Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1804


This sermon was preached by Thomas Mason on November 19, 1804.


sermon-thanksgiving-1804

A

SERMON,

PREACHED AT NORTHFIELD

ON THE DAY OF

PUBLIC THANKSGIVING:

NOVEMBER 29, 1804.

By THOMAS MASON, A. M.

PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN

NORTHFIELD.

 

NORTHFIELD, Nov. 29, 1804.

DEAR SIR,

The underwritten, for themselves, and in behalf of a very considerable portion of the inhabitants of Northfield, wait on you to express their thanks for the patriotic and excellent SERMON, you have this day delivered; and to request a copy for the Press.

We are dear Sir, with great
Respect and esteem,
Your servants,
JOHN BARRETT,
SOLOMON VOSE,
OBADIAH DICKINSON,
EDWARD HOUGHTON,
CALEB LYMAN.

Rev. Th: Mason.

 

ANSWER.
NORTHFIELD, Dec. 3, 1804.

GENTLEMEN,

Please to accept, for yourselves and those you represent, my thanks for the favorable opinion, you have manifested, of the ensuing DISCOURSE; which I submit, without apology, to your disposal, and the candor of the public.

Yours with esteem,
THOMAS MASON.

 

A
SERMON.
 

The energies of the human mind are waked into action, by an almost infinite variety of motives. Of the abstract intelligent spirit, very little either is, or can be known by men. Yet, of its certain existence, we can entertain no reasonable doubts or suspicions. In its exercises we observe something, which we venture to call its attributes. But, strictly speaking, I conceive that, neither love, hatred, hope, fear, joy, grief, benevolence, gratitude, nor any of the intellectual or moral passions are found to be constituent parts of the human mind. The soul of man is a separate existence, independent of all the affections and passions, to which it is occasionally incident. Without motives to excite it—without objects to call its powers into action, the mind of man would be forever at rest, and remain in a state of perpetual infancy.

That infinite variety of objects, by which the rational mind is capable of being affected, has been appointed in infinite wisdom and goodness, as the means of its progression in the attainment of that perfection, for which it was originally designed. And all the passions, when properly regulated and controlled, are capable of contributing to this desirable end—of aiding man in the acquisition of his ultimate perfection.

The external ordinances of religion are all designed for awakening the powers of the human mind, and bringing into exercise its better, and more noble passions, and affections. To impress the soul with a principle of love to God, as a being perfect in all his attributes; and benevolence to man, under all his imperfections and necessities, is the final object of all religion—the end of all human perfection. And such measures, as are best fitted to the promotion of this end, are those, which ought to be cordially embraced, and steadily and uniformly pursued.

In all valuable improvements, external forms have always been found indispensably necessary. To attain the eminence at which it aspires, the human mind, as well as the body, must proceed by regular steps and gradations. Men may as well attempt to ascend the highest mountain, by a single effort of the body, as to rise to intellectual or moral eminence, without the intervention of external aids and assistances.

In all our pursuits, we ought always to make a clear distinction between the means, and the end; the external forms, and the thing to be acquired. As labor is not bread, and as books are not science; so neither are the external ordinances of religion to be accounted religion itself. There may be labor without bread, books without knowledge, and the forms of religion, without its genuine influences upon the soul. But, notwithstanding this, as we are not to expect bread without labor, nor knowledge without reading and meditation, so neither can we look for true religion, where its external forms and ordinances are not duly respected and regarded.

The separation of this day, to the business of religious worship, is designed as a mean of awakening the soul to sentiments of piety and devotion. And the method employed is justified, not only by the usage of our ancestors, but by the probable tendency of the thing itself.

In the very nature of the thing, it seems highly proper, at this season of the year, when the bounties of divine providence are collected for our participation, to come together, acknowledge the source of our enjoyments—adore that Being, whose benefaction they are—and by every exertion in our power, endeavor to render ourselves the subjects of his continued beneficence.

Gratitude to God is the particular religious affection, which the institution of this anniversary is designed to promote. We ought, therefore, as far as possible, minutely to understand what is embraced in this virtue of the Christian character.

It is no uncommon thing for men to confound this affection of the soul with that temper of mind, which they experience under circumstances, and in scenes of prosperity. Joy and gratitude are, therefore, often considered as terms of nearly the same import and signification. But though there is no incompatibility between the exercise of these affections; yet so diverse are they in their natures, that the one may, and ought to exist, where the other is wholly excluded. Gratitude to God is a principle, the reasons of which ought always to influence the human mind; but joy is an affection confined wholly to scenes of pleasure, and circumstances of prosperity. Their difference, therefore, cannot fail of being readily perceived, and clearly understood. For gratitude is an unchangeable principle, which ought perpetually to influence the human mind; while joy is simply a passion, the exercise of which is merely incidental, depending upon the particular external circumstances, in which we happen to be placed.

True gratitude to God does not, like mere joy, result from the particular pleasures, or present enjoyments we feel; but from a rational conviction that, we are under the government of an all perfect Being, the measures of whose providence are all wisely adapted to the promotion of our best, and truest interest. Though we may be under the pressure of extreme grief, disappointment and trouble; yet this ought, by no means, to interrupt, or abate the constant exercise of the most ardent gratitude to God. Even under experience of the keenest distresses, it is great impiety either to forget the most high, or to distrust the goodness of his providence. For we may be sure, if scenes of disappointment and adversity do not ultimately contribute to our happiness, it must be owing to the misimprovement, which we make of those providences. Besides the authority of his word, the perfections themselves of God are a certain pledge that, all things shall work together for the good of those, who love, regard, and obey his law.

The prime object of this day of thanksgiving is, not to inflate us with mere transports of joy; but to awaken in our breasts a sincere, and operative principle of gratitude to almighty God. And whether, in the course of the past season, we have experienced a series of prosperities, or felt the accumulated weight of heavy and severe adversities, we are bound to the like exercise of pious and devout gratitude.

I would not, however, be understood as giving credit to the absurd notion that, we are to reverse the constitution and laws of nature, by rejoicing while we are surrounded by the proper circumstances, and invested by the appropriate motives of grief. This would be a temper of mind, both unfit in its own nature, unfriendly in its consequences, and impossible to be reduced to practice. But the distinction already made between, both the principle, and the exercise of joy and gratitude is a sufficient defense against every imputation of this nature. All that I would insist upon is that, gratitude is a steady and immutable principle, which, when duly regulated, can receive neither force nor abatement in its exercise, by the accidental influence of either prosperity or adversity.

To awaken into action this steady and divine principle, which, without exciting motives, is liable to become formant in the human breast, is the design of this day’s religious devotions. We ought to be sensible, and seemingly to realize that, all the good, which we have enjoyed, is from the hand of God; and the evils, which we have suffered, are of our own procuring. But yet, such is the goodness of the divine nature, and the beneficence of God’s providence that, even these evils themselves capable of being converted into the ministers of human blessedness. Without the smallest prejudice to his other attributes, in all of which he is absolutely perfect, we may say that, God is all benevolence. Such, indeed, is the character, under which he is revealed to men; and as he is displayed in the order and administration of his providence.

But as all duties, whether social or religious, are designed for the benefit of man—to procure for him the best enjoyments of earth, and prepare him for the dignified glories of heaven, it becomes suitable that, our present religious devotions should be made subservient to the due regulation of human life. And, as the state of man here below is changeable and fluctuating–as prosperity and adversity are often found in so close contact, as almost to contend for the same place; it becomes us to be prepared for every possible alternation that may await us.

As health, peace, and prosperity are the proper seasons to shield ourselves against the evils, or support ourselves under the calamities of sickness, war, and adversity; so it cannot be judged a thing improvident, on an occasion of thanksgiving, to impress our minds with a deep sense of the uncontrollable vicissitudes of human life, that even the most unfriendly transition may not suddenly transport, or greatly confound us. For this reason I have chosen, as the subject of our religious meditations this day, those words of David in his Song of thanksgiving, recorded in the xviiith Psalm, at the 4th verse:

“The floods of ungodly men made me afraid.”

The occasion of the Psalmist’s tear, as expressed in the words just read, is a subject of the most serious alarm to every intelligent reflecting man—to every one, who cherishes a suitable concern for the present happiness, and future well being of the human family. Whoever does not coincide with the sentiment of our text—whoever is not seriously alarmed at the rising influence of the characters there described, must discover, at once, either a mind pinioned in the hard slavery of ignorance, or a heart overcharged with corruption and vice. The former, being freed from all terror by the sovereign power of ignorance, are easily persuaded to become the instruments of promoting the ungodly; while the latter, being interested in the growing authority of unrighteousness, can have no terrors, either to trouble or alarm them.

Whether or not we are menaced by the like terrors, it is not my design, at present, to enquire; but only to make room for a due improvement, from the experience and calamities of others. Admitting, however, that this is not our present, yet it may be our future case. And no precautions can be too great, to enable us, with firmness and composure, to meet the calamities we may be called to sustain.

To enable us to make a proper use of this sentiment of the royal Psalmist, I shall attend to the three following particulars:

First—I shall give a description of the character of those men, who are the occasion of this terror.

Secondly—I shall particularize some of the calamities which are likely to result from the undue influence of ungodly men.

And, thirdly, point out the behavior proper for a good man, in view of such dangers and distresses.

First, then; I am to give a description of the character of those men, who are the occasion of this terror.

The peculiar characteristic, which the Psalmist has given us of these men, is that they are ungodly. The thing implied in this epithet will present us with a correct idea of that character, which was the occasion of this solicitude.

By consulting the purport of the word ungodly, as applied by the Psalmist, we shall find it, perhaps, universally employed, as synonymous with the word irreligious. It was, therefore, the abounding, and influence of men of irreligion and impiety, which occasioned those painful and distressing apprehensions; which are suggested in our text.

Men of this character—those, who neither fear God, nor regard his law, are, under all circumstances, a detriment to society. And the danger of their influence is always in proportion to their ability, and the motives and means presented them, for doing injury to their fellow-men. Irreligious men may have the ability, without either the motives or the means for the exercise of injustice and oppression.—Added to this, they may have both ability and motives, while the means of annoyance are not placed within their power. In both these cases, though they are, in fact, harmless and inoffensive; yet, in nature, they are extremely poisonous and detestable creatures. But when to the ability is added both the motives and the means of fraud and violence—when the lust of a wicked domination is encouraged by prevailing ignorance, and a growing corruption of manners, then we are to look for those fearful times and awful calamities, which occasioned the extreme solicitude and terror of the Psalmist. Indeed, that ambition, which discovers itself by an excessive craving after power, is one of the most striking characteristics by which the men described in our text are to be distinguished.

In all ages and nations the great body of the people have been far removed from the allurements of ambition and personal promotion; and it cannot reasonably be supported that, they have ever knowingly volunteered, in aiding the measures of their own destruction. Where they have been misled, and have thus been made the instruments of their own ruin, they have always been indebted, for their delusion, to the artifices and fraud of the characters described in our text. The subtle machinations of ungodly and irreligious men have always been the occasion of those public and awful calamities, in which nations have been too often and fatally involved.

The author of our text had the most painful experience of the evils, resulting from the influence of men of this description. To what particular scene of distress he alludes, in the words under view, is not material for us to enquire. Several incidents of his reign are sufficient to justify the terrors, expressed in the words of our text. But, of all those that happened, there is no one so remarkable and conspicuous, as the rebellion of his son Absalom.

In the reign of David, the people of Israel were, perhaps, in the enjoyment of as many, and as great privileges, as their national character and circumstances could possibly admit. But this was no security against the artifices and intrigues of unprincipled and irreligious men; restless and aspiring after distinctions, to which neither their merits, nor services had ever given them the most distant pretensions.

The measure, employed by this aspiring demagogue to accomplish the wicked purpose of his heart, was such as has been copied, in all succeeding generations, by the turbulent minions of a most corrupt, and depraved ambition. To alarm the people with false terrors, and encourage them by deceitful and empty promises was the first measure of this arch factionist, to cheat them into wretchedness and ruin.—To wrest the scepter from him, who had been the instrument of his existence, and by whose partial favor he had been exalted to high eminence and honor, he descended to all the mean, and groveling artifices of indiscriminate flattery and adulation. With the most studied and malicious falsehood, he inveighs against the prudent measures, and wise maxims of his reverend father; and invites their confidence in himself, as a person combining that rare assemblage of virtues, whose private interest and ambition consisted solely in his anxious solicitude, for the prosperity and happiness of the people. As it is related by the sacred historian, “he rose up early, and stood beside the way of the gate—lamenting that no one was deputed of the king to sit in judgment, to hear, and avenge the cause of the oppressed. O, says he, that I were made judge in the land; that every man, who had a suit or a cause, might come unto me, and I would do them justice. And it was so that, when any man came nigh to him, to do him obeisance, he put forth his hand, and took him and kissed him. And on this manner did Absalom to all Israel, that came to the king for judgment. So Absalom stole the hearts of the men of Israel.”

These measures he pursued, with the most unremitting assiduity, for the full space of forty years, before his base and nefarious purposes were fully ripened for execution. Thus, by promises hollow as the dreary echoes of darkness, and salacious as the falling tears of the crocodile, he became the idol of the people.

The sequel of Absalom’s patriotism is too well known to need any particular rehearsal. It is, however, worthy of observation that, when he had assumed the royal vestments, his tender and extreme concern for the happiness of the people, yielded to the more excessive solicitude to stabilitate and confirm his usurped dominion. Like all his followers, in the annals of popular faction, he most decidedly testified that, like the lion, he crouched only to leap, and destroy. His dove-like tenderness suddenly disappeared, and the tiger, with all his rapacity, was at once discovered. His traitorous soul was, at first well pleased with the counsel of Ahithophel, to smite the king only; and reserve all the faithful of Israel, as his dependent and degraded vassals. But, upon more mature deliberation, his thirst of butchery and blood was better satisfied with the counsel of Hushai, to fall upon them, till, of all the men, there should not be so much as one left. In every step of his conspiracy, we see, in Absalom, clearly delineated the character described in our text. And, in the delusions into which the people of Israel were infatuated by him, we may discover that state of society, which occasioned the fears and terrors of the Psalmist.

Distinct from all other considerations, this pretended, exclusive concern for the public interest and welfare is a characteristic extremely unaccountable and suspicious. But when to this is added an evident defection of moral principle, and disregard of the divine authority, to every intelligent and considerate mind the inference is irresistibly conclusive. It is to the last degree distressing to remark the facility with which the great body of the people have been so often deluded by unprincipled and treacherous men. Honest and unsuspecting themselves, they have been led to imagine that zeal, to flaming, cannot be false; and that promises, so solemn, cannot be insincere. Thus deluded, they have called for more delusion—chanted, encore, to the siren long of their betrayers; till, as in the case of Absalom, the revolutionary yell has waked them from their lethargy, and brought their wretchedness in full prospect before them. With accidental variations, answering to the occasional distinctions in society, these are the measures, employed by the panders of a degenerate and corrupt ambition, to hurry mankind into scenes of wretchedness, and fatten on the spoils of their destruction.

Secondly—I shall particularize some of the calamities, which are likely to result from the undue influence of ungodly men.

The first evil, which society generally feels from the rising influence of irreligious men, is a dereliction of moral principle, and a consequent degeneracy of public character. Impious and unprincipled men are, generally, too well acquainted with the springs of human action to venture, at once, upon such daring innovations, as would flagrantly contradict those false promises, on which the popular favor has been erected. As all power is derived from the people, they must be preserved under the influence of delusion, till, by their own corruption, they are duly prepared for slavery, or the shackles of tyranny are fast riveted to their hands. While the moral principles have their due influence, men will be conscientiously restrained from affording support and patronage to men of this character, in the open avowal of their final purposes. And, as these cannot be ultimately secreted, the public mind must be gradually prepared to relish, and approve them. In order, therefore, to loosen them from all those religious restraints, by which the execution of their wicked purposes might be any way embarrassed, they are always industrious, in disseminating loose and demoralizing sentiments. The people are often taught to believe that, religion is a political scare-crow—that, its ministers are the mercenary tools of a pretended nobility—and that, the several institutions of society are all calculated to abridge them of their invaluable rights, and sink them into the lowest state of degradation and wretchedness. The success of these measures undermines the pillars—saps the foundation of society—and introduces an alarming degeneracy of public character.

In proportion as unprincipled men gain authority, irreligion and impiety will prevail. And ignorance, indecorum, and barbarity naturally follow, in the train of irreligion. By neglecting the institutions of the gospel, and consequently disregarding the authority of its doctrines, men naturally acquire a kind of rough, unfeeling, jealous, and savage spirit. This observation is strongly corroborated, both by the state of those nations, where Christianity is not patronized; and, in Christian lands, by the private characters of those particular individuals, who disavow the authority of the gospel. When, therefore, by the influence and intrigues of ungodly men, the public mind has become insensibly detached from the institutions and authority of the gospel, no firm foundation, either for the support of public faith, private friendship, or social enjoyment, can be anywhere discovered.

Christian nations, who have neglected their allegiance to their Saviour, are not in the state of others, who have never known the gospel. The superstition, with which their minds are shackled, may serve to render their barbarism less intolerable. But a national rejection of the gospel has always proved a rejection of all religion. No substitute has ever supplied its place. And, under these circumstances, the condition of society is a state of barbarism, without any of those alleviations, which heathen superstition affords.

A further, but natural consequence of the influence and authority of ungodly men, is the destruction of those gradations in society, by which wisdom and virtue are distinguished from folly and vice. This state of society, and the calamities attending it, the prophet Isaiah has well described.—“The mighty man,” says he, “and the man of war, the judge and the prophet, the prudent and the ancient, the honorable man and the counselor, shall be taken away—children shall be their princes, and babes shall rule over them. The people shall be oppressed every one by another, and every one by his neighbor; the child shall behave himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the honorable.” In spite of all the clamors for equality, in every nation, whether barbarous or civilized, a nobility will exist. And where “nature’s nobility,” which conflicts in talents, learning, and integrity, is destroyed; and the public confidence is reposed in men restless, intriguing and treacherous, the rights of the people will soon be jeopardized, and folly and madness become the currency of the times.

The experience of nations will assure us that, the influence of irreligious and ungodly men has most prevailed under those governments, where there has been the most free and equal participation of all the privileges and rights of man. Under these circumstances, the characters, above described, enjoy the means of exercising, with impunity, those wicked and destructive artifices, by which their detestable purposes may be finally accomplished. But, under a government severe and inexorable, jealous of its own prerogatives, and vigilant in detecting those, who would encumber its motions, all schemes of innovation are rendered frustrate and abortive. Enjoying, therefore, as we do, a constitution of government equally propitious to humanity, and favorable to the pernicious artifices of irreligious and ungodly men, we are doubly interested in guarding, with a watchful eye, against the smallest innovation of those measures, which have secured to us such unexampled prosperity and happiness.

