Categories: Historical Documents

Samuel Parker (1744-1804) graduated from Harvard in 1764. He was assistant rector (1774-1779) and later rector of Trinity Church in Boston (1779-1804). During the Revolutionary War, Parker sided with the Americans over the British. The following election sermon was preached in Massachusetts on May 29, 1793.

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor,

THE

Honorable the SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH

OF

MASSACHUSETTS,

May 29, 1793;

BEING THE DAY OF

GENERAL ELECTION.

By Samuel Parker, D. D.
RECTOR OF TRINITY CHURCH, BOSTON.

Commonwealth of MASSACHUSETTS.

In SENATE, May 29, 1793.

ORDERED, That Thomas Dawes, and Benjamin Austin, jun. Esquires, be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Doctor Samuel Parker, and thank him in the name of the SENATE, for the SERMON delivered by him this day, before his Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, the Honorable Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature; and to request of him a Copy thereof for the Press.

Attest.
SAMUEL COOPER, Clerk.

PROVERBS xiv. 34.

RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION: BUT SIN IS A REPROACH TO ANY PEOPLE.

The great source of all human knowledge is experience; and that experience which teaches us practical wisdom, and informs us of the many evils that constantly wait on life, is acquired chiefly by observation and reflection. Time, indeed, is continually forcing the instructions of this sage monitor on our notice, and when “length of days” has not made us sufficiently acquainted with her, we fly to the aged that we may learn her counsels; or read them with sufficient certainty, in the misconduct, disappointment, and miseries of others.

The Historian makes it his particular glory, that by faithfully recording the fates of kingdoms, by delineating the virtues which raised some to magnificence, and the vices which brought others gradually to destruction, he anticipates the future by a true representation of the past, and teaches men wisdom by the example of others. But though, from the short period of human life, the narrowness of our views, and the necessary calls of duty, we are obliged to recur to the experience of those who have gone before us, for almost all our knowledge; yet the few events that happen to ourselves, or that fall within the circle of our own observation, make a far more lasting impression on us, and have a much greater influence over the heart.

The strange vicissitudes of fortune, that happen either to nations or individuals, we hear with faint emotion, and often regard them only as they serve to gratify curiosity, and increase our store of knowledge. The Historian’s eloquence, and the Poet’s fancy can scarcely raise the tear of sympathy, while they relate, with all the decoration of language, the miseries of life; and those sorrows which only the best and softest bosoms feel occasionally for the calamities of others, are but of short duration. They vanish quick as the morning dews dissolve before the rising sun, and oft, like them, “leave not a trace behind.” But such calamities and disappointments as befall ourselves, are considered as dear bought experience, and treasured up in the heart. These are the counselors that will make us wise and good; unless in despite of reason and of nature, we suffer life to glide away unnoticed, without improvement in knowledge or in virtue.

Serious reflection on what has passed, with a constant habit of comparing it to the future, seems, indeed, to be a rule of moral discipline, natural to the mind of man, and is one of the greatest safeguards of virtue, as well as the best means of acquiring useful knowledge. The fluctuating state of our minds makes it necessary to take these retrospective views of life, that we may increase in prudence, and establish ourselves in virtue.

Under the full persuasion of the efficacy of this principle, as well as the influence of the Divine Spirit, the Proverbs of Solomon, which have always been esteemed a most valuable part of the holy Scriptures, were written. He says himself, that they were the fruits of his most profound meditations, and of his most excellent wisdom. Because the Preacher was wise, he still taught the people knowledge; yea he gave good heed, and fought out, and set in order many Proverbs. ¹ To give the more weight and dignity to his precepts, he delivers them not as his own, but as those of Wisdom herself; and in the poetic and dramatic way, introduces her as a divine person, the favourite offspring and first born of God, who dwelt with him before the foundations of the earth were laid, before time and the world was, and who is sent forth from him to guide, and instruct the children of men.

Among these Proverbs or wise sayings, we find many excellent rules for the conduct of human life, and for leading men to happiness. But perhaps there is not anything in the whole book, of greater importance to us, as members of civil society, than the aphorism contained in our text. Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is a reproach to any people.

It is well known, that the word righteousness is used, in the sacred writings, with different degrees of latitude. Sometimes, it is applied in a confined sense, as signifying that uprightness, equity and justice, which we should maintain in our treatment of our fellow creatures, by rendering to all their proper dues; and is synonymous with justice. But the word is usually taken in a more extensive signification, as descriptive of goodness in general. IN this sense the righteous man is one, who acts well in all the relations and characters in which he is placed; who lives in the practice of piety, benevolence, self government and universal goodness. In this larger meaning, the term is most commonly used throughout the Psalms, the Proverbs and the New Testament. Thus, To him that soweth righteousness shall be a sure reward. As righteousness tendeth to life, so he that pursueth evil, pursueth it to his own death. It is in this extensive sense, that the word is undoubtedly used in our text. A righteous person is one who maintains an upright, holy and virtuous part through the whole course and tenor of his life. He is one, who seriously considers, and steadily discharges the general obligations of piety and goodness. This, no doubt, will necessarily include in it, his being righteous in the strict and limited signification of the term. He makes a point of preserving an exact fidelity and equity in his intercourse with mankind. According to the best of his abilities he renders to his fellow creatures their dues, and treats them in a manner agreeable to the various claims, of one kind and another, which they have upon him. He is true to his engagements, and faithful to his promises.

Besides this, he performs the other offices and duties of the virtuous character. He is not only honest and equitable, but kind and benevolent. He endeavours to promote the welfare of those around him, and to behave, in every respect, as one who is animated with the principles of affection to his brethren of the human nature. He makes it his labour, his delight, to render them happy, so far as the capacity of doing it, which Providence hath put in his power, extends.

Nor, while he is just and generous towards men, is he unjust to, or forgetful of, the ever blessed God. He seriously considers his obligations to the greatest and best of beings, and is solicitous to testify his sense of them, by all the returns which he is capable of making. Hence he cultivates the deepest reverence for the sacred name of his Marker, and the warmest sentiments of devotion towards him. Hence he loves his high Creator and Benefactor, above every object beside, is truly thankful for the mercies he receives from him, trusts in his protection and support, submits to his will, and is obedient to his commands.

Equally intent is the righteous man upon maintaining and cherishing the personal virtues. He keeps himself in the exercise of self government, temperance, moderation, meekness, humility and contentment. In short, he endeavours to be found in all the commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless, and to preserve all the graces of the spiritual life.

Such is the righteousness the wise man speaks of as exhibited in practice; and a righteous nation consists of a number of individuals whose character and conduct are such as we have now briefly delineated.

The sin mentioned in our text, as the reproach of a people, must be considered as the opposite to this great and good character. When the people composing a nation shew no regard to the eternal rules of equity and justice; when true religion decays, and they lose their reverence for the Divine Being; when they despise his institutions, and profane his Sabbaths, when they ridicule his word, and indulge themselves in the breach of his commands; when infidelity and vice prevail; when impiety and irreligion mark the character of a people—then iniquity abounds, and they are under the influence of that sin, which is their greatest reproach.

Taking then the word righteousness in the sense we have explained it, to signify religion and virtue in general, our text naturally presents us with a subject, which, I flatter myself, will not be considered as altogether foreign from the design of our present assembling, viz. THE HARMONY OF RELIGION AND CIVIL POLITY; or, that religion and virtue are the surest means of promoting national happiness and prosperity.

When Solomon asserts that religion or righteousness exalteth a nation, we are not to understand the proposition in so strict and absolute a sense, as that true religion is so necessary, in all its doctrines, and in all the extent of its precepts, that there have been no instances of the prosperity of societies, which have not been wholly regulated by it. Some States, it must be acknowledged, which have been only partially governed by its maxims, have enjoyed long and glorious advantages upon the theatre of the world; either because their false religions contained some principles of rectitude, in common with the true religion; or, because God, in order to animate and encourage such people to the practice of some virtues, necessary to the very being of society, annexed success to the exercise of them; or, because rectitude was never so fully established upon earth, as to preclude injustice from enjoying the advantages of virtue, or virtue from suffering the penalties of vice. However this may be, we affirm, that the most sure method that a nation can take to support and exalt itself, is to follow the laws of righteousness, and the spirit of religion.

Nor is it asserted in our text, that, in every particular case, religion is more successful in procuring some temporary advantage than the violation of it; so that to consider society only in this point of light, and to confine it to this particular case, independently of all other circumstances, religion yields the honour of temporary prosperity to injustice. Some State crimes may have been successful, and have been the steps by which certain nations have acquired worldly glory. And should we acknowledge that virtue has sometimes been an obstacle to grandeur, still the truth of the proposition in our text stands unimpeached—that if we consider a nation in every point of light, and in all circumstances, it will be found that the more a society practices virtue, the more prosperity it will enjoy; the more it abandons itself to vice, the more misery it will sooner or later suffer; so that the very vice which contributed to its exaltation, will produce its destruction, and the virtue which seemed at first to abase it, will in the end exalt its glory.

We observe further here, that by a nation’s being exalted, the inspired author of our text does not intend such an elevation as worldly heroes, or rather tyrants, aim at. If, by exalting a nation, is understood an elevation extending itself beyond the limits of rectitude; an elevation not directed by justice and good faith, consisting in the acquisitions of wanton and arbitrary power, obliging other nations to submit to a yoke of slavery, and thus becoming an executioner of divine vengeance on all mankind—we allow, that in this sense, exaltation is not an effect of righteousness. But, by exalting a nation, the wise man intends, whatever promotes the greatest happiness and prosperity of its citizens; its being governed by wise and wholesome laws, enjoying liberty and equal government, negotiating itself with resolution enjoying every blessing conducive to the prosperity and happiness of a people; and at the same time blessed with the favourable notice and regard of the Divine Being. Such an exaltation is obtained only by righteousness.

In a word, it is not the lot of humanity, that the prosperity of any nation should be so perfect, as to exclude all untoward circumstances. The meaning of our text must be, that the highest glory, and the most perfect happiness, which can be enjoyed by a nation, in a world, where, after all, there must be a mixture of adversity with prosperity, are the fruits of righteousness. No nation was ever yet free from evils and inconveniences of many kinds; and even the most virtuous societies have been suffered to labour under many straits and difficulties; and it must be allowed, that this world will always be to public bodies what it is to individuals, a place of misery and unhappiness; and therefore we must understand our text as asserting only, that the most solid happiness, which can be enjoyed here below, has righteousness for its cause. It is the more necessary to restrain it within these limitations, not only because they explain the sense of the inspired author, but because they serve to preclude such objections, to unravel such sophisms, and to solve such difficulties, as infidels and libertines have urged against its truth.

To prove, then, that religion and virtue are the surest means of promoting national happiness and prosperity, let us consider the origin of civil government, and the motives which induced mankind to unite themselves in society. By doing this, we shall perceive that righteousness is the only thing that can render nations happy.

Every individual has a great variety of wants, and but few, and those very limited, faculties to supply them. Every individual of mankind has need of knowledge to inform him, of laws to direct him, of property to support him, of food to nourish him, of clothing and covering to defend him against the inclemencies of the seasons. This catalogue of our various and respective wants might easily be enlarged. Similar interests form a similar design. Divers men unite themselves together, in order that the industry of all may supply the wants of each. Hence the origin of societies and public bodies of men.

The author of our being has also given to man a nature fitted for, and disposed to, society. It was not good for man at first to be alone; his nature is social, having various affections, propensities and passions, which respect society, and cannot be indulged without a social intercourse. The natural principles of benevolence, compassion, justice, and indeed most of our natural affections, powerfully incite to, and plainly indicate that man was formed for, society.

The social affections of our nature, and the desire of the many conveniences, not to be obtained or enjoyed, without the concurrence of others, probably first induced men to associate together. But the depravity of our nature since the apostacy, and the great prevalency of lusts and corruptions, have obliged mankind to enter into closer connections and combinations, for mutual protection and assistance. Thus civil societies and governments were formed, and in this way government comes from God, and is his ordinance. The kingdom is the Lord’s, and he is the Governor among the nations. By him kings reign, and princes decree justice, even all the judges of the earth.

The end and design of civil society and government, from this view of its origin, must be to secure the rights and properties of its members, and to promote their welfare and happiness; or, in the words of inspiration, that men may live quiet and peaceable lives, in all godliness and honesty.

It is easy to perceive then, that in order to enjoy the blessings proposed by this assemblage, some fixed maxims must be laid down, and inviolably obeyed. It is necessary that all the members of this body should consider themselves as naturally equal; that by this idea they may be inclined to afford each other mutual succor. It is requisite that they should be sincere to each other, lest deceit should serve for a veil to conceal the sinister designs of some from the eyes of the rest. The rigid rules of equity should be inviolably observed, that so they may fulfill the contracts, which they bound themselves to perform, when they were admitted into this society. Esteem and benevolence ought to give life and action to righteousness. It is of the utmost consequence, that the happiness of all should be preferred before the interest of an individual; and that in cases where public and private interests clash, the public good should always prevail. Every citizen ought to cultivate his own talents, that he may contribute to the happiness of that society, to which he ought to devote himself with the utmost sincerity and zeal. These duties are absolutely necessary for the welfare and prosperity of societies. And what can be more proper to make us observe these rules than religion,–than righteousness? Religion brings us to feel our natural equality; it teaches us that we originate in the same dust; have the same God for our Creator; are all descended from the same first Parent; all partake of the same miseries, and are all doomed to the same last end. Religion teaches us sincerity to each other; that the tongue should be a faithful interpreter of the mind; that we should speak every man truth with his neighbour; and, that being always in the sight of the God of truth, we should never deviate from the laws of truth. Religion teaches us that we should be just; that we should render to all their dues; tribute to whom tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to whom fear; honour to whom honour; that whatsoever we would men should do unto us, we should do even so unto them. Religion requires us to be animated with charity,–to consider each other as creatures of one God, subjects of the same heavenly King, members of one body, and heirs of the same glory. It requires us to give up our private interest to the public good, not to seek our own, but everyone another’s wealth; it even requires us to lay down our lives for the brethren. Thus if we consider nations in these primitive views, it is righteousness alone that exalts them.

Were we to defend from these general principles, and take into view the particular forms of government, which have been adopted by the various nations upon earth; or rather, which have grown out of particular occasions and emergencies; from the fluctuating policy of different ages; from the contentions, successes, interests and opportunities of different orders and parties of men among them (for such we shall find was the origin of most of the particular forms of government in the world,) we shall be convinced that each nation has been, more or less happy, in its own mode of governing, has more or less prevented the inconveniences, to which its form of government is subject, according as it has been more or less attached to religion or righteousness. The precepts and the maxims of religion, applied to these imperfections, would effectually restrain all those excesses, and preclude those evils, from which the most perfect forms of government are not entirely free. But the time will not permit us to enter into so particular an inquiry, or to multiply quotations to prove this point.

I proceed to observe, secondly, that the doctrine of Providence will furnish us with another argument, to prove the truth of our text.

The conduct of Providence, with regard to public bodies is very different from that, which prevails in the case of individuals. It is a rule in the divine government, to deal with nations according to their moral character. Perfect justice is the invariable rule of his dominion over public bodies. In regard to individuals, Providence is involved in darkness. Many times it seems to condemn virtue, and crown injustice; to leave innocence to groan in silence, and to empower guilt to riot, and triumph in public. The wicked rich man fared sumptuously every day, while Lazarus desired, in vain, to be fed with the crumbs that fell from his table. St. Paul was executed on a scaffold, while Nero reigned on Caesar’s throne.

But Providence is directed in a different method, in regard to public bodies. Prosperity in them is the effect of righteousness; public happiness is the reward of public virtue; the wisest nation is usually the most successful, and “virtue walks with glory by her side.” The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effects of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever. On the other hand, the judgments of Heaven are commonly showered down upon a wicked people; he turneth a fruitful land into barrenness, for the wickedness of them that dwell therein.

God sometimes, indeed, afflicts the most virtuous nations; but he does so with the design of purifying them, and of opening new occasions to bestow larger benefits upon them. He sometimes, indeed, prospers wicked nations; but their prosperity is an effort of his patience and long suffering; it is to give them time to prevent their destruction, and by his goodness, to lead them to repentance. But, as before observed, prosperity usually follows righteousness in public bodies; public happiness is the reward of public virtue; the wisest nation is the most successful, and glory is generally connected with virtue. And this conduct of Providence is grounded on this reason. A day will come when Lazarus will be indemnified, and the rich man punished; when St. Paul will be rewarded, and Nero will be confounded. Innocence will be avenged, justice satisfied, the majesty of the laws repaired, and the rights of God maintained.

But such a retribution is impracticable in regard to public bodies. A nation cannot then be punished as a nation, nor a kingdom as a kingdom. All the different forms of government will then be abolished. While some of the human race are put into possession of glory, others will be covered with shame and confusion of face. It seems then, that Providence owes to its own rectitude, those times of vengeance, in which it pours all its wrath on wicked nations; sends them wars, famines, plagues and other catastrophes, of which history gives us so many memorable examples. To place hopes altogether on worldly policy; to pretend to derive advantages from vice, and so to found the happiness of society, on the ruins of religion and virtue, is little short of insulting Providence. It is to arouse that power against us, which, sooner or later, overwhelms and confounds vicious societies.

But if the obscurity of the ways of Providence, which usually renders doubtful, our reasonings upon the divine conduct, weaken this argument, let us consider the declarations of God himself upon this point.

The whole 28th chapter of Deuteronomy, all the blessings and curses pronounced there, fully prove our doctrine. Read the tender complaint, which God formerly made concerning the irregularities of his people. O that they were wise, that they understood this, that they would consider their latter end! How should one chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight. Agreeably to this, are the affecting words uttered by the mouth of the Psalmist—O that my people had hearkened unto me, and Israel had walked in my ways. I should soon have subdued their enemies, and turned mine hand against their adversaries. Their time should have endured forever. I should have fed them also, with the finest of the wheat, and with honey out of the rock should I have satisfied them. What noble promises are made also by the ministry of Isaiah? Thus saith the Lord thy Redeemer, the Holy One of Israel, I am the Lord thy God which teacheth thee to profit; which leadeth thee by the way thou shouldst go. O that thou hadst hearkened to my commandments! Then had thy peace been as a river, and thy righteousness as the waves of the sea; thy seed also had been as the sand, and thy name should not have been cut off, nor destroyed before me. Observe also the terrible threatnings, denounced against backsliding Israel, by the prophet Jeremiah. Though Moses and Samuel stood before me, yet my mind could not be toward this people; cast them out of my sight, and let them go forth. And it shall come to pass, if they say unto thee, Whither shall we go forth? Then thou shalt tell them; Thus saith the Lord, Such as are for death to death, and such as are for the sword to the sword, and such as are for the famine to the famine, and such as re for captivity to captivity. Thou hast forsaken me, saith the Lord, thou art gone backward; therefore will I stretch out my hand against thee, and destroy thee: I am weary of repenting.

Not to multiply quotations; we find that through the whole history of the Old Testament, the interchangeable providences of God, towards the Jewish nation, were always suited to their manners. They were constantly prosperous or afflicted, according as religion and righteousness flourished, or declined among them.

Nor was this Providence exercised only towards his own people but he dealt thus with other nations as their history evinces; and thus the truth of our text is proved by experience. Were we to consult the ancient history of the Egyptians the Persians, or the Romans, who surpassed them all, we shall find they were by turns exalted as they respected righteousness or abased, as they neglected it.

By what mysterious art did ancient Egypt subsist, with so much glory, during the period of fifteen or sixteen ages.² By a benevolence so extensive, that he, who refused to relieve the wretched, when he had it in his power to assist him, was himself punished with death: by a justice so impartial, that their kings obliged the judges to take an oath, that they would administer impartial justice to all, though they, the kings themselves, should command the contrary: by an aversion to bad princes so fixed, as to deny them the honours of a funeral: by entertaining such just ideas of the vanity of life, as to consider their houses as inns, in which they were to lodge, as it were, only for a night; and their sepulchers as habitations in which they were to abide for many ages; for which reason, they united, in their famous pyramids, all the solidity and pomp of architecture: by a life so laborious, that even their amusements were adapted to strengthen the body, and improve the mind: by such a remarkable readiness to discharge their debts, that they had a law, which prohibited the borrowing of money, except on condition of pledging the body of a parent for payment; a deposit so venerable, that a man who deferred the redemption of it, was looked upon with horror: in a word, by a wisdom so profound, that Moses himself is renowned in Scripture for being learned in it.

