troubled. Return, O Lord, how long? And let it repent thee concerning thy servants. O satisfy us early with thy mercy, that we may be glad, and rejoice all our days. Make us glad according to the days wherein thou hast afflicted us and the years wherein we have seen evil. Let thy work appear unto thy servants, and thy glory unto their children, and let the beauty of the Lord our God be upon us.”

These, my brethren, are the duties which we are this day called to perform. The death of the Hon. Mr. Bowdoin is one of those dispensations of Providence, which ought to awaken our attention to the vanity of the world, and the uncertainty of its best enjoyments. It should excite us, let our station and circumstances be what they may, to attend to the “one thing needful.” “The fashion of this world is passing away.” “We have here no continuing city; let us then seek one to come, a city which hath foundations, whose builder and maker is God.”

The character of this great man has been already faithfully drawn, and is now under the public eye. There is no need of my adding to it. But were this my practice, and were there propriety in eulogiums from the pulpit, I have anticipated myself. In the past discourse I have drawn his character, for he was the great man described by it. He feared God; he believed, professed, and practiced the religion of Jesus Christ. His family, his friends, the church of God, can testify how punctually he discharged the private and public duties of religion; how constant he was in the observance of family devotion; how conscientious in keeping holy the Christian Sabbath, and how unvaried in his attendance upon the duties of God’s house and table. These offices of religion he evidently performed with that reverence, which we should always feel under the immediate eye of God. His religion was rational, uniform, and energetic; it induced him to patronize every useful public institution, and made him tender but manly, affectionate but wise, as an husband, a parent, a master, and a friend. Religion strongly marked his whole character in life; it enabled him to bear with singular fortitude and patience, and long and distressing illness, and it finally strewed “the dark valley of the shadow of death” with flowers, and enabled him to triumph over this grand enemy to the human race.

He was “great” in the faculties of his mind, and he improved with singular diligence and industry, the advantages which God had given him; so that we admired, in his character, the man of science and the philosopher, as well as the polite man and the Christian. He merited the approbation of his county, from his patriotic exertions in the period of its distress; he was favoured by his fellow citizens with their warm esteem, and he was repeatedly invested with their highest honours. Under these honours, and amidst the flattering distinctions given him by several illustrious literary societies, at home and abroad, he conducted with that decent but sincere humility, which proved him to be truly a great man. He was affluent, and he used his affluence to the best purposes, for I personally know that his charities were abundant and extensive, much more so than many persons have imagined. His religion was without ostentations, his learning without pedantry and his dignity without pride. He lived an amiable, useful and honorable life, and he died a calm and peaceful death. “Mark the perfect man and behold the upright, for the end of that man is peace.”

With his bereaved family this whole assembly will deeply sympathize. Cordially do we wish to each of them, the supports and consolations of the religion of Christ. They cannot forget his amiable example and his excellent precepts. They will, we sincerely hope, imitate his virtues, listen to his dying counsels, and conduct in such a manner as that they may finally meet him in a better world, to part no more forever!

This church of our Lord may upon this occasion with great propriety, adopt the exclamation of the psalmist, and say “Help, Lord, for the godly man ceaseth, the faithful fail from among the children of men.” Our numbers are constantly decreasing. Let us be humbled before our maker under his frequent rebukes, and pray earnestly to God that he would raise up others to fill our vacant places, and like our departed brother, to “adorn the doctrine of God our Saviour in all things.”

May the learned and humane societies over which Mr. Bowdoin presided flourish and increase! May their useful and charitable exertions be attended with a divine blessing! And, while the death of their president reminds them that the “time is short,” let them be excited to redeem the short portion of which remains, and not be weary in their attempts to advance human knowledge, and mitigate human calamity.

It is certainly right for the ministers of Christ to make use of the testimonies of such a great man as we now lament in favour of religion, for its enemies are desirous of making us believe that all wise and great men doubt its truth, and scruple its influence. It is the joy of my heart that I can now bring the living and dying testimony of the late Mr. Bowdoin to the truth and excellency of the religion of Christ; and I trust that you will now esteem my adducing this testimony, which may be to useful, as improper or redundant. He embraced Christianity in consequence of strict examination and serious conviction. He mentioned during his last sickness, that the perusal of “Bishop Butler’s Analogy” had been of great use to him in satisfying his doubts, and confirming his mind upon this subject. “From the time of my reading that book, said he, I have been an humble follower of the blessed Jesus.” His illness did not for a long time affect his reason, nor weaken his mind, so that he expressed, in strong but humble terms, his sense of the benefit of afflictions, the efficacy of Christian principles alone to support the mind under them, and the importance of religion to our present peace and future happiness. His hope was fixed “upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone,” and it was an anchor to his soul, sure and steadfast, entering into that within the veil. In his dying addresses to his family and servants, he recommended religion to them above all things; and assured them that it was the only foundation of peace and happiness in life and death. His prospects of immortality were bright and glorious, for when he apprehended his dissolution to be approaching, he expressed his satisfaction in the thought that the was “going to the full enjoyment of God and his Redeemer.” These declarations were not occasioned by the debility of mind, which weakness of body sometimes occasions. When he made them, he appeared to his physicians and friends to be in the full exercise of his faculties. His mind was collected and calm, and he retained that sense of propriety, and that dignity of deportment, for which he was remarkable in his full health.