Another reason, why the most lenient and equitable governments are most exposed to the ravages of corrupt ambition, is because the full enjoyment of individual rights creates the most sudden disparity in the circumstances and conditions of men. This seldom fails of exciting the envy and resentment of the intemperate of all classes—men of confused fortunes, and desperate characters; and, eventually, of forming a junction with men of more happy auspices, and daring ambition—who are ready to become the leaders of the indolent, and intemperate, and the deluders of the ignorant and unsuspecting. And thus, it has generally happened that, the most lenient and equitable governments have been crushed by the wild, and ungoverned lusts of irreligious and ungodly men.

Again—What must be the state of a nation, when the influence of irreligious and ungodly men has risen to such an eminence, as to destroy the authority and obligation of an oath? When the divine authority is effaced from the human mind, the energies of human government must be feeble and ineffectual. And the spectacle of a people, where the wild lusts and passions of corrupt nature are let loose to their several pursuits, unrestrained by all laws human and divine, must be truly alarming and terrible.

Distinct from the judgments of heaven, which every serious and thoughtful man must contemplate, as the certain consequence of such corruption and degeneracy, we have every reason to believe that, such a state of society must nourish the feeds of its own destruction. The uniform experience of ages, as well as the reasonableness of the thing itself, confirms this persuasion, beyond the power of contradiction or doubt.

These are some of the evils, which are likely to befall a nation, deluded into the measures of its own destruction, by the influence and authority of irreligious and ungodly men. And surely, they are such as fully to justify all the apprehensions and terrors, expressed by the Psalmist, in the words of our text.

I now pass, thirdly, to point out the behavior proper for a good man, in view of such dangers and distresses.

Perhaps the flourishing, united, and happy state of our country may be urged by some, as a sufficient reason for omitting all enquiries and discussions of this nature. But it may well be insisted upon, that these very considerations are an ample apology for enquiring into the causes, in order to guard against the measures of public degeneracy and corruption. When the impositions, artifices, and intrigues of irreligious and ungodly men are known, only as related in the histories of ancient times, and far distant nations—when no competitions exist, but to emulate each other in virtue and goodness—when unprincipled and licentious demagogues are known, only by their obscurity, and the public contempt with which they are regarded—when, as a nation, we are entirely exempted from the evils of any political intolerance—when, among all classes of the people, but especially among the highest officers of the nation, there is discovered an ardent zeal, for the promotion of pure and undefiled religion—when the Sabbath itself, and all the ordinances of piety are regarded with a conscientious and scrupulous punctuality—when the rising generation is taught, by the laudable example of their parents, to respect, and constantly to attend the institutions and instructions of the gospel—when the prime qualifications, for the appointment to high and important offices, are honesty and ability—when, in the highest, and most conspicuous departments of government, the manners, sentiments, and morals of the people are thus guarded, by the example, the influence, and the authority of men of preeminent godliness—under these peculiarly happy and auspicious circumstances, I say, we are apt to fall into a dangerous security, and to feel such an immovable stability as no adverse occurrences can endanger. Admitting this to be our present condition, it is a proper season to awaken our minds to a due sense of the evils, which must attend the reversion of our circumstances. As those, who consider this to be a true statement of our affairs, will not be likely to make any personal application of the measures and characteristics of corruption and degeneracy; and, as every intelligent and tho’tful man, who imagines any present terrors from the domination of the irreligious and ungodly, will justify a persevering solicitude, for the restoration of the sober maxims of truth and righteousness; so, being divested of prejudice, all will be duly prepared for a right improvement of those reflections, which have now been made, from the suggestion of the Psalmist in our text.

The duty of a good man, under those troublesome and dangerous times suggested in our text, is plain and certain. And no doubts can exist, with respect to the leading characteristics of his behavior, unless he is under the influence of a cringing policy, by which he hopes to secure the favor of the impious and ungodly. But, in regard to the particulars of his demeanor, he will find room for the exercise of much prudence, discretion, and wisdom. Sometimes we must treat a fool according, and sometimes not according to his folly. To the harmlessness of the dove must be added the wisdom of the serpent. But, in all cases, there must be a strict and conscientious adherence to principle; and a firm reliance upon the final consequences of the policy of truth and righteousness. Though the enemies of virtue may flourish, and prosper for a season; yet the triumph of the wicked shall be short. Though an infuriated people may boast the messages of their chief, as being the voice of a God; yet the veil of delusion shall soon be rent; and the worm that corrodes his vitals shall suddenly be discovered. “The Lord of hosts will send among their fat ones leanness; and under their glory will he kindle a burning, like the burning of a fire.”

With regard to the ministers of the gospel, from the station in which they are placed, and the special command of God, they are under peculiar obligation to a manly, firm, and independent decision, both of character and conduct. They are set as the censors of the people; and, if they are not above the reproaches and menaces of unprincipled and corrupt men, they are unworthy the character which they are called to sustain. Against unfaithfulness in his ministers, God has appointed penalties paramount to all the evils, which irreligious and ungodly men can devise. And, though the floods of ungodly men may make them afraid, yet the fear of him, who has reserved the full vials of his indignation to another state of existence, should induce them to forego every evil, which the malice both of men and devils can inflict.

This is the duty, not only of the ministers of the gospel, but of all good men, in the several ranks and gradations of life. And those, who shrink from the contest, in dangerous and distressing times, will find much work for penitence, when a right sense of duty has regained its full dominion over their souls.

If, which God forbid! the times described in our text should ever be witnessed in this, our beloved, and hitherto happy country, every really good man would sustain with fortitude, and even glory in the buffetings of Satan, and all his impious satellites.

Let us, therefore, enjoy the good things which Providence presents, not with the vain presumption that, the thing which is, or has been, shall always necessarily be; but with the firm persuasion that, God has rested our happiness as a nation, upon our national virtue and patriotism. Under this conviction may we live; and, to the latest posterity, may the blessing of heaven be our portion, and our joy.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1804


Elijah Parish (1762-1825) graduated from Dartmouth in 1785. He was the pastor of a Congregational Church at Byfield (1787-1825). This Thanksgiving sermon was preached by Parish on November 29, 1804.


sermon-thanksgiving-1804-2

A

DISCOURSE,

DELIVERED AT

B Y F I E L D,

ON THE ANNUAL THANKSGIVING,

IN THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

Nov. 29, 1804.

By Rev. ELIJAH PARISH, A. M.
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH IN BYFIELD.

DISCOURSE.

Prov. xxix. 2.

WHEN THE WICKED BEARETH RULE, THE PEOPLE MOURN.

He that rules a nation has incalculable influence on their opinions and morals. He commands the respect of those around his person, and the veneration of the multitude. Every class of people are affected. Officers of state receive the first impressions, who communicate them to their friends; they are gradually conveyed down to the hewer of wood and drawer of water. Yet, in the opinion of many, it is of no importance whether a ruler be a religious or a wicked man. Such persons need to be informed that the history of nations, and the oracles of God, declare, that when a wicked man beareth rule the people mourn. Whether he rule under the title of Sultan, Emperor, King, Governor, or President, the effect is precisely the same.

The text naturally leads us to mention some of the reasons why the people mourn, or have cause to mourn, when a wicked man beareth rule.

I. The people have cause to mourn when the wicked beareth rule, for it is an evidence that they are wicked.

A wicked ruler is the natural punishment of a wicked people. God did not place a wicked Saul on the throne of Israel till the people had become wicked. He sent them an Ahab in a season of great apostacy. Jeroboam was their king when they were ripe for idolatry, and crimes of blackest hue. The remark applies with peculiar force to an elective government. None but a wicked man can prefer a wicked ruler. Goodness is always delighted with goodness. If a whole nation prefer a wicked man, it demonstrates the wickedness of the nation. As fever and plague prove the malignity of the atmosphere, so the wickedness of the government proves the wickedness of the people. God does not send a wicked ruler to a good people; he never did.

Here then is ample cause for public mourning when the wicked beareth rule. It proves that the nation have forsaken their God. When a Jeroboam or a Pharaoh administers the government, we may infer that the religious character of the people is correspondent. Dark is the mind, cold and malignant the heart, which does not mourn in view of such a melancholy prospect—a nation wandering in error and guilt.

II. The people mourn when a wicked man beareth rule, because he confirms and increases the depravity of the nation.

The depravity of a ruler as spontaneously descends to the people, as the rivulet runs down the hill. The influence of a ruler powerfully tends to beat down all opposition, and to give a tone to the public mind in unison with his own. The first office of a nation in the hands of a wicked man is like a vast, noxious lake, bursting its barriers, overflowing all the springs and rivers of the country, communicating its own malignity wherever it extends.

Some tribes of men have called their rulers Suns; and suns they are if wise; the world is darkness or light, as they are good or bad men. In a thousand ways the ruler produces a character in the nation like his own. Every page of history demonstrates this fact. The example of a wicked ruler makes wickedness fashionable; vice lifts her face from the dust; she lays aside her blushes, and boldly shows herself in public. Does he neglect the worship of God, profane the Sabbath, ridicule the sacraments, and deride the Saviour; how many imbibe his spirit, imitate his conduct, borrow his dialect, and multiply his blasphemies!

By electing to office bad men, by covering them with splendor, and loading them with honors, a ruler may give impunity to crimes, and reputation to vice. As the towering Andes diffuse “intolerable cold” in the torrid zone, so a wicked man in the seat of authority spreads immorality and irreligion in the soundest part of the community. The son of Nebat made Israel to sin, and every wicked ruler may make his people to sin.

Is it not here cause for the people to mourn? Is it not matter of grief and distress to see a people wading in guilt, and sinking deeper and deeper in the fatal abyss? If those already wandering from God, and duty, and forsaking their own mercies, are encouraged and animated to pursue the dangerous course, if the tender glow of benevolence warm the heart, if the man call himself the brother of man, will he not drop the tear of compassion, as such a scene opens before him? It is a political axiom of other times, “When the vilest men are exalted, the wicked walk on every side.”

III. The people have reason to mourn when the ruler is wicked, because they lose that immense influence, which a good man would exert in favour of morals and piety.

The happy effects of a pious ruler on the morals and religion of a country exceed all calculation. As the angel from heaven strengthened the holy Prophet of Bethlehem in his agony in the garden; so a pious and upright ruler comforts and encourages his faithful and good people. When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice.

How salutary was the reform of good Josiah, when his subjects were sunk in idolatry and profligate wickedness! To effect this reformation he himself travelled through the principal cities of his kingdom. By his example, by his devout conversation, and by his authority, he bore down all iniquity. He cut down the groves of the idols; he threw down their altars; he burned the bones of the false prophets; he punished gross crimes; he renewed covenant with God in a most public manner; his people joined with him in the solemn oath to God. By his personal influence he produced a general reformation through the land. Such was king Josiah; such have been other kings. All this is lost, lost, and more than lost, when the wicked beareth rule. It is then as if the sun, refusing to refresh and cheer the world, were to set on fire the dwellings of men, and wrap the fields in devouring flame. Would not every man mourn and tremble at such a prospect?

IV. The people ought to mourn when the wicked beareth rule, because it may be expected, he will oppress and persecute the best members of the community.

It is from respectable authority, “As a roaring lion, and a ranging bear, so is a wicked ruler.” Gravitation will cease, before a wicked ruler and a good people will cordially unite. Who was the king who “did not obey the voice of the Lord;” “who rejected the world of the Lord?” It was Saul, who butchered “fourscore and five priests, the ministers of the Lord.” Who was the king “that stretched out his hand with scorners; that was glad at the wickedness of the people?” “It was he, who devoured the Judges.”

The faithful minister, and the upright judge, are obnoxious to a wicked ruler: their ruin may be expected as soon as public opinion will permit. But too impressive are such reflections. When a wicked man beareth rule, the people may in silence mourn, lest they should see the day when terror shall be in every heart, and distress in every countenance.

V. The people have cause of mourning when the wicked ruleth; for then probably the faithful ministers of religion will lose much of their influence, and others will betray the cause they had engaged to support.

Being men of like passions with others, the teachers of religion are too often disposed to float down the current of depravity with the people. Like others, they desire the friendship of the great and powerful: therefore, “when wicked men bear sway,” they are strongly inclined to drop the silver trumpet of the gospel, and strike an unison with the corrupt administration. In the best association there was a Judas. How fatal must this be to the religious interests of the nation! The fountains of instruction are polluted and poisoned; the streams, expected to convey life and health, are channels of moral disease and death. How lamentable the state of morals and religion, when the ministers of religion, instead of reproving and condemning vice and infidelity in every mode and form, apologize for a wicked ruler, assuring the people that a hardy infidel is as desirable a magistrate, as a pious Christian; that true religion has no concern with civil government! Would those fathers commit the education of their daughters to a learned highwayman? What concern has uprightness of character with the fine arts?

When such apostles form the public mind, what must be the discipline, and what the doctrines, of the Church? Such a priesthood is sometimes the produce of an irreligious administration. When Ahab was king, the prophets of Baal were four hundred and fifty, and the prophets of the groves four hundred, while the faithful prophet cries to God, “The children of Israel have forsaken thy covenant, thrown down thine altars, and slain thy prophets with the sword, and I, even I alone, am left, and they seek my life to take it away.” Yes, in the worst of times some have faithful stood, undaunted stood, as a rock of the billows, or the hill of storms. Some have declared the truth from their miry dungeons, or have gone into the lion’s den, or the burning, fiery furnace, or have been sawn asunder, rather than suppress a single syllable of divine truth. Daniel was the same in the Academy of Babylon, as in the land of his nativity; the same in the court of Nebuchadnezzar, as among the captives of Israel. Still the prospect is deplorable. As the pilot’s voice is lost in the howlings of the storm, so the most serious warnings are disregarded when wickedness is arrayed with power. When the ruler’s voice condemns the heaven-taught seer, then the multitude cry, Crucify him, crucify him. They bid defiance to the thunders of Sinai, and repel the enchanting strains of Calvary. So are the pastors of the flock allured from their duty, or disregarded, if they found the alarm, when a wicked man beareth rule. Will not the people mourn?

VI. When a wicked man beareth rule, it is proper the people should mourn, because there is then evidence of the approaching judgments of Heaven.

This doctrine is taught in the history of ages; it is taught in the book of God. The Prophet says, “Then there was a famine three years;” a terrible calamity; and some great evil must have been the cause. The cause was found in their wicked ruler. The Lord answered David, “It is for Saul and for his bloody house.”

We read in 2 Kings, “Because Manasseh king of Judah hath done these abominations, therefore thus saith the Lord, I am bringing such evil upon Jerusalem and Judah, that whosoever heareth of it, both his ears shall tingle.” Again we read, that “the Lord turned not away from the fierceness of his great wrath, because of all the provocations of Manasseh with which he had provoked him.” Years had passed away; Manasseh was dead; a most excellent ruler had succeeded; the people were probably hoping their sufferings were past; yet their calamities burst upon them, as an overwhelming deluge. In the second reign after, the people were carried into captivity for the sins of Manasseh, or for the sins they had themselves committed, under the influence of his example. Egypt’s plagues, and Canaan’s woes, give the same warning lesson to nations. The twelve standards of Israel were invincible while they obeyed God as their king. But in the reign of their first wicked ruler, after a series of disasters, their army is defeated; their king falls on his sword; the enemy take his carcass, set up his head in their temple, and hang his body on the walls of their city. So irresistibly do the judgments of God follow the elevation of a wicked man to the government of a nation. Must not the people mourn in view of their own danger, “when the wicked beareth rule?”

From these remarks the following reflections occur:—

1. The people of this Commonwealth have great reason to rejoice and be thankful.

The righteous are in authority; it is the duty of the people to rejoice. For the purity of his morals, for the uniformity of his religious walk, our First Magistrate is distinguished. As a man of God he is a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well. As an officer in the church of Christ, he gives authority to virtue, and honor to the Christian name. This day of gladness he stands conspicuous on the catalogue of our mercies. Our fields have yielded their expected harvest; our pastures have been cheerful with flocks and herds; the voice of health has cheered our dwellings; our cup has overflowed with plenty; our children as olive plants have encircled our tables; our privileges are continued, the gospel sounds, and a righteous man bears rule. “Be glad and rejoice in the Lord; eat thy bread with joy, and drink thy wine with a merry heart.”

2. If a wicked ruler be such a cause of mourning, then it is duty for every man to exert his influence to prevent the elevation of such an one to the first office of the nation.

“It is the law of the Lord;” the law of the Lord cannot be violated with impunity; “it is the law of the Lord, that thou shouldest provide, out of all the people, able men, such as fear God; men of truth.” He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God; for it is an abomination for rulers to commit wickedness. Almost every man may give his suffrage for the first magistrate in a nation. If you have performed this duty in such a manner as will tend not only to elevate a man of talents, but one who is friendly to our holy religion, you have done well; your conscience may rest in peace, whatever may be the final result. But if there be a man who has given his suffrage in such a manner as will tend to raise one to the first office of the country, who is unfriendly to our religion, his guilt is of a crimson color. He has lifted his hand to pull down a train of calamities on himself and country.

3. If the people mourn when the wicked beareth rule, then have not the people of the United States reason to mourn?

The thought is serious, is melancholy, is distressing, but is, alas! too easily confirmed. Therefore, though oppressed with high veneration for the first office of the country, penetrated with profound respect for public opinion, tremblingly alive with the impressions of that decorum justly demanded of public teachers, and as ardently desirous of approbation from those in authority as is consistent with benevolence to man, we infer that the people of the United States have reason to mourn. For evidence we shall not rely on the un contradicted assertions of our public gazettes, however probable and well authenticated they may be. Though in some instances time and place, and names of persons, are mentioned, with every circumstance calculated to produce belief, yet we entirely discard such evidence. Possibly it may not be true. We shall be more certain than if we appealed to eye-witnesses for evidence of what we intend to establish. We shall appeal to testimony which cannot be false.

In a book entitled, “Notes on the State of Virginia,” bearing the name of the First Magistrate of the United States, which he has never disavowed, and which therefore we may consider as certainly his work, in page 28 1 and onward he says, “Near the eastern foot of the North mountain are immense bodies of Shift, containing impressions of shells in a variety of forms. I have received petrified shells of very different kinds from the first sources of the Kentucky. It is said that shells are found in the Andes in South America, fifteen thousand feet above the level of the ocean. This, saith he, is considered by many, both of the learned and unlearned, as a proof of an universal deluge.” Then he adds, “To the many considerations opposing this opinion, the following may be added. The atmosphere and all its contents, whether of water, air, or other matters, gravitate to the earth; that is to say, they have weight. Experience tells us that the weight of all these together never exceeds that of a column of mercury of 31 inches height, which is equal to one of rain water of 35 feet deep; but as these waters, as they fell, would run into the seas, the superficial measure of which is to that of the dry parts of the globe as two to one, the seas would be raised only 52 ½ feet above their present level, and of course would overflow the low lands to that height only. In Virginia this would be a very small proportion even of the champaign” or level “country, the banks of our tide waters being frequently, if not generally, of a greater height. Deluges beyond this extent then, as, for instance, to the North mountain, or to Kentucky, seem out of the laws of nature. But within it they may have taken place to a greater or less degree.”