The Persians, also, obtained a distinguished place of honour, in ancient history, by considering falsehood in the most odious light, as a vice the meanest and most disgraceful; by a noble generosity, conferring favours on the nations they had conquered, and leaving them to enjoy all the ensigns of their former grandeur; by an universal equity, obliging themselves to publish the virtues of their greatest enemies; by educating their children so wisely, that they were taught virtue, as other nations were taught letters. The children of the royal family, and of the nobles, were, at an early period of life, put under the tuition of four of the wisest and most virtuous statesmen. The first taught them the worship of the gods; the second trained them up to speak truth, and practice equity; the third habituated them to subdue voluptuousness, and to enjoy real liberty; to be always masters of themselves and of their own passions; and the fourth inspired them with courage; and by teaching them how to command themselves, taught them how to rule over others.

³ The Romans founded their system of policy upon that best and wisest principle, the fear of the gods; a firm belief of a divine superintending Providence, and a future state of rewards and punishments. Their children were trained up in this belief from tender infancy, which took root and grew up with them, by the influence of an excellent education, where they had the benefit of example, as well as precept. Hence we read of no heathen nation in the world, where, both the public and private duties of religion, were so strictly adhered to, and so scrupulously observed, as among the Romans. They imputed their good or bad success to the observance of these duties, and they received public prosperity, or public calamities, as blessings conferred, or punishments inflicted, by their gods. Though the ceremonies of their religion justly appear to us, instances of the most absurd and most extravagant superstition, yet, as they were esteemed the most essential acts of religion, by the Romans, they must consequently carry all the force of a religious principle.⁴ Cicero, the great Roman orator and philosopher, speaking of his countrymen, says, We neither exceeded the Spaniards in number nor did we excel the Gauls in strength of body, nor the Carthagenians in craft, nor the Greeks in arts and sciences: But we have indisputably surpassed all the nations in the universe, in piety and attachment to religion, and in the only point that can be called true wisdom, a thorough conviction, that all things here below, are directed and governed by Divine Providence. To this principle alone, he wisely attributes the grandeur and good fortune of his country. From this principle proceeded that respect for, and submission to, their laws; and that temperance, moderation, and contempt for wealth, which are the best defense against the encroachments of injustice and oppression. Hence too arose that inextinguishable love for their country, which, next to the gods, they looked upon as the chief object of veneration. ⁵ This they carried to such an height of enthusiasm, as to make every tie of social love, natural affection, and self preservation, give way to this duty to their dearer country. Hence proceeded that obstinate and undaunted courage, that insuperable contempt of danger, and death itself, in defense of their country, which complete the idea of the Roman character, as it is drawn by the historians, in the virtuous ages of the republic. As long as the manners of the Romans were regulated by this first great principle of religion, they were free and invincible. But the atheistical doctrine of Epicurus, which insinuated itself at Rome, under the respectable name of Philosophy, undermined and destroyed this ruling principle. The luxuries of the East, after the conquest of Asia, corrupted the manners of the Romans, weakened this principle of religion, and prepared them for the reception of atheism, which is the never failing attendant on luxury. And thus, by their rapid and unexampled degeneracy, was brought on the total subversion of that mighty republic.

Were we to inquire into the reasons of their decline; were we to compare the Egyptians under their wise kings, with the Egyptians in a time of anarchy; the Persians victorious under Cyrus, with the Persians enervated by the luxuries of Asia; the Romans at liberty under their consuls, with the Romans enslaved by their emperors, we should find, that the decline of each was owing to sin, which is a reproach to a people; to the practice of vices, opposite to the virtues which had caused their elevation; we should be obliged to acknowledge, that a total disregard to religion and righteousness; luxury, voluptuousness, disunion, corruption, and boundless ambition, were the odious means of subverting states, which, in the heighth of their prosperity, expected to endure to the end of time.

Having thus established the truth contained in our text, let us employ a few moments in reflecting on what has been said.

In the first place. What gratitude is due from us to the King of kings, for affording us better means of knowing the righteousness, that exalts a people, and more motives to practice it, than all the nations of antiquity. They had only a superficial, debased, confused knowledge of the virtues, which constitute substantial grandeur; and as they held errors in religion, they must necessarily have erred in civil polity. Our heavenly Father, glory be to his name, has placed at the head of our councils, the most perfect Legislator, that ever held the reins of government in the world. This Legislator is Jesus Christ. His kingdom, indeed, is not of this world, but the rules, he has given us to arrive at his heavenly kingdom, are the most proper to render us happy in the present state. When he says, Seek ye first the kingdom of God, and his righteousness, and all other things shall be added to you; he gives the command, and makes the promise, to whole nations, as well as individuals.

Who ever carried, so far as this divine Legislator, ideas of the virtues we have mentioned, and by practicing which, nations are exalted? Whoever formed such just notions of that benevolence, that love of social good, that magnanimity, that generosity to enemies, that wisdom, justice, and equity, that frugality, and devotedness to the public good, and all the other virtues, which render antiquity venerable to us? Who ever gave such wise instructions to kings, and subjects; to magistrates and people; to citizens and soldiers; to the world and the church? We are better acquainted with these virtues, than most of the nations of the world. We are able to carry our glory, far beyond the nations of antiquity; if not that glory, which glares and dazzles, at least that which makes tranquil and happy, and procures a felicity far preferable to all the pageantry of heroism, and worldly splendor.

Let not these things, my friends, be matters of mere speculation to us. Let us endevour to reduce them to practice. Never let us suffer our political principles to clash, with the principles of our religion. Far, far be from us, and from our rulers, that deceit and hypocrisy, that falsehood and insincerity, that dissimulation and craftiness, those abominable maxims, which a depraved Florentine ⁶ recommended to statesmen. Let us obey the precepts of Jesus Christ, and practice that righteousness which exalteth a nation, and by so doing, we shall draw down blessings on our nation, more pure and perfect than those, we now enjoy. The blessings we now enjoy, are such as ought, on this auspicious anniversary, to inspire us with lasting gratitude to the great Arbiter of nations,–to him who setteth up one, and putteth down another.

It was a favourite method of instruction with the Jewish Legislators and Prophets, to recur to the history of their nation; to ancient events, and also to such as took place, in a period coeval with themselves, in order to excite a correspondent gratitude, and a spirit of religious obedience, in the breasts of the people. The time will not admit us to adopt the same plan, and enter into such an extensive discussion: A few, however, of the more general, and more conspicuous, you will permit me to glance at.

The first is the blessing of public peace. When we look back on the difficulties and dangers, in which the United States were involved, in the late contest with Great Britain; when we reflect on the perils and disasters we experienced, when surrounded with scenes of horror and devastation—with the depredations and shocking ravages of war—when our liberties, our country, and even life itself might be said to “hang in doubt,” and contrast it with the present peaceable state of our nation, we must acknowledge the gracious interference of almighty God, in our favour.

While wars and rumours of wars are now spreading, and prevailing through all Europe—while nation is rising against nation, and kingdom against kingdom—while the old world is generally convulsed, and tottering under those signs and symptoms, which denote approaching dissolution,–to us is given, and as yet continued, the blessing of peace.

How long we shall enjoy this greatest of the divine favours, the commotions, which have overspread the European nations, have rendered very uncertain. No one can doubt, that our interest, our safety, and our happiness, as a nation, forbid us to interfere in their quarrels. Whether the faith of treaties, or principles of gratitude, for services performed in our distress, call upon us to hazard our own peace and prosperity, it is neither prudent, nor proper to discuss, in this place. This is a subject that rests in the Supreme Executive of the United States; in the wisdom, firmness, and prudence of which, we are happy that we can place entire confidence.

The present appears to be as eventful an era, as any the annals of mankind can furnish. A combination of events seems to be manifestly tending to bring about some mighty revolution, among the nations of the earth. History has scarcely ever before furnished us, with an instance of a populous, and powerful nation, throwing off the yoke of despotism, and acquiring sentiments and habits, congenial to a great and free republic. We have seen the mists of ignorance and error fast rolling away, and the benign beams of liberty, freedom and science, spreading their lustre over the mighty kingdom of France. The flame caught from America, and the spirit of patriotism illumined that whole nation. What generous mind did not espouse its cause? What friend to liberty, and equal rights did not wish them success?

But alas! the fair countenance of freedom has been overspread with a dark veil; and the victims, which popular anarchy and ferocity have sacrificed, must be allowed to have sullied the glories of a revolution, which bid fair to astonish the world. It is forever to be regretted, that any dark shade of ferocious revenge should eclipse the glory of establishing liberty, and freedom, in that nation. But where do the records of history point out a revolution, unstained by some actions of barbarity? When do the passions of human nature rise to that pitch, which produces great events, without wandering into some irregularities? Perhaps, at so great a distance as we are placed, and with so small means of authentic information, we are not capable of forming a proper judgment of their conduct, and the reasons of all their actions; but must patiently wait for the pen of the impartial historian, to enable us to decide, how far to justify or condemn. Should an apology, for that mental intoxication that seems to have influenced them, be necessary, or proper to be here inserted, permit me to give it, in the words of a very sprightly female writer. ⁷ “Let us remember,” says she, “that the great cause of liberty remains uncontaminated, by the assassinations at Lisle. Though fanatical bigots, in the rage of superstitious cruelty, have dragged their victims to the stake, would it be rational to extend our abhorrence of such actions to Christianity itself?—to that benevolent religion, which inculcates universal charity, love and good will towards men; and choose the comfortless, the sullen indifference of atheism? And shall we, because the fanatics of liberty have committed some detestable crimes, conclude that liberty is an evil, and prefer the gloomy tranquility of despotism? If the blessings of freedom have sometimes been abused, it is because they are not well understood. Those occasional evils, which have happened in the infant state of liberty, are but the effects of despotism. Men have been long treated with inhumanity, therefore they are ferocious. They have often been betrayed, therefore they are suspicious. They have once been slaves, and therefore they are tyrants. They have been used to a state of warfare, and are not yet accustomed to universal benevolence. They have long been ignorant, and have not yet attained sufficient knowledge. They have been condemned to darkness, and their eyes are dazzled by light. The French have thrown aside the ritual of despotism, but they have not all had time to learn the liturgy of that new constitution, which is laid upon the altar of their country. But the genuine principles of enlightened freedom will soon be better comprehended, and may perhaps, at no distant period, be adopted by all the nations of Europe. Liberty may bring her sons from afar, and her daughters from the ends of the earth.

The oppressions which mankind have suffered in every age, and almost in every country, will lead them to form more perfect systems of legislation, than if they had suffered less; and they will only have to regret, that their happiness has been purchased, by the misery of past ages.

Then will the reign of humanity, of order, and of peace, begin; the gates of Janus will be forever closed; liberty will extend her benign influence over the nations, and ye shall know her by her fruits.”

But to return to ourselves.

Another blessing we enjoy, and which calls aloud for our gratitude, is the excellent constitution of our state government, and that of the federal system, which gives union, order, and happiness to America.

Few nations have ever enjoyed the opportunity, of taking up government upon its first principles, and of choosing that form, which is adapted to their situation, and most productive of their public interests and happiness. “The government of the United States,” says a political writer, ⁸ approaches nearest to the social compact, of any that history can furnish.” Upon an impartial examination of our constitution of government, we find it the best calculated for promoting the happiness, and preserving the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens, of any yet recorded in history. Liberty is here placed in the custody of the people. It wisely guards against anarchy, and confusion on the one hand, and tyranny, and oppression on the other. It is framed upon an extent, not only of civil, but of religious liberty, unexampled, perhaps, in any other country. The sacred rights of conscience are so secured, that “no citizen can be hurt, molested, or restrained in his person, liberty or estate, for worshipping God, in the manner and season, most agreeable to the dictates of his conscience, or for his religious profession or sentiments.” How should this consideration endear it to its citizens, and induce them to reverence it—not only calmly to submit to it, but to regard it with a veneration and affection rising even to enthusiasm, like that, which prevailed at Sparta, and at Rome.

Happy people, whose lot is fallen to them in pleasant places, and who have so goodly an heritage. Happy people! If we have wisdom and virtue, to improve aright the advantages we now enjoy. Blessed be God, who hath visited, and redeemed his people; who hath called them to liberty, and granted them the blessing of peace, and of a free government.

One other favour, you will permit me to mention, is our national prosperity. One blessing generally introduces another, and this is the consequence of peace, and a free government. Our swords are now turned into ploughshares, and our spears into pruning hooks. Our ships, instead of carrying the engines of destruction, are now fraught with the stores of the merchant, and convey to us, from all quarters of the world, the peculiar treasures of kings, and the provinces. The riches of the earth, and the abundance of the seas, are profusely poured into our laps.

But we are not, by an abuse of these blessings, in danger of being deprived of them? If, having eaten and become full; having built goodly houses, and dwelt therein; and having our silver and our gold, and all that we have, greatly multiplied and increased; instead of being thankful for these blessings, and temperate in the use of them, we become presumptuously lifted up, and forget the Lord our God; if, while we enjoy the highest degree of political liberty and prosperity, we are not a virtuous and religious people, shall we not provoke the Most High to withdraw these favours from us, and “to empty us from vessel to vessel?” If, instead of practicing that righteousness, which exalteth a nation, we indulge a spirit of self exaltation; what an army of evils will prevail with it? Luxury and excess supersede the enjoyment of the things themselves. Ostentation, in a great measure, supplants the true delights of society, and an emulous superiority in pride, and distinction, contributes materially to the utter annihilation of simple principles, and almost, cuts asunder the cords of genuine, sentimental friendship. The fate of nations confirms a very ancient doctrine of revelation, that whenever public prosperity causes a forgetfulness of God, a contempt of religion, and increasing profligacy, in the manners of a people, that very prosperity shall destroy them.

With this declaration, and with the many examples of its truth, recorded in the page of history, let us exert ourselves to perpetuate the great blessings, and privileges we enjoy, by a contrary demeanor, and a more Christian deportment than we have hitherto exercised: for the prolongation of our national charter is entirely dependent thereon; and the continuance of national prosperity is solely held, by this conditional tenure, the Lord is with us, while we are with him; if we seek him, he will be found of us, but if we forsake him, he will forsake us.

Nor are we in less danger, from the abuse of our civil liberty, than from that of our prosperity.

Civil government is, doubtless, one of the greatest external blessings, of which we are possessed. It is our protection from fraud and injustice—from rapine and violence. It is the security of our lives—of our property—of everything that is dear to us. The abuse of liberty is the greatest of evils, and draws after it, a train of the most baneful consequences. When a people misimprove their privileges, and become disorderly, ungovernable, and factious, they introduce a state of anarchy, which is worse than absolute despotism.

No one, of the least reflection, can be insensible, what great advantages that nation enjoys, which is not only in a state of perfect peace with its neighbours, but possesses uninterrupted quiet and tranquility at home; which is neither threatened with foreign insult, nor molested by inbred commotions, generally speaking far more dangerous than the former; at least, when they rise to any considerable heighth. It has, indeed, been said, that “small disturbances in the state, do the same service that the winds do in the air, by motion to keep it from stagnation and putrefaction:” But when once the winds are raised, no one can tell when they will be laid, or how strong they will grow; and that which was wantonly, or from selfish views, raised, to serve a present turn, may, in time, come to overturn a constitution.

We are not indeed to suppose, that every small inquietude, every little party or faction, that happens to take place, will be able to accomplish such extraordinary, such pernicious events; yet, it will not be disputed, but that they are liable to produce many fatal, and destructive consequences; which, though not always immediately apparent, will yet, in time, become sufficiently manifest, by a general corruption of manners, and by breaking loose from all proper restraint.

An ingenious writer ⁹ justly observes, “That a dangerous ambition oftener lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people, than under the forbidden appearance of enthusiasm, for the firmness, and efficiency of government. History will teach us, that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism, than the latter; and that of those men who have overturned the liberty of republics, the greatest number have begun their career, by paying an obsequious court to the people, commencing demagogues, and ending tyrants.”

How cautious, then, should we be, while we are zealous for liberty, that we do not despise government, and weaken the springs of it, by running into licentiousness. A spirit of faction, of murmuring and discontent, may excite internal discord, which may accomplish that, which external violence was not able to effect, I mean our independence, liberty, and safety.

We have no reason to doubt of the virtues, and abilities of those, whom our own free choice has made the guardians of our rights, both in the federal and state governments; we are persuaded, that their upright and faithful endeavours will be exerted to secure, and perpetuate the blessings of peace, and liberty, and to promote the true interest of this people. While the measures of righteousness are religiously observed in their administrations, we are sure, they will be crowned with success. For it is by righteousness, the throne of government is established, and the nation is exalted.

We have the happiness of seeing once more, at the head of this Commonwealth, a Gentleman, ¹⁰ of whose abilities in the arduous and important science of government—of whose patriotism and love of liberty—of whose integrity and upright intentions we have had long experience. That display of wisdom, fortitude, and magnanimity, joined with the most unremitting attention, and perseverance, manifested in the virtuous struggle, to obtain and secure our independence, must place his Excellency in the rank of those great and worthy patriots, who have distinguished themselves as the defenders of the rights of mankind: And the many and eminent services he has rendered to this Commonwealth, over which he has so often, and so long presided; as well as his many public and private virtues, add a lustre to his character. We sincerely lament, that the discharge of the duties of his high, and important station, is rendered so difficult and irksome, by his Excellency’s ill state of health, and the many bodily infirmities with which he has been long afflicted. May the benevolent Parent of the universe, who is the health of our countenance, and our God, remove the pains and disorders, under which his Excellency labours, restore and confirm his health, make the remainder of his days happy to himself, and useful to the Commonwealth, and finally reward all his services with eternal happiness in his kingdom above.

The patriotism, firmness, and inflexible attachment to the interests of his country, manifested by his Honor, the Lieutenant-Governor, ¹¹ through a long series of years, justly entitle him to the second rank in government: And the great unanimity, with which his Excellency and Honor have, so repeatedly, been elected to their respective honourable stations, by the unbiased suffrages of their fellow-citizens, is the highest attestation of their merit. To the gracious protection of almighty God we commend them both; beseeching him to grant them wisdom from above; and grace to improve their distinguished talents, in promoting the true interest of this Commonwealth, and the United States.

The Gentlemen, who compose the two branches of the General Court, have, many of them, the satisfaction of reflecting, that their former services have proved acceptable to the multitude of their brethren, by their being re-elected into the important department of legislation. In filling up the few vacant seats in the Senate, and in choosing an executive Council, for the ensuing year, which is the first object of their concern, they will not be influenced by personal or interested views; but will elect such out of those, who are the subjects of their choice, as are able men; such as fear God; men of truth, hating covetousness.

It has indeed been doubted by some, whether this rule should, in all cases, be strictly adhered to; whether a man who is not of this description, who is not a man of rigid probity; who does not appear to have the fear of God before his eyes, and to be governed by a sacred regard to his laws, may not still, in a political capacity, be entitled to great merit, and be a proper person to be concerned in guiding the helm of state. Long experience in civil affairs, it is said—a superior knowledge of the laws—a facility of speaking and of dispatching business—the discovery of arts useful to government, are qualifications necessary to promote the good of the state, which is the main end of all government.

Perhaps we may allow of the exception, provided there is nothing in the personal character of such, from which the state may apprehend greater danger, or inconvenience, than it can expect good, from their capacity to serve it.

Still it holds good, that men of probity,–or virtue,–of religion ought, in all well regulated states, to be the objects of the people’s choice, both from the natural tendency of virtue to promote the happiness of a nation, and from the influence of a good example; which has, in persons distinguished by the confidence of their brethren, a sensible and powerful influence towards rendering religion and virtue more generally esteemed, and practiced. This consideration will have the greater weight, if we reflect, that (as we have shewn) most of the flourishing states in the world, have owed their origin and increase to virtue and righteousness; so, as the manners of the people grew more dissolute and corrupt, they gradually declined in power, in wealth, in credit.