The testimony of so dignified a character to the truth and excellency of religion, will, I trust, have a proper effect upon those who indulge themselves in skeptical doubts, and who search for no evidence, except such as will confirm them in those doubts. Let them examine both sides of this important question. Let them be careful that the fashionable liberality of the present day, which has substituted justice and charity to our fellow men, in the place of piety to wards god, and the faith, repentance and obedience which the gospel requires — let them be careful, I say, that this liberality does not render them indifferent as to so interesting question. But let them search examine and listen, “for it is their life.” Happy should I be, if the detail now made, by which my late excellent friend yet speaketh might have such an effect, and thus add to the honor of Christ and the happiness of mankind.

All human greatness, my brethren, is fading fast away. The men who now act the most important parts upon the theatre of the world, and who have been the friends, the saviours and benefactors of their country, must soon “go the way whence they shall not return,” and “the places that now know them shall know them no more.” “The heavens shall soon pass away as a scroll, and the elements shall met with fervent heat. The earth and the things that are therein shall be burnt up.” The monuments of human pride and magnificence, shall, in that day, fall to the ground. “The sun shall become black as sackcloth of hair, and the moon shall become as blood, and the stars of heaven shall fall, as a fig tree sheddeth her untimely figs.” Then the great object of solicitude with mankind will be, that they may experience the pardoning mercy of God, and be admitted to the enjoyment of heaven and glory. And while the wicked “call upon the rocks and mountains to fall” and conceal them from the view of “him whom they had pierced;” they who “have washed their robes and made them white in the blood of the lamb,” shall be acknowledged as the children of God, and the heirs of heaven. They shall enter upon the enjoyment of perfect and endless happiness, and they shall behold the face of their glorious master, and reflect his brightness through endless ages.

And now unto him who is able to bestow upon us this blessedness; unto the King eternal, immortal invisible, the only wise God, be ascribed almighty majesty and dominion both now and forever,

AMEN.
 

The following CHARACTER was written by another hand, and was published in the Herald of Freedom, printed in Boston, of November 9th, 1790.

On Saturday morning last, at one o’clock, Death, with inexorable hand, summoned to the world of spirits, the very much respected and highly revered character, the Hon. JAMES BOWDOIN, Esq. late Governor of this Commonwealth.

If native genius, embellished with all the ornaments of polite learning; if deep researches into the nature and principles of philosophy, and of the arts and sciences in general; if a profound knowledge of government, and the politics of his country; if the love and esteem of his fellow citizens and of the literati of the world, from an extensive reputation; if the prayers of the poor and needy, to whom he bestowed with a silent, but a liberal hand; if the tears of his relations and household; if the ardent wishes of his particular friends, and of all who knew him; if sincere and unaffected piety and religion, added to the most exemplary morality, from earliest youth, could have emancipated from the grave any character, this truly dignified one would have never tasted death : But “it is appointed for all men once to die.”

No trait in his character was perhaps more distinguished than his last, his DEATH : — Inspired by religion, and upheld by the Father of Mercies he endured a most painful sickness, with the greatest firmness and patience, and received the stroke of death with a calmness, a resignation and a composure that marked THE TRULY GREAT AND GOOD MAN. Thus has died, if not the pride, at least on of the brightest ornaments of his country and of human nature.

Governor BOWOIN, to the honour of Harvard College, was educated at the seminary of learning: and so highly was he distinguished for his abilities that at a very early age, he was a chosen Representative to the General Court, by the town of Boston; and was continued in that office until he was removed to the Council Board, where he served with great reputation until negative by Governors Barnard and Gage, for his decided and able opposition to British measures. He took a distinguished part in the revolution, having been President of the Council of this state for a number of years during the war; was President of the Convention that formed the state Constitution, and since the revolution he has been Governor of the Commonwealth. He died President of the Academy of Arts and Science, in this state; President of the Humane Society; Fellow of the Royal Societies of London and Dublin, and of the Society of Arts in Great Britain, and also of other Literary Societies, both in Europe and America; he was Doctor of Laws in the Universities Edinburgh and Cambridge.

No man was more known to the literati in all part of the world : Few men have contributed more to the general knowledge and improvement of his country.

“SWEET peace, and heavn’ly hope, and humble joy,
Divinely beam on his exalted soul;
Destruction Gilds and crowns him for the skies,
With incommunicable lustre bright.”