Here are frank, open and bold denials of revelation. An universal deluge is one of the principal facts of revelation. The Old Testament gives its history. In the New Testament, Jesus Christ repeats the fact. If the deluge can be disproved, revelation must indubitably fall. What confidence can be placed in Moses or Jesus Christ, if the flood, which they declare took place, was a tale invented by one, and repeated by the other? Yet our Ruler declares, that a deluge beyond “a small part of the level country of Virginia seems out of the laws of nature.” Deluges within this level region, he says, may have taken place, but they could not reach to “the North mountain, or to Kentucky.” He says, that “History renders probable some instances of partial deluges in the country lying round the Mediterranean sea.” He believes there was a deluge in the low lands of Egypt and Armenia 2300 years before Christ, one in the low lands of Attica 500 years later, one in the low lands of Thessaly 300 years later still. “But such deluges as these,” he frankly acknowledges, “will not account for the shells found in the higher lands.” He therefore makes another effort to account for the shells found on the highest mountains, without granting the truth of the universal deluge.

“A second opinion,” he says, “has been entertained, which is, that the bed of the ocean, the principal residence of the shelled tribe, has, by some great convulsion of nature, been heaved to the height at which we now find shells, and other remains of marine animals.” But he instantly deserts this battery erected against revelation, as untenable, and acknowledges that “we may venture to say that no fact has taken place, either in our own days, or in the thousands of years recorded in history, which proves the existence of any natural agents, within or without the bowels of the earth, of force sufficient to heave to the height of fifteen thousand feet such masses as the Andes.” The shells, therefore, still remain, like the handwriting before Belshazzar, and urge him to some other expedient to drive them from their post, as witnesses of an universal deluge. In this dilemma he consults with Voltaire. He tells us that “Voltaire has suggested a third solution of this difficulty; that in the space of eighty years a particular spot, in Touraine, had been twice metamorphed into soft stone, which had become hard when employed in building. In this stone, shells of various kinds were produced, discoverable at first only with a microscope, but afterwards growing with the stone.” But here he finds no satisfaction, for he confesses that Voltaire has not established even the fact; he confesses “he has not left it on ground so respectable as to have rendered it an object of inquiry to the literati of his own country.” That is, the assertion of Voltaire was so palpably false, that no man of science inquired whether there was a possibility of its truth. “Abandoning this fact, therefore,” he says, “the three hypotheses are equally unsatisfactory, and we must be content to acknowledge that this great phenomenon (the shells) is as yet unsolved.” Observe, my friends, this declaration, full of meaning, full of evidence that the writer disdains the authority of revelation. He says, “the three opinions are equally unsatisfactory.” One of them is the rising of the mountains from the bottom of the sea. This he acknowledges has no facts to prove it. The other, rocks and shells growing out of the ground, he says, is not respectable enough to be an object of inquiry. The third is that of the Bible, an universal deluge. This he rejects, because all the water of the atmosphere would raise the ocean only 52 ½ feet. These three, he says, are equally unsatisfactory. That is, revelation is no better than an opinion, not supported “by any facts in our own days, or the thousands of years recorded in history,” or the bare assertion of Voltaire, which was totally disregarded by his own friends. So our great Ruler in despair leaves the subject, adding, “There is a wonder somewhere; ignorance is preferable to error, and he is less remote from the truth, who believes nothing, than he who believes what is wrong,.” Surely here is a melancholy conclusion of his elaborate inquiry.

The points in debate are evident. The Bible says, “The waters prevailed exceedingly upon the earth, and all flesh died that moved upon the earth.” The deluge was, therefore universal.

Our Ruler says, it is “probable” that “partial deluges” have taken place “in Egypt,” and other “low lands.”

The Bible says, “The high hills that were under the whole heaven were covered, and the mountains were covered.”

Our Ruler says, “Deluges beyond this extent (a small proportion of the level country in Virginia) as, for instance, to the North mountain, or to Kentucky, seem out of the laws of nature:” for “if the whole contents of the atmosphere were water, the seas would be raised only fifty-two feet and a half above their present level.”

In a very brief manner we shall notice a few other passages in unison with this.

In page 169, our Author says, “The legitimate powers of government extend to such acts only as are injurious to others. But it does me no injury for my neighbor to say there are twenty gods or no God.”

This sentence is not quoted on account of its proving any theory; for, in fact, it proves nothing but the careless impiety of the pen which traced it. This is precisely what we have undertaken to demonstrate. Still we may ask, is it no injury in a society of Christians to have men avow themselves pagans and atheists? Does it not tend to unhinge and destroy all social order? Would any Christian parent with his children educated where men make a god of every thing but God; or where in their hearts and words they banish God from the universe? Do not such “neighbors” grieve, and distress, and “injure,” good men? Do they not harden and render bad men worse? Are they not infinitely injurious to society? We submit the question to every person, who has a mind to think, or a heart to feel.

In page 171, speaking of religion, our Author observes, that Pennsylvania and New-York had long subsisted without any religious establishment. He adds, “They flourish infinitely. Religion is well supported, of various kinds, indeed, but all good enough……all sufficient to preserve peace and order.”

Were all the languages of Babel at once to pour forth their hatred of religion, could they furnish one phrase expressive of more disdainful irony, of more cold hearted contempt, than the phrases, “all good enough; all sufficient to preserve peace and order?” The Christian religion then is a cunning fable, a political bugbear “to preserve peace and order!”

Finally: In page 108, speaking of the different languages of American savages, our Author observes, there are twenty radical languages in America for one in Asia. He then asserts, that “for two dialects to recede from one another till they have lost all vestiges of their common origin, must require an immense course of time, perhaps not less than many people give to the age of the earth.” Here is a sneer at revelation, the Bible making “the age of the earth less” than it is in the opinion of deists. 2 He then adds a bolder denial of revelation. “A greater number of those radical changes of language,” he says, “having taken place among the red men of America, proves them of greater antiquity than those of Asia.” This bold and unnecessary denial of revelation must have given the author great credit among the opposers of Christianity. They saw of a certainty that he was assisting them “to crush” the Son of God. He does not hide the hand which gives the stab. Scripture fully asserts, that the families of Adam and Noah settled first in Asia; the languages of that country, therefore, according to scripture, are the most ancient; but our Ruler says, the American languages are the most ancient; that there is a fact, which “proves them of greater antiquity than those of Asia.” Does not this prove that the people of the United States ought to mourn? He that beareth rule, believes not the word of God. He rejects the authority of revelation. If any man take from the words of the book of this prophecy, God will take his part from the book of life.

Thus we have heard the Ruler of the people deny the doctrine of an universal deluge, which prepared him to deny the greater antiquity of the languages in Asia, which are, however cautiously expressed, two direct denials of revelation. In unison with such a theory he declares, that polytheism and atheism openly avowed do “no injury” in society; that all “religions are good enough,” which “preserve peace and order.” Here our examination shall close. The controversy is not with us; we simply state facts. The controversy is between Scripture and the “Notes on the State of Virginia;” between the holy God and Mr. Jefferson.

4. If the evils of a wicked ruler be so great, then the subject imperiously demands the attention of the Gospel Minister.

He is a “watchman;” if he see an enemy, and give not warning, he is responsible for all the consequences. He is a “shepherd;” it is his duty to guard his flock from every danger. Can he then be silent in view of the greatest danger? Is silence consistent with the faithful discharge of duty, when he sees the evidence of a general depravity, when he sees a cause operating to increase that depravity? Can he be silent while observing the loss of that religious influence which attends the administration of the wise and good, while he sees the sword of oppression forming in the hands of power, while he hears the stern voice of instruction melting away into the soft notes of adulation, while he sees the angry cloud of divine judgments ready to burst on his native land, on his beloved people? Does not the minister, who remains silent in this situation, betray his important trust? Is he not false and faithless to the people of his charge? To lift the warning voice,

“His own engagement binds him fast;
Or, if it does not, brands him to the last
What Atheists call him—a designing knave,
A mere church juggler, hypocrite and slave.”

He eats the bread of his people, he drinks of their cup, he is warmed with their apparel, and yet like a traitor is dumb in the most awful crisis of their affairs. He has given himself to them by covenant and by oath, and yet he is silent while he sees the cloud gather, the lightning flash, and hears the thunder roar. Is he not a perjured wretch, and justly covered with infamy, while he sinks in the common ruin? Accordingly on account of their wicked rulers the ancient prophets denounced the woes of God on the people. Therefore the general attention given to this subject by gospel ministers, instead of being a reasonable article of charge, entitles them to our confidence and gratitude. Their numerous warnings will be so many everlasting records of their integrity and faithfulness.

The theme we have contemplated is solemn, and as alarming as it is solemn. The minds of men seem remarkably swayed against their former opinions, their habits, their interest, and their safety. Is it possible that we should sigh for revolution, that we should revolt from the salutary institutions of our renowned fathers; those institutions, which have diffused light, and felicity, and social order, and pure religion; which have elevated us to wealth and glory? Does not such a restless spirit in us forebode approaching calamities? In another part of the land almost a million slaves strengthened by new importations, roused by the success of their brethren, cannot long be idle. Their daggers thirst for blood, and their limbs tremble with revenge. The woes of the islands will doubtless be known on the main; the soil, which has been moistened with the sweat of the slaves, will probably be drowned in the blood of the masters.

These to some are, doubtless, as the dreams of a visionary, or the effusions of a melancholy spirit. Some perhaps rejoice to see the pure morals and serious religion of other times banished from society; they rejoice in a new order or things, new opinions, and new manners. They rejoice to see the wicked in authority. But have not the fatal effects of such an event been candidly shown from the word of God? Is it possible to doubt their reality? Will ye then weigh the subject in the balance of truth? Will ye seriously look forward to the final consequences? Have ye hearts to rejoice in these evils, or will ye, must ye, finally mourn with the people? Reflecting then on the present time, the influence ye are exerting, will not every thought be anguish, and every word a lamentation of self reproach? Do ye not already hear a voice from the tombs of your fathers, terrible as truth, and awful as eternity?—

”Ye baptiz’d infidels,
Ye worse for mending, wash’d to fouler stains;
Rouse from your dreams ere desolation comes:
Why make us blush for our apostate heirs?
Why barter genial suns, and Sharon’s flowers,
For wandering meteors, and tempestuous storms?”

 


Endnotes

1. Philadelphia, printed by Prichard and Hall, 1788.

2. See Brydone, &c. &c.

Sermon – Election – 1804, Massachusetts


Samuel Kendal preached this election sermon in Boston on May 30, 1804.


sermon-election-1804-massachusetts

Religion the only sure Basis of Free Governments,

ILLUSTRATED IN A

SERMON,

PREACHED BEFORE

His Excellency CALEB STRONG, Esq.

GOVERNOR,

His Honor EDWARD H. ROBBINS, Esq.

LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR,

The Honorable the COUNCIL, SENATE, AND HOUSE
Of REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS,

May 30, 1804,

THE DAY OF GENERAL ELECTION.

By SAMUEL KENDAL, A. M.

MINISTER OF THE CONGREGATIONAL SOCIETY IN WESTON.

BOSTON:

PRINTED FOR YOUNG & MINNS, PRINTERS TO THE STATE

1804.

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MAY 30, 1804.
 

Ordered, That Laban Wheaton, Abiel Smith, and Nathaniel Goodwin, Esqrs. Be a Committee to wait on the Rev. Mr. Kendal, and in the name of the House to thank him for his discourse this day delivered before his Excellency the Governor, his Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, the Hon. Council and the two Branches of the Legislature, and to request a copy thereof for the press.

Extract from the Journals,
Attest. NICHOLAS TILLINGHAST, Clerk.
AN

ELECTION SERMON.

DEUTERONOMY, XXXII. 46, 47.

SET YOUR HEARTS UNTO ALL THE WORDS WHICH I TESTIFY AMONG YOU THIS DAY; WHICH YE SHALL COMMAND YOUR CHILDREN TO OBSERVE AND DO, ALL THE WORDS OF THIS LAW.
FOR IS NOT A VAIN THING FOR YOU; BECAUSE IT IS YOUR LIFE; AND THROUGH THIS THING YE SHALL PROLONG YOUR DAYS IN THE LAND WHITHER YE GO OVER JORDAN TO POSSESS IT.

 

This important advice was given by the Jewish Legislator, just before his death, to the whole congregation of Israel. Moses had exhibited to his nation unequivocal proof of his attachment to their interest, freedom and happiness. Although acknowledged as the son of Pharaoh’s daughter, educated at Egypt’s court, and assured of the honors and offices which commonly gratify the ambition of men, he disclaimed kindred and alliance with the oppressors of his people, and boldly demanded their release from servitude. By a series of wonders, wrought in the name of Jehovah, he effected their emancipation, and conducted them to the land promised to their fathers.

To form and carry into operation a system of government, and habituate a newly emancipated people to rule and order were important objects to be accomplished. In these, as in the deliverance of the Hebrews, Moses was under the immediate supernatural direction of Heaven. The government was a theocracy; religion the basis on which the whole structure rested. Their institutions, civil and religious, happily combined to improve the nation, and to guard it against being corrupted by admitting strangers to an equal participation of all its privileges. In its advancement from bondage to an independent rank among the nations of the earth, the people were led by the hand of Moses and Aaron; by the civil magistrate and the minister of religion. Each was a chosen instrument to carry on the merciful designs of Providence in respect to ancient Israel; and each the world hath ever found necessary to promote the peace, order and improvement of society.

Arrived at the borders of the promised land, and apprized that he should not be permitted to pass Jordan, Moses gave the people a new edition of the law in the book before us; and, to aid their memory, rehearsed the mercies and judgments of God, and the duties and dangers of Israel, in a divine song; in which, with an eloquence worthy of his subject, he celebrated the praises of Jehovah, and warned the nation against departing from the statutes he had appointed unto them.

Having concluded his song, the prophet said to the congregation, assembled to hear his last instruction, “Set your hearts unto all the words which I testify among you this day; which ye shall command your children to observe and do, all the words of this law.”

The two great commandments in this law, on which all the rest depend, according to our Savior, are to love the Lord our God with all the heart, and our neighbor as ourselves. It therefore related to religious, moral and social duty. In this view of it the people were directed by their great deliverer, whose character and achievements, situation and prospects, gave weight to his counsel, sincerely to regard its rules and precepts, and to teach and command their children to observe them. The reason assigned for the injunction we have in these words: “For it is not a vain thing for you; because it is your life; and through this thing ye shall prolong your days in the land whither ye go over Jordan to possess it.”

By the life of a community we understand its political existence, independence, freedom and happiness. In the preservation, or loss, of these, whatever may be ascribed to natural causes, we often observe the powerful effect of moral causes. To show the influence of these upon national freedom and prosperity is more particularly the duty of the ministers of religion. To this the subject directs our attention. The importance of the injunction in the text will appear from the truth and weight of the reason by which it is enforced. Our main object, therefore, will be to illustrate this general truth, viz.

That religion, and the moral and social virtues, of which that is the great spring, are, under God, the life and security of a free people.

In attempting this, the speaker must rely on the candor of our civil fathers, and of this numerous and respectable assembly. What he proposes is, briefly to hint at the necessity and end of civil government; then show that religion is the only sure basis of good government; that its influence upon communities is salutary; that it is the only rational ground of mutual confidence; and that the Christian system is most favorable to liberty and social order.

The necessity, or at least the expediency, of civil government might be inferred from the universal adoption of it among all nations whose history is known. But we perceive for ourselves that it is impossible for society to exist without it; and conclude, as man is a social being, the Creator designed he should be a subject of law and government.

The end of government is the protection, improvement and happiness of the community. To accomplish this end, as in the natural, so in the political body, there must be a head, or governing power, which shall direct the operations of the members, combine their strength for the common defence, and unite their exertions for the public good.

That is the best government which most effectually restrains the dissocial passions, prevents crimes, and, with the least restriction of natural liberty, preserves order, dispenses justice, and procures to the whole the greatest happiness. To these ends the fundamental principles of every government, and all the laws of the state, should be adapted. The government, whose object or tendency is any other than the public good, or whose administration is guided by other motives than the general interest, neither comports with the design of Heaven, nor merits the esteem and confidence of men.

But such is the imperfection of man, that nothing depending on human authority only is adequate to the proposed end of civil government. The language of experience is, that to control the passions, and habituate men to the love of order, and to act for the public good, some higher authority than that which is merely human must influence their minds. Their views are often too limited to comprehend the reasonableness of yielding private interest and inclination to public utility, or the connexion between surrendering a portion of their natural liberty, and enjoying civil liberty, under the protection of law. The institution of government many seem to imagine designed, not for their own, but the benefit of a chosen few; and though they may dread the sanctions of the law, and the power of the magistrate; yet, feeling no moral obligation to obey, and hoping to evade legal justice, they have but slender motives to obedience while unrestrained passion, or personal interest, impels them to counteract the established system of rule and order; or, if they have correct notions of the general design and tendency of good government, yet viewing it merely as an ordinance of man, and reflecting on the imperfection of legislators, they have but a feeble sense of obligation to observe laws, which oppose their immediate advantage. Fond of self government, they reluctantly delegate the necessary power to others; and when they have consented to it, a jealousy of their rulers often renders them hostile to their administration. Some higher and better established principle of action, than a view to public interest and convenience, must operate on the minds of most men, to render them good members of a civil community.

But what must this higher principle be? The ideas of some seem to have been that there must be a system of political morality established, whose object shall be to fix certain rules of social duty, to the observance of which all shall be obliged by the authority of the state. But if such system is to rest solely on the authority of human laws, and to be the result of human wisdom only, its fitness will be always liable to doubts, and a violation of its principles and rules thought no great crime. It being, as I think it must be, conceded that morality is essential to the support and due administration of government, let it be considered whether the laws of morality must not have some higher origin than the consent of political bodies, and be enforced by other authority than that to whose aid they are deemed necessary. Nothing is gained if they are not supposed to proceed from some superior power, to which human beings are amenable. This can be no other than God. Religious faith, or sentiment, must then be called in to the support of that morality, which is essential to the order and well-being of society; and is, therefore, the basis on which good government ultimately rests.