It would be going out of my proper sphere, and perhaps invading the province of the Chief Magistrate, to enter into a detail of those objects, which claim the attention of the General Court, in their present or suture sessions, in the course of this year. Their own good sense, their political knowledge, and their perfect acquaintance with the internal state of the Commonwealth, will point out, and lead them to adopt such measures, as present exigencies require.

Our civil fathers, however, will permit me to remind them, that it is righteousness only which exalteth a nation; that it can never be good policy to transgress the sacred rules of justice and fidelity; and, that the grand secret of political wisdom is to maintain a steady and untainted integrity. They will, therefore, for the support of public faith and honour, as well as domestic tranquility, pay the strictest attention to commutative justice and equity, by a faithful observance and fulfillment of all public engagements; remembering that public contracts are as binding, as private ones can be supposed to be; and ought to be discharged with the same good faith and punctuality; and that no nation can make the least pretension to the character of a righteous one, that does not pay a sacred regard to its promises and contracts.

They will maintain inviolate, by a strict adherence to its original principles, our happy constitution of government; and, for the purposes of national happiness and glory, they will support and strengthen the federal government of the United States, by every constitutional means in their power; fully persuaded that the continuance of our national government is essential to our independence, our safety, our very existence as an empire.

Our civil rulers, will think themselves obliged, both in their public and private stations, to propagate a spirit of industry, frugality, and sobriety, among all ranks of people; to encourage agriculture, commerce and arts; and to promote the interests of literature and science; from the strongest conviction, that ignorance and liberty are incompatible; that the former is the parent of despotism, and the nurse of superstition. In fine, they will do all in their power, that wisdom and knowledge may be the stability of our times—that all vice and impiety be suppressed, and that the people may be allured to the practice of that righteousness, which exalteth a nation. In order to this, they will shew, in their own persons, that they are not ashamed of the gospel of Christ, by paying all due regard to his sacred institutions, and obedience to his laws.

Sensible of the difficulties of their task, and of their need of divine aid and support, we commend them to him, who giveth wisdom to the wise, and understanding to the prudent; beseeching him to direct and prosper all their consultations, to the advancement of his glory, the good of his church, the safety, honour and welfare of the people of this Commonwealth, and of United America.

Permit me to conclude, by reminding this whole assembly, that it concerns everyone to live in the practice of religion and virtue; not only as the public prosperity is deeply concerned in it, but as their own personal happiness, both here and hereafter, absolutely depends upon it. Godliness is profitable for all things, having the promise of this life, and of that which is to come. As therefore we wish the prosperity of our country; as we wish to enjoy the comforts of the present world; as we are anxious to meet the approbation of God, and to enjoy his favour in heaven; let us become the sincere disciples of Jesus Christ; let us follow peace with all men, and holiness, without which no man shall see the Lord. Let the recollection, that the eyes of God are against those who do evil, and of that indignation, which he will finally pour upon the ungodly, deter us from all iniquity, and lead us to aspire after their genuine piety, which will most assuredly, through the infinite merits and mediation of Jesus Christ, introduce us to the future vision and fruition of God, where we shall see him as he is, and know even as we are known.

Endnotes

¹. Eccles. xii. 9.

². Diodor. Siculus. Herodotus lib. 2.

³. Montague’s Letters.

⁴. Cicero de Harus. Refp. P. 183.

⁵. Cicero de officiis.

⁶. Machiavel.

⁷. Helen Maria Williams.

⁸. Paley.

⁹. Federalist.

¹⁰. His Excellency John Hancock, Esq.

¹¹. His Honor Samuel Adams, Esq.

Charles Backus (1749-1803) graduated from Yale in 1769. He was the pastor of the Congregational church in Somers, Connecticut (1774-1803). Backus preached this sermon in Connecticut on May 9, 1793.

S E R M O N,

PREACHED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, Esq. L.L.D.

GOVERNOR,

AND THE HONORABLE THE

GENERAL ASSEMBLY

OF THE

STATE of CONNECTICUT,

Convened at Hartford, on the Day of the

Anniversary Election.

May 9th, 1793.

By CHARLES BACKUS, A. M.
Pastor of a Church in Somers.

STATE OF CONNECTICUT.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut in America, holden at Hartford on the Second Thursday of May 1793.

ORDERED, that the Hon. Thomas Seymour, and Reuben Sikes, Esqrs. Return the Thanks of this Assembly, to the Rev. Charles Backus, for his Sermon delivered on the late Anniversary Election in this State, and to desire a Copy thereof, that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examin’d, by
George Wyllys, Sec’y.

GALATIANS VI. 10.

As we have, therefore, opportunity, let us do good unto all men, especially unto them who are of the household of faith.

The Gospel of Jesus Christ, proclaims “Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace, good will towards men.” Governed by the virtue of the gospel, we shall not confine our good will to the small circle near us, but shall extend it to all mankind: Nor shall we rest satisfied with the transient glare of a few splendid actions, but shall go into a practice, which embraces the whole extent of duty incumbent on man. The exhortation in the text, is a conclusion drawn from the promises of everlasting life, made to the faithful in the preceding verses. The exhortation addressed to the church at Galatia, contains a command which is binding on all men. It requires the performance of those duties which fall under the denomination of acts of beneficence; and to do good in every other respect, as opportunities occur, to the whole family of Adam. No one can comply with this command, without considering man as possessed not only of certain appetites and desires, in common with the animal creation, but also of an intelligent and moral nature. If this last be left out of the account, man cannot be considered as an object of the benevolence which is required in the divine law.

The Apostle places great stress on doing good to them who are of the household of faith. The reason is obvious: True Christians resemble in some degree, the merciful Redeemer of sinners, who went about doing good—like him, they make those benevolent exertions which express good will to the whole human race. It is impossible to possess the affection, which embraces the greatest portion of intelligent happiness, without feeling at the same time a peculiar attachment to those, whose actions declare that the law of universal love is written in their hearts. These, as the ornaments of our race, and the lights of the world, claim our special love and attention. The accurate and impartial observer of mankind, will find much more to praise in the good man, who passes all his days in the vale of obscurity, than in some who are recorded as the boast of their nation or age. Since principle and conduct form the true distinction of rank, we shall deviate from rectitude, and set a pernicious example, if we estimate worth by station; or suffer ourselves to be governed by the censure, or applause, of the proud and the vain. On the subject of real worth, we may, however, safely venture an appeal to the moral sense, or conscience, implanted by the Creator in the human breast. When this is enlightened and solemnized, all men think alike, uniformly speak in commendation of virtue, and acknowledge it to be necessary for their guide and support. Were not this the case, there could be no propriety in holding up divine revelation before all; nor could the Christian minister be justified, in making the gospel the theme of his discourse on every occasion.

The passage of scripture chosen for the guide of our meditations, may, with propriety, on the present occasion, lead us to discourse on the importance of Christian virtue to the civil ruler. The obligations to promote the common cause of virtue, must fall with the greatest weight on those, to whom most talents are committed by the great Lord of all. The superior obligations under which the civil ruler is placed to diffuse happiness, must be in proportion as his station rises above the ordinary walks of life. Nor can any stand in greater need of the guidance of divine wisdom, and the supports of divine grace, than he who is called to the laborious and difficult task of ruling over men.

To shew the importance of Christian virtue to the civil ruler, it is necessary, in the first place, to attend to its nature. This will appear from a brief survey of some of the leading features of the Christian religion, and the effects which it tends to produce on the principles and manners of society.

Christianity, must recommend itself to all, who will give it a fair and candid examination. In the sacred pages, the attributes of the most high are unfolded, in a manner which is suited to inspire the reverence, command the love, and encourage the hopes of man. All our relations to him, with their connected duties, are clearly brought into view; whether he is considered as our Creator, Ruler, Lawgiver, Redeemer, or Judge. We are taught that “in God we live, and move, and have our being,” and are constantly reminded of our obligations, to act up to the dignity of a creature placed at the head of this lower world. We are warned against forgetting that we received all our capacity, for service, or happiness, from the Former of our bodies, and the Father of our spirits. All creatures and events in the universe are under his direction and control; and will be made subservient to the designs of infinite wisdom and goodness. The first and great commandment in the divine law, requires us “to love God with all our hearts.” No other affection of mind can conduct us to happiness; because no other can bring us into a moral union with the Author of our being. The depravity of the human race, has been deplored by the discerning philantrophy of all ages. This corruption is developed, and its operations are traced with such skill and impartiality, as to extort a confession from all, not sunk in brutish stupidity, that the Author of the Scriptures is divine. The scheme of mercy opened in the gospel, comes in as a necessary relief to a guilty race; and furnishes a powerful spring to holiness of heart and life. Taught that the holiness of Christians is the workmanship of God, pride is hidden from man, and the Lord alone is exalted, in the application, as well as purchase of gospel grace. All those divine influences which are necessary for the guide, and support of good men, in every station of life, as well as to fit them for complete blessedness in the world to come, are contained in the promises of the gospel. These are addressed to the humble, the penitent, and the pure in heart. Sobriety, contentment, submission, patience, and all other graces and virtues, are required by the Christian law; and enter into the character of those who inherit the kingdom of heaven. The doctrine of future rewards and punishments, is rescued from the errors of pagan philosophy, and placed in such a light, in the volume of inspiration, as to strike terror on the wicked, and minister consolation to the righteous, amidst the sharpest conflicts with the evils of time.

The Christian religion not only leads us to the knowledge of God, and points out the way to secure his favour, for time and eternity, but it acquaints us with the uniting bond of society. This is contained in the command, “Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself.” Had the love of our country been made the highest objet of virtue, our religion, like all others, would have comprised principles which are hostile to the general welfare of mankind. What was the boasted virtue of ancient Rome, when rising to the zenith of her greatness, but affected justice and clemency, attempting to conceal the ambition of giving law to all nations, and subjecting them to pay servile homage to the Roman name? In mercy to the world, that empire has long since crumbled in pieces, and such political arrangements have taken place, among the states and kingdoms formed out of her ruins, as forbid the success of any future madman who might aspire after universal conquest; and encourage the hope that the former horrors of war will never return. But whatever alterations may have been effected by the policy of courts, the human heart still retains its pride and malevolence. Of these there can be no effectual cure, but from imbibing the meek and benevolent spirit of the gospel, which breathes universal good will. Christianity includes, and particularly enjoins, justice, truth, compassion, the forgiveness of enemies, and the whole train of virtues, which give harmony and strength to the social bond. Were this divine religion universal, the world would be transformed into a region of peace and happiness. Hence, the Prophet Isaiah writes, when describing the effects of its prevalence among the nations, “They shall beat their swords into plowshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks: nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war anymore.”

When we look for a character perfectly formed on the principles of benevolence, our attention is fixed upon the life and death of the Son of God. From the beginning to the end of his days on earth, he obeyed every precept of the divine law, without a single deviation. He discovered an unshaken firmness in his attachment to truth, and human felicity, by lifting up his voice against the corruptions of the day, and every species of iniquity practiced by the children of disobedience. By his preaching, and example, he enforced the observance of the duties of social life. Instead of terrible displays of his miraculous power, he restored hearing to the deaf, sight to the blind, and life to the dead. Neither poverty, contempt, or the tongue of slander, could abate the ardor of his love, or the labour of his life, in promoting the present and future happiness of a rebellious race. The scene of his labours and sufferings, was closed by a most painful and ignominous death. He died as he had lived—on the cross, he pardoned a thief who was expiring by his side; and with his dying breath, fervently commended his murderers to the mercy of God.

Benevolence not only shines in the general nature, laws and promises of Christianity, and in the life and death of its Founder, but will be gloriously displayed in the day of judgment. In that awful day, the Lord Jesus, the judge of the living and the dead, will in presence of the assembled universe, distinguish the righteous from the wicked, by the beneficence of their conduct; as manifested in ministering to the necessities, and alleviating the sorrows, of the excellent of the earth. Christ will consider what had been done, from real love to those friends of truth and of mankind, as done to himself. He is represented in the 25th of Matthew, as addressing the righteous, from the throne of his glory, in the following words—“I was hungry, and ye gave me meat: I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink: I was a stranger, and ye took me in: Naked, and ye cloathed me: I was sick, and ye visited me: I was in prison, and ye came unto me.”

A religion, which is full of love, kindness, and compassion, must, when carried into general practice, produce the happiest effects on the principles and manners of society. All communities, whether smaller, or larger, will, in proportion as they resemble the great pattern of benevolence, improve the numerous opportunities which occur, in the various relations of life, to prevent, or diminish the misery, and advance the happiness, of their respective members.

The diversity of gifts, with which the Creator hath endowed intelligent creatures, and the different circumstances allotted them in providence, give no countenance to the usurpations and cruelties of unfeeling despots. A virtuous temper, would prompt the most favoured, to offer thanks to the author of all good, for their distinguishing blessings; and to a behavior which breathes compassion, towards those who are groping in darkness, or are smarting by the rod of oppression.

The scripture account of the propagation of the human kind, is,–“That God hath made of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth.” An universal practice, perfectly corresponding with the obligations thence derived, would present all the posterity of our common progenitor, when meeting, from the North, the South, the East, or the West, as embracing each other with the endearments of friendship.

To admit that children of the same family, have a natural right to enslave, or destroy one another, would be adopting the first born of absurdities. Nothing can be urged in support of it either from natural or revealed religion. Hence, God would not suffer the Israelites to enslave, or destroy the Amorites, until their iniquity was full. In that case, it must be admitted, that the righteous and sovereign Lord of the world, had the same right to destroy the ancient inhabitants of Canaan by the hands of men, as he had to waste them by pestilence or famine, or to consume them by fire from heaven. The Israelites were not permitted to become the executioners of the divine wrath, until they had received a special commission from Jehovah, attested by miracles. If any would now claim a right to cut off, or enslave nations, from the example just named, let them prove their commission, by walking through the sea on dry ground;–by drawing water from a rock;–by feeding on bread rained down from heaven for their sustenance;–by arresting the sun and moon in their course;–or by miraculous interpositions which equally display the finger of God.

From the brief survey which we have taken, of the nature and fruits of Christian virtue, it appears, that it gives no countenance to superstition, or any species of tyranny. It is built on the immutable principles of moral rectitude. To these civil institutions must be conformed, to support rational liberty, or promote general happiness.

Our religion teaches us to reverence civil government as an ordinance of God. It goes into a detail of the duties of rulers and subjects. It denounces heavy woes against rulers who decree unrighteous decrees, and against a spirit of turbulence and faction in subjects. The sacred writings are full of promises to the upright and faithful on the seat of judgment, and to the just and the good of every rank in life. The Supreme Ruler hath left it to the wisdom of man, to accommodate the law of rectitude to the local, and other circumstances of a particular people; but he hath declared his detestation of every kind of government, which does not, in its first principle, recur to those which give character to his own government over the intelligent creation.

2. The importance of Christian virtue to the civil ruler will appear from the temper and views, with which a good ruler enters into office.

The virtuous man, from a conviction of duty, and with a humble dissidence of his own abilities, engages in public life, at the call of his country, with a sincere aim to promote its welfare. A moderate acquaintance with the world, may convince every person, that the post of honour is not the place for ease, or worthy a comparison in this respect, with the tranquility to be found in the humbler stations of life. Ancient and modern examples bear witness, that men who are best fitted to promote the true interest of society in high stations, will not be the most eager to rise in the commonwealth. Such characters, when put into office, like Moses when called to be a leader of the Hebrew nation, will call up the difficulties to be encountered, from what they discover in themselves, and in those over whom dominion is to be exercised, and will be kept from doating on enjoyments, which exist nowhere but in the deceitful prospects of ambition. Piety in the heart of a ruler, will lead him to look to God for wisdom and strength. Solomon, when he ascended the throne of Israel, addressed himself to the divine Majesty, in the language of a man who felt his own inability to govern, and his absolute need of direction and support from on high: “Give thy servant an understanding heart to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad; for who is able to judge this thy so great a people?”

A ruler of this description, will not stoop to low and sordid arts to bring himself into notice; nor deviate from rectitude, through fear of being ejected. A small share of modesty and prudence, might guard against blackening faithful characters in public life, or addressing the prejudices of faction, to secure a post of honour. But such is the human heart in its present depraved state, and so many are the temptations to inglorious deeds, that virtue alone can prove a sure defence: “He who walketh uprightly, walketh surely.”

3. When we consider the civil ruler as governing the commonwealth, his need of the influence of Christian virtue will eminently appear.

The decision of all controversies by laws, which are the voice of the collected wisdom of the community, gives a people the fairest opportunity of experiencing the blessings of equal justice, within the reach of human art. Nothing, in the ordinary state of things, can darken their prospects of enjoying all the happiness which government can promise, so long as they retain sufficient knowledge and virtue, not to despise their privileges; and treat with contempt the clamours and intrigues of disaffected, or aspiring men.

No rank, obtained by birth, or royal favour, deserves to vie with the honour of a trust, given as an expression of the confidence of a free and enlightened people. An elevation to office among them, affords good evidence of personal merit in the ruler, and places him under the highest obligations to fidelity.

We can place no confidence in a legislator, who does not extend his views beyond a small district of the commonwealth, or confines his regard to one class of citizens. A just man, when called to guide the affairs of the state, will not consent to sacrifice one part of it to another. The wisest of our race may, indeed, err, and it will be found impossible to do equal justice in all cases, but the general good must be consulted: and an honest heart, accompanied with sound judgment, and good information, will rarely commit any material error. “The heart of the wise teacheth his mouth and addeth learning to his lips.”

The virtuous legislator acts on principles, which he is willing to submit to free and candid enquiry. Knowing that the torrent which is noisy, is not remarkable for depth, and that the torrent which swells today, will have spent itself by tomorrow, he looks beyond the éclat, or censure of the moment, and keeps a watchful eye, against handing down to posterity, an example which will not bear examination: For he knows that discerning characters, will hereafter, sit in judgment upon him, who will stand remote enough from the subject, to pass impartial sentence. He has too much wisdom to forget, that tho’ the acclamations of a promiscuous multitude, have been given to some, who have covered the worst designs under the garb of patriotism, their glory has been but for a moment; while the honest man has, sooner or later, received the just tribute of praise.

Upright rulers, will provide for the impartial administration of justice. The able and faithful minister of justice, appears in a venerable light; as a terror to evil-doers, and the friend and protector of the innocent. Innocence arraigned before him, is inspired with confidence; while guilt approaches with trembling.

To ascertain the merit of any system of civil polity, we must have recourse, not only to its moral complexion in general; but must in particular examine the attention which it pays to the existing habits of the people immediately concerned, together with its ability to avail itself of the various springs of human action.

Nothing can justify losing sight of real life, in framing constitutions or laws. The peasant feels, and the philosopher acknowledges, the force of long habits. Tho’ weakened for a time, they will, in most instances, regain their former influence. Hence it appears, that nothing can effectually prevent a government, which promises to reform, from going back to its former depression, but the mental enlargement of its subjects. If politicians, or legislators, lose sight of the state of the people, their labours will resemble inscriptions on the sand, which are blotted out by the return of the tide. Highly favoured is that commonwealth, which falls into the hands of sages, who know what deference to pay to habits of long duration, how to counteract, and wear out, those which are hurtful; and have skill to place public affairs in a train which opens a door for future improvements.

Since habits have such force, it must be accounted a matter of the first importance, that good ones be formed; and that proper means be applied for this purpose. We can name no subject, in which the wise and the good, have been more unanimous, than the education of youth. This must find the patronage of every government, which is not built on the ruins of liberty and justice. They who have tasted the sweets of good government, must be worse than inhuman, not to feel an ardent desire to live in their successors, and to transmit to future generations, down to the end of time, the blessings which involve the welfare of mankind. Education, taken in its full extent, comprises the only means within the reach of human abilities of forming the minds of the young, to act their parts with propriety and dignity when they shall succeed the present actors. To give education its greatest force, it is necessary to begin with inculcating knowledge and virtue, when impressions are made on the mind with the greatest ease. The morning of life, is the period in which a foundation must be laid for future improvements, and usefulness: In this forming age the mind receives a turn which is seldom lost. When the learning of a state is confined to a few families, distinctions, or cabals, will soon arise, which tend to destroy the principles of free governments. It must therefore be an important branch of political wisdom, to cause a general diffusion of knowledge among the people. To promote this design, and to qualify persons for extensive usefulness, not only the common schools of learning, but the higher literary establishments, have been found of great utility.

Literature prepares the mind for free and candid discussion. It is of great use in discovering the boundaries of human knowledge, the line which divides the provinces of reason and faith, and the harmony which prevails among the various works of God. Whatever directly tends to promote these purposes, is suited to convince, that a revelation from Heaven is of absolute importance to erring mortals; and that their reason will find its best employment, in learning the lessons inculcated by infinite wisdom, and in giving these all the scope, indicated by our social nature, and required by the divine law.

A ritual which agrees with the spirit of Christianity, will exhibit the social virtues in an amiable light. These can have no scope in the life of a solitary individual, and very little among the tribes of men, which are few in number, and whose habits admit of no fixed place of residence. Hence it appears, that those arts which extend, refine, and sweeten the social intercourse, and the religion of the gospel, may be mutual helps.

But human science, carried to its highest pitch, cannot supply the place of piety and virtue. The religion of Jesus Christ can have no substitute. Admitting this to point out the way to present and future happiness, no man of virtue would consent to accept the most honorable post in life, were he thereby obliged to treat with indifference the household of faith, or forbidden to employ the weight of his influence in its favor.

Were not man designed for moral government, and the retributions of eternity, we might justly be confounded, at finding his benevolent Creator suffering him to possess his present feelings, on a review of his conduct, and his present anxiety about a future state. The impressions of a right and a wrong, a moral Governor, and retribution, on the minds of men of all nations and ages, cannot be obliterated. They may not be found in an equal degree, they may be obscured by fable, their influence may be weakened, or suspended for a time; but cannot be destroyed. In seasons of extreme peril, many of the doubting speculations which entice, in the closet, will vanish; and the few first principles which lie open to the understandings of all, will force themselves into action. Involuntary homage will frequently be paid to moral and religious truths, so long as the earth, the atmosphere, and the ocean, are composed of their present materials, and so long as pain and death are the portion of man. The divine goodness is conspicuous in rendering providence a constant monitor to man, to keep alive in his mind the laws both of natural and revealed religion.

The ruler who sets out to govern mankind, without paying any regard to indelible moral impressions, steps upon new ground; and to maintain consistency, must suppose, either that a new creation is brought into existence, or that it is in his power to throw into oblivion the former creed. Let us for a moment, admit that he succeeds, in banishing every moral and religious principle from the minds of his subjects; and that all the members of that remarkable commonwealth, do not hesitate to pronounce piety and virtue, the priesthood and the temple, the idle dreams of enthusiasm. We should be justly chargeable with taking too bold a flight, even for the regions of imagination, should we represent all the members of that utopian society, as thinking on a scale large enough to connect private with public wrongs. Passing the licentiousness of the contemplative few, how would the great body of that people be kept in any tolerable order, without the severities of despotic government, or without calling in the aid of something not less shocking to humanity, than a court of inquisition? Of the truth of this observation we can have no doubt, when we call up the numerous temptations to fly in the face of justice, which grow out of the independence of some, and the necessities of others, in all large communities. Nothing can be found to supply the place of moral and religious principles; which lay restraints where human laws cannot reach, and where none but Omniscience can behold; and alone can influence, under many circumstances, to pay that sacred regard to truth, which involves the punishment of the guilty, or the protection of the innocent.

Resuming the idea that some kind of religion will exist, and taking it for granted, that the peaceable enjoyment of it, is one of the unalienable rights of man, it will follow, that the protection of it must be one design of the social compact; and that the ruler ought to be a nursing father to a religion, which is calculated to root out iniquity, and make men good citizens. Such is the religion of the gospel, as delivered in the holy scriptures.

Propriety and justice forbid confounding the ecclesiastical with the civil department, or impairing the rights of an individual on account of his faith. A review of the evils which have sprung from an intolerant spirit, strikes a benevolent mind with horror.

Society must be sunk very low, or raised to a high pitch of real refinement, to be fitted for a general agreement in the doctrines modes and forms of religion. The fullest specimen of uniformity, which has been seen in the Christian church, since it became very extensive, was in the dark ages. We must wait for general union on better grounds, until the high prospect of futurity shall be unfolded. In passing through the middle state, shakings must be felt. These are necessary to root up every plant which our heavenly Father hath not planted; and serve, at the same time, as a test, by which the friends and the enemies of religious order may be discriminated.

The heavenly nature and original of the Christian religion, the manner in which it was first propagated, and the Almighty power pledged for its defense, warn us against building our faith on the wisdom of men, and proclaim, that the Ark of God doth not rest on an arm of flesh. But should any take occasion from thence, to deny that Christianity tends to support the social virtues, or plead that civil society ought not to countenance it, they will as far as their influence extends, clothe it with the austerities of the monastic life, and greatly promote the cause of those who place it in the catalogue of legendary tales. A similar abuse is chargeable on those, who urge the promises of infinite truth and power, to support the kingdom of peace, somewhere on the earth, to the close of time, in excuse for the neglect of proper means, to secure its blessings to themselves and posterity.

The deep wound which every kind of tyranny has received, and the conquests of reason and virtue, afford matter of universal joy; and open a wide field of labour. We shall incur the aggravated guilt of despising the goodness of God, if we refuse to co-operate with the apparent designs of his gracious providence. In particular, we are called to maintain the strictest vigilance against all the missteps, which have led others into bondage, or have endangered their freedom. To advance in this good work, it is necessary to draw into the channel of our exertions, the peculiar advantages, to be derived from the course of thinking, and enterprise, which mark the character of the present enlightened age.

Experience has abundantly shewn, that the human mind, in an uncultivated state, is extremely impressible, and liable to be driven into dangerous extravagancies, when its hopes and fears are artfully addressed by the warmth of party zeal. Living in an advanced period of the world, we have examples without number before us, to confirm us in the belief, that neglecting the moral culture of the mind in particular, will be followed with bad effects to society. Confining ourselves within a narrow range, let us come down to our young country, thinly inhabited in proportion to its extent, when compared with the European states and kingdoms. Besides the habits which the first settlers brought from the other side of the Atlantic, the smallness of their number, their poverty, hardships, and common danger, must have operated for a considerable length of time, as so many forcible bonds of union. Frequent emigrations from our older settlements, have also tended, in several respects, to prevent the rise of faction, and check the virulence of party rage. These evils, have, however, appeared among us, in some degree. In what places have they risen to the greatest height? An answer to this question, supported by its true reasons, would turn out decidedly in favour of the present argument.

The enlightened and the candid of every profession, clearly discern the close connection between rational liberty, the spirit of laws and moral and religious truths. They must reprobate the idea of attempting to disunite and set at variance, the things which have been united by the creator and moral governor of the world; and whose joint influence will be found necessary for the strength and happiness of society, so long as it shall be found on the earth. A rebellion against the harmony established by infinite wisdom, cannot meet with general approbation, at a time when civil government is deeply studied as a science; and new facts are constantly demonstrating that its perfection consists, in treating man according to his capacities, springs of action and relations.

The generous philanthropy, which beholds with abhorrence the multitude of sanguinary laws, to be found among most nations, will derive its firmest support from a religion which inculcates, in the strongest manner purity of heart and morals. If aids from this source be denied, crimes will multiply; and small encouragement can be taken from substituting those corrective punishments, which are designed to leave no indelible marks of infamy on reformed offenders.

It can admit of no question, whether it be right or safe, to trust to the mere voice of natural conscience, with casual instructions, for the assistance which the Christian religion affords, for maintaining the order and happiness of society. It will be readily granted, that a good acquaintance with moral and religious truths cannot be generally diffused, without an attendance, at stated seasons, on the public forms of religion. These will borrow their complexion and influence, in no small degree, from those who guide them. Hence appears the importance of stated teachers, placed under circumstances, steadily to attend on the business of their profession. The welfare of man, as to both worlds, requires, that the public forms of religion be kept up, in a manner which has the most direct tendency to give weight and energy to moral and religious truths.

4. The importance of Christian virtue to the civil ruler, will appear from considering the commanding influence of his example.

Great is the force of example; especially in those who fill the higher stations in life. To them all the lower ranks look up; and by them a general cast will be given to the morals of community. If influential characters are licentious in their opinions, or dissipated in their manners, they will spread the contagion far and wide; because they fall in with the current of degenerate human nature. Hence, when a wicked prince sat on the throne of Israel, the idolatry and vices of the court, soon became the idolatry and vices of the nation. Corrupt as mankind are, examples on the side of virtue, in rulers, contribute much to prevent the prevalence of wickedness, and embolden good men to attempt the work of general reformation. This was verified in the case of the ancient Jewish nation when their judges, or kings, obeyed the laws of Jehovah; and will be found true among all other nations. If rulers are in the transgression, the laws will be trampled under foot, or become an engine of tyranny. The ruler who fears not God, and regards not man, will not perish alone; but if he is permitted long to be in authority, will drag multitudes along with him into the gulf of ruin. The happy influence of the exemplary ruler will be extensively felt especially under a long administration. Justice borrows lustre from the venerable lips which pronounce it; and the laws are sanctioned in the public opinion, when those who frame, and those who execute them, are in high repute for wisdom and integrity. The pious example of the great, will excite reverence for religious institutions, and encourage an attendance on the public worship of God.

In improving this discourse, we may remark, how different is the general state of human society, from that which would result from the universal dominion of Christian love. Love to God, and love to man, rising to perfection in every heart, would diffuse happiness through the family of the great Creator, and banish misery from the universe. But the encroachments of the strong upon the weak, and the conflicts of rivals, have filled the earth with oppression and violence, and watered it with blood. On the side of oppressors, there has been power; while on the side of the oppressed, entreaties and tears have been poured out in vain—they have had no comforter. The pride of genius, and of science, commanding eloquence, and conciliating manners, have often lent their aid, to give success to the enterprises of lawless ambition; and to conceal the crimes of public robbers, and murderers, under the honorable names of valour and patriotism. The virtuous few, have wept in secret places, in beholding the light given from on high, to guide erring mortals in the way of peace and happiness, treated with scorn, or perverted to support the tyranny and cruelties of the wicked.

Our subject also leads us to infer the great obligations of a people who enjoy the blessings of good government. They are called to offer thanks to God, that they are not doomed to pass their lives under a domination, which tramples upon their rights, and riots in their spoils. The protection of the cause of righteousness, the support of liberty, and the enjoyment of peace, anywhere on the earth, are to be attributed to the power and grace of God. He hath the hearts of all men in his hand, and is able to improve even their passions, to accomplish the designs of his wisdom and mercy. Amidst all the convulsions which shake the world; whether the rod of tyrants, the scourge of war, the pride of ambition, or the thirst for gold, he who sitteth King forever, is advancing the glory of his kingdom, and unfolding the purposes of infinite love. The God of truth hath raised up chosen instruments, in different ages, to scatter light in midst of surrounding darkness; or hath girded them with might, to withstand and conquer legions, who were armed against the liberties of mankind. Let all states and nations who have been delivered from oppression, join with the faithful of old, “when the Lord turned again the captivity of Zion,” in giving him the glory: “The Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.” The holy joy which fills the thankful heart, will influence to a life of virtue. To such a life the external motives are increased, when man is restored to the privileges which belong to his nature. Where only merit can expect honorable distinction, earth, as far as possible, unites with Heaven, in encouraging to excel, in whatsoever things are honest, just, pure, lovely, and of good report. What language can paint the infamy of a people, raised to the summit of earthly blessings, if they fit themselves for despotic rule, by their follies and vices; or tarnish their glory by ingratitude towards their divine benefactor?

The United States of America, will be most inexcusable, if they do not “remember the years of the right hand of the Most High.” He hath redeemed us from our enemies, given us a name among the nations, and a government established on the broad basis of liberty. To us is granted the rare privilege of living under a government which originates from the people; and can admit of corrections and improvements, without being inevitably exposed to the dreadful convulsions felt by nations long enslaved, when they are roused from their torpor, attempt to throw off the yoke of bondage, and to accomplish the work of an age in a day.

In laying the foundations of free states, a vast field opens for the display of great talents. Those who are at the head of public affairs in such periods, have a station of the first eminence assigned them: and if they faithfully perform its duties, they will render their memories precious. With what veneration do we look back on the illustrious sages of former times, who were raised up to establish the freedom, and perpetuate the prosperity of nations? Among these we may justly rank the Fathers of New-England; to whose wisdom, generous services, and persevering fortitude, we are so much indebted for the privileges we enjoy. Those worthies, indeed, went into justifiable severities, in their treatment of those who differed from them in religious opinions: but we shall not judge them deserving of heavy censure; when we consider the complexion of the age in which they lived, and that no set of men have ever risen wholly above the prejudices of their own time. Salutary effects, derived from the combined influence of the civil, literary, and religious institutions of our ancestors, are felt down to the present day. May we prove ourselves worthy of so honorable a descent, and may future generations rise up and call us blessed.

The form of government under which we have lived in this state, from its infancy, is accommodated only to the genius of a free people, well educated, trained up in similar habits, and not sunk in luxury and dissipation. The charge of an improper partiality for the state which gave us birth, cannot lie against us, when we attribute our uncommon prosperity, under providence, to the knowledge and manners of the inhabitants.

This joyful Anniversary, reminds us of our obligations to praise the God of our fathers, who hath continued to us our inestimable privileges. We have always had the satisfaction to see our nobles from ourselves, and our governors proceeding from the midst of us. Elective governments have derived great lustre from the elections of this state. Rulers brought into office by the unsolicited suffrages of enlightened freemen, have the fairest opportunity which the world affords, of living in the hearts of the people. They enjoy a pleasure in the plain and respectful addresses of those who are in lower stations, which is unknown to the despot, who looks down on his subjects as born for slavery.

The solemnities of this day, must remind our honorable Rulers,. Now assembled in the house of the Lord, of their obligations to be “ministers of God for good,” and to seek his blessing.

May it please your Excellency,

The magistrate who possesses the virtues which adorn the man, can have no desire to be addressed in the style of adulation. Nor will an apology be necessary to a ruler of this description, for omitting in a devotional performance, a detail of the extensive and eminent services, which immortalize the patriot and the politician in the page of history.—As a servant of God, it must be your first concern to secure his favour. A just estimate of the dignity of an exalted station, and the expectations of the public, furnish high inducements to fidelity. But strong as these motives are, they are not sufficient to secure against the treachery of the heart under pressing temptations. Nothing but a humble dependence on divine aid, can effectually shield against the frowns or insidious arts of the wicked. The greatest natural and acquired abilities, are not alone sufficient to sustain the weight of public cares, hold an even balance between clashing interests, and endure with fortitude the storms to which the ruler is exposed. Who can stand in greater need of the grace contained in the Christian covenant, than he on whom the eyes of the commonwealth are placed, as the defender of her rights, and the supporter of her laws? As a friend of men, you will employ your authority and example for the suppression of vice, and the encouragement of virtue and religion. In the hair of state, a signal opportunity is afforded to enforce the belief—That the spirit of the laws established by infinite wisdom is essential to the well being of society. A practical conformity to the standard of truth and happiness, exhibits a character which doth not depend on the breath of popular applause, and will be found unto praise, and honour, and glory, when earthly greatness shall be no more. Our prayer is, that your commanding influence may long incite to that course of life, which forms the character of the good man, and is the brightest ornament of our nature.

The splendor of office which dazzles the unthinking, has few allurements to a mind matured by study and experience. A serious and devout temper will lead the honorable of the earth, often to abstract themselves from everything foreign to the heart, and to look forward to the retributions of eternity. In retirements devoted to such purposes, your Excellency is sure to find those supports which a grateful people cannot bestow. May you through life enjoy the divine blessing, and when removed from this world, be admitted to reign with the Redeemer in the world of everlasting joy.

The trust committed to his Honour the Lieutenant-Governor, the Honorable Council, and House of Representatives, requires unremitted exertions for the welfare of this Republic. To them belongs the tribute of respect due to the rulers of a free and enlightened people.

Honorable Gentlemen,

We look up to you to guard the state by salutary laws, secure the impartial administration of justice, and watch over the morals of the people. We are sure that you will not discountenance those sober, republican manners, which, under God, have been our defense and glory. You must feel the importance of encouraging literature, countenancing the public worship of God, and correcting the irreligion and immoralities of the day. You have honoured yourselves as the patrons of science, by your late liberal donation to our University. The Gentlemen of the civil and sacred orders, united in its government, and the republic of letters at large, look forward with great satisfaction to the period, as near at hand, when that respectable feat of learning will be furnished with the necessary buildings, and will contain all the professorships to be desired in an University. While you are holding out encouragements to cultivate every art and science, which can advance the interest and dignity of a free people, you will not fail to support those religious institutions, which are the great means of promoting piety and virtue. There is something so noble, so godlike, in employing great powers to diminish human misery, and increase human happiness, as must command respect and veneration. Ye guardians of our rights, be decided, be firm, in resisting the torrent of wickedness, and supporting the cause of virtue; and you are sure of the aid, and the prayers of all good men, and the protection of Heaven.

The motives which arise from a thirst for human applause, are infinitely small, when compared with those which are drawn from the divine favour. The solemn hour is at hand, when the recollection of having done applauded actions can convey no joy to the heart, unless they can be traced to an unfeigned regard to the honour of God, and the real good of mankind. Hearkening to the voice of Him who is wonderful in counsel, may each of you be conducted safely through the labours of life, be comforted in death, and receive the crown of righteousness from the Lord, the righteous Judge, “Well done thou good and faithful servant: thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things: enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.”

The union and strength which the Christian religion gives to society, the lustre it throws on every accomplishment, the aids it furnishes to all ranks and stations, and above all, the prospects it opens beyond the grave, render it the support and joy of its disciples. Christian ministers, must, in a high degree, glory in that religion which they are called publicly to explain and enforce.

Reverend Fathers and Brethren,

While we unite with our honorable Rulers in paying homage to the supreme King, it must yield us no small satisfaction to reflect, that our holy religion refutes every charge which can be brought against it, as unfriendly to the peace and liberties of mankind. It appears in a still more amiable light in its influence on society, as the nature and design of civil government are better understood. In a land of freedom, we can, with peculiar pleasure, put our hearers in mind “to be subject to principalities and powers, and to obey magistrates.” The present united efforts of the curious and inquisitive, of every profession and opinion, to enlarge the boundaries of knowledge, must have great influence on the religious, as well as the political state of the world. It is peculiarly incumbent on us, to promote a spirit of free and candid enquiry, to exhibit the religion of Jesus Christ in its native charms, and lead pious and exemplary lives. Many are the inducements to faithfulness, arising from the salutary effects which the evangelical ministry tends to produce on the civil state. But how vast and solemn are the motives with which we must be impressed, when we consider that the religion we are called to preach, displays the perfections of the Divine Mind in their glory! And reveals the great Atoning Sacrifice, on which is founded man’s hope of a blessed immortality! The mysteries of Redemption are the study of angels, and furnish a theme for the admiration and praise of those spotless intelligences, who stand round the throne of God. They come down to earth, and are as a flaming fire, in ministering to the advancement and glory of the kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. The existence of the states and kingdoms of the world, and all their changes and revolutions, are only parts of the grand scheme of providence, for promoting the designs, and displaying the glory of that kingdom. We must be roused to diligence and zeal in the connection of time with eternity, the worth of immortal souls, and the account we must soon give of our stewardship to the great Lord of all. When we have finished our course, may we depart in peace, and receive from the Chief Shepherd a crown of glory that fadeth not away.

Fellow-Citizens of this Assembly,

It becomes us to live under the government of that divine religion, which leads the heart to God, and fills it with benevolence towards men. Conformed to the law of love, we shall be solicitous to distinguish and honor real worth, and obey those who are in authority over us. While we consider them as responsible to the public, for the use of the powers with which they are entrusted, let us pay the just tribute of respect to the faithful guardians of all that is dear to us in life. Our rulers cannot render us prosperous, nor secure us against that state of servile dependence, which has ever been, in a remarkable degree, the dread of this republic, if we do not unite our endeavours with theirs to promote the common welfare.