Belief in the being and providence of God, and that he hath given to men a perfect law, the transgression of which is an offence against him, will furnish motives to virtue suggested by no other consideration. Exclude the thought of a God, of a providence, and of future retribution, and we sap the foundation of morality and social order, and brutalize the human character.

All nations, however ignorant of the true God, and of the worship most acceptable to him, have practically acknowledged the importance of religious sentiment. Sensible that it was the support of virtue, the sages of antiquity inculcated reverence for the imaginary deities of their country; and deemed it hazardous to we4aken the influence of religious opinions; though many could not but perceive that the objects of adoration were really no gods.

As everything in the natural world evinces the existence of a supreme intelligent Agent, so every faculty of the human soul indicates that man was formed for the exercises of religion. If not sufficiently enlightened for that which is pure and rational, he adopts that which is wild and extravagant. Perceiving this universal propensity to some religion, and despairing, probably, of leading the world, by the bare light of philosophy, to a discovery of the divine perfections, the wisest and best men were careful to improve the general sentiment as a motive to every moral and social virtue. Among the Romans, before they had learned to contemn the gods, an oath was a greater security for the faithful performance of a trust, than any bond that could be entered into by the more corrupted and atheistic Greeks. Their idea was, that men will not be induced to perform the duties which result from their social relations, unless they suppose themselves under the inspection of some invisible powerful agent, to whom they are responsible.

Absurd opinions in religion, it is true, were embraced, and gods of different characters adored; and each walked in the name of his god; but in all nations some things have been deemed virtuous, and others vicious; and their religion had a tendency to encourage the one, and to repress the other. Their morals received support, and their government aid, when they were most free, from their religious opinions; and it is more than probable that, notwithstanding all their darkness and pagan superstition, tradition had scattered some rays of the true light, which were the principal cause of their brightest virtues.

Some moderns, contrary to the sentiments of the best men in all ages, have impiously asserted, that the idea of a God is subversive of free governments, and tends to support tyrannic rule; and more than intimated that it hath degraded human beings, kept most nations enslaved, and concealed from them the true liberty, dignity and perfectability of man. But judging from the visible disastrous effects of these principles, the conclusion is, that so far as their advocates, according to their ideas, have disencumbered the public mind of religious sentiments, and freed the passions from their restraining influence, they have prepared the way for cruelty and crimes of every description. The experiment has been made in Europe. Heaven forbid that it should be repeated in America!

As the body politic, like the natural body, consists of many members, it is certain all cannot hold the same place, and perform the same functions; but will have parts assigned according to their relative situations and connexion with the body; and the grand desideratum is, to infuse into the whole some general principle of action, which, preserving the unity of the body, shall induce each to perform the duties of his station. What beside religious sentiment will uniformly have this effect? Will a principle of honor, or regard to public opinion, supposing it to be enlightened and correct? However these might prevail with a few of a refined taste, enlarged understanding, and superior education, early habituated to respect the precepts of virtue, they have been always found insufficient to regulate the generality of mankind. The idea of a God, and the hopes and fears connected with it, are indispensably necessary to secure the practice of that virtue, which is requisite to the preservation, order and happiness of society. Impress on the public mind a full belief in an all-seeing God, whose law and government are perfect, whose honor is concerned in the obedience of his creatures, and who will render a just recompense to all; and it will be a steady motive to those virtues which are the ornament and life of society, and the glory of man. Add to this general sentiment a persuasion that we have a clear expression of the divine will in the sacred Scriptures, and it must have a happy influence upon public manners, and be a source of individual consolation and hope. The great, rich and honorable, it will teach moderation, humility and condescension; the poor and lowly, it will elevate to dignity of thought, design and action; and present to each a prospect of that state of equality in which they shall appear before their righteous Judge.

In the present world there is neither a real nor apparent equality in the conditions of men. Different abilities, success, power, station and influence, are visible in every community. This arrangement is not an human invention; it is the work of Providence; and an attempt to change the present order of things and reduce all to perfect equality, would be to wage war with Heaven, and exalt the wisdom of man above that of the Creator. The natural rights of men are equal; but their actual advantages and improvement are unequal, and lead to different stations; in which religion teaches them to be content, and faithfully perform their part, as members of the same body, having like care one for another.

Rulers are the constituted head. Their elevation is honorable, their office important, and their characters dignified with the title of gods, and ministers of God. But being men of like passions with other men, in proportion to the importance of their trust, and to their burdens and temptations, they need the influence, support and direction of religious principle. This is equally necessary to secure their fidelity, and to enable them to bear the trials incident to their stations. Realizing that they are subjects of the divine government, elevated to rule over their brethren, as God’s vicegerents, and entrusted with authority, for the exercise of which they are responsible to that Being, who “standeth in the congregation of the mighty, and judgeth among the gods,” they will make the divine character, law and government, as far as possible, the model of their own. The same principle that induces the ruler to be faithful will incline the people to honor and obey him, as one who exercises “the powers that are ordained of God,” and under his wise administration to “lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.”

Let it be added; religion is the only rational ground of mutual confidence. Every person has some governing principle of action; either a supreme regard to the Deity, or to himself. If the former, as God is immutable and his law perfect, he will be just whose conduct is regulated by such a standard. His sense of accountability at a tribunal where no artifice can disguise the truth, no subtilty evade a righteous decision, preserves his integrity. But, destitute of this, the predominant passion, or private interest, will determine the conduct of a man; and as it is impossible to foresee what these will be at a given period, because liable to vary with situations and circumstances, there can be no reasonable confidence that he will observe any fixed rule of duty. Public opinion may have considerable influence upon him; and were this never affected by the same passions and prejudices, or by the same want of information, that occasion the errors of individuals, it would merit all the respect it ever received. But it is variable; and sometimes takes its complexion from designing men, who allege its authority in support of measures justifiable on no other ground. It cannot, then, be a fixed standard of right conduct in all cases; because, according to its own concession, it is sometimes misguided; in which case, he who is governed by it may act in opposition to what he perceives the laws of justice and the public good require. But a religious or moral principle leads to the discharge of duty, without considering how the performance of it may affect a man’s popularity; and is the only security that men will, at all times, be faithful in their stations.

The dependence of government upon religious sentiment is recognized in the legal administration of an oath, the solemnity and obligation of which will be diminished as the influence of that sentiment shall be destroyed. Impress it more deeply, and its effect will be more evident and salutary. If the great principles of religion were to actuate the whole political body, we should soon see society advancing to its highest perfection.

Christianity is designed to give these principles their full effect. It presents a clear view of the divine character, and of the duty and destiny of man; and furnishes the strongest motives to virtue by inspiring new and more sublime hopes than the light of nature ever imparted. Not in the least diminishing the grandeur of the thought which surrounding phenomena suggest of a God, it introduces to the mind the idea of goodness, or grace, as the connecting link between men and their Creator; by which they may rise to a resemblance of the great standard of moral excellence; to the dignity and privileges of sons of God. It represents our liberty and happiness to be objects of the divine care, exhibits astonishing examples of benevolence, and requires in us the same heavenly temper. It offers a remedy for our moral disorders, and support under natural evils. It enforces every precept of virtue by the consideration that present behavior will affect our future condition; that God is the witness, and will be the judge of our conduct; that no distinctions, however honorable here, will avail us in the day of final audit; that truth and faithfulness lead to glory, vice and folly to shame and confusion. It forbids the indulgence of the selfish passions, and encourages a generous philanthropy. In its great Founder we behold a perfect pattern of all righteousness; its doctrines enlighten the mind and improve the heart; and its whole spirit is that of harmony and love, which has a benign aspect upon the state of civil society.

It is objected that Christianity hath been the occasion of cruel wars and bloodshed. But until it can be shown that these are the natural effects of Christian principles, or agreeable to the spirit and precepts of the gospel, the objection proves no more than that the best gift of Heaven is capable of being perverted by ignorant or designing men. With equal truth and justice might it be affirmed that patriotism is not a virtue, because under its name scenes of disorder have been introduced, and states enslaved; or that liberty has nothing in it lovely, because the excess of it leads to anarchy and despotism, as that Christianity is unfriendly to the peace and improvement of society, because some have assumed it as a mask for their enormities. The most ingenuous among its enemies have conceded that such objections cannot be fairly urged against the system.

The maxims, as well as the general spirit of this religion, are equally favorable to rational liberty, and to good government. Christianity, indeed, authorizes no particular form of civil government in preference to another; but it speaks of government in general as an ordinance of God, points out its design, and enjoins submission to it, “not only for wrath, but also for conscience’ sake.” It teaches us to consider rulers as the “ministers of God, sent for the punishment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well.” It forbids us, though “free, to use our liberty for a cloak of maliciousness;” and commands us to “render to Caesar the things which are Caesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s;” and not, like the Pharisees, under pretence of religion, to stir up sedition, or, like the Herodians, make a compliment of our religion to Caesar, that we may be in favor with him. By placing all the moral and social virtues on their proper basis, urging them by the highest motives, and introducing charity as the great bond of perfectness, it provides against the evils which result from defect in all human institutions. Under its governing influence, the magistrate will ever keep in view the design of his appointment; the people, the reasons for their submission; and both a nobler motive to their respective duties than ever actuated an unbeliever.

True piety and pure morals, it is maintained by many, would preserve the freedom and happiness of a nation to the latest period of time. Not to say anything of the divine promises, facts seem to justify the supposition. Corruption of morals and manners has always preceded the fall of states, kingdoms and empires; and with its usual attendants, lust of power, party spirit, intrigue and faction, sanctified by the specious name of patriotism, or disguised under the flattering pretence of liberty, has been the visible cause of their loss of freedom and independence, or of their entire ruin. But should it be admitted that the political body, like the natural, has its f=infancy, youth and manhood, and must at length sink under the inevitable infirmities of age; that like all earthly things it is subject to decay; still it may be true that religion and virtue, as a suitable regimen and sober habits preserve natural life, will prolong the term of its health, prosperity and glory. But, as certain vices destroy the human constitution, and bring men to an early grave; so impiety and general corruption of manners hurry on the decline of political bodies, especially of free republics, or, by inducing some violent disorder, cut them off in the meridian of their splendor.

These truths admitted, the following inferences will be natural.

The first is, that genuine patriotism, as well as personal considerations of infinite moment, requires a strict adherence to the advice given to Israel. Indifference to religion, or to the means of extending and perpetuating the knowledge and influence of its principles and duties, is totally incompatible with enlightened zeal for the freedom and best interest of our country. General information, reverence for the worship of God, and its necessary institutions, and virtuous habits, in a political view, are of the highest importance. Without these it will be impossible long to maintain our free constitutions. Ignorance, or corruption of morals, will have an immediate effect upon the government whose powers emanate from the people, and whose administration is guided by the public will. Through want of information a virtuous people may be induced, under the idea of amendments, to co-operate in schemes subversive of the principles of their government; but when freed from the salutary restraints of religion and virtue, they are in danger of being hurried through the turbid sea of licentious liberty to the rugged and inhospitable shores of despotism. Deceived and demoralized, they will be prepared to second the views of ambition, and to aid any aspiring genius that may grasp at unlimited power. To remain free, a people must be enlightened and virtuous; and in order to this, they must cherish institutions calculated to promote knowledge and virtue. These, in free states, are the sources of political life, and claim our high consideration and respect.

It is worthy of observation, that one part of the law to which our text refers was designed to secure the nation from the corrupting influence of “aliens from the commonwealth of Israel,” who, though permitted to enjoy certain privileges, were not allowed to exercise all the rights of citizens; and that Israel seldom failed to suffer by departing from the law in this respect. This provision the wisdom of God ordained for the safety of his chosen people; and it merits consideration in every age and nation.

Natural as well as moral causes operate the destruction of republics. The Roman commonwealth, fallen indeed from her republican virtues, was at length crushed by her own weight. Extending her territorial possessions, she lost her freedom. This might have been expected; for the central force in all cases must be proportionate to the extent of its intended operation, and to the repelling power to be overcome. In free republics it is limited, that liberty may be more secure; but extending the space over which it must operate induces the necessity of increasing the momentum; which may effect a radical change in the government, more or less injurious to liberty, introduce monarchy, a more to be dreaded aristocracy, or, which is commonly a disastrous event, lead to the division of a large into a number of small rival states.

But it belongs rather to the politician than to the minister of religion to contemplate and guard against such dangers. They are increased by neglect to improve the public mind in knowledge, virtue and religion, and to strengthen the general attachment to the principles of the government, and aversion to frequent innovations. As ours is a vastly extended republic, composed in some measure of jarring materials, of the bond and of the free, the feelings of every true patriot and friend of republican government, must be deeply interested in preserving pure the sources and vehicles of information, and in extending, among the bond as well as the free, the means of religious and moral instruction.

The example of our venerable ancestors is recommended by the success of their exertions. In their view everything possible was to be attempted to disseminate knowledge, and fix in the public mind the principles of religion and virtue. As soon as the desert became so far a fruitful field, as to afford sustenance to a few families, they formed into little societies, whose most prominent feature was reverence for the institutions of religion, and care of the education of the youth. Heaven smiled upon their laudable efforts; and we feel an honest pride in paying a tribute of respect to their memory, and in acknowledging the advantages we have derived from their attention to these things; the effect of which upon the present state of society in New-England, compared with what it is in those sections of our country where the same views did not actuate the first settlers, is as happy as it is visible. Our fathers have transmitted to us a fair inheritance; and through the efficacy of the same means, if as generally adopted, we may hope to hand it down to posterity.

We next infer, secondly, that lessening the influence of religious sentiment, to which neglect, or contempt of sacred institutions tends, is extremely hazardous to the public weal. Persuade men that they are under no law to God, that his existence and providence are doubtful, their accountability and a future state uncertain, and they will be prepared, if passion or interest urge, to trample on the authority of all law and government. To secure order and justice, the arm of the magistrate must be strengthened, and liberty abridged, in proportion as the influence of religion is diminished.

To effect designs, the execution of which required the unrestrained indulgence of the worst passions of the heart, their authors have used means to pervert or destroy this influence. If atheism do not best comport with their purpose, they will, if possible, pervert the sentiment, and make religion consist, not in rational piety and humble obedience, but in passion and blind devotion; and render it subservient to their views by infusing into the mind the unhallowed fire of enthusiasm, or the gloomy severity of bigoted superstition; either of which detracts from the credit of religion in general; through less disastrous in its effects than the total annihilation of religious principle.

To prevent a return of the revolted tribes to the house of Judah, Jeroboam “set up golden calves, and made priests of the lowest of the people;” thus corrupting religion to secure his reign over Israel; the melancholy consequences of which are seen in almost every page of their history. For a purpose not very dissimilar, in later times, a still bolder step hath been taken, and an attempt made to establish absolute atheism; the success of which, though partial, hath blackened the character and multiplied the miseries of man.

Eradicate all sense of accountability to the moral Governor of the world, and what security could there be that iniquity will not be framed and established by law? Oaths of office, or of evidence, will not bind men to be faithful, or true. The streams of justice will be polluted, or turned from their course, and passion, interest, or prejudice, decide the fate of innocence. The judge, it is true, who neither fears God, nor regards man, who has no sense of religious or moral obligation, to avoid the inconvenience of importunity, may avenge a poor widow; but will never do justice from a higher motive. As it may best accord with his convenience, he will neglect the oppressed, or aid the oppressor. There is nothing in his conscience to ensure the faithful administration of justice. Life, everything dear in life, or valuable in society, depending on him, is at hazard. Place in the several departments like characters, and what confidence can there be in government? Would not civil commotions and scenes of violence soon commence, and continue till someone, more artful, ambitious and successful than the rest, elevate himself upon the ruins of liberty and republican virtue?

Convinced of the salutary influence of Christianity upon the state of civil society, and of its tendency to preserve a free government, suspicion justly attaches to the political principles and views of its avowed enemies and revilers. Enlightened friends of the people, and of equal laws, can never wish to bring into discredit and contempt, the benign religion of the gospel. By doing this among a people educated in the belief of it, they destroy the influence of religious sentiment in general; because the mind has been in the habit of associating the doctrines of revelation with the first principles of religion, and of supposing the existence and providence of God no more certain than the divine mission and authority of Jesus Christ. Though some are able to distinguish between natural and revealed religion, and, rejecting the latter, profess to embrace the former; yet it will be found, with many at least, that speculative deism and practical atheism are nearly allied. The prevalence of either will excite concern in the virtuous patriot, not for the ark of God only; but for the honor, freedom and safety of his country. Under this impression, the injunction of the Jewish lawgiver will command his attention, religion and its institutions his reverence and support, as the best means of improving society, giving stability to a free government, and permanency to every social enjoyment.

Religion and virtue, we infer, thirdly, will be a prominent feature in the character of wise and good rulers. These are important qualifications for their stations. To concede the general utility of such a principle of action, and yet suppose it unnecessary that rulers should be under its influence, is too great an inconsistency to be seriously maintained. The piety and virtue requisite for the preservation of the body politic ought to be visible in the head. If this be sick, the whole heart will be faint. Void of religious principle, or sense of moral obligation, can we believe that civil rulers will be the ministers of God for good? May we not rather apprehend that they will be an encouragement to evil doers, and a terror to these who do well? But a steady eye to a presiding Deity, with humble reliance on the wisdom of his providence, will direct, animate and support them in all the duties of their office, make them faithful, and render them superior to the trials that may await them.

Moses provided able men, such as feared God, men of truth, hating covetousness, to be rulers of thousands, of hundreds, of fifties, and of tens; a clear indication that in every department men should be placed, who will act in the fear of God. Destitute of this, their influence and example will tend to subvert the foundations of social order, to weaken the springs of political life, and to corrupt the whole system.

But must our civil rulers be Christians? It certainly cannot be less important to the general interest that they should be, than that other members of the community should be under the influence of this religion; and the constitution of this commonwealth requires of them, previous to their entering on the duties of their office, a declaration of their belief in the Christian religion, and full persuasion of its truth. As that does not contemplate evasion, an unbeliever, whatever he might be tempted to affirm, would not possess the qualification which the constitution makes requisite. As an expression of the public sentiment this provision has merit; but religious tests are feeble barriers against unprincipled men. They take no hold on the conscience of one who mentally consigns himself to an everlasting sleep, and never acts with reference to a judgment to come. It ought, however, to be presumed, unless there should be decisive proof to the contrary, that no man will ever hazard his reputation for veracity, and the confidence of his fellow-men, so much, as to make the declaration in opposition to his inward conviction, and common profession. We may feel assured, at least, that he would not, after such a declaration, place himself in the ranks of the avowed enemies of Christianity. Should this happen, what ground of confidence would be left? The speaker feels almost constrained to apologize for a suggestion so dishonorable to human nature. A possible case only is supposed. Should it ever exist, no apology would be due.