Parents, may do much to strengthen the hands of the civil, as well as the religious minister; by inculcating on the minds of their children reverence to the Creator, training them up in good principles, and forming their morals. To shine in the gay circle will be small praise, if the heart remain a stranger to the charms of virtue. Youth appears amiable and promising when it venerates the patriot, honours the upright ruler, and esteems the good of every grade in life; and when neither the brilliancy or obscurity of parents, diverts or deters from laudable enterprise.

Raised to great eminence in the enjoyment of privileges, we may justly tremble in fear of the wretchedness into which we shall be thrown, if we refuse to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with God. Let us repent of our sins, repair to the grace of the gospel for pardon, and obey its laws: “Then shall our peace be as a river, and our righteousness as the waves of the sea.” Let our high prosperity engage us to praise Him, who prevents us from being involved in the troubles, which distress so many nations on the Eastern Continent, at the present time. But the generous soul, not confined by local attachments, or absorbed in its private ease, travels round the globe, everywhere recognizes the brother in the man, takes part in his joys and sorrows, and fervently prays for the speedy commencement of the glorious era, when liberty and the religion of peace will fill the earth.

Let us not forget, that through whatever changes, the church on earth, and the kingdoms of the world may pass, we shall soon cease to be active in them, and must be gathered to the innumerable multitude gone to the land of silence. Death will not blot us out of the creation, but will introduce to everlasting happiness or misery, according to the deeds done in the body. It is of infinite moment, whatever be our employment or station in life, that we “seek first the kingdom of God, and its righteousness” and that our path be that of the just, which as the shining light, shineth more and more unto the perfect day. May we all meet in the general assembly and church of the firstborn, and unite in the praises of those who are redeemed to God, by the blood of the Lamb, out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation.—Amen.

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED AT DOVER,

STATE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE

BEFORE THE HONORABLE

GENERAL COURT,

AT THE

ANNUAL ELECTION,

JUNE 7TH, 1792.

BY WILLIAM MORISON,

MINISTER OF A PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, LONDONDERRY.

Voted – That Mr. J. Macgregore, Mr. Gains, and Mr. P. White, be a Committee on the part of this house to join such of the Honorable Senate as they may appoint, to present the thanks of the Legislature to the Rev’d Mr. Morrison, for his ingenious and elegant Discourse, delivered before them this day, and desire him to favor them with a copy for the press.

A true Copy:
J. Pearson, Secretary

That the religion of Jesus is the greatest ornament of our nature and a source of sublime pleasures to men, will not be denied, by any, who know its author, understand its nature, or have felts its happy effects. The influence of Christianity has the directest tendency to correct the errors of the heart, and to make the life better. Its doctrines and precepts are calculated to make us what we should be, to God ourselves, and our fellow-men, in every relation of human life.

It is, notwithstanding, very apparent, that through the malignity of its opposers, Christianity has been loaded with reproaches and calumnies; and especially with the odium of being unfriendly to peace and good government, and the enemy to Caesar. Hence, the public instructors of this religion were stigmatized with every opprobrious character; as turbulent fellows, sowers of sedition and strife, and treated by some, as common enemies to mankind.

These calumnies were greatly occasioned by the rigorous attachment of the Jews to a system of ceremonial observances; in opposition to which, and agreeably to the purity and plainness of the gospel worship the apostles taught a glorious liberty in Christ, and charged Christian professors not to be entangled again with that yoke of bondage.

To wipe away the odium of these groundless assertions from the best of causes, and to prevent a misconstruction of that liberty into licentiousness, which the apostles had preached among the people; the author of this epistle takes occasion, in the chapter where our text is recorded, to enjoin subjection to civil government on all classes of men, and he enforces this duty, from the important consideration of its being an ordinance of God. Hence, “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of God, the powers that be are ordained of God.”

Thus, though civil government be a natural ordinance, it is also of divine appointment, therefore subjection to it, is enjoined, not only “for wrath” or fear of punishment; but from Christian motives, and “for conscience sake.”

I presume that the apostle does not here treat of the form of government, nor of the manner in which persons ought to be invested with power; but of the origin and rise of government itself; which he says is of God, and ordained by him. Sometimes the way, in which persons arrive at power, is by usurpation and oppression; and such generally govern in a tyrannical and oppressive manner. This was the case at the time to which our text and context refer. This is no other wise of God than as he permits it, for the punishment of national offences against himself. Ant though it must be acknowledged, that people have a perfect right to reform such a government at pleasure; yet when the means of reformation and such as would justify resistance are not at all in their power, it is then their duty to submit so far, as may not offend conscience; because government in some shape or other, is absolutely necessary to the existence of society.

To this purpose we may suppose, the apostle spoke, when he said, “The powers that be, are ordained of God, and whosoever resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of god, and shall receive to themselves damnation.”

The scriptures do not seem to direct men, to any one particular mode or form of government, the exclusion of others. We are left to make choice of that mode of government, that may be most agreeable to our own minds; whether Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Democracy. The dictates of reason and common sense teach us, that all men are originally equal and free; that by the voice of the people, which we are to revere as the voice of God; some men ought to be raised from the common level and invested with power, to act in the capacity of Rulers.

The sacred page is very explicit in affording us information concerning the source of civil authority, which is of God, and concerning its end among men, which is their good; hence Rulers are called god’s ministers, and his ministers for good, and lastly concerning our duty to government; which is subjection to it, and honor to its administrators. Agreeably to this view, the apostle farther enforces our duty to government by the words of our text; which informs us, what rulers are in the end and ought to be in the exercise of their office. FOR RULERS ARE NOT A TERROR TO GOOD WORKS, BUT TO THE EVIL. – They are a terror, but not to good men. Whatever terror may appear about civil government, there is nothing in its genuine nature and design, of which a virtuous and well doing citizen need be afraid. Rulers are a terror to bad members of society only. The necessity of civil Government arises from the wickedness of men. Disorderly persons are enemies to society; their conduct tends to injure mankind, and to dissolve the social union; therefore they are a terror to disorderly persons only.

CIVIL Fathers of the State, I am well convinced I have not been invited to this desk to explain State policy, or to investigate the government of nations. At any attempt of this kind would be arrogance in me, and a reflection upon the professional knowledge of the leaders of New Hampshire. I hope therefore, I shall not be understood in that unfavorable light, while I beg leave to submit to your candid attention, a few observations, in which I shall endeavor to show, how, or by what means, Rulers are a terror to bad members of society, and to them only. After which, I shall conclude, with some suitable improvement. I proceed then to observe:

1st. That a good plan of government greatly tends to make rulers a terror to bad members of society and to them only.

When a constitution is founded on the true principles of moral government, the existence of a God, and the propriety of religious worship and formed according to the principles of equal liberty; virtuous rulers act with freedom and spirit against vice; virtuous citizens are encouraged; and the vicious part of society alone, are dismayed, and fear the consequences of such a fair foundation, for the administration of justice, in the suppression of immorality and vice.

When there are any remarkable defects in a form of government, bad men have their eyes fixed on those, as open, though back doors, at which they escape with impunity, in the practice of vice. Every good man can boldly plead the benefits, and advantages of a good constitution; and the ruler can with grace and propriety, protect him in the enjoyment of them. On the other hand, bad men are ever ready to plead the defects and greatest imperfections of a bad constitution, in favor of their licentious conduct; and in such cases it is not always possible; nor easy at any time for the most virtuous rulers on earth to prevent bad consequences.

The baneful influence of a bad plan of government seldom opens the door, for one species of oppression and injustice alone. Persecution for conscience sake, oppression in civil liberty, with acts of common injustice, and private injury, generally go together. They flow from the same source; are carried on by the same means; and are equally subservient in their turn, to the same wicked purposes of designing men.

A GOOD constitution is formed for the preservation of men in their natural rights, and is calculated to secure them against the most distant fears of an invasion, upon what is valuable to men; whether as members of civil, or religious society, and is the best and most necessary foundation for the formation of good laws. Which in the

2nd Place, are equally necessary to enable rulers to be a terror to disorderly members of society. A code of laws, in unison with a good constitution, formed upon the voice of the people, is similar to a fortress upon a rock. It raises rulers above enemies to order and good government; and gives them every advantage, to display dignity and terror; or clemency and favor, as the happiness of society, or justice and reason may require.

The protection of life, liberty, and property is the principal object of law and government. Could these be preserved without government, there would be no need of laws. These blessings are so inseparably connected, that one cannot be fully enjoyed without the rest. When liberty is lost, life grows insipid, and is not worth the wearing; for, in that case, we have nothing we can call our own. A lust after power and property is natural to men in general, and a prevailing passion with bad men. It is therefore evident, that these important blessings are exposed to constant invasion by such characters; and laws are absolutely necessary for their preservation. The more just and reasonable laws are; the more secure, may we suppose, the innocent and industrious citizen is in the quiet and peaceable possession of all his rights, and enjoyments. In this view, laws are no terror to a good man; they are his safety, designed for his happiness as a man, and his prosperity as a member of society.

The vicious and disorderly only are afraid of good laws. For as the instruments of death, in the day of battle, are kept constantly pointed against the enemy, so are good laws directed against evil doers, as enemies to the common good. They are made to lay such characters under proper restraints, or to punish them, when the power o restraint fails to prevent their criminality. In this respect, the law is not made for the righteous; but for the lawless and disobedient.

Good laws have, therefore, penalties annexed, suited to the nature and aggravation of crimes. The ablest Legislators in apportioning punishments in law to offences must be guided by reason, and the degree of injury which they carry in their nature and consequences to society. To punish with less severity than the nature of the offence requires may be construed as an encouragement to offenders. To let the punishment exceed the nature of the crime is to establish iniquity by law, besides to extend capital punishments beyond due bounds frustrates their design by destroying their terror in making them too familiar to our minds. All extremes should be avoided.

Yet no system of laws can be so perfect as to leave no room for after amendments. Time and experience in the application of certain laws in society, best discover their imperfection or their worth. In some instances, acts formed by very wise legislatures have been found to have very different effects from what were originally intended in their formation. Among such must be numbered all laws of human authority, establishing a preference of religious tenets and denominations. This conduct, according to the history of past ages, has ever been found so far from answering the promotion of real religion and benevolence, that it has been a fertile source of ecclesiastic oppression and bloodshed. Such laws have a tendency to contract, and distort the mind, to destroy benevolence in the heart, and preclude freedom of inquiry from the human understanding. God alone is lord over the conscience, and good laws never, never assume the reins of government over it.

But ideas of religious liberty should never be carried to far, as to drop religion altogether from government. To do this is to drop the idea of the existence of God. For the immutable and eternal principles of reason concur with revelation, in declaring, that God is an object of religious worship. We cannot realize his existence without admitting his existence as an object of worship. To deny either, is to deny both, and at once destroys the foundation of conscience, and all moral obligation with it. No oath could be administered in a society of this complexion. A government of this character is a government for absolute atheists only. No man can plead liberty of conscience, thus far, without pleading against the very existence of conscience at the same time; and surely it must be erroneous to argue for such conscience, as does not consist with the existence of a moral world. But not to digress.

When experience, which has discovered the errors of some laws has clearly evinced unnecessary nature of others; it may be proper to expunge such, from the records of legislation. To continue laws of less importance, than can be carried into execution by the ruler with dignity and reason is tempting subject to treat law with contempt and speak evil of dignities. If they are continued, and not carried into execution; they may sink into oblivion, in the minds of good men, and may sometimes be improved, by vicious and designing men, to injure the best of citizens. From these and the like observations, it appears very obvious, that the promotion of knowledge and literature is a proper object of law and government. It has the greatest influence, to cultivate morality and virtue. Where the improvement of the human mind is overlooked by those who ought to promote it; the people sink into ignorance and vice and ripen fast for barbarity and bondage.

Accordingly, in those states where the means of knowledge are supported by good laws, the people are enlightened. They know the excellency of virtue, and the odiousness of vice. They love and practice the former. They hate and despise the latter as highly injurious to society, good laws are therefore essentially necessary. They are a defense to society, are calculated to promote the happiness of mankind, wear the stamp of reason, are agreeable to the spirit of the constitution, are founded upon the voice of the people. They encourage knowledge, virtue, industry, and economy. They discourage ignorance, vice and indolence; and when properly administered, are a terror to bad men. This naturally suggests in the

3rd Place, that rulers are a terror to disorderly persons, by the justice and fidelity of their administrations. When these are wanting in rulers, the best laws on earth may be wrested to injure and condemn the innocent, and to exculpate and even reward the guilty. In some instances, bad men fear not so much as the righteousness of the law, as they do the honesty of the judge. Hence, the proverb, “A man guilty of a crime fears a judge conscious of uprightness.”

The loss arising from remissness in men of power and from unfaithfulness in public officers cannot be restored by the goodness of the laws, nor by the excellency of a constitution; but the deficiencies of laws, and imperfections in a form of government, may be greatly made up, by the faithfulness and justice of rulers, in administration. To promote the interest of piety is still more in their power, when the constitution and laws harmonize in their favor.

Energy accompanied with justice in government, is always pleasing to good meant and the contrary affords satisfaction to the basest part of society. To whom under God, the supreme governor, shall the virtuous part of the community look for the exercise of both; but to their rulers? Want of energy in government, is anarchy, and want of justice, oppression; but integrity preserves from both evils. Should the days come when the eyes of the judge can be blinded by a gift; or men in place be swayed by prejudice and party spirit; then may we see sickness in the place of judgment; and in the place of righteousness, that iniquity is there. “When laws are well made, they should be inflexibly executed.”

A good degree of disinterested and public spirit is an important idea to continue a faithful and honest ruler. Man is not made for himself. The apostle forbids looking to our own things on a narrow scale and enjoins that we extend our views to the things of others. Of all men on earth, a ruler in a democratic government is the least for himself; and with a luster peculiar to his office, he shines under the influence of a disinterested concern for the public good.

BUT I proceed to remark

4thly. That penetration and abilities in judgment are no less necessary to make rulers a terror to evil-doers; than a faithful and honest heart. The world of God pronounces misery upon the nation whose rulers are weak-minded. “Woe, unto thee, O land, when thy king is a child.” i.e. When he is weak, and devoid of the abilities necessary for the effectual discharge of his office. Enemies to peace and order are not always confined to the class of inferior parts. Weakness does not always accompany wickedness; though we may really wish it forever might. The latter is no infallible evidence of the former. We can easily conceive of a very vicious mind, endowed with great sagacity, and force of understanding. Besides, the advantages of a good education are not bestowed on friends to morality and virtue, to the exclusion of others; these favors are frequently flung away on men of dishonest hearts, and make them able in eloquence, and conspicuously great in argument. Rulers have often to combat powerful opponents. Men of inferior abilities, however honest in heart, are not equal to confront with dignity, and to confound with clearness, the sophistical arguments which may be advanced in favor of wickedness. Want of abilities I rulers has an evident tendency to bring government into contempt, and a contemptible government is hardly ever successful in doing good.

Even an offender is not struck with much terror when he knows that a well formed harangue shall prevail over the credulous and weak through upright mind of his judge. Moreover, matters of a public nature are sometime so complicated, that men of the best abilities in connection with undissembled [unfeigned] faithfulness find it difficult enough to concert measures answerable to the best ends of good government.

It was thought a sever judgment upon the Jews when they made public officers of the meanest of the people, and there is no reason to consider it as anything less upon any nation.

When God is about to do anything great and good for a people he raises up good and great men to govern in their public counsels; but when he is a bout to punish a people for their crimes, or do disgrace them for their transgressions, he has nothing more to do than to permit the government to fall into the hands of the weak or the wicked, and in their case, the ruin of the nation is inevitable. We may further observe,

5thly. That rulers are a terror to disorder and vice, when their characters are adorned with a virtuous life and conversation. The badges of state in a ruler never appear to such advantage as when united to the beauty of his virtues.

We may fear his power in the former, but can never revere and respect his person without the latter. Vice is the great disturber of public happiness, the devouring lion that goes about seeking our destruction, and those rulers alone support the dignity of the character and diffuse happiness among mankind who oppose vice and encourage virtue, who honor God by keeping his commandments, and subject their power to the sovereign laws or morality and reason.

The conduct of rulers has a great influence on those they govern. We naturally incline to imitate men in higher spheres of human live. When we have chosen men to govern us, it presupposes our high esteem of and expectations from them. We have conferred upon them the highest honors we had to bestow. It is not more natural for children to look up with respect and honor to their parents than it is for a virtuous people under an energetic government to honor and respect virtuous rulers.

But, should vice actuate the ruler in his private life, or ambition and avarice prevail in his public councils; he sullies his honor – his reputation is lost – his usefulness destroyed; and the people left to bewail their disappointment, and to detest the object of their own election as a terror to good works; but none to the evil. When a selfish and vicious spirit stamps the character of a ruler the selfish and vicious approach him with a familiarity peculiar to a similarity of disposition, and they mutually strengthen each other in their wicked conduct. “The wicked walk on every side when vile men are exalted.” To these observations permit me to add in the

6th Place, that a just sense of religion, and the fear of God in a ruler contribute much to the terror of bad men. This is the fountain in the heart from whence all genuine virtue in life flows. How amiable is the ruler whose goodness as a man we admire and love more than we dread his power as a magistrate? How pleasing is that obedience which flows from a united regard to the excellency of the citizen, and the dignity of his office? Under such impressions with what solemn, melting, death inspiring eloquence does king David pray for piety to his son and successor in the kingdom of Israel? “Give unto Solomon my son a perfect heart to keep thy commandments, thy testimonies, and thy statutes.” Nor is he less particular in his charge to Solomon himself. Thus we hear the venerable monarch with all the pathos of parental affection soothing his dying pillow in his last address to one of the wisest of princes. “And thou, Solomon, my son, know thou the God of thy fathers, and serve him with a perfect heart, and willing mind, for the Lord searcheth all hearts and understandeth all the imaginations of the thoughts. If thou see him, he will be found of the; but if thou forsake him he will cast thee off forever.” What heart that is not hard as adamant can read the following description of a pious ruler, and not feel the sensations of delight and joy? “The God of Israel said, the rock of Israel spake to me ; the that ruleth among men, must be just, ruling in the fear of God, and he shall be as light of the morning, when the sun ariseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.” Civil rulers of this character are justly represented extensive blessings as the sun and rain to society. The influence of their examples, flowing from a just sense of religion and the fear of God will resemble the cherishing beams of the sun and satisfying showers of rain descending from the eminence of their station to nourish and fructify mankind. Good people will esteem them ministers of heaven and ordained of God for good. They are nursing fathers to the church of God. Setting high value upon their own rights, as Christian members of society they are ever ready to defend the sacred rights of others. Realizing the worth of religion to the community they do nothing to hinder but everything in their power and consistent with their office to promote its general spread and preservation. Conscious that the nation cannot be long happy or free without its benign aid they are willing and even zealous to encourage instructors of morality and religion. Being highly favored with the advantages of Christianity themselves they dread as an unpardonable crime the neglect of transmitting its blessed precepts to succeeding generations. Being preserved from ignorance and infidelity they fear the dismal consequences of suffering the youth in a community to grow up under the disadvantages peculiar to nations not favored with public instruction. You will pardon my zeal, ye civil Fathers of the State, if I say that the fear of God is a protecting and nursing parent for order and good government. It unites the several parts of society by the strongest ties of benevolence and love it disposes all orders of men, to be faithful to their engagements abroad, honest and industrious at home, is sweetens the power of the ruler, and effectually secures a conscientious obedience from the ruled. From this mutual harmony arise the strength, beauty, honor, and safety of a nation and public happiness is a promised blessing. “For righteousness exalteth a nation.”

On the other hand, what is it that ripens a nation for ruing? The sacred oracles concur with the experience of all ages in informing us that “sin is a reproach to any people.” The voice of the most high is “if ye be willing and obedient ye shall eat the good of the land; but if ye refuse and rebel ye shall be destroyed.”

The conduct of providence to public communities in this world is frequently very different from that which he dispenses to individuals. A veil of darkness covers the face of providence in dispensing prosperity and adversity to particular persons in this life. Sometimes a man of distinguished goodness is oppressed with afflictions and poverty while another is triumphant in wickedness and possesses more than his heart can enjoy. There is, however, another life in which all this apparent difference may be adjusted. But, in a general way national sins are punished with national calamities, and when vice becomes predominant among rulers the infection goes by an easy descent to the lower ranks of the people, and tends to their destruction. A disorder in the vitals of the community is soon discovered in its remotest members and indicates the political system to be in a mournful decay. Once more, in the

7th Place, the eminent nature of their office affords rulers every necessary advantage to discourage wicked and unreasonable men in the practice of immorality. They are God’s deputies on earth. They represent his moral government among men. “They are called gods.” And it is said that God stands in their assembly, as in the congregation of the mighty and judges among the gods. They are called gods, from the power with which they are clothed by the people from God to make laws. They are awful from their appointment by providence to fit in judgment and deliberately doom to death at the bar of justice. They are irresistible to carry into the fullest execution every degree of punishment by law where government is in force and energy. Thus, civil rulers, whether legislative, judicial, or executive, are representatives of the Supreme Ruler, Whom the prophet styles, our Judge, our Lawgiver, and our King. The more agreeable the administration of government is, to the moral perfections of God, the greater is its terror to wicked members of society. And as it is an unquestionable truth that God is terrible to immoral men both in time and eternity it is equally obvious that rulers inspired with the spirit of their office, are a terror to injurious men in every department of the community. Miserable and wicked men only wish there were no God, and they are of the same description who wish there were no government.

It remains that we finish this discourse by the proposed improvement. And

Let me remark, if I have said anything in the foregoing observations worthy the notice of rulers, upon proper reflection, we may find something suitable for the attention of the people. When a society is happy, each member of the community endeavors to know his duty, and to act his part, with fidelity and reason.

My friends and fellow citizens since the establishment of a free government does honor, let us never do dishonor to ourselves by disobeying its legal and constitutional commands. Let us never discover an impatient disposition under the necessary restraints of good government. These restraints are our safety. Resistance to a government like ours tends to ruin. Neither let us be meanly jealous of men whose political existence is but temporary, and derived from the people. Let us guard our elections well, and stigmatize with contempt every mark of bribery and corruption. But when we have chosen men to rule by a clear majority let even the minority trust then with a manly charity, and treat them with respect and honor. His is their due. It is much to the dishonor of a free community, to resemble an ill bred family, by quarreling among themselves or speaking evil of dignities. We may rest assured our rulers have many motives to excite their faithfulness, but few, very few who lead to the contrary. Every principle of duty and interest conspire to make them what they should be. It cannot be expected, but, that the characters of candidates for places of power and trust should undergo an inspection by the public eye. If they are found fair they ought to be neglected, if not despised. Ina republic, the majesty of the people is great, and their bar tremendous. If we know and exercise the power that belongs to us under God as the foundation of government, rulers can never be lost to us, unless they are lost to themselves. This leads

2dly. To observe that as the promotion of knowledge and literature is an object of law with good rulers so it also ought to be an object of universal attention among the people. Ignorance is the greatest enemy to the happiness of a nation. It puts an end to purity of manners, real religion, and good government. Wicked and designing men go abroad without fear as beasts of prey in the night to destroy under the clouds of ignorance. Knowledge is necessary to give us a proper view of our rights as men and of our duty as members of society.

An ignorant people, even in the full possession of their rights, are apt to carry liberty to extremes and soon degenerate into anarchy and confusion. Impatient of delegated power to rule them they assume the reins of government themselves and as a celebrated statesman observes, make laws of the representatives, debate for the senate, and pass sentence for the judge. ¹ When this is the case the virtue and comfort of a republic are departed, the principles of Democracy being very pure, are easily corrupted, and need to be carefully preserved on every hand. Licentiousness is as great an enemy to its true genius on the one hand, as despotism is on the other. He is as real a political robber, who would fire a nation against a free government by the former, as the tyrant that would assume government without their consent on the latter. A lust of boundless power and liberty is the source of both their wickedness. The libertine would fain do what he pleases against good government by corrupting the people; and the despot would fain do what he pleases against good people by corrupting the government. Invest a libertine with power and he is a tyrant; divest a tyrant of his power and he is a libertine. The true spirit of Democracy is equally distant from these extremes, and knowledge is the best preservative from them. Where the cultivation of the human mind is neglected it is distressing indeed! Zeal degenerates into fury, religion into superstition or atheism, reason into sophistry, courage into cruelty, industry into sloth and avarice, and government into absolute sway. Every enemy to public instruction, is an enemy to the political happiness of his nation, and every oppose of Christianity is unfriendly to the “best foundation for order and good government in the hearts of men.” ² Again, let not be the thought inconsistent with the spirit of my present duty, or offensive to your delicacy to hint, that it affords satisfaction to every good mind that the necessary expenses of good government be discharged with cheerfulness. “Render to all their due, tribute to whom tribute is due.” He that repines at the performance of this part of his duty to government has not justly eliminated its value, and betrays his ignorance of its real worth. The support of government should be without regret in the subject, and bear some degree of useful proportion to the dignity of the office and nature of the employment in the ruler, but let us never encourage the luxury, pomp, or ostentation of monarchial governments. These are the ensigns of pride, wickedness, and vanity.

Let us my dear countrymen, rejoice this day in the possession of a free government; where our eyes behold our rulers, not as a terror to good men, but to the evil. While clouds of hereditary rights shadows of aristocracy and the darkness of monarchial governments involve other nations in slavery, we are free. Let us rejoice that rays of our rising light and national liberty are darting to other nations and promising a benign influence over the world. O, blessed land of light and liberty, where every genius has a spring and acts itself. Our heart should heave with gratitude to God the giver of every good, and Governor of nations!

But, let all orders of men guard against the abuse of privileges, when the Jews kept the covenant of their God they triumphed over their enemies. But when they forsook him, he forsook them, and they were carried captives to distant nations. Public vice and irreligion may soon ruin us. The declivity of public vice is like a declivity of ice, and hurls headlong to destruction. It is much easier to shun than to get safe off the slippery precipice. Let not the tables of intemperance, luxury, or gambling, which end in hurts, hospitals, and gaols [jails], enslave our souls from our God, or steal our time and talents from our duty. And may we ever stamp that iniquitous spirit of avarice and speculation wherever it appears with every sign of contempt that has lately done dishonor to a principal city ³ in our continent ruined some private citizens and even threatened to injure our character as a nation. Public virtue and religion are ornaments to the human mind, and cannot fail to show their effects on society the boasted glory of ancient Rome is ascribed to her public virtue and her fall to her vices. Her rulers are said to have paid the greatest attention to the public good. They renounced private ease for the welfare of the commonwealth. It was high treason to employ public revenues for any other purpose than the interest of the republic – she rose – empires depended upon the voice of the senate, and all nations revered her resolves.

On the other hand, her fall in which she left her offspring in the slaves of a race of tyrants is ascribed unto the following vices. A selfish mind takes place of a public spirit. Ambition advances by intrigue into public trust without any regard to merit. Intemperance weakens her bodily strength and debases her once renowned courage, cruel avarice plundered her provinces to support the pride of individuals. All orders of men become venal. The seeds of disorder are universally sown in Rome – her senators betray her, her generals deny their aid and turn the edge of their swords against her that bear them, she is deluged in the blood of her own children. The mistress of the word meanly bows “sues for chains and owns a conqueror.” The experience of all nations may teach the necessity of public virtue and religion to give permanency t our government, and to prolong our happiness as a nation.

Finally, my fathers in government, if I have not already quite exhausted your patience, suffer me to observe that as the great concerns of the community are committed to your care, no one class of men has the increase of our happiness or misery so much in their power. You are a source of universal joy or grief in proportion as you are qualified for, and faithful in your duty or not. “When the righteous are in authority, the people rejoice, but when the wicked bear rule the people mourn.” What political blessing can any people reasonably expect from their rulers that we, your constituents, may not expect from you considering your advantages for being a terror to evil-doers? What pains can we feel or fear of political evils? You are acting upon the firm basis of a constitution founded under God upon the voice of the people. You are in the possession of a code of excellent laws, with full power to amend whatever your experience and superior discernment may see amiss in them.

By the free suffrage of your fellow citizens you have the fullest evidence of the confidence of your country in your abilities and faithfulness for government. A powerful part of the community will consider it as ominous of continued prosperity to our state and nation that you enter on the important business of legislation in the fear of that God whose ministers you are, and whose moral government you represent.

Animated by such noble motives you will realize the superintending presence of the Supreme Ruler to whom you are accountable in all your deliberation. In this way you will answer the benevolent design of your honorable office in being a terror to every species of political wickedness and other vices among men, and a praise to virtue.

Acting on the political stage of your country under the influence of such sublime principles you will shine as lights while you are on it, and obtain the highest applause of your constituents when you leave it; and O! Fathers, when the moment arrives that you must forever renounce seats of honor on earth your memories will remain embalmed in society when the name of the wicked shall rot. And the testimony of a good conscience will enlighten your chambers in death – scatter the gloom of the grave – direct and sweeten your passage to seats of honor and glory immortal.

Endnotes

1. Montesquieu, Spirit of Laws.

2. Constitution of New Hampshire.

3. New York

Azel Backus (1765-1817) became a Christian after graduating from Yale (1787) and entered the ministry. He was pastor a church in Bethlehem, Connecticut (1791-1812) where he also ran a school. Backus was the first president of Hamilton College in New York in 1812. This sermon was preached in Connecticut on May 10, 1798.

A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED AT THE

GENERAL ELECTION,

AT HARTFORD IN THE STATE OF CONNECTICUT,

May 10th, 1798.

By AZEL BACKUS, A. M.
PASTOR OF A CHURCH IN BETHLEM.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday of May, A. D. 1798.

ORDERED, That the Honorable Heman Swift and Mr. David Leavit, jun. present the Thanks of this Assembly to the Reverend Azel Backus, for his Sermon delivered before the General Assembly of the State at the Anniversary Election, on the second Thursday of May, instant, and desire a Copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true Copy of Record,
Examined,
By Samuel Wyllys, Sec’ry.

II SAMUEL XV. 4.

–Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto me, and I would do him justice!

THE perfection of a government will not save it from the evils of faction and party spirit. The divine government itself has long had its opposers. Immediately after its introduction on earth, as we learn from the book of Genesis, the chief of those rebellious spirits, who by a restless ambition had raised a war in heaven, visited the new creation, to sow sedition, and divide its happy inhabitants from their allegiance. He chose the serpent for his craftiness and subtlety, as the fittest instrument to scatter the poison of seduction, and to thwart the designs of wisdom. A temptation, most dangerous and alluring to man in his exalted and happy state, was propounded to the most susceptible of the family of paradise. To artful intimations that they were unreasonably abridged in happiness, and held in ignorance by the tyranny of their Creator, were added the enticing promises of increased freedom, the enlargement of knowledge, and sensitive pleasure. The temptation was fatally successful, and a rebellion hence arose against God on earth, that has raged with awful virulence for almost six thousand years. It called forth the strong arm of power in the flood; on Sodom and its neighbouring cities; in Egypt and at the Red Sea, on a leader that arrogantly questioned, “Who is the Lord that I should obey his voice;” and against Korah and his accomplices, who dared to say to Moses and Aaron, the accredited ministers of a polity ordained by God himself. “Ye take too much upon yourselves, and wherefore lift ye up yourselves above the congregation of the Lord.” The same restless and ungovernable spirit, raised the Jews against the prophets, to put them to death; it brought the Saviour of men to the cross, and persecuted his followers, until the divine government, in justice to itself, sent an army to sack Jerusalem, and to disperse a wicked, a stiff-necked, and a gainsaying people to all the winds of heaven. What it has done in later ages, may be learned from the encrimsoned page of history, and seen in every apartment of the mighty Bedlam, the great Lazar-house of man: Of man naturally anarchical, disorganized, and seduced by the promise of the father of lies, “Ye shall be as gods.”

As one object will be kept in viewing the following discourse, it will not be necessary to descant on the excellency of one form of government above another; it is enough for our present purpose, that this truth be acknowledged, that faction is, and has been, the lot of every government. The government of kings and nobles has its evils and dangers, which I need not repeat, as they have been the theme of the friends and foes of real liberty. And enthusiastic theorists alone will assert, that elective governments can be so pure in their principles, and so perfect in their administration, as to be perfectly secure from turbulence and insurrection. “As heaven’s blest beams turn vinegar more sour,” we must acknowledge, however degrading it may be to the human character, that faction has thriven most in the mildest governments; and that republics in particular, have been proverbially stormy and tempestuous.

If it is asserted by respectable authority, that, “It is yet in experiment whether human nature can bear so free a government as our own;” he is not the enemy of liberty and of the people who would meet its difficulties, but he who would sedulously conceal and keep them out of sight.

This is my apology for selecting a passage of holy writ, that may lead to matter so unusual on this anniversary occasion. It is a religious duty that we owe to our good government, to be armed against these wiles of faction, these “depths of Satan;” wiles, grown common by frequent repetition; but so slow of heart are men to understand, that they are until this day little considered by the great body of mankind.

Divine inspiration informs us, that the Jewish nation, during the reign of David, were prosperous and happy. When he died it is recorded of him, “that he died in a good old age, full of days, riches, and honors.” The same truth is also apparent from many passages of the Psalms, in which the glories of Christ’s future kingdom are undoubtedly shadowed forth, in the real prosperity of Israel, under the wise administration of the son of Jesse: “Out of Zion the perfection of beauty hath shone.” It pleased God, however, for a particular sin of David, to send into his family the scourge of domestic discord. An unhappy event took place that awoke, and called into action, the worst of passions, in Absalom the king’s son, the passion of revenge. With a temper soured by an incident, well known to all who read the word of God, he was soon the cause of serious trouble to his father, and the people he governed. When the viler passions are once roused in the human heart, it is with difficulty they are laid. Chagrin, and disappointment, easily agree to acts of desperation. Possessed of personal accomplishments, and the arts of address, young Absalom aspired at no less than dethroning his father, and usurping the government. To obtain these, he went through the usual process of every demagogue, and insinuated himself into the favour of the people. As parade and novelty are pleasing to the great body of mankind, “he prepared him chariots and horses, and fifty men to run before him:” An essay at show, borrowed from the wicked heathen nations, as unusual as it was unlawful in Israel. But a custom being unusual and unlawful, is often alone sufficient to recommend it to a race of creatures, whose “hearts are continually set in them to do evil.” To administer justice between man and man, in a great nation, is an Herculean task. It seems at this time that the judiciary department of his father’s government, was unusually crowded with business, and as it is easier to fault, than to mend the measures of our rulers, this furnished a favorable opportunity to an unprincipled and aspiring young man.—“He rose up early and stood beside the way of the gate, and it was so, that when any man had a controversy, came to the king for judgment, then Absalom called unto him and said, of what city art thou? And he said thy servant is one of the tribes of Israel. And Absalom said unto him, See, thy matters are good and right, but there is no man deputed of the king to hear thee. Absalom said moreover, Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every man which hath any suit or cause might come unto me, and I would do him justice! And it was so, that when any man came nigh to him to do him obeisance, he put forth his hand and took him and kissed him. And on this manner did Absalom to all Israel that came to the king for judgment. So Absalom stole the hearts of the men of Israel.” The avenues to the human heart are numerous, with which designing men most commonly are pretty thoroughly acquainted. As men have refined in manners, they have refined in villainy. The state of manners with the Jews in this age, was comparatively rude; such open solicitation might now give offence. So bare a hook might now be unsuccessful in the popular stream. But the essentials of matter and manner in this business have ever been similar, and have rarely failed, when adapted to the taste and biases of a people. By “the way of the gate,” we are to understand, either the entrance of the city, or the door of the court where justice was wont to be administered: Here he harangued the litigious, the choicest materials of a demagogue. Told them that his father had become a child and incapable of managing his kingdom; that the judges whom he had appointed were either negligent of their duty or corrupt, and that bribery, and not justice, ruled in their decisions. And, that he might cover his ambition under apparent humanity, he was indiscriminately familiar with all his father’s subjects. If any man had a controversy, let it be just or unjust, he showed himself his patron and friend. On condition they would raise him to office, he not only promised them more liberty, with a regular and impartial administration of justice, and decried the neglects, wickedness, and tyranny of their lawful prince; he could descend farther, when any of the multitude did him obeisance as the king’s son, he proclaimed his equality, and gave them the fraternal kiss. Thus he stole the hearts of the men of Israel, and a more proper metaphor than theft, cannot be applied to those who seek to weaken public confidence in legitimate government, to answer their own vile purposes. For the people were bound to David his father by the constitution, by oaths of allegiance, and by his divine election and anointing as king.—When God in his providence is about to scourge a nation with such characters as Absalom, a train of incidents seems to be laid, to ensure the accomplishment of their purposes. It appears astonishing that a youth should stir up so great a portion of the people, against a king distinguished for religion, the love of his subjects, and the well earned fame of many victories. But it must be considered, that many of the partisans and favorites of Saul his predecessor, were still living, and out of place at court, who had been in the interests of Ish-bosheth, Saul’s son, and who either were fearful of their personal safety, or certainly despaired of being benefited by the present administration.

The haughtiness of Joab, the captain of the king’s hosts, his impunity in atrocious wickedness, and his being suffered to march against his fellow citizens, had lessened the character of David in the eyes of the people. Other public officers probably did not excel in prudence, as a long continuance of power and prosperity, is rarely supported with dignity by the greatest characters. And what was more than all the rest; the sin of the king in the matter of Uriah, was fresh in the minds of his subjects, and had a tendency to make them anxious for their dearest possessions, and their lies. The name and infamy of Bath-sheba, was the topic of her sex, and her power was dreaded.

As an avenging God had laid all these circumstances in a train, the way was prepared for an explosion of the same passions, as were awoke by the conduct of Pisistratus in Athens, and Tarquinius in Rome.

The seeds of rebellion being thus sown in Jerusalem, Absalom, to conceal his designs from his father, could appear religious if occasion required. With apparent filial submission he requested the liberty of going to Hebron, a place about sixteen miles distant from the seat of government, to pay a vow. Meanwhile, his creatures were dispatched to every part of the kingdom, who, upon an agreed signal, were to proclaim him king.

The conspiracy soon grew so strong, that even Ahithophel, the king’s counselor, made “precious confessions” and joined it. When the intelligence arrived, that “the hearts of the men of Israel were after Absalom,” the court and family of the king were filled with consternation. It was resolved to leave the city of Jerusalem, and take refuge in the wilderness. An aged monarch flying with a remnant of his tried friends, before an unprincipled parricide [killer of parents] must have afforded a moving spectacle. As they passed the brook Kidron, it is recorded, “that all the country wept with a loud voice. David went up by the ascent of mount Olivet, and wept as he went up, and had his head covered, and he went up barefoot, and all the people that were with him covered every man his head, and they went up, weeping as they went up.” The good king in his troubles did not give vent to passionate language, or attempt suicide, like an unsuccessful philosopher in modern revolutions. Feeling that this scourge was soft and penitent. He pitied and forgave his enemies, and with the enlarged views of a Christian, looked up through second causes, to God the first cause. When the priests, from attachment to their aged prince, were bearing the Ark of God in his fugitive train, that it might prove his defense, he bid them carry it back into the city, with these dignified sentiments. “If I shall find favor in the eyes of the Lord, he will bring me again and shew me both it, and his habitation. But if he thus say, I have no delight in thee: behold here am I, let him do to me a seemeth good unto him.” On being informed that his friend Ahithophel had joined the conspirators, no terms of reproach escaped from his mouth, but a modest and humble ejaculation, that “the Lord would turn the counsel of Athithophel into foolishness.” The same amiable temper also marked the character of the suffering and afflicted king on his arrival at Bahurim, a village in the tribe of Benjamin. Shimei a descendant of Saul, David’s predecessor, took this occasion to express his family antipathy, by publicly cursing the king, and casting stones and dirt. Those who stood round his royal person, felt as all natural men would feel on such an occasion: they begged the liberty to go and take off his head; “no,” replied the king, “let him curse. Behold my son which came forth of my bowels seeketh my life: how much more now may this Benjamite do it? Let him alone, and let him curse, for the Lord hath bidden him.” During these transactions, Absalom and his accomplices had entered Jerusalem, with the shouts of his accomplices had entered Jerusalem, with the shouts of “God save the King.” But an unprincipled man who is base enough to pay obsequious address to the people, that he may in this way raise himself to places of power and trust, rarely fails either to betray them, or to become licentious in his prosperity. With Ahithophel as his oracle, he immediately did an act, that rendered him despicable in the eyes of all those whose favorite he had been. This counselor, whose wisdom was literally turned into foolishness, told the young usurper, that it was important to establish it in the minds of the people, that the ancient regimen was never to return, and that he and his father were never to be reconciled, and that to accomplish this end, it was politic to maintain a public incestuous intercourse with his father’s wives, and choose a select number of assassins, who might pursue, overtake, and dispatch his father and associates. The first part of the counsel pleased, and was put into execution in the sight of all Israel; and although the latter met his approbation, Absalom was over-persuaded by another designing counselor not to adopt it, but to gather the people, en masse, and pursue his opposers, and wipe them from the face of the earth.