If Christianity tend to enrich the heart with every amiable and beneficial virtue, and highly to improve the present condition of man, it is of vast importance that rulers should feel its influence, and reflect the light of it on every beholder.

We infer, fourthly, that wise and good rulers will guard and promote the interests of religion and literature. One is the parent, the other the handmaid of virtue. To extend the knowledge and influence of those truths, on the observance of which the freedom and happiness of the state depend, merits and will command their attention. Like Moses, they will endeavor to make the people know the statutes of God, and his law. Tending to the public good, this is one end of their appointment. They will regard the immutable laws of justice in the structure of all the laws of the State, which must result from the divine law, applied to the circumstances of the people. When made, the wise and virtuous ruler, by a punctual observance of them, will add to their dignity and authority in the view of the community.

To prevent is more noble than to punish crimes. The means, therefore, to improve the understanding, mend the heart, restrain the dissocial passions, and call into exercise the benevolent affections, will receive countenance and support from the faithful ruler. On the side of religion and virtue he will give the whole weight of his example and influence. As these have a powerful effect in forming the public sentiment and manners, he will respect the law of God, honor the Savior, reverence the institutions of religion, encourage attendance upon them, and discountenance every practice that would defeat their design.

The opinion of some, that government ought to take no notice of religion, that it is the exclusive concern of the Deity to preserve the worship of himself in the world, and that it would be presumption in legislators to enact any laws relating to it, is not correct, nor consistent with the practice under the freest governments. Improper it would be, and what it is to be hoped we shall never see in our country, to enact “laws to dictate what articles of faith men shall believe, what mode of worship they shall adopt, or to raise and establish one mode of worship, or denomination of Christians above, or in preference to another.” In these respects let the mind be perfectly free, and all denominations equally under the protection and countenance of the law. But the support of institutions calculated to promote religious knowledge in general, give efficacy to the precepts of the gospel, instill the principles of morality, and improve the social affections, may be a proper subject of legislation. Blasphemy is punished by law, not because God is unable to vindicate the honor of his name; but because it is a crime which weakens the bands of society by lessening the solemnity and obligation of an oath; and legal aid may be given to religious institutions which strengthen those bands of society by extending the knowledge and influence of the sentiments, which gie to an oath its whole force upon the conscience. Moral instruction is not less important than instruction in the arts and sciences; and the means of it demand as much the care of the guardians of the public weal. Motives of sound policy, as well as the best feelings of his heart, will therefore induce every good ruler to give them all necessary encouragement.

Religion and virtue being the life of a free people, and deriving countenance, or discouragement, from the example, influence and authority of rulers, we observe, lastly, that it is of the highest importance carefully to exercise the right of election. Incalculable mischief may result from the neglect, or abuse of this privilege. Through the one, weak or wicked men may be exalted to bear rule by a minor part of the community; through the other, our happy constitutions may be destroyed, and our liberty sacrificed to passion and party zeal. From either great evil is to be apprehended. The elections indicate what information and virtue a people possess, and how far they are influenced by a regard to the public good. Difference in political opinions is no certain proof that either side does not aim at the general welfare; but when base means are employed by either, the purity of their motives is liable to suspicion.

If the enlightened and virtuous part of the community will not improve their right, and give their suffrages to the able and faithful only; or if the majority suffer themselves to be governed by other considerations than those of public benefit, the ill consequences may be soon felt, but not easily remedied. The passions and prejudices of men may be quickly excited, and their confidence withdrawn from their best friends, by trifling circumstances, which, if they actually exist, imply no delinquency. Against these we should be guarded as much as possible. No avoidable circumstance should be permitted to exist, which might operate against the choice of the best men. The freedom of elections should be preserved with the utmost vigilance. In exercising this important right, the object should be to bring into the government the greatest wisdom, virtue and experience to be found; that the people may behold in their rulers a constant example of those things, which are the main pillars of their freedom. Attention should fix on able men; but such, at the same time, as fear God. Great abilities and popular talents, without a moral principle to direct their application, should be trusted, if trusted at all, with great caution. Men of integrity, of steady habits and strict virtue, are the only men that have a title to public confidence. In a Christian country, the general sentiment and suffrage, it may be expected, will create a more effectual bar against men of antichristian principles and policy than any constitutional test. These principles, and this policy, in whatever light they may appear, undermine civil liberty and social order; and, if they prevail, will inevitably effect a change for worse in the state of society.

A free people have the means of their preservation in their own hands; and if they fall it will be through their own indiscretion. Bad men cannot rise and continue in office without their consent, or a faulty neglect of their privileges. If they voluntarily choose such to rule over them, they manifest a criminal indifference to their own, and the happiness of posterity. To honor such is to dishonor God. It would indicate a corruption of morals, and be an abuse of the right of suffrage; and this tends still further to pervert the public taste and sentiment. In elective governments the people, and the constituted organs of their will, have a reciprocal influence in forming the general character; the one in elevating to office, the other in exercising the powers of their elevation; and it should be employed by both to prevent a corruption of manners. In nothing can a nation honor themselves more, or secure their liberty better, than in committing the administration of their government to able and faithful men, as eminent for their moral virtues as for their political wisdom. Should a people, merely because of a coincidence in political opinions, give their suffrages to men with whom they could not confide their individual concerns, they might well be jealous of their rulers; but would deserve all they could apprehend. For a Christian, under the influence of such a motive, to favor the choice of a known enemy to his Lord, and to the religion on which he builds his hope of happiness, is something worse than inconsistency. Constitutionally in office, to such an one the Christian will be subject for conscience’ sake; but will never willingly aid in his advancement.

In scanning men and their measures, let justice and candor preside. This we owe to them, and to our own reputation. The office of the magistrate, the station of the legislator, their private rights and the public good, forbid all calumny, misrepresentation and abuse. But a fair and candid investigation of the characters and qualifications of candidates for office, of rulers and their administration, is a duty imposed by a proper regard to our own, and to the happiness of posterity; of which we are the present guardians. That character is unworthy, which will not bear the light of truth; that suspicious, which seeks defence in a suppression of the truth; but that entitled to protection, which is assailed by the base arts of falsehood, and groundless insinuation.

On the due observance of these things the freedom and glory of our country are suspended. If we depart from the principles of our ancestors, neglect religion and its institutions, are not attentive to the instruction of our youth in religious and moral duty, as well as in human literature, indulge a spirit of innovation, are indifferent to the moral character of rulers, and yield to the temptations to luxury and dissoluteness of manners, which increasing wealth presents, we shall soon find ourselves unable to support the constitutions which have been the pride of our nation, and the admiration of the world. But if we diligently attend to all these things, set our own hearts unto all the words of the divine law, and command our children to observe and do them, it will be our life, and we shall prolong our days in this good land. The mouth of the Lord hath spoken it.

Our fathers passed through the sea, were under the cloud, and in the wilderness. God was their shield, and he hath been our helper. A retrospect of the past, a just estimation of the present, and a rational prospect of the future, impose on us a sacred obligation to guard the inestimable treasure committed to our trust. Our own and the happiness of generations yet unborn is concerned in the choice we make, and the course we pursue. The friends of liberty and good government view passing events here with anxious expectation. Heaven hath distinguished America from every other quarter of the globe, by bestowing upon it, in richer abundance, the bounties of providence, and the blessings of civil and religious liberty. All that we could reasonably desire, and more than we had a right to expect, hath been put into our possession. While other countries have groaned under oppression, witnessed war and desolation, seen their governments and their altars prostrated, or felt the scourge of usurped dominion, ours hath been rising, beyond a parallel, in wealth, importance and honorable fame. Delivered from foreign control, and possessing free constitutions of government, the work of our own hands, administered for a series of years with equal ability and integrity, we have presented to admiring nations the fairest hopes, that here, in her last, safest retreat, liberty had erected her standard, and would long display her banners. To realize our own, and justify their expectations, we must continue, what we have been esteemed, an enlightened, sober, virtuous and united people.

But are there no clouds that darken the once fair prospect? No appearances of danger that we, with a motion accelerated in proportion to the height of our elevation, shall follow the path all other republics have trodden, and hasten to a similar catastrophe? Have we not fallen already, in a considerable degree, from the religion, virtue, and simplicity of manners, which were the characteristics of the New-England states, and will ever be essential to lasting freedom and prosperity? Have we not become divided, and in the zeal, or triumph of parties, lost sight of the public good, and overlooked the best means and instruments of its promotion? Is there nothing to be apprehended from a too hasty admission of foreigners, little acquainted with the nature, and less with the enjoyment of civil liberty, to all the rights of citizens? Nothing from the influence of people of a strange language upon our government? Is there no reason to fear the relative weight and importance of the small states will be diminished by a change in the principles of the general government! Or that the whole constellation will be attracted to a common centre, or revolve in prescribed orbits within the sphere of its influence? Are there no symptoms, on the one hand, of a design to possess a disproportionate influence in the general scale; and, on the other, of alarm and discontent, which may lead to a disunion, attended with serious if not ruinous consequences? Many whom we all once esteemed wise, discerning and patriotic, are persuaded of the affirmative; and we may say, without implicating the motives, or criminating the measures of any, that some respect is due to their opinions. If men of ability, who have given illustrious proof of their patriotism, are apprehensive, it at least merits consideration, whether there be not some just ground of apprehension. Whatever it may be, whether discovered by all or not, the surest way to escape evil, and enjoy safety under the divine protection, is to imbibe the genuine spirit of religion, reverence its institutions, extend its light and influence, promote general knowledge, cherish the social affections, banish party prejudices, cultivate harmony, and, realizing our dependence on the Supreme Ruler, gratefully improve the blessings we continue to possess.

In the divine goodness we have at this time abundant reason to rejoice. The heads of our tribes, after the laudable example of our fathers, have met in this city of our anniversary solemnities; and now present themselves before the Lord, to seek his direction and blessing on the important concerns of civil government. As aforetime, our nobles are yet of ourselves, and our Governor hath proceeded from the midst of us.

Re-elected to the first magistracy, His Excellency hath received renewed assurance of the public approbation and confidence. He is still the man whom the people delight to honor. But whether they have honored most his talents and virtues, or their own discernment and moral taste, is a question too delicate for solution. May his integrity continue to guide and preserve him; and that God, who beholdeth with favor him that is upright in heart, crown his administration with success, his days on earth with peace, and his future existence with ineffable glory.

His Honor will accept our cordial congratulations, on his re-election to the second office in the government. Next to the approbation of his own mind, that of the multitude of his brethren must afford the highest satisfaction. Their acknowledgment of his past fidelity, and continued reliance on his abilities and zeal to promote the general welfare, will be esteemed the best reward in their power to give, and a motive to such further exertions, as shall fully answer all their reasonable expectations. Faithful and approved of God, may he at last receive a crown of righteousness.

The Honorable Council, from the dignity of their station and characters, and in consideration of their past important and acceptable services, merit our respectful attention. In conscious rectitude, and in the approbation of God, may they ever have a source of the highest human happiness; and when released from the labors of this, receive in a better world the full reward of faithful servants.

May this branch of the government be always composed of men of candor, clear understanding, sound judgment, and uncorruptible integrity.

To the Hon. Senate, and House of Representatives, we now tender our high respects. Called by the voice of the people to be legislators, and guardians of their rights and liberties, may they realize the importance of the trust, and fulfill their duty with all good fidelity. In the true spirit of ministers of God for good, may they enter on the interesting transactions of this day, and pursue the public business of the year. Attached to the original principles of the state and general government, may they adopt measures that will have the best tendency to render both permanent blessings. In all elections, whether under the federal or state constitution, may they fix their choice, so far as constitutional limitations will permit, on men most capable and best disposed to promote the public good. In all their deliberations, discussions and decisions, may they manifest a spirit of candor and dignified moderation; and, however they may differ in opinion, give to each other, and to the public, proof of their strict probity and genuine patriotism. In all things may they be under the guidance and blessing of the great Fountain of wisdom, and receive his final approbation.

Venerable Fathers in each department, to your care the people of this respectable commonwealth have committed their dearest civil interests. By calling you to your respective stations they have expressed a confidence that you will be watchful and faithful. You have every rational motive to be so; but the highest must be a sense of accountability to that God, by whom actions are witnessed and weighted, and from whom all will receive a just reward. Though ye are called gods on earth, you must all die like men, and, with those over whom you now bear rule, appear in judgment, to receive according to your works.

In contemplating the happy influence of religion upon the state and government of society, it is not intended to diminish its importance in a personal view, and in respect to the solemn period when all civil societies shall be disbanded, secular honors and distinctions known no more, and the whole world arraigned at Jehovah’s awful tribunal. In this august event we have the highest personal concern; and from the individual anticipation of it, society derives peculiar advantage. What the public good requires, your own particular happiness more strongly demands. In your honorable stations, and in the private walks of life, may you ever be actuated by the great principles of our holy religion, enjoy its consolations, exemplify its duties, and extend its benign influence; that you may at last share its richest rewards.

Fellow-Citizens of this numerous assembly, you doubtless feel a lively interest in the freedom, prosperity and glory of our common country; and in guarding and transmitting to posterity the fair inheritance we have received from our fathers. Like them, then, fear God, and keep his commandments. We have risen up, and call them blessed. But if we abandon their principles, despise their attention to religion and its institutions, and refuse to follow their virtuous examples, our posterity, denied what we inherit, will have reason to execrate our folly.

Personal salvation, public safety, and the happiness of generations to come, impose on us a sacred obligation to set our hearts unto all the words of the divine law, and to command our children to observe them. The man of religion and virtue is a public benefactor. By teaching his children to follow the example, he increases the benefit; and by exciting others to imitation enhances the obligation. In proportion to the sphere of your influence, you all possess means of your own security, and of promoting our national prosperity and glory. Let this consideration, as well as the still more animating one, that by it you may prepare yourselves and others for a state of endless felicity, be a motive to employ all your influence in the cause of religion and virtue. To these God hath promised his protection and blessing. They will be our life, and the lengthening out of our tranquility. “The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect of righteousness, quietness and assurance forever.”

Sermon – Election – 1804, Connecticut


Zebulon Ely (1759-1824) graduated from Yale in 1779. While at school the British were approaching the city and Ely was sent to fire at them with some other students, he narrowly avoided capture by the British. Ely was a tutor at Yale (1781-1782), and a pastor of a church in Lebanon, CT (1783-1823). This sermon was preached in Connecticut on May 10, 1804.


sermon-election-1804-connecticut

THE WISDOM AND DUTY OF MAGISTRATES.

SERMON,

PREACHED AT THE

GENERAL ELECTION,

MAY 10TH 1804.

BY ZEBULON ELY, A. M.
PASTOR OF A CURCH IN LEBANON.

At a General Assembly of the State of Connecticut, holden at Hartford, on the second Thursday, of May, A. D. 1804—

ORDERED, That the Honorable William Hill-House, and Hezekiah Ripley, Esquires, present the thanks of the General Assembly to the Rev. Zebulon Ely, for his Sermon, delivered at the Election on the 10th instant, and request a copy thereof that it may be printed.

A true copy of Record,
Examined by

Samuel Wyllys, Secretary.

AN ELECTION SERMON.

PSALM II. 10, 11, 12.

Be wise now therefore, O ye kings: be instructed ye judges of the earth. Serve the Lord with fear and rejoice with trembling. Kiss the Son, lest he be angry, and ye perish from the way, when his wrath is kindled but a little: blessed are all they that put their trust in him.

 

HAPPY for us who possess and acknowledge Divine revelation, the sacred volume contains a portion of instruction suited to every occasion. That now read, it is thought, will not be judged unsuitable to the present anniversary. Happy will the speaker be, if, in the view of its great author, he may be enabled to treat it with propriety. And happy will be the hearer who cordially receives the instruction.

The psalm evidently refers to the Messiah. It begins with a description of his treatment by the heathen, together with the vain imaginations of the people in general. It points out the opposition of kings and rulers, their impatience of the restraint the holy religion of Jesus would lay upon their lusts, with their vain and impious attempts to burst in sunder its sacred bands. It paints in lively colors the derision, in which, Jehovah, highly enthroned in heaven, would hold them, and his unalterable decree to uphold his Son as king of Zion. It declares the rich and glorious portion the Father had designed to bestow upon him, and the omnipotent sway he should maintain over his enemies.

The words of the text are then introduced. They contain an exhortation to kings and great ones of the earth, pointing out their duty with respect both to the Father and the Son, or with respect both to natural and revealed religion. They are exhorted to receive instruction from the Father of lights, to serve the Lord with fear, with sacred awe, with filial reverence of his adorable majesty; and to rejoice in their exalted stations if they do rejoice in them, with trembling, lest through unfaithfulness to their trust, they should fall into the pit.

They are exhorted to embrace the Son as altogether worthy their regard, but, under the slightest tokens of his displeasure, so mighty is his power, they perish from the way of duty and safety, of holiness and happiness in which they ought to walk.

All who repose confidence in him are then pronounced blessed, for he is able to save unto the uttermost.

The instruction contained in the passage may be summed up in the following observation, viz.

It is the wisdom and duty of kings, judges, and of all in authority among men, how exalted soever their stations may be, to serve the Lord and be the friends of Jesus.

It cannot be the design of the text to point it out as their wisdom and duty exclusively, for it is most manifestly the wisdom and duty of all. All men, of whatever rank, condition or station they may be, are bound to serve the Lord; and so soon as they have opportunity to become acquainted with the gospel, they are bound to embrace the Saviour. Since this is the wisdom and duty of all, so of course it must be the wisdom and duty of kings, &c. It seems to be enjoined on magistrates in the text because they had been particularly brought into view in the context, and because from their high stations, through that pride and folly natural to the human heart in its present corrupt state, they might be in danger of losing sight of their dependence and obligations and so of pleading an exemption from the Divine service. Other reasons for this exhortation may be mentioned in the sequel. Surely nothing but pride and folly can lead men so to mistake their standing, their true interest and happiness, since the most exalted, not only of earthly but of heavenly created potentates, must be entirely dependant on Jehovah and owe themselves wholly to their Maker. To plead an exemption from His service therefore is to lose sight of their dependence and obligation as creatures; and such is the nature of his service that to desire to be excused from it, is to prefer bondage to liberty. His faithful servants in all ages can testify that in keeping as well as for keeping, his commandments, there is a great reward.

In farther attending to the subject I shall endeavor, through Divine assistance, to shew what is implied in serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus; illustrate this to be the wisdom and duty of all in authority among men; and lastly inquire more particularly why this with similar exhortations in scripture is addressed to magistrates.

I. I am to shew what is implied in serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus.

I join these together because they are joined in the text, and because, under the light of the gospel, they are in their own nature, necessarily connected. Those who truly serve the Lord, living under the light of the gospel, cannot fail of being Christians. Natural and revealed religion are perfectly harmonious, so that a genuine subject of the former, cannot fail of embracing the latter. It is a deception to suppose that men may be good men, that they may be the willing and acceptable servants of the One living and true God, and at the same time reject the gospel. It is in vain to plead that although they cannot admit the evidence of Divine revelation, yet they may possess good hearts, and so perform their duty as to find acceptance with their Maker and Judge. It is a truth capable of rational demonstration, that “Whosoever denieth the Son, the same hath not the Father,” and “that no man speaking by the spirit of God calleth Jesus Accursed.” As the Son is the brightness of the Father’s glory, so revealed religion is perfectly consistent with natural religion, as far as the latter goes. It is hence manifest, that every good man, having the means of knowledge, must be a believer.

These things are not said to cast any personal reflections, or unnecessarily to give pain. Indeed it is charitably to be hoped that in this venerable assembly there is not an individual who would avow the character of an infidel. But should this be the case, as such may obtrude themselves among the sons of God, these things are said to prevent a deception into which they and others may be liable to fall. It is indeed extremely manifest, that whatever specious appearances of virtue, piety and benevolence such may be put one, they are but appearances; they can have no solid foundation.

These things being premised I proceed to shew what it is to serve the Lord and be the friends of Jesus. This implies

1. Supreme love to God.

Love is the fulfilling of the law, the substance of all genuine obedience. As Jehovah is infinitely the most amiable and glorious object in the universe, so it is most reasonable that he should require the heart, the whole heart. Jealous for the glory of his great name He cannot endure a rival. He must have the first place in the affections or he will have no place there. From a view of the perfect moral excellence of his character, or from a sense of the beauty of holiness, the heart must be conquered, the affections sweetly captivated and the desires of the soul go forth after God as the supreme good. The devout breathings of such an one, a magistrate too of the first eminence, are thus expressed, “Whom have I in heaven but thee, and there is none on earth I desire beside thee. As the hart panteth after the water brooks, so panteth my soul after thee O God. My soul thirsteth for God, for the living God; when shall I come and appear before God.”

When the heart, the fountain of all moral agency, is thus right with God; when it exercises sweet complacency in his holy character; his holy law, his righteous and perfect government; then obedience will follow of course. Then it will afford pleasure, it will be as meat and drink to keep the commandments of God. To the same purpose the apostle John observes, “This is the love of God that we keep his commandments, and his commandments are not grievous.” Love makes all service for the beloved object delightful. Hence arises the liberty of the children of God. Whatever service is pretended to be rendered to the Lord, so long as the heart is withholden and some idol is suffered to usurp his place, it is not that service which can be acceptable to Him who regardeth not the outward appearance, but looketh directly at the heart.

Suffer me just to observe that with this love, evangelical faith and repentance are necessarily connected.

2. That we make the Divine word the rule of our faith and practice.

Since God hath given us his word to this end, we cannot serve him unless we receive and treat it as a complete rule in these respects. In regard to those doctrines which are termed mysterious, they are to be received on the credit of Divine testimony as the highest evidence. To pretend to bring them to the bar of human reason, is to abuse reason; for there can be no plainer dictate of that noble faculty than this, that “God is greater than man”—that our wisdom is folly compared with his infinite understanding.

Besides, should not a revelation from heaven contain mysteries, unsearchable depths, it would not be analogous to the works of God.

The rules given us in scripture to regulate our practice, must surely be observed, or our service can never be acceptable. Those rules are most excellent, they are perfect. They point out our duty, or delineate that conduct which is beautiful and proper, in all relations and circumstances.

They point out our duty as men, as rational accountable creatures, which is summarily comprised in loving God with all our heart and our neighbor as ourselves.

They point out our duty as sinners in a state of probation, which summarily consists in repentance towards God and in faith towards our Lord Jesus Christ.

They point out our duty in all our natural, ecclesiastic and civil relations.

Our text in connection with the occasion, naturally leads us to pay some more particular attention to the last.

Be it then observed, and ever remembered, that the scriptures contain most excellent rules for kings, judges and all in authority among men; and for all their subjects. Surely there are none, however elevated their stations may be, who will disdain to receive instruction from the word of Divine wisdom; unless they are under the dominion of that pride which goes before destruction, and that haughty spirit which precedes a fall.

The advice which the prince and priest of Midian gave to his son-in-law the Jewish law-giver, respecting the choice of rulers, contains a general and excellent description of that character which they should be ever studious to maintain. They should be “able men such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness.” A weak or a wicked ruler is a great judgment on any people. “Woe to thee O land when thy king is a child.” If a ruler be not a man of ability he is liable to become the tool of a party, and of course to sink the dignity of his office. Or if he be willful and obstinate, too wise to be advised, from his precipitate and injudicious measures, great calamity must ensue. If he be a man who doth not fear God and reverence the adorable Immanuel, his measures in connection with the influence of his example, must be expected to operate as poison, diffusing their baneful effects through the community and extending from one generation to another. To demonstrate the truth of this observation by experience, I need only refer you to the instance of Jereboam the son of Nebat, who made Israel to sin. Leading the body of the people astray from the worship and service of Jehovah, the pernicious influence of his authority and example, is traced by the inspired penman through the reign of no less than twenty succeeding monarchs. It is extremely obvious that the example of men in high stations is calculated to have the most powerful influence. People in common, naturally look up to their rulers and feel themselves supported by high authority while they imbibe their sentiments and tread in their steps. A ruler who renounces his allegiance to the Supreme King takes the most effectual method to undermine his own authority and introduce disorder in his government. The fountain head of moral influence being thus poisoned, the streams must of course partake of the corrupt tincture.

That a ruler should be a man of truth must be indispensibly requisite to the dignity and usefulness of his high station. How debasing in such an one is prevarication! If his speeches and practice disagree, if he study ambiguity of expression and be guilty of duplicity, what confidence can be placed in him. How detestable is such unfair dealing in one whose words and conduct should all be marked with simple verity; to the end that he may not be misunderstood and that public faith may rest on a firm basis.

That a ruler should be a hater of covetousness is requisite to render him amiable and respectable, a public blessing instead of a scourge. If a covetous spirit have dominion over him, he will be insatiably grasping for himself and his dependants. He will be given to oppression and tyranny. His measures will tend to impoverish and not to enrich a people. But if he be a hater of covetousness, instead of self-aggrandisement and the emolument of a favorite few, his object will be to promote the true interest of the people at large; and every reasonable private sacrifice which he can consistently make to this end will be made by him with pleasure. Around such a ruler the world will smile, and people will rise up and call him blessed. How exquisitely beautiful is the description of such an amiable and dignified character by the pen of inspiration. “He that ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God. And he shall be as the light of the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear shining after rain.” Would you behold such a character in real life, look to Job that worthy prince of the east. “When I went out to the gate through the city, when I prepared my seat in the street; the young men saw me and hid themselves; and the aged arose and stood up. The princes refrained talking, and laid their hand on their mouth. When the ear heard me, then it blessed me; and when the eye saw me, it gave witness to me; because I delivered the poor that cried, and the fatherless, and him that had none to help him. The blessing of that was ready to perish came upon me; and I caused the widow’s heart to sing for joy. I put on righteousness and it clothed me; my judgment was as a robe and a diadem. I was eyes to the blind and feet was I to the lame. I was a father to the poor; and the cause which I knew not I searched out. And I brake the jaws of the wicked, and plucked the spoil out of his teeth.”

Would you behold another luminary of similar luster, look to Moses. How eminently, how faithfully and under circumstances most trying did he serve a numerous, but an ungrateful, rebellious people! How entirely was he devoted to their service, and how gloriously did a regard for their welfare, raise him above all private or party views! For all his laborious and eminent services, what compensation from them did he ever receive? Not that I would insinuate that a public officer should not be honorably rewarded, but these thoughts are suggested to display the noble spirit of a ruler who hates covetousness.

Should I bring the subject home to ourselves, to our own age and nation, might I not point you to that great American leader, who nobly refused any stipends, for his arduous, indefatigable labors; through a long, hazardous, bloody and successful conflict?

Again, good rulers are described by the apostle as not wearing the sword in vain, as a terror to evildoers and a praise to them that do well. Good rulers, by their authority and example, will awe and restrain the wicked, reward and encourage the righteous. When such men are in place, integrity is held in repute and the sacred rites of religion are respected. On the other hand, when bad men are exalted, the wicked walk on every side. Vice comes forth from its dark recesses—Impiety assumes a brazen front, and infidelity dares to blaspheme!

From these with many other descriptions and examples of worthy rulers in sacred writ, those who are exalted to high offices may find their duty most judiciously delineated. By consulting these they will perceive how they are to act their respective parts, so as to claim the honor and reward of faithful servants of the Most High.

Serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus implies,

3. That we make the glory of God and the good of mankind our supreme and ultimate end.

Acting as rational creatures, as moral agents, some object must be uppermost in our minds, take the lead in our affections, and govern our practice. This object must be either some private, partial good, or it must be the good of the community. By the latter is to be understood the same as the glory of God and the good of mankind. To make any private good our great object, or ultimate end, is to serve ourselves and not the Lord. It is to serve diverse lusts and vanities—It is to be in bondage to sin and Satan. The example of our Saviour and of his followers is directly the reverse. His spirit we must possess and his example we must imitate, or we never can make good our claim to the endearing and honorable character of his friends. Such was his zeal for the glory of God that it is said to consume him. Such were the riches of his good will to men, that for our sakes he became poor that we through his poverty might be rich. These objects combined induced him to leave the realms of glory, to assume our nature, and to go through such an astonishing scene of humiliation and suffering. His friends have each a portion of the same benevolent spirit, and to tread in his steps must ever constitute their felicity and glory.

Those who do thus, who give the all-glorious God their hearts, who make his word the rule of their faith and practice, his glory and the good of mankind their end, they are the servants of the living God, they are the friends of the Saviour. I am

II. To illustrate this to be the wisdom and duty of kings, judges and of all in authority among men, how exalted soever their stations.

To this end the following things may be observed.

1. They cannot possibly place their affections on an object more worthy.

Some objet or other must possess the throne of the heart, the first place in the affections. This object must either be the Creator or the creature. Between these, what an infinite disparity! What object, what creature on earth or in heaven, is worthy to be compared with Jehovah! Look to the Sun, that early and extensive object of idolatry, and it shineth not, compared with the glorious lustre of his character. It is but a beam of his glory. Look to the saints above and holy angels, perfect in his likeness—Truly, they are glorious, but what is their glory compared with His! What is a ray to the Sun!—a drop to the Ocean! Less are all the resplendent luminaries surrounding the throne above, compared with the Father of glory.

Would then the rulers and great ones of the earth shew themselves elevated in their minds as they are in their high stations, let them make it appear that their affections are supremely placed on that Being who is infinitely exalted above every other in the universe.

2. The wisest men and highest potentates on earth can have no better rule than the word of God.

However they may be distinguished by their abilities natural and acquired as well as by their exalted stations; if possessed of that wisdom which is from above, they will realize their need of divine teaching. This will qualify their dignity with the humble docile temper of little children. Candidly perusing the sacred scriptures, they will readily perceive that the system of Theology which they contain, is worthy of God—as much superior to the inventions of men as the heavens are above the earth. While the systems of the most learned heathen are evidently fraught with fable and folly, perusing the sacred oracles they will devoutly exclaim, “a God, a God appears!”

The system of Ethics contained in the scriptures will approve itself to their enlightened understandings as most excellent. The moral rules which they contain are indeed perfect. They point out the path of the most beautiful propriety and extensive usefulness in every condition of life. They shew us how to conduct so as to command respect, and insure happiness.

Hence rulers of every description, whether acting in a legislative, judiciary, or executive capacity, will do wisely to consult the sacred oracles. Enacting laws they will never lose sight of the Divine moral law, and as far as circumstances compare, be guided by the jurisprudence of Israel.

3. Can the greatest men act to a nobler end than the glory of God and the good of mankind?

Every intelligent and wise agent must propose to himself some end of action, nor will he be satisfied with an inferior end, when one more worthy presents itself. Kings and great ones of the earth, to support the dignity of their high stations, should surely act to the noblest end. This can be none other than the glory of God and the good of mankind. Setting up the general good as their great and ultimate object, disdaining to be governed by sinister ends, by selfish motives, they will have the honor and sublime satisfaction of acting in concert with all holy beings. Suffer me to observe.

4. Kings, judges and all in authority among men, however elevated their rank are accountable to God, under his government, subject to his laws. It must therefore be their wisdom and their duty to serve him. They are officers whom the Supreme Ruler, the King of kings, hath in his providence appointed as his subordinate gents, whom he hath called up to high stations, to move in enlarged spheres that they may be more extensively useful. The authority with which they are invested, together with the powerful influence of their example, constitute a great talent with which they are entrusted and for which they must render an account.

Men compared with men, creatures compared with creatures, may claim rank and precedence one of another to a high degree; but compared with the divine majesty, the most exalted must take their place at his foot-stool. And though there should be no power on earth to call them to an account, yet to Him they must be accountable for their every action. They must be strangely deluded by a subtle adversary and a deceitful heart, yea they must be foolishly intoxicated by the pride of life, to imagine the Divine laws are not as obligatory on them as on the meanest of their subjects.

5. By faithfully serving the Lord and being the friends of the blessed Jesus, they will taste the purest pleasure and enjoy the most exalted satisfaction this side of heaven.

Acting to the same end with the blessed God himself, He will make them drink of the river of his own pleasures. They will be little emblems on earth of the great benefactor above, and in a sense, gods among men. As the great benefactor above is continually doing good to countless millions, so they will be diffusing their benign influence through their respective spheres. Respected and beloved like our Washington of immortal memory, they will possess a treasure in the hearts of men of more value than thousands of gold and silver.

Compare the pleasures of wise and virtuous rulers with the pleasures of those who know not the Lord and will not serve him.

Those who are thus placed in exalted stations are generally supposed to have the good things the earth affords at their command. Supposing they have power which they gladly abuse, of consuming the choicest bounties of kind providence upon their lusts, riot and wanton in scenes of festivity and debauchery—Or supposing from their power to gratify the more malignant passions, such as avarice, ambition and revenge, they not only sacrifice the rights, the liberty, the property, the happiness and the lives of individuals and families, but lay whole province waste, desolate flourishing cities and spread devastation far and wide; what are their pleasures, sensual and infernal, compared with the pleasures of those in similar high stations, who fear God and keep his commandments? Who imitate the example of the Supreme Ruler in his government, doing all the good in their power, praising and rewarding those who do well, punishing the wicked, relieving the distressed, being fathers to the fatherless, and causing the widow’s heart to sing for joy? Possessing the benevolent spirit of Him who went about doing good and treading in his beautiful steps, having the confidence, respect and good will of the people, and beholding the happy fruits of their labors; how sweet must be their reflections! Verily, the difference in the enjoyment of these two opposite characters, the benevolent Christian Ruler and the haughty selfish, cruel despot, is like that between brutes and rational creatures. Or rather, between saints and sinners, holy angels and devils.

6. By faithfully serving the Lord and being the friends of Jesus, they will entitle themselves to an ample reward in the world to come.

They will be found among the distinguished, the happy few of the mighty and noble who are called. They will have the rare honor of being crowned in both worlds. They will share largely in the triumphant honors and joys of the last great day. Placed on the right hand of the King, they will have the unspeakable and glorious satisfaction of being thus addressed by Him, “Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world.” To each one will He say, “Well done good and faithful servant, thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things, enter thou into the joy of thy Lord.” Thus removed to higher spheres of usefulness, hey will shine s stars of eminent magnitude in the celestial firmament forever and ever.

III. Let us inquire more particularly why this with similar exhortations in scripture, is addressed to magistrates.

Why are they especially exhorted to serve the Lord and prove themselves friendly to the Saviour? Are their souls more precious than the souls of others, who sustain no such high and honorable office? This is hardly to be supposed. May not the reason be this? Are they not thus addressed by the inspired penman, on account of the regard they owe to their fellow creatures, to those more especially over whom and for whose benefit, they are called to exercise authority? The people are not made for magistrates, but magistrates for the people. It is a sentiment in which all the understanding and genuine friends of liberty will be agreed, that the civil ruler is vested with power, not to aggrandize himself, his own family, connections or party; but to promote the common weal, the good of those to whom his authority extends. For a ruler, how exalted and honorable soever the sphere may be in which he is called to move, to view the people as made for him, and to treat them with a view to self-emolument, is the very spirit of tyranny, ought to be carefully guarded against and eradicated if possible. The contrary sentiment is founded on the second great immutable branch of the Divine moral law, which requires every man to love his neighbor as himself. In conformity with this pure principle the civil ruler is bound to have as much more regard to the good of the community than to any private or partial good, as the former exceeds the latter in magnitude. Hence it is so highly incumbent on those clothed with authority to be good men. The higher the authority with which they are vested, the more important is it that they should be good, because they have so much more power to do good or hurt. The happiness of a people so much depends on a wise and righteous administration, that magistrates have motives to be good peculiar to themselves, and therefore are particularly addressed. For them to be irreligious and immoral is far more criminal than for other men, on whom, little, comparatively speaking, is depending. If they are good, the benefit is small, and if they are wicked, the evil is small, compared with what it is in the case of the ruler. The ruler moves in an extensive sphere, and wide is the spread of good or evil by him occasioned. The consideration of the following particulars may sufficiently illustrate this point.

1. Religious rulers will naturally care and consult for the good of the people. To hold that it is immaterial what the religious principles of a ruler are, or whether he have any or not, is preposterous. One might as well deny all connection between cause and effect through the whole moral world. Or one might as well say, that a man may be a very good man and at the same time a very bad man—that a man may be altogether contracted within himself or wrapt up in a party and at the same time prove as great a blessing to a people as though he were truly benevolent. If it be true that “all men will walk, everyone in the name of his god,” it must surely very materially affect the best interest of a people, whether a ruler be a votary of Jehovah the God of Israel, or of Bacchus, Venus or the Gallic goddess of reason.

Rulers who bear the image of that God whose moral character is all summed up in love, instead of plotting mischief on their beds and devising how they shall render the advantages of their stations subservient to their carnal ends; will be prayerfully exercising their thoughts how they shall magnify their respective offices by promoting the highest good of the community. This they will be disposed to do without noise and ostentation. They will have no occasion or disposition to amuse the people and cover sinister designs with the lullaby of liberty and equality. Conscious of their own integrity they will leave their actions to declare the real sentiments of their hearts, and willingly be judged by their fruits.

2. Religious rulers will enact good laws and execute justice impartially.

In enacting laws they will respect the constitution as the palladium of their rights. They will consult the sacred oracles as containing the fundamental principles of all good government. They will wisely consider the particular circumstances of the people, and they will look to the Father of lights for direction.

In the administration of justice they will be inflexible. They will respect no man’s person. They will disdain a bribe.

How vastly important it is for rulers to be wise and good men on these two accounts, a little consideration will shew. Unrighteous laws and an unfaithful administration of justice tend to unhinge all good order and throw everything into confusion.

3. Wise and good rulers will employ the force of their example for the good of the people. They will consider it as highly incumbent on them to walk in an exemplary manner, not merely for their own sake, but for the sake of the thousands, it may be, millions who are looking up to them. Being so conspicuously exalted, how vastly important must it be that their light should shine. The example of such dignified characters, operates on the common people as a fascinating charm. Since mankind are naturally corrupt, as they have a strong bias to evil, to irreligion and immorality, when their rulers set the example and take the lead in that way, their destruction, according to the usual course of things, is inevitable. If men placed on the eminence of authority who are supposed to have enlarged views, as they ought to have, are known to embrace sentiments unfriendly to the worship and service of Jehovah; it will have a most powerful tendency to leaven the whole lump, to propagate infidelity through the nation. If they indulge themselves in licentious habits, in scenes of intemperance and debauchery, what numbers emboldened by their example, will smoothly glide along the slippery paths of ruin, hardly suspecting themselves in danger.

On the other hand, if men in high stations are known to be the friends of religion, if they are ready to acknowledge God on all occasions, laying themselves low at his foot-stool, if they profess to believe in the scriptures as a revelation from heaven, a complete rule for our faith and practice; it will have a most powerful tendency to bring religion into repute, it will support and encourage its friends and advocates among all ranks, and it will lay powerful restraints on the wicked. On this account then is very great propriety in addressing the exhortation in the text to magistrates.

4. Such a government must meet the approbation and blessing of heaven.

On the character of such rulers, heaven will look down with a smile of complacency. Those who thus honor the God of heaven, the God of heaven will delight to honor. As it is the pleasure of the Supreme Ruler in all proper ways to manifest his love of righteousness and his hatred of iniquity, so he will delight to own and bless the people of such a government. For it is to remembered, as empires and nations as such exist only in this world, so if the high and holy One ever manifest his approbation or disapprobation of their ways, it must be done in the present state.

Let the dispensations of providence towards empires and nations in all ages of the world be examined with respect to this matter, and on that issue let the weight of the argument rest. If it doth not appear that they have generally been blessed or frowned upon according to the character of their rulers, if they have not been blessed when the government hath been friendly to religion and good morals, and in proportion as they have been thus friendly; and if they have not been frowned upon when it hath been otherwise, then this powerful motive for rulers to be good will readily be given up.

There is not time on this occasion to traverse the history of empires. To attempt it would be a trespass on the patience of this audience at large, and a disparagement of the information and good judgment of a number most highly respectable. Suffer me just to refer you to the history of that people recorded in sacred writ, with which a Christian assembly must be supposed to be best acquainted. When a wise and good king was placed on the throne of Israel, one who feared God and believed in the promised Messiah, did not things go well with them, did not the Lord appear to delight to shower down his blessings upon them? On the contrary, when an impious and immoral character was thus exalted, did not heaven frown, confusion and misery ensue?

It hence appears that good rulers are the great medium through whom God conveys his blessings to a people, and that wicked rulers are the rods of his anger, the staff of his indignation. If then the favor of heaven be important to a people, it is of importance that they have good rulers. If a people can be guilty of the amazing stupidity, folly and madness of setting up a government independent of Jehovah (as indeed we have seen in our day) then let them if they please appoint rulers who neither fear God nor regard man. But let them not be surprised when the consequences overtake them, consequences which mock all description—terrible as a storm of vengeance from heaven.

In the review of our subject we cannot but felicitate ourselves, that hitherto since the first settlement of our state, we have been so generally blessed with wise Christian rulers. Our governors, counselors, representatives, judges and those elevated to high stations, have generally professed themselves the disciples of the blessed Jesus. And to the glory of God and the good of mankind they have made it appear that their profession was not an empty name. Firmly believing all scripture to be given by inspiration of God, and to be profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness; they have embraced its mysterious and glorious doctrines, not being ashamed of the cross of Christ: and they have had respect to its sacred and perfect rules of practice. From supreme regard to the glory of the Divine lawgiver and the good of the people, they have viewed it their duty to enjoin the religious observance of the Lord’s day, and to make provision for the support of gospel worship and order. They have been convinced to use the words of revered authority, that “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure; reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.”

Under rulers convinced of the truth of these sage maxims, we have been peculiarly happy, and of this happiness under God we must view them as the prime instruments. In their laws they have respected the Divine law, in their lives, the Divine rule, and powerful has been the force of their example. It is devoutly to be wished we may ever continue to have such rulers. Our salvation indeed depends upon it. Should men of contrary principles, men who fear not God and contemn the gospel of his son, gain the ascendancy in our public affairs and fill the various departments of state; the great pillars of human happiness being removed, a wide spreading ruin must be expected to ensue, a ruin which in addition to all its temporal calamities, with respect to millions of individuals, must extend to the remotest ages of the world to come.

To guard against such evil and to lengthen out our tranquility as far as possible, let all who have the right of suffrage, make a wise use of that inestimable privilege. Let us be guarded against a spirit of party, cabal and intrigue, of pride and ambition, remembering that modesty is ever attached to merit, and that those best qualified for office, are to be sought out instead of thrusting themselves forward. It is well known to have been a trait in the political character of the people of New-England, that for a man to manifest a strong desire for office and to put himself forward as a candidate, has had a direct and powerful tendency to defeat his purpose and sink him in the estimation of the public. It is painful to notice the danger we are in of losing this distinguishing, this honorable political trait. It is in the power of the freemen, by maintaining the unbiased freedom of their suffrages, and by exercising that right with discretion, to prolong its preservation. And surely it behoveth those who call themselves Christians and hope to obtain the approbation of the supreme Judge in the great day, seriously to consider, how they can act in character and maintain their loyalty to the King of kings, in promoting those who are destitute of the requisite qualifications of good rulers as pointed out in the scriptures.

Those who fill the most honorable stations will suffer the word of exhortation from the royal preacher and sweet psalmist of Israel. It is a king and one of the most excellent of kings who, in the text, addresses kings and others in high stations. And this he doth, not in his own name, but in the name, by the authority of the King of kings. The substance of his exhortation is that they serve the Lord and be the friends of Jesus. Ever keeping this in view, they will act in character, adorn the high stations they fill, and diffuse blessings on the world around them, in proportion to their respective abilities and the enlarged spheres in which they move.

While our highly respected political fathers and beloved Christian brethren thus magnify their offices, those of us who have the honor to serve at the altar, will not cease to pray for them, and in the stations in which we are placed, we will stand as sentinels for their good and for the good of the public. Thus co-operating like Moses and Aaron, may we not confidently hope that our American Israel will present a brazen front to her enemies, supported by the mighty God of Jacob.

Do I engage too much on your behalf my reverend fathers and brethren? It is evident I do not. The part you acted in the late great revolution, and the character you have uniformly supported, warrant the assertion. Our sacred rule teaches us to obey magistrates, to render to Ceasar the things that are Caesar’s, and where it is rightly understood and duly observed, it never fails to make good faithful subjects. With rulers, such as have been described our hearts are united. Our views and our endeavors, however the subtlety of the serpent by his agents, may seek to divide us, are generally the same. We wish, by all proper means, to promote the glory of God and the best interest of mankind. While they are called more immediately to consult and act for the secular temporal interest of the people, we have their spiritual immortal concerns directly in view. While we cannot but disapprove an heterogeneous mixture of civil and ecclesiastical power, and condemn the policy which makes religion a state engine for the purpose of subjugation; we approve the idea which makes civil government an handmaid to religion, and cannot but account it a favorable omen, when kings become nursing fathers and queens nursing mothers to the church. A sweet and harmonious union of church and state to promote the general good, must meet the full approbation of heaven. May we, my reverend fathers and brethren, ever act in character, so as to have the entire confidence and powerful aid of all wise and good rulers. May we be enabled to act our part worthily in this day of trial. And may we be quickened by the late repeated and solemn admonitions of God’s holy providence in the removal of one and another of our fathers and brethren in the ministry, whose praise is in the churches. While we deplore the loss of four in this and one in a neighboring state since our last anniversary, let us endeavor to realize that we must soon follow. Let a weighty sense of the high responsibility of our holy office duly affect us; and God of his infinite mercy grant, that we may be prepared to give up our accounts with joy and not with grief.

Beloved citizens, of the commonwealth, we will not yet despair. We will fondly hope that the gracious Providence which hath brought us hitherto and wrought such wonders for us, will still continue to watch over and protect us. He who saith to the proud waves, hitherto shall ye come and no farther, is able to restrain the wrath of man. He who overthrew Korah and his company, is able as suddenly to check their successors. The time will at length come, and there is reason to apprehend it is not far distant, when Jannes and Jambres shall proceed no further.

But whatever, dear Christian brethren, may be the fate of our state and nation, of this one thing we rest assured, that as Christ lives the church shall live also. Consequently with all who sere the Lord and prove themselves the friends of Jesus, we know it will be well. With them it will be well when the empires of this world shall crumble to ruins, and be blown away like chaff before the wind! With them it will be well when the earth shall be dissolved and the elements melt with fervent heat! With them it will be well when time shall be no more.

Finally, with them it will be well while the smoke of the torment of the wicked shall ascend up for ever and ever. Amen.

Sermon – Thanksgiving – 1803 Connecticut


Evan Johns (1763-1849) was born in Wales and emigrated to the United States in 1801. He was selected as the pastor of the First Congregational Church of Berlin, CT in 1802 and served until 1811. He became pastor of the Congregational Church of Canandaigua, NY in 1817.


sermon-thanksgiving-1803-connecticut

The Happiness of American ChristiansA
THANKSGIVING
SERMON,
PREACHED
On Thursday the 24th of November 1803.
By Evan Johns
Pastor of a church in Berlin.

 

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity religion and morality are indispensible supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens.

Washington
A THANKSGIVING SERMON
Happy is that people that is in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord Psalm CXLIV. 15.

 

“Through the good hand of our God upon us we are, once more, assembled to contemplate the various benefits, conferred upon us by divine providence; to cultivate sentiments of gratitude, and to present, to our liberal Benefactor, that homage, of which he is worthy. An exercise this, at once, rational and delightful; an exercise which, if we engage in it heartily, cannot fail to promote our happiness; since the feelings of gratitude are, in themselves, pleasant, and at the same time a source of contentment. Should we properly discharge the duty now before us, we shall, not only act the part of Christians, but also, become more respectable as citizens; and lay a foundation for that harmony, without which, the highest external privileges will never secure even our temporal happiness. To have the mind ever attentive to existing evils, and forgetful of actual good, while it involves the basest ingratitude to God, is to furnish ground for the most serious disunion. It is to keep alive those embers which when supplied with but a moderate quantity of fuel, never fail to break out into a devouring conflagration.

Permit the preacher, then, to act in character as a minister of the Prince of peace. Surely, no one on the present occasion will charge him with going out of his province, though he should advert to some topics of a political nature – topics not adapted to foment a factious spirit; to gratify or chagrin a party, as such; but to promote that complacency of soul, essential to self enjoyment. “Happy is that people, that is in such a case; yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.”

Happily for us, the subject matter to which the text naturally leads us, is applicable to the United States at this time; but particularly so, to the State in which we live.

In the first place we have “no breaking in:” we are not annoyed by foreign invasion.

Many of my hearers know, by experience, by what a sore evil it is for a people to have their country the seat of war. They, who have been active in a state of warfare, can never forget the SCENES, which it presents, and the EFFECTS, of which it is productive. They must remember the pangs of distress, mutually experienced when they were separated from their friends, uncertain whether they should, ever, meet again. They can easily recollect the feelings they had at the moment of departure from the domestic roof – feelings, which must have been painful, though their breasts should have been animated, in the highest degree, by patriotism. They will call to mind, how they felt, when about to face a formidable enemy on the field of Battle; as well as when engaged in the work of Death: – the scenes of carnage which their eyes beheld; and the groans, which, notwithstanding the thunder of War, pierced their ears : – the fatigue they experienced, even when Victory was perched on their banners; but more particularly, the evils attendant on a hasty retreat before a pursuing Enemy: – how trying it is, in such circumstances, to encounter the inclemencies of the weather; and to experience the attacks of wasting Disease.

The bad EFFECTS which a state of war produces on morals must be fresh in their recollection, now the business of education was neglected, the Sabbath, in many instances, a time of hurry and bustle, the House of God, in a measure, deserted, and violence practiced by wicked individuals, glad to throw off the restrains of the civil Law. They must know that, an Army, tho’ under the strictest discipline, is a School of irreligion, where habits of licentiousness are acquired; where he who was a libertine in secret, throws off the mask, and becomes the open Advocate of principles baneful to the happiness of Man. They must know that, habits principled people, who have opportunities to gratify their avarice at the expense of the Public: – habits which, long afterwards, continue to prey on the Community. To paint all the evils of War is not practicable. They are numberless. War is one of the greatest scourges with which Heaven, in its wrath, punishes a people. But, with this sore judgment, we are not visited. Our Territory remains in peace at this very remarkable period, when a great part of what is called the civilized World, suffers the Horrors of War, of which the flames after having been suppressed for a very short season, soon bursting forth with increased violence.

How thankful ought we to be to Divine Providence for casting our lot in a Country separated, by a wide Ocean from the European World; and, consequently, exempt from the danger, to which otherwise, we should have been exposed! May the people of the United States, ever, make a wise use of their advantageous situation. May they never permit European transactions to foment among them a Spirit, in the least degree, favoring of Faction. Let us carefully avoid even the Language to which civil animosities have given rise in a remote quarter of the world. Be it our study to frown on those, who would introduce, into our happy Land, that Spirit which has spread such desolation in distant parts. Keep your eye fixed on the welfare of your country; and never suffer yourselves to be agitated by designing men, to whatever Party they belong.

It is natural to presume that, Parents will cheerfully follow the line of conduct marked out; since, in a state of peace only, “their Sons will be as plants grown up in their youth,” not liable to be cut down by the sword of Violence, before they attain the maturity of Manhood. In a state of peace only, not amidst the tumults of War can their “Daughters be as cornerstones, polished after the similitude for a Palace;” well educated, so as to have their Manners correct; brought up under the influence of Religion so as to have their Morals untainted by Vice. Young People, surely, will be advocates for the doctrine, here inculcated; because, in the absence of War only, can they enjoy the charms of mutual society and, advantageously, form the most important connection in life. The Husbandman will, readily, approve of what is recommended; since, by the continuance of Peace only, can he, with any certainty, expect to avail himself of his “strong oxen to labor” for his advantage, that, his “Garners may be full, affording all manner of store.”

Such being the happy state of our Country, let me, again, call on you to present to Heaven the Incense of gratitude.

Our Country is happy in another respect. “There is no breaking in,” – no invasion of Liberty and Property.

Fully represented, by persons of your own choice, deputed for a short period, at the expiration of which they return to the mass of people. You have every security against the enacting of laws prejudicial to your interest. Under such a Constitution of things your Liberty cannot be invaded. It stands on the firm basis of a purely representative Government. Nor is there any danger of your Laws being improperly administered; since your Executive and your Magistrates are, annually, reappointed by yourselves, or your Representatives; and therefore, must feel themselves habitually, responsible to the Public for their official conduct. Any misconduct in their Office would be their undoing. To continue in Office, by reappointment, those who have been faithful in the discharge of their duty is a wise maxim, which, by prescription, is, in a manner, become the Law of the State. By observing that Rule, the most effectual means are taken to join the advantage of the experience with that of talent’ and to preclude the uncertainty which must arise from a frequent succession in such Offices. Surely, more dependence can be, rationally, placed on those, whose skill and integrity have been tried, than on others, of whose ability and uprightness you have had no experimental proof. This mode of acting, also, while it makes the Officers, in question, sensible of their responsibility, gives them a manly independence, in the discharge of their duty; assured that while they behave well they shall not be supplanted by intriguing Place-seekers.

Thus, it appears that, your liberty, political and personal, in secure; shielded by a full representation in the Legislature, and an equal administration of the laws. As evident is it that your Property is safe. It cannot be taken from you without your consent, either in your own persons, or in the act of your Representatives. What a striking contrast between your situation and that of those Countries where the reverse of all this obtains: where the Enjoyment of the most important rights depends on an arbitrary act of the will!

Your only danger is from YOURSELVES. As long as you cultivate Virtue and acquire the knowledge competent to the proper management of your affairs, you are safe. But should you lay aside all respect for the Institutions of you Forefathers; – should you cease to watch over the education of youth; – should you give yourselves up to gambling, idleness, and dissipation; – should you lend a credulous ear to designing Demagogues, – to men professing great concern for the people, while eagerly pursuing their own advantage only’ your Ruin will be the speedy and certain consequence. Such Conduct as this is the Rock on whish Republican Governments, of former ages, have made shipwreck.  Information and Virtue alone can preserve you. Let every individual act, as if the future state of his Country, and the happiness of posterity, depended on himself alone.

Let us proceed to consider a third particular in which our Country is eminently happy. There is “no going out:” none are banished or harassed into voluntary Exile.

The experience of our Forefathers, by whom this Country was first settled, in this respect, differed widely from ours. To enjoy, in security and without molestation, the most sacred rights, they were obliged to leave their native land, – to immigrate to this western world, then a savage wilderness. With the difficulties they had to surmount, and the hardships they were obliged to endure, you cannot be unacquainted. You need not be told of the dangers which met them at every step of their progress in this Country, presenting nothing but the wilds of nature, where all was gloomy and frightful. “The forests were dark and tangled; the meadows were overgrown with rank weeds; and the brooks strayed without a determined channel.” In the meantime cruel Savages, ever hostile to strangers, roamed through the Territory and claimed it as their own. Even, within the memory of some persons now living, such was the state of things in the district where we reside. To settle here was deemed a most formidable undertaking, by those, who lived but a few miles distant. But the scene is now changed. The wilderness is become a fruitful field; and you are surrounded, not with the necessaries of life only, but also with many of the elegant accommodations so important to the happiness of civilized man. Population rapidly increases, and every possible encouragement is given to the exertions of Industry. Hence, the hand of the diligent cannot fail to make him rich, if he be prudent and temperate. Thus, while, to the present hour, in other parts of the world, many are obliged to turn their backs on their native spot, you have it in your power to live in ease and security, within your Township. In the recollection of what were the circumstances of you Forefathers, may we not say to you, “other men labored, and ye are entered into their labors?” Let me repeat it: to make you as comfortable in your circumstances as is desirable for mankind, nothing is necessary but good Conduct on your part. Shall we survey the good which we enjoy and not acknowledge the hand which bestows it? Shall we not, rather, make the Language of the devout Psalmist our own?

“Thou hast brought a Vine out of Egypt; thou hast cast out the Heathen and planted it; thou preparedst room before it; and didst cause it to take root and it filled the land. The hills were covered with the shadow of it; and the boughs thereof were like the goodly Cedars. She sent out her boughs unto the sea, and her branches unto the river.” From the Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi and the Western waters, of what a Territory are American Citizens the absolute lords!

If any persons, among you leave the district which gave them birth; it is not because they are harassed at home, but because the most extraordinary encouragement is held forth to their industry elsewhere; or because, in those parts, which, as yet, have a very defective population, they can acquire possession of land upon very easy terms. To a person, who has witnessed the evils which sorely oppress a large portion of the human race in the Old world, a scene like this in the New, must, if he have a spark of benevolence, afford the most genuine pleasure.

Permit the preacher to lead you to the contemplation of a fourth circumstance which marks you happy state. “There is no complaining in your Streets:” there is no perversion of Public Justice, – no invasion of the rights of conscience.

Are not your equitable laws righteously administered? Are not your “Judges as at the first and your Counselors as at the beginning”? Yes, your laws are accurately defined by men of integrity and professional talents; and points, in contest, are referred for decision to your Peers, – Jurors chosen impartially from yourselves. Thus provision is made, on the one hand, for the conviction and punishment of the guilty criminal; and, on the other, for the acquittal of the innocent: a provision of such long experience has proved the salutary effects. No one can suffer in his person, his property, or his reputation, through the capricious or interested decision of a Despot. Nor can I overlook the comparatively small Expense with which justice is administered; so that, the poor, as well as the rich, may obtain their rights. Would God that, through human depravity, this circumstance were never an encouragement to commence vexatious and unnecessary Law-suits! The character of man, however, must be entirely changed; so as to render the existence of law unnecessary, before this can be rationally expected.

As for the rights of conscience among you, they cannot with truth be said to be violated. Is not every one at full liberty, in the manner which he prefers to worship God? You have no exclusive establishment. You have no religious articles drawn up in scholastic language imposed on you by human authority. The Magistrate does not sentence you to everlasting damnation, if you refuse to subscribe to his religious Creed. You are not subjected to civil disabilities for Nonconformity to a mode of worship. Any peculiarity of religious opinion does not lower you in the estimation of a majority of your fellow Citizens, provided your manners be inoffensive, and your morals pure. Avery slight acquaintance with those Countries, where exclusive Religious Establishments have long obtained, would convince you, that the reverse of all this is there experienced. Under a genuine Religious Establishment, though you should contribute liberally towards the support of religion in the manner approved by your Conscience, you would be compelled to pay one tenth part of your whole produce, to maintain the form of religious worship preferred by the Chief Magistrate. There, permission to worship God without violating your Conscience, you would find regarded as a mighty favor. And though you should happen to approve of the established mode of divine worship, you would have no influence whatever in the choice of your religious instructor. Though his talents were of the meanest kind, his learning contemptible, his doctrine no better than pagan Morality, his habits indolent, and his morals vile; you would be compelled to contribute a tenth of your produce towards his support, during the term of his natural life. This is the nature of Religious Establishments. I am, thus, particular, because I would not have you err so grossly as to apply the phrase religious establishment to a state of things to which it is not at all applicable.

“Happy is that people whose God is the Lord:” happy is that people among whom legal support is given to Christian instruction; or whose Legislature give patronage to the Gospel.

To many persons, I am aware, the existing law, in regard to religion, is very obnoxious. If any such be present, they are requested to hear, with candor, what the preacher is about to advance on this branch of his subject. Will it not be granted, that, Christianity is favorable to the temporal happiness of mankind? I presume that, none will contest this, but such men as are, at once, “wicked and unreasonable.” All who have but a moderate acquaintance with the New Testament, the love, meekness, forbearance, and gentleness there inculcated; the temperance, the equity the benevolence and the probity it enjoins; the powerful motives by which its lessons are enforced, motives the best adapted to sway the human heart; will readily acknowledge that, the Gospel of the Prince of peace is the most powerful engine which can be employed to promote the happiness of man in this world; even on the supposition (if it can be made for a moment) there were not future state of retribution.

But not to enlarge on this topic, let us appeal to fact, and facts are stubborn things. Is it not true, that, where Christianity has existed in any degree of purity, for a length of time, it meliorates the character of THOSE, who have no true religion? What has introduced that urbanity of manners, peculiar to modern Christendom? What gave rise to the striking contrast between the civilized part of the world now, and the most renowned nations of antiquity, in the article of POLITENESS? I boldly aver it is Christianity. It is not a notorious fact, that, when it was fashionable in France to exclaim against all Religion, there were seen not only the triumph of Licentiousness, but a visible degeneracy in the Manners of the people: – that, they, for a time divested themselves of the politeness, which used to distinguish them as a nation; and became, in the same proportion slovenly in their dress? To prove the truth of the same position, permit me to call your attention to a striking fact, notice by Sir George Staunton in his account of Lord Macartney’s Embassy to China; a country where Christianity never prevailed. At a certain place, He informs us, where an immense concourse of people eagerly pressed to see the English strangers passing along the road, many had stationed themselves on the Barges navigating the Canals. There, a man, unfortunately, fell into the water; and was seen in a drowning state, while his hat floated on the surface. But the Bystanders were not disposed to rescue him, while greedy to secure the hat. Would the least improved class of people in these States or in England; would an American or British sailor though habitually drunken and profane, have acted thus? No. He would have instantly lunged into the water to relieve the distressed. Upon what principle can we, rationally, account for this difference of character, if not on that of the remote or indirect influence of Christianity?

It is remarkable that, poor people, when under the influence of Religion, exhibit a neatness and cleanliness in their person and habitations, to be, in vain, looked for among the irreligious in the same circumstances. This is so evidently the case that four medical Gentlemen, at Norwich in England, not remarkable for their Christian zeal, declared, in the social circle, that they instantly knew whether a family were religious, on their entrance into a Patient’s apartment. Religion, they said, where it existed, infallibly indicated itself by the exercise of foresight, and a certain comfortable appearance not to be seen elsewhere. Are not my hearers ready to testify that, their observations are to the amount? – that, those who pay a steady regard to the institutions of Religion appear in their persons and houses, to much greater advantage, than those who neglect religious duties?

We ought, also, to remember that law is but a feeble barrier against iniquity of every kind, if not supported by the influence of Religion upon Conscience. Let those determine on this point, who have visited certain parts of the United State, where Religion is very feeble or very limited, in its effects; or rather where its influence has never been felt. They will confirm every observation of the Preacher.

I could mention to you examples of Parishes in this State, where the people have been obliged to borrow money, when inattentive to religious order; but, in their turn, have been able to advance loans, after a steady attendance on the Institutions of the Gospel. Christianity, then, powerfully tends to the temporal happiness of man.

That the rights of Conscience are not infringed by any law of this state, as already, appeared. But, here, let me advert to a principle which no one will be hardy enough to controvert.  IT IS A DUTY INCUMBENT ON THE CIVIL LEGISLATURE TO EMPLOY ALL MEANS APARENTLY ADAPTED TO ENSURE PUBLIC ORDER AND PRIVATE SECURITY. On this immovable foundation stand your School-laws. And those persons, whose care the Welfare of the State is committed, have a right to consider our places of worship in the same point of view: Schools where lessons of morality are given without which the Community cannot prosper. What is man, come to mature years, but a grown up Child? The hackneyed argument employed against the institutions of our Forefathers, if it prove anything, proves too much; that is, it proves nothing. It would annihilate all the provision made for the education of our Children, consign us to a state of general barbarism, and, soon, make us bow the neck, ingloriously, to the yoke of Despotism. A state of ignorance and licentiousness would, in a very short time, convert the plausible, fawning Demagogue into an oppressive and cruel Tyrant. Hence, the friends of our religious Institutions are the most powerful supporters of liberty; and the persons, who would abolish the laws in question, whether they know it are not, are the enemies of their Country; and, were they to prevail, would prove the Pioneers of Despotism. Shall we not, therefore, most cordially comply with what the Proclamation recommends by praising God “for the moral and social Institutions wisely adopted by our venerable Forefathers; and that their influence continues to operate in a valuable degree”?

“Happy is that people whose God is the Lord”

The things already asserted to are so many realities; but realities which pertain to this world only. In the meantime, we are bound for ETERNITY. Far be it from us, therefore, to view religion in no other light, than as a source of present advantage. You may be so trained up, and have such habits established, as to be respectable as Citizens, while destitute of the grace of God. You may be under effectual Restraints, through a Christian education, so as to be preserved, at least, from flagrant misdeeds; while the heart remains unchanged, and you continue at enmity with God; in a true state of variance with that Being into whose hands it is a fearful thing to fall. The observance of the best order, in this life, will not fit you for Heaven; those regions whither purity alone shall enter.

The Lord cannot be said to be your God in the most important sense, compared with which, all other considerations are as the small dust on the Balance unless your hearts are the temples of the Divine Spirit. All your advantages will not avail you, if destitute of faith in Christ, operating effectually within you, as a living principle, in the mortification of sin, and in the cultivation of that temper which distinguishes the Christian. Without this, though you should be exalted to heaven, like Capernaum, you shall be brought down to Hell: without this, it will be more tolerable for Tyre and Sidon in the day of Judgment than for you: without this, your residence in this favored country will occasion a dreadful increase in misery in the End. This is the most important concern; and we are constrained to address you in the plainest language, and in the most solemn tone. Woe unto the Minister who flatters his people.

But there are those among you, whose God is the Lord in the most important sense; – on whose hearts the divine law is written by the finger of the Holy Spirit; and with whom God has made an everlasting covenant well ordered in all things and sure. Happy the persons who are in such a state. They have acquired the knowledge which is the most useful, the most necessary, and the most noble. They are rescued from then most alarming situation; and there is no longer “a dreadful sound in their ears.” They are raised from the most degraded state of bondage, and have had conferred upon them liberty of the most glorious kind. They are partakers of a truly solid peace: their minds are animated by the most glorious hope, – the most exalted expectation. They have a certain promise of unerring guidance on the most important occasions. Through the medium of the divine word and ordinances; by prayer and meditation; and in the contemplation of nature; they have intercourse with God.

“They feel his name their inmost thoughts control,
And breathe an awful stillness through the Soul.
They read his name emblazon’d high
With golden letters on th’ illumin’d sky.
Nor less the mystic characters they see
Wrought on each flower, inscribed on every tree.
In every leaf that trembles to the breeze,
They hear the voice of God among the trees.
With him in shady solitudes they walk;
With him in busy crowded cities talk.”

To them adversity itself proves advantageous; – Death has no terror, but opens an avenue to immortality. For them is reserved the most glorious inheritance, of which the human imagination cannot form an adequate conception. “Happy is the people that is in such a Case.”

Let me ask you whether this be your condition? Have you no evidence of it? And are you, nevertheless, easy about the great concert? Is it possible? Yes: you are, habitually, secure; though conscience, at times, denounce against you, beforehand, the judgment which will overwhelm the Workers of iniquity. “What meanest thou O sleeper? Arise and call upon thy God.” Then, should your life be spared another year, twelve months hence, you will have an additional subject for praise and thanksgiving: – that, you have been visited with spiritual day; that, though lost you are found, though dead, you are alive again. Then shall you enjoy the bounty of providence with double relish. Otherwise , your “table will become a snare to you; and that, which should have been for your welfare, a trap.”

Sermon – Artillery Election – 1803

Jedidiah Morse (1761-1826) Biography:

Born in New Haven, Connecticut, Morse graduated from Yale in 1783. He began the study of theology, and in 1786 when he was ordained as a minister, he moved to Midway, Georgia, spending a year there. He then returned to New Haven, filling the pulpit in various churches. In 1789, he took the pastorate of a church in Charlestown, Massachusetts, where he served until 1820. Throughout his life, Morse worked tirelessly to fight Unitarianism in the church and to help keep Christian doctrine orthodox. To this end, he helped organize Andover Theological Seminary as well as the Park Street Church of Boston, and was an editor for the Panopolist (later renamed The Missionary Herald), which was created to defend orthodoxy in New England. In 1795, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity by the University of Edinburgh. Over the course of his pastoral career, twenty-five of his sermons were printed and received wide distribution.

Morse also held a lifelong interest in education. In fact, shortly after his graduation in 1783, he started a school for young ladies. As an avid student of geography, he published America’s very first geography textbook, becoming known as the “Father of American Geography,” and he also published an historical work on the American Revolution. He was part of the Massachusetts Historical Society and a member in numerous other literary and scientific societies.

Morse also had a keen interest in the condition of Native Americans, and in 1820, US Secretary of War John C. Calhoun appointed him to investigate Native tribes in an effort to help improve their circumstances (his findings were published in 1822). His son was Samuel F. B. Morse, who invented the telegraph and developed the Morse Code.


sermon-artillery-election-1803

A

SERMON

DELIVERED BEFORE

THE

ANCIENT & HONOURABLE ARTILLERY COMPANY,

In Boston, June 6, 1803,

BEING THE

ANNIVERSARY

OF THEIR

ELECTION OF OFFICERS.

By JEDIDIAH MORSE, D. D.
Minister of the Congregational Church in Charlestown.

“Ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls.”
The Prophet Jeremiah.

 

ARTILLERY SERMON.

PSALM LXXVII, 5.

I have considered the days of old, the years of ancient times.

JEHOVAH in governing that universe, which he has created, is uniform in all the operations of his administration. His throne is established in righteousness. All his ways are just and equal. With him there is no variableness, neither shadow of turning. What has happened in former ages, will happen again under similar circumstances. Like causes invariably produce like effects. For these reasons wise men will ever highly value and diligently consult faithful history. It is a mirror, in which nations and smaller communities, acquainted with their own civil and religious state and character, may perceive, what they have to hope or to fear from the righteous Governor and Judge of the world. From it they may learn, what causes have conduced to exalt nations to the favor and protection of God; and what character and conduct of a people have exposed them to his displeasure, and operated their final destruction. It will therefore be our wisdom with the psalmist, to “consider the days of old, the years of ancient times.” In particular it is our duty to examine the history of our own nation, to trace effects, which fall under our notice, to their legitimate causes, and to profit by the wisdom and experience of our sage and pious ancestors.

From the candor of this respectable audience I will hope that I shall not be considered, as deficient in respect for the remaining portion of the United States, or as intending to make any invidious distinction, if in this occasional discourse I confine my observations chiefly to New England. The history of this division of the United States, which is probably better known from its earliest settlement than that of any other portion of the globe, is marked with some peculiar facts and circumstances, recurrence to which may not be deemed unsuitable to this anniversary.

The settlement of New England was a regular, though remote effect of the grand Protestant Reformation. This purifying fire, kindled first in Germany about the year 1517 by the instrumentality of Luther and Melancton, soon spread through Switzerland and Geneva under the direction of Zuinglius and Calvin; and afterward, in the reign of Henry the 8th, under the preaching of Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, and the famous John Knox, pervaded the native country of our venerable ancestors. 1

Of those in England, who appeared in favor of the Reformation, many, constrained by the torrent against popery to disguise their real opinions, were in heart papists, and retained the ‘old leaven.’ Others, influenced by political views, heartily joined in casting off the papal yoke, but were unwilling to relinquish the rites and ceremonies of the Romish worship. Some from a mistaken and timid policy advocated a gradual reform in hope, that by tolerating some things, which they disapproved, prejudices would be removed, and proselytes to the Reformation be multiplied. This accommodating policy to reconcile Christ and Belial, truth and error, has ever, when practiced, produced most pernicious effects both in church and state. There was still another class of the reformed, who, possessing more honesty, discernment, Christian zeal, and independence, boldly appealed to “the law and to the testimony,” and the only standard of religious truth. They openly renounced all the dogmas of popery, and all human impositions, asserted liberty of conscience in matters of faith, were enemies to ecclesiastical tyranny, to the splendor and magnificence of the Romish worship, and strenuous advocates of Scripture purity and simplicity, and hence acquired for themselves the distinctive name of Puritans. From these heroic disciples of Christ our ancestors descended; and they were worthy of their descent. They were men indeed of like passions with others; they had their imperfections, and they partook in a degree of the errors and delusions, peculiar to the times and circumstances, in which they lived. But these were only as spots in the sun; so resplendent were their virtues, that their blemishes are scarcely visible but to the telescopic eye of modern philosophism.

At the period, when the settlement of New England commenced, the parent country was in an advanced stage of improvement. The darkness and ignorance of popery had in a good degree been dissipated by the light of the Reformation, and the useful sciences began to be cultivated with success. It was at the same time in such a state of agitation from religious intolerance and persecution, as was calculated to force into exile the most wholesome members of the community. Accordingly the first settlers of New England were among the best and most enlightened people of the age, in which they lived. In servant Christian piety, independence of soul, and boldness of enterprise; in firmness to encounter danger, in patience to endure trials and hardships most severe, in wisdom to devise, and ability, energy, and perseverance to execute plans for the honor, safety, and lasting happiness of their posterity, they have been exceeded by no body of people in any age of the world. It is but justice to class the mothers with the fathers of New England. Each in their station equally excelled, and have an equal claim to the veneration and esteem of their posterity.

In evidence of the truth of this high character of our ancestors I adduce the testimony of that great and good man Mr. W. Stoughton, first a preacher and afterward promoted to the command of the Province of Massachusetts. He was cotemporary with these worthies, and declared, what he knew from personal observation. In his Election Sermon of 1668 he says, “As for extraction and descent, if we be considered, as a posterity, to what parents and predecessors, may we the most of us look back? As to New England, what glorious things might here be spoken unto the praise of free grace, and to justify the Lord’s expectations upon this ground? Oh what were the open professions of the Lord’s people, that first entered this wilderness? How did our fathers entertain the Gospel, and all the pure institutions thereof, and those liberties, which they brought over? What was their pitch of brotherly love, of their zeal for God and his ways, and against ways destructive of truth and holiness? What was their humility, their mortification, their exemplariness? How much of ‘holiness to the Lord’ was written upon all their ways and transactions? God sifted a whole nation, that he might send choice grain over into this wilderness.” Again, he asks, “Those, that have gone before us in the cause of God here, who and what were they? Certainly choice and picked ones, whom he eminently prepared, and trained up, and qualified for this service. They were worthies, men of singular accomplishments, and of long experience.” 2

“There were among them,” says another competent witness, 3 “many plants of renown, trees of righteousness, some of the choicest in the whole garden of Christ; and their transplantation from Britain to New England did but add to their beauty, verdure, and refinement. They flourished in this foil, and multiplied, and brought forth abundantly the