Ahithophel, seeing that his counsel was not taken, with all the factitious dignity of a modern philosopher, who cannot brook contradiction, “arose, saddled his ass, got home to his house, and hanged himself.” As the crisis approached, in which the fate of the kingdom was to be decided in battle, we find our young demagogue rash, precipitate, and parricidal. But on the other hand, the king was cool, deliberate, and affectionate. With all the father in his eye and voice, he bid the commanders of his forces, to “deal gently for his sake with the young man, even with Absalom.” The armies encountered in the wood of Ephraim, and twenty thousand men fell by the sword on the spot, and a still greater number was slaughtered in the retreat of the insurgents. While Absalom on a mule was fleeing from his pursuers, the hair of his head, of which he had a remarkable quantity, caught in the thick boughs of an oak, “And he was taken up between the heavens and the earth, and the mule that was under him went away.”

Intelligence of his situation was brought to Joab, the king’s commander in chief, who took three spears and thrust them through his heart, “while he was yet alive in the midst of the oak.” The trumpet was blown, and the people ceased pursuing. Absolom’s body was taken down from the tree and thrown into a pit, and covered with an huge pile of stones. “And all Israel fled everyone to his tent.” Thus ended the life of an unprincipled and aspiring young man, who stole the hearts of a great people. Similar causes ever have, and ever will, produce similar effects.

The doctrine of human depravity can be proved by the history of every nation, without the aid of the holy scriptures. “A dispassionate view of human events, affords demonstration, that the fiery and destructive passions of enmity and contention, are more congenial to the natural human heart, than the mild and benevolent sentiments of peace and love.” ¹ All are by nature greater lovers of their own dear selves, than of their neighbors, and the public good. And as with this temper, there cannot fail to be different interests, and different tastes and faculties, the latent causes of faction, are the hereditary, and perpetual inheritance of mankind. That a human government should ever be so constructed, as to obtain universal support and suffrage, until God has radically and universally changed the human heart, may be a pleasant dream to a philosopher, but it cannot be a reality. I hope, therefore, that I shall not be severely censured, as trespassing on ground which does not belong to my profession, while I attempt to throw in my mite, to check a spirit of disorder and indiscipline, that like a giant, seems to be bestriding the nations, and laying prostrate their government, religion, and happiness. In doing this, I wish not to be thought an enemy of necessary reform, or as unfriendly to the principles of rational liberty. “There is a time to break down, and a time to build up.” As the former, as it relates to government and religion, is more pleasing to human nature, and the latter more applicable to this country; I have, on mature deliberation, determined to risk the popularity of the following sentiments.

The sacred story to which we have been attending, may naturally lead us to consider the materials, of which factions and conspiracies have usually been composed in free governments—By what methods these materials have been brought into action—And what has been the general issue; With the practical inferences thence arising.

I. The materials of all conspiracies against good government, have always been composed of ignorant, or wicked, subjects or citizens. “It is easy and natural for weak, and uninformed minds, to construe zeal for an efficient government; as evidential of a heart fond of despotic power and hostile to the principles of civil liberty.” ²—Hence, much opposition has made its appearance from the honest errors of minds led astray by preconceiving jealousies and fears. But there would be little danger from the ignorant, were they not spurred to action by the ambitious, aspiring, and abandoned. An ignorant man can only be pitied, who is the mere puppet of a fly intriguer, that, like a mountebank, fits behind the screen, and manages him before the spectators for his own emolument.—The wicked, and unprincipled, are much the most formidable class of citizens, which all good governments are in danger of having arrayed against them. While the ignorant may be enlightened and reformed, the unprincipled rarely yield to the force of truth, but are obstinate in error, and will not be persuaded “although one rose from the dead.” The desperate characters, always increase in proportion to the ease with which the means of wealth and luxury, can be obtained, and are the same in all ages and countries. Perhaps a more perfect description cannot be given of them, than that of the Roman Orator, when informing the Roman Senate, what characters had joined Cataline’s conspiracy. Although the description is familiar to the school-boy, it may not be improper to repeat it.

“The first class, consists of those, who having great debts, but still greater possessions, are so passionately fond of the latter, that they cannot bear the thoughts of infringing them. This, in appearance is the most honorable class, for they are rich: but their intention and aim are infamous. The next consists of those, who though oppressed with debt, yet hope for power, and aspire at the chief management of public affairs; imagining they shall obtain those honors by throwing the state into convulsions which they despair of during its tranquility. The third; those who coming to the sudden and unexpected possession of great wealth, have run into all the excesses of luxury and profusion. These, by building find houses, by affluent living, splendid equipages, numerous attendants, and sumptuous entertainments, have plunged themselves so deeply in debt, hat in order to retrieve their affairs, they must recall Sylla from his tomb. The fourth; a mixed, motley, mutinous tribe, who have been long ruined beyond hopes of recovery, and partly through ill management, and extravagance, are persecuted with arrests, judgments, and confiscations. The fifth are parricides, assassins, and ruffians. The last are debauched with city extravagance, such as you see with curled locks, neatly dressed, whose whole labor of life, and industry in watching, are exhausted upon midnight entertainments. Under this class we rank all gamesters, and the lewd and lustful of every denomination. These slim delicate youths, practiced in all the arts of hollow-hearted politeness, not only know to sing and dance, but on occasion can aim the murderous dagger, and administer the poisonous draught.” ³ Such characters, with few exceptions, are the natural enemies of all governments, and readily embrace revolutionary principles. In short—every government that has for its object, “the punishment of evil doers, and the praise of those that do well;” to parody the sentiments of the same author, is a contest of integrity with treachery, of piety with profaneness, of honor with baseness, of moderation with unbridled licentiousness, of sound reason with depraved understanding and frenzy. In a word, it is a struggle of equity, temperance, prudence, and magnanimity, with iniquity, luxury, idleness, and rashness. In a wicked world, the materials are always at hand, to revolutionize for the worse, and with a few frantic or theoretic philosophers, as pioneers, are easily brought to attack the fortresses of public tranquility, of national happiness and security.

II. In the second place as proposed, let us spend a moment in showing how the materials of faction and conspiracy, are, and have been marshaled, against order, and the empire of the laws. And here I would premise, that where the great body of a people are vicious, and there is a weak executive, it is no great achievement to overturn, or check the progress of the best civil constitution. A foolish Greek could burn a spacious temple, in which the highest skill of architecture was displayed, and the wealth and labor of many nations was collected. A very weak hand may throw down that which it requires wisdom and strength to rear, and a very boy, by casting a stick or stone, can stop a piece of mechanism, which it required ages to invent and mature. A French writer boasted that one Voltaire was sufficient to overthrow a system, which it required twelve apostles, and a host of martyrs to establish. To wish bishop Horne replies in the following striking similitude. “When a candle burns, and gives light to a house, many wonderful things contribute to the phenomenon. The fat of an animal is the work of the Creator, or the wax of a bee is made by his teaching, the wick is from the vegetable wool of a singular exotic tree, much labor of man is concerned in the composition, and the elements that inflame it are those by which the world is governed. But after all this apparatus, a child or a fool may put it out, and then boast that the family are left in darkness, and are running one against another. Such is the mighty achievement of Mr. Voltaire; but with this difference that what is real darkness, he would call illumination.” ⁴ The same may be applied to government. In the history of republics in particular, how often have conceit, the ambition, and obstinacy of individuals, who have had credit enough to make their passions and caprices, interesting to mankind. While we peruse their annals, we are ready to exclaim with the Apostle, “behold how great a matter a little fire kindleth!”

The materials of faction and conspiracy, have usually been marshaled against order and the empire of the laws, in one or all of these three ways. By addressing men’s passions, and flattering their prejudices—By misstating and discoloring facts—And by humoring the taste of the age.

1. Ambitious and designing men commonly address men’s passions and flatter their prejudices. This was abundantly the case with the aspiring young man, to whose history we have been attending. In his exile with the king of Geshur, he had learned the stile of a vicious court, and the pomp of royal magnificence. And as the Jews passionately desired a king, like other nations, his first appearance, as heir apparent, was with profusion of chariots and footmen, and his first addresses to the prejudices of the soured, discontented, and litigious. Error always addresses the passions and prejudices; truth scorns such mean intrigue, and only addresses the understanding and the heart. The worst enemies of free governments are scarce discernable, they dip in the same dish, and like a distinguished member of an ancient and innocent family, talk much of the poor, but have their own vile purposes to serve, by this shew of benevolence and humanity. So long as the world exists, there will be an inequality in personal talents, and property, which will be a source of continual envy and jealousy to those who do not possess them. He who on every occasion, seeks to increase this envy, and spread this natural jealousy of the great body of mankind, against talents and wealth, will rarely fail to meet with success. To defend, on every occasion, the supposed privileges of such characters, as were marked by the Roman Orator, to embrace, not only their interests, but adopt their capricious passions, cherish their presumption, indulge their rapacity, gratify their taste for pleasure without expense, and feed their antipathy to all governmental restraints, is one of the grand secrets of revolutionizing. The specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people, is a favorite dress of lurking and dangerous ambition, and the turbulent, and aspiring, always reproach their government. “Such as walk after the flesh,” faith the Apostle, “despise government, presumptuous are they, self-willed, they are not afraid to speak evil of dignities.” “With a shew of humility,” faith the Psalmist, “they lie in wait secretly as a lion in his den; they lie in wait to catch the poor; they crouch and humble themselves, that the poor may fall by their strong ones.”

There are but few recorded in the annals of mankind, who have destroyed liberty, and prostrated free governments, who did not begin their career, in these obsequious arts of demagogy [gaining power by arousing emotions and prejudices], and end in tyranny. The exact point between power and liberty, never was, and perhaps never will be found, in this imperfect state; this is a precious circumstance to the unprincipled, as it affords a plausible pretence for perpetual change.

From the disorders hence arising, that have disgraced republics, the advocates of despotic power, have drawn arguments, not only against republicanism itself, but against the very principles of civil liberty. As instability, injustice, confusion, and foreign influence, introduced into public councils, have been the mortal diseases, under which popular governments have everywhere perished: tyrants have taken heart; and nations, to be more safe, have often been willing to be less free. Such general joy, perhaps, never pervaded Great-Britain, as at the restoration. Charles II. with all his vices, was esteemed a blessing, compared to the tyranny of an unstable parliament, and the lordliness of the Protector.

But, says a writer whose words I have already used, “If liberty is to faction, what air is to fire, an ailment, without which it expires, it would be as foolish to wish to destroy liberty, because it nourishes faction, as it would be to wish the annihilation of air, which is necessary to animal life, because it imparts to fire its destructive agency.” ⁵ Although that liberty, which at present is contended for in Europe, would be better resembled by a tiger, than a goddess, there is yet such a thing as rational liberty, which it is hoped the nations will not be discouraged from attempting, by the madness of the present times; and, that oceans of blood will not be shed in vain. It is one of the curses of the apostasy, that men can never rest satisfied with the mean of all extremes. The most popular writers on government, in this age, have taken almost the directly opposite ground, from those in former ages. Instead of attempting to define the portion of power, necessary for the very existence of government, their whole genius is spent, in inquiring into the possible consequences of power. It is easier to discolor, and disfigure, and by the dexterous arts of political legerdemain, to transform real existences, into hydras and gorgons, than to traverse the wide field of experiment. And, as obscurity, is much oftener in the passions and prejudices of the reasoned, than in the subject, many, through their untoward biases, have become so entangled by words, and names, that, “while they promise liberty, they themselves are the servants of corruption.”

2. Ambitious and designing men, accomplish many of their purposes, by misstating, and discoloring facts. As the government of Israel, was established by God himself, there is little reason to suppose, that the vile suggestions of Absalom, had any more foundation, than those of the first great disorganizer, “the liar from the beginning.” Aspiring men, of all sinners, have the greatest antipathy to light. Their counsels, like those of pandemonium, must be held in that light, which in scripture is called great darkness, to be successful. In the terrible convulsions, that have happened in ancient republics, and kingdoms, the true causes were rarely apparent to the great mass of the people, till after their effects were produced. As a harpooner more easily draws the heart’s blood of the monarch of the deep, by setting him a flouncing at a cork, or buoy, than by an open and direct attack; there have been few instances of successful demagogy, where some cork, or buoy, has not been thrown out, on which the populace might flounce, and spend their rage and strength until they might be taken at pleasure. When Pausanias, of Lacedemon, thought himself too great to remain a subject to his government, he flattered the Helots and the Missinians—slaves that were ever ready to rebel against their masters—and secretly corresponded with the enemies of his country. While he was inviting the assistance of the Persian monarch, to help him enslave his fellow citizens, he was visibly the poor man’s friend, and wept over the evils of aristocracy. The same methods of self-aggrandizement, with little variation, were pursued by Pericles and Alcibiades of Athens; by the Gracchi, Sylla, Marius, Cataline, and Caesar, in Rome; by Oliver Cromwell, in England; by Marat, and that succession of decapitated villains, who, of late, rode on the whirlwind, and directed the storm of a national mob. Some cunningly devised pretence of public good, or some imaginary monster of despotic power, has always been the standard, to rally men from their ordinary occupations, to butcher one another, and wallow in blood.

Taught to view with awe, or admiration, those in public stations; the merit or odium of measures, to which numerous unforeseen causes may have contributed, has ever been imputed to men, and not to circumstances.—“Party spirit,” says an anonymous writer, “rarely rushes to the front of the stage, brandishing his bloody arm over the affrighted crowd, but he wanders behind the scenes, presents his dark lantern, aims the assassinating dagger, cuts the sinews of public confidence, and poisons the fountain of social life.” Under this head may be ranged the forging of private correspondences, the fabricating of offensive anecdotes, and obnoxious innuendoes, mutilating and distorting the measures of the men in authority. Like the cry of Fire! Or, Stop thief! Set up by felons in populous cities, private plunder and emolument, has been the object of those who found an alarm, “that your liberty is menaced,” in countries constitutionally free and happy.

3. Demagogues always humor the taste of the age. The love of pre-eminence is one of the strongest principles in man. And it is curious to trace this love in all its effects. Though the tastes and pursuits of different ages, may be different, we shall always find the original principles in man, the same, and designing men, like bubbles, ever riding on the top of the popular stream. In the ruder ages of the world, the darling pursuit of mankind, was war, military glory, and conquest, and the most successful madman was the idol of the people. When heathenism was swept away by the power of the Christian religion, even the innocent, and meek religion of Jesus, became the instrument to obtain popular applause. The love of pre-eminence, led some to climb mountains, and build towers, on which they might stand, and show their extraordinary devotion. Others shut themselves up in monasteries, and nunneries, to evince their deadness to the world, and the nighness [nearness], in which they lived to God, or went to drive infidels from the holy land. In another age, the same spirit sought a reform, and really altered many abuses, but hastened into the opposite extreme, until even reformation itself wanted reforming. The singular revival of religion, in this country, half a century since, in which, no doubt, the spirit of God was remarkably poured out, and much good accomplished, is also illustrative of the same idea. Men, for pre-eminence sake, were effected in their bodies, as well as their minds, saw extraordinary appearances, cried out in high transports, preached, prayed, and exhorted loud and earnestly, sang through the streets, and were indiscreetly and hastily zealous. But, because the taste and manners of the times, are altered, we are not to suppose, that the spirit, which led in the extravagances of those days, is now asleep. The same love of pre-eminence, that once made zealots, and crusaders, now makes skeptics. Decent irreligion, now assumes to itself, the same airs, and indulges the same rancorous censure. When Absalom would go to Hebron, to pay a vow, religion was made the stalking horse, and sacrifice, the shouting horn, of sedition and usurpation.

But, demagogues are not now to be looked for, in the seats of religion; for this has not now the chief seat in the synagogue. The tide of the world, is not setting this way; and, men whom the sin of Diotrephes, easily besets, always follow the tide. It is not in fashion to kneel before crucifixes, but to worship, and adore human reason, falsely so called; and, the age of relics, is now spending itself on testacia [shelled invertebrate animals], in search of Mammoth bones, making experiments on air, or casting the age of the world from the lava of burning mountains. “Where the carcass is, the eagles will be gathered together.” The paraphernalia of the naturalist and chemist, is now substituted for the cowl, by the modern disciples of Ignatus Loyola. Were the scales of prejudice taken from our eyes, we should see, that this reading of human nature, is just; and that he who once believed in legends, and he who now doubts of self-evident propositions, are the same characters. The taste, and favorite pursuits of every age, have had their uses, but their extremes have been highly vicious. The desire to have our thoughts our own, and to be independent in sentiment, is commendable. But when we carry this desire of independence too far, it is as salacious, as it is dangerous and criminal. There is no such commanding dignity of mind, in a man’s trying to differ from his progenitors, as to government and religion, as some suspect. The unnatural productions of a hard and stupid heart, often lead a man to mistake his own restlessness for activity of genius, and his own capriciousness for sagacity of understanding. The world probably progresses in knowledge; but the analogy between the natural and intellectual systems, evinces that new thoughts are as rare as comets, and other new appearances in nature. A little acquaintance with antiquity may convince us, “that there is no new thing under the sun.” From the days of the school-men, to the present time, a great portion of enthusiasm has mixed itself with science, as well as with religion. Every age has been overstocked with imagined original geniuses, who have scourged mankind with their theories, and blinded them with new discovered light. Had the philosophers amused themselves with their categories, and predicaments, they might have been innocent and harmless lunatics. But now, unfortunately for mankind, they have turned their whole attention to the fabricating of new theories in government, and religion. Being unwilling to learn wisdom from what is past, and like anatomists make experiments on the dead, they seem to demand the world for a museum, and the living for dissection, and like “the restless iron tongue of death, to call for millions at a meal.” Nay more, they seem to be waging the war of the Titan’s, and piling the earth in heaps, to climb to heaven. They will undoubtedly meet with the same success as their fabled predecessors, and be buried by the mountains they have set in motion. In these monstrous efforts, the world has already found that “the little finger” of philosophy, “is thicker than the loins” of superstition; and that the “tender mercies” of modern liberality in religion “are cruelty”.

If Cromwell had to affect experimental religion to accomplish the toils of his ambition, by the imperious taste and manners of his day; from the prevailing taste of this age, we must expect similar characters to boast of their philosophic Christianity, of their deism and atheism; as these are the most prevalent sentiments of the once Christian world. It is not said now, “Stand by thyself and come not near to me, for I am holier than thou;’ but “stand by thyself and come not near to me,” for I know more “than thou.” The infallibility of the Pope, and the divine right of Kings, seems to have translated themselves from the conclave of superstition, to the stoa [Greek covered walkways for public use] of philosophy—From the courts of intriguing despots, to the secret, seif-created societies of modern illuminati.

Having considered the materials of which factions and conspiracies have usually been composed, and the methods by which they have been brought into action: we are guided by the passage of sacred history, to which we have been attending, to inquire the general issue.

III. When Absalom, to human appearance, had nigh accomplished his purpose, a nation afflicted with his daring ambition, and unnatural crimes, roused to oppose him. He was defeated in battle, and in the confusion of his retreat, his hair caught in the branches of an oak, and his mule went from under him, leaving him between the heavens and the earth. He died by the hand of violence, was thrown into pit, and covered with a pile of stones, and his followers, in the true stile of a mob, noisy and turbulent when successful, but mean-spirited and cowardly in defeat, “fled everyone to his tent.” In like manner the great deceiver and disorganizer, who, “from the beginning, abode not in the truth, is to be cast into the bottomless pit, that he may deceive the nations no more.” Although “he hath now great wrath, because he knoweth that his time is short,” blessed be God, his chain hath an end. Those whom he now “leads captive at his will,” shall turn against him, and aggravate his future condemnation. The pride of Korah, and his accomplices, set up the holiness of the congregation of Israel, against its priesthood, and the power of the people against the civil magistrate, although supported by a well authenticated divine commission. The earth opened her mouth and swallowed them up. The Jews refusing to submit to legitimate government, and wasted of the partisans of faction, have ceased to be a nation, are dispersed through the world, and are hated and despised of all men. The history of the Grecian, Roman, and French republics, those Vesuviuses of impassioned man, to which allusions have already been made, might here be read. It is distressing to a benevolent mind, to survey the struggles of parties, the proscriptions, the massacres, and assassinations, that have been guided by popular villains, ever issuing in their own, and their country’s ruin. Not an instance can be found, of one, who flattered and misled the people, but either he perished in the storm he had raised, or ended in the salacious glory of a Caesar. Indeed,

“’Tis in common proof,
That lowliness is young ambition’s ladder,
Whereto the climber upward turns his face:
But when he once attains the upmost round,
He then unto the ladder turns his back,
Looks into the clouds, scorning the base degrees
By which he did ascend.” ⁶

When Absalom got into precarious power, we find him no more the fawning sycophant of the majesty of the people. We hear no more of his kissing and bowing, or tender wishes to redress the wrongs of his injured fellow citizens. He forgot his ladder, grew giddy with its height, and fell. And an instance is challenged, where the leaders of factions and conspiracies, under mild governments, or those simple ones that are led by the magic sounds of visionary liberty, have ever gained anything by change. Both have always lost. Even where a nation has been considerably oppressed, when they have attempted to break their shackles at the instance of popular courtiers, they have ever resembled the man, who took “seven other spirits more wicked than himself;” their last state, has ever been worse than their first. In a word—of demagogues it may be said universally, with Mr. Pope, as of man whose self-love has lost reason’s comparing balance,

They’ve “meteor like,” flam’d “lawless thro’ the void,
“Destroying others; by” themselves “destroy’d.”

Having considered the materials, of which factions and conspiracies have usually been composed, in free governments; by what methods they have been brought to act; and what has been the general issue. Your patience is craved, while a few practical inferences are made from the subject.

1. Personal accomplishments, ad brilliant talents, are no infallible evidences, that a man will make a good ruler. We read nothing of Absalom’s wisdom, virtue, or learning, in the laws of his country, or of any distinguished, disinterested, and patriotic achievement. His first introduction in the sacred memoirs is on this wise; “In all Israel there was none to be so much praised as Absalom for his beauty: from the sole of his foot, even to the crown of his head, there was no blemish in him.” Personal accomplishments, and brilliant talents, have in a few solitary instances, made an happy assemblage with distinguished virtues. But more generally, they have been the scourge of their possessors, and of the world. The moment a man is conscious of them, he is undone; for he immediately thinks himself born to command; walks with fastidious contempt over the ashes of his ancestors; and growing delirious with his own supposed originality, he sees “luminous periods,” and the “splendors of a bright and glorious day,” marching before him.

But, after all, brilliant talents have imposing charms, and will command respect, and this is not one of the lesser evils of elective governments. In giving our suffrages, we insensibly forget, that a sound mind stored by industry and fortified by religious principles, is always the most useful in church and state.

It does not occur that belles-lettres and legislation have little connection, and that popular assemblies have ever suffered more for the want of candid, and dispassionate hearers, than dashing, and imposing speakers. The former, commonly bear the heat and burden of the day, while the latter are rarely seen in their seats, but on subjects, in which they can pronounce their own eulogiums to the gallery, or flatter the prejudices, and humor the taste of the age.

2. And, with equal certainty, we may infer, that those who are most ambitious of preferment, are the least fitted for it; as the best qualified, are the most modest, and self-dissident. The love of honor and preferment, when kept within due bounds, may animate the patriot, and fire the hero. Still, however, more sacred and venerable principles, than the praise of men, claim the chief direction of human conduct. When the respect we pay to the opinions of men, encroaches on that reverence, which we owe to the Deity, to the voice of conscience, and the sense of duty, it becomes criminal, and highly dangerous. The Jewish rulers were charged, not with loving the praise of men; but, that they loved it “more than the praise of God.” When vain glory, usurps the throne of a man’s heart, the eye of his mind is turned from the ends, which it ought, chiefly, to keep in view, and there is no crime which he will not commit, to ensure his own aggrandizement. While such a character, will set himself up for sale, to do evil, virtue and worth will never cry themselves, like courtesans, in market; they blush at the thought of soliciting notice. If the splendor of office, dazzles the unthinking and unprincipled, it has, in itself, few charms to the upright and contemplative. The freedom of retirement, was long sighed for by that faithful servant of the public, who has justly been denominated, “the father of his country.” The pious, and humble, are more anxious to improve the talents they have, than to be credited with more; they connect the retributions of eternity, with the use or abuse of a post of honor. Hence they are ever modest, and dissident, and go into place from a sense of duty, rather than from the thirst of distinction. And, while aspiring thistles are trode down of every wild beast, those choice cedars, cleave to their native soil, and either gloriously keep their station in the storm, or fall with all the leafy honors of the forest at their side.

3. Those who speak of great reforms in governments, already free and happy, are dangerous characters. “While we set under the shade of our own laws,” says a nervous writer,” ⁷ “and feel all the cherishing benignity of our own government, it is fair almost to look with distrust and prejudice, on all prospects of change whatever.” When the caprice of innovation, and the indefinite love of political novelty, gets broad, it always ends in blood. The mildest professions and projects of reform, are, at this time, only the first steps of the scale of destruction, the initiative forms of that towering fabric of mischief, of which they meditate in their hearts. That liberty, which has been the stale pretence of change in free governments, has been subversive of all freedom: as it affords to factious leaders, a language unintelligibly imposing, and rich in the un-ideal terms of raving philosophy. In ties of seditious machinations, let us cleave to our religion, and our constitution, as the refuge of our hopes, as the haven and anchorage of freedom. The present moment calls rather restraints on licentiousness, than control of power. If we are virtuous and firm, little is to be feared from those knots of speculating politicians, who would open the flood-gates of foreign intrigue, and whelm us in the billows of tempestuous liberty.

4. From the striking resemblance between the first author of faction, and his subordinates, among men; we learn that the objections against good human governments and the divine government, are the same, of course, that the interests of pure Christianity, and real civil liberty are intimately blended. The grand object of the seducer is to weaker the confidence of creatures, in the Divine Executive. To make them believe, that “he is an hard and austere master, reaping where he has not sowed, and gathering where he has not strawed.” That he has no right, to do so absolutely, “as he will with his own.”

That, his governing by plan or “fore-ordaining whatsoever comes to pass,” his taking the praise to himself, of their formation to good subjects, and citizens, and not leaving it to the strength of their own natural principles, abridges human liberty. They think they cannot be free, while the head of government, by an exertion of power gives complexion to their habits, and keeps them through confidence in his rectitude unto salvation.

That he errs as to what ought to be supremely loved and worshipped. God declares that as he is the sum of public good, he has the sole and unalienable right to the supreme affection of his creatures, and that it is highly sinful in them to bestow it on themselves. But creatures, mistaking the habits of rebellion, for nature and reason, lay claim to an equal prerogative, and affirm, that “the potter hath” not “power over the lay, to make a vessel” to anything but “honor.” And that they have a natural right, to say “What dost thou? And, Why dost thou thus?” It seems a stretch of power in God, to “give none account of any of his matters.” And it is the united decree of all his discontented subjects; “We will not have” God “to rule over us,” in this imperious and sovereign manner. ⁸ Nay, it is carried without a dissenting voice, by all the partisans of the father of lies, that there shall be “No God:’ ⁹ No supremely perfect, and unalterable law; no penalties of perpetual imprisonment for men’s dong as they please; Hell, like a Bastile of despotism, has public consent to be demolished, or be converted into a penitentiary, and all the lusts are to be manumitted by the majesty of the people. I should not dare treat these grave truths in this manner, did I not feel it to be of importance, to impress this audience with the striking resemblance there is between the objections that are made, against that system of divine government revealed in the scriptures, and good human governments. The popular notions of opposing human governments, although in many instances just, need not pass for anything new, or originally pure in the heart of man. However, I hope none will construe this, as evidencing a heart unfriendly to civil liberty. No, let every tyrant, whatever name or garb he may assume, be brought to the dust, and the oppressed of every nation, hew the chains unnecessarily imposed, “link from link.” But let them take heed how they strike at the prerogative of the Most High. Contending with the Almighty will not “instruct him.” And he that reproveth God, must answer it. That which has been done by wicked men, ever since the apostasy, against the king of heaven, is now doing against good government. Satan, in every shape, still appears “an angel of light,” and would, if it were possible, deceive the very elect. The grand object of that fungous growth of mock patriotism, which is generated and nourished by the sunshine of real liberty, has been to destroy systems of human good, and to arm vice against virtue, confusion against order, and licentiousness against law. To cut the nerves of wholesome restraint, to bring into contempt those, who are “ministers of God for good,” to the righteous, and lead “all the world a wondering after some beast” of human imagination. The materials of opposition, the manner in which they have been brought to act, and the general issue in both instances, as it respects God, and the good ruler, always have, and always will be the same—And although “order will eventually spring out of confusion, and light out of darkness;” these addresses to men’s passions, this flattery of their prejudices, this misstating and discoloring of fact, this humoring the taste of the age, are exclusively those engines of Appollyon, which “brought death into the world and all our woe.” These have made the earth, an Aceldema, and a Golgatha, and portend the torments of the factious and seditious, in a world, where mad, ferocious, and unchecked democracy, will forever reign in all its fiery horrors.

5. If the divine government, and free, benevolent, human institutions, are so connected in principle and practice, if they have the same objects, and the same enemies, infidels in religion, to be consistent with themselves, should they become the enemies of good government; and those who profess Christianity, and oppose such government, ought justly to be numbered with infidels. For, “What concord hath Christ with Belial? Or, What part hath he that believeth, with an infidel?” and vice versa. Those who oppose governments of energy, ground their theories on the innocence, and perfectability of human nature, on the sufficiency of man’s natural light, for the purposes of attaining virtue and happiness, without external aid; and attribute all the ills, that have befallen men, to government and religion. If this be true, government, that has power, is an evil, and religion, that aids such power, is a scourge.

To uphold government, while infidels at heart, and revere religion, only as an engine of civil policy, is a severer censure of human nature, than is given in the scriptures. Although men, in the sacred canon, are called fools in a moral sense, they are never called so in a natural sense. But the infidel, upholding energetic government, and praising religion, only, as its convenient beast of burden, brands the whole race as idiots, of course, saps his own favorite dignity of human nature, and the sufficiency of human light. Indeed, whatever way we turn, there will be a palpable absurdity, between the love of strength in government, and the hatred of religion; and the love of religion, and the hatred of religion; and the love of religion, and the hatred of strength in government. As a sense of moral obligation, must be greatly impaired before men are fitted to oppose such a government of their own making, we hence find all zealous disorganizers, somewhere on that climax of error, that begins, in what is called, modern liberality in religious sentiment, and ends in atheism. And, with very few exceptions, we find all those who understand, and embrace the religion of the fathers, or what have been called the leading doctrines of the Christian church, “obedient to the powers that are,” reverencing good magistrates, loving, and cleaving to their country, “for conscience sake.” Why every infidel does not oppose a government of restraints, must be, that he either does not know its tendency, or is ignorant of his own heart, and what manner of spirit it is that actuates him. He is bewildered, and has lost the company congenial to his soul; or he is a living argument in favor of the worth, and truth of Christianity, by wishing to live under the mild influence of its habits, and principles.

I am called to speak, on this occasion, at an eventful period, and at an eventful crisis, with this country. Although I glory in the character of the state which gave me birth, admire the diffusion of her knowledge, her habits of order, and her blessed institutions, I dare not defy the fascinating charms of innovation. Vice, and irreligion, have earth and hell on their side, and are the mortal foes of that symmetrical edifice, which was reared by the painful labors, and has continued, hitherto, by the prayers of our ancestors. Infidelity, with a zeal that would become a better cause, and with the rigor of St. Dominic, is encompassing sea, and land, to make its proselytes; of whom when made, it may be truly said, as of those converted to a proud and haughty Jewish sect, they are “two fold more the children of hell.”

If the mountains, and uninviting soil of Switzerland, have not been sufficient “walls and bulwarks,” to save her from the rapacity of marauding strangers, let us not boast of safety from an intervening ocean. Satan, intent on mischief, could spread a bridge on chaos, to mar the happiness of paradise, and sow sedition. Were we virtuous, and united, we should, under providence, have nothing to fear. But the shameful secret, that our country has its parricides, is out, and our enemies cast it in our teeth.—A military despotism, under the vile pretence of giving freedom to mankind, has once plundered the world, and may again. If our most intelligent divines, have understood the prophecies, little is to be expected for a century, or more, than “the distress of nations, with perplexity, the sea, and the waves roaring; men’s hearts failing them for fear; as the Lord, in his glory, and majesty, has arisen to shake terribly the earth.” After looking to God, the eyes of good men are next turned to virtuous rulers, the genuine, tried, and approved friends of the government, religion, and happiness of their country.

No lover of his country’s true glory, can turn his eye to yonder empty feat, without exclaiming, “Help Lord, for the godly man ceaseth: for the faithful fail from among the children of men.” While every breeze from Atlantic, bears on its wings the increased rumor of war, and trouble, this state have had to lament, in quick succession, the death of a worthy Governor, an able Chief Justice, and a venerable Father in the gospel ministry.

“Those suns are set; O! rise some other such,
Or all that we have left, is empty talk
Of old achievements, and despair of new.”

But, I trust in God, that he has still left us some faithful helmsmen, who, for a time at least, will steer us from the shores, whitened with human bones, and guide us through the rocks of Syren liberty. Of modern Liberty; that harpy, who, like the fabled daughters of Oceanus and Terra, has hooked claws, and looks pale for plunder; that prophetess of evil, who takes her seat on desolation, tints the viands of social life with her defiling touch; than which, no monster is more fell, no plague, or scourge of gods more cruel, ever issued from the Stygian waves. ¹⁰ But hold! “Michael disputing with the devil, durst not bring against him a railing accusation, but said, the Lord rebuke thee.” While all the horrors of faction and conspiracy, are developed by the sacred story to which we have been attending, we have a counterpart in the conduct of David and his friends. They submitted to the hand, which, in such an awful manner, chastised a nation’s, and its ruler’s sins. They wept aloud, not for fear of man, but through reverence and fear of that God who was visibly punishing them. Their hearts were soft and penitent. They pitied and forgave their enemies, and, with the enlarged views of Christians, looked up to God, “who makes the wrath of man to praise him,” and will suffer it to proceed no farther, than is compatible with his wise and holy counsels. Instead of humoring the thirst of innovation, they clung to their ancient institutions, for political order, and safety.

Submitting to the stones, and dirt, the railing, and slanderous curses of apostate and discontented Shimeis, it behoves both rulers, and ruled, with all modesty, to inquire, wherefore it is, that “the Lord hath bidden” them. Have we not reason to fear, that these are the fruits of secret infidelity, in the desk? And of secret, and open infidelity in the senate? Is it now owing to breaches, plausibly made in our ancient habits, and customs, those walls of our sheepfold, that these wolves are entering? Have we no Joabs, grown haughty, and negligent, by long continuance in office, no negligent, subordinate ministers of justice? I pray God, that the proposed day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, may be devoutly kept. And that all good citizens, for once, with godly sorrow for sin, will bend their knees around the altar of prayer, for their country. If “God is for us who can be against us?”—And if he is against us who can be for us? His protection alone, is a nation’s strength. He is “the God of wisdom,” and the God of battles. Let our honorable Legislators remember, that it is emphatically true of men in high stations, that “one sinner destroyeth much good,” and much depends on them, whether dignity, and influence, are to be given to vice, and irreligion. Although the mouth of discontented ambition can never be stopped and the querulous tongue of licentiousness will never rest, until the grandeur of government shall be unveiled, which will impose silence on all lips, it is important, that you “let not your good be evil spoken of,” and give none “occasion to the enemies of the Lord, to blaspheme.” The cause of Christianity has been more ably argued by recent events in Europe, than it can be by the pen, or tongue of man. While infidelity has been writing its inferences in blood, we must view it as an happy omen, to this and the neighboring States, that so many young rising characters, have been driven from the open and exposed fields of skepticism, to the fastnesses of moral institutions. May their speculative conversion, be followed by a change of heart, and they experience those consolations in the religion of Jesus, which have ever proved a support, a light and a shield to pious rulers, under the honor and dignity, as well as the sufferings and reproaches of office. As the Christian religion is the genius, the life, and spirit of real liberty, and the true foundation of national happiness and greatness, let its ministers glory in their profession. If many of us are straightened in temporalities, and yet reproached as hirelings by the licentious, let us not be discouraged. Patriotism, as well as love to God and men, call us to fidelity in our noble employment. Liberty, exiled from Europe, crossed the Atlantic with our predecessors in office, and under their tutelage, she here erected her standard. Our rulers can frame free constitutions, and enact mild and wholesome laws, but they must apply to us, as instruments in the hands of providence, to make wholesome inhabitants, and form a free people. Sin stains the glory, darkens the luster, and degrades the rank of rational creatures. All men, who know not the glorious “liberty of the sons of God,” are by nature slavish, and will have a master. A knight-errant may strike from the hands and feet of our body, the shackles of despotic power, or the conqueror of Italy can say a nation is free; and yet, they may be bound in chains, which defy the steel of valor to fever, and the united “wisdom of this world” to unloose. The chains of the soul, the fetters of the mind and heart, do not melt at human touch; the Lord hath anointed us alone, to proclaim liberty to such captives, and the opening of the doors to these vassals imprisoned of their sins. “Seeing that many glory after the flesh,” I trust that good men will “bear with us a little in our folly, if we glory also.” ¹¹

Finally, and to close—The whole subject may with propriety be addressed to those who “despise government, and are not afraid to speak evil of dignities.” And of these, I hope, there are few in this numerous assembly. It is to be acknowledged that many plausible things can be said in favor of error, and that man is, by nature, fonder of darkness than light. Still, can you suppose, granting that you can inflate the world with the temporary frenzy of infidel fanaticism, that it will be lasting; or that human nature, will of itself, lay aside a character it has uniformly maintained for six thousand years, of finally “turning and rending,” those who impose on its credulity. There may be countries where nothing would be lost, and everything gained by subverting and palsying the government. But no man whose conscience is not “feared as with a hot iron,” can apply this to our own. If the first great enemy of government, and all who have followed his steps, have lost themselves, and all who have followed his steps, have lost themselves in the mists of enchantment they have raised, it is worthwhile to count the cost, before that, with industrious malignancy, you attempt to raise one in this enlightened State. Should you, as Vreede and Hooffe, those exclusive Dutch patriots, fawn like spaniels at the feet of our oppressors, for troops to strangle your country with liberty: ¹² we are neither a nation vitiated by long continued commerce, nor effeminate Italians. It would be attended with not a little difficulty, to make us, like wretched Venice, the mere cents and Milles of partitioning powers. If you have any possessions that are dear to you, can you expect them to be inviolate, amidst the jarring elements of universal uproar? As you may yet fail, to spring up Tetrarchs and Proconsuls, from the ashes of your humbled and divided country, and the blood of her citizens, leave that low and base thirst of fame, that craves those honors from foreigners, which you are too vicious and too indolent to merit from your own fellow-citizens. Pray be as honorable as ambitious Caesar, who had rather be first in a village, than second in the city of Rome—cast away the bitter leaven of party spirit. “Repent of this thy wickedness” towards thy mother country, on whose lap thou hast been dandled, and from whose breasts thou hast drawn the stamina of lite; “and pray God if perhaps the thought of thine heart may be forgiven thee.”—“Now to the God of peace;”—“to the God of order, and not of confusion”—Be glory forever.

A M E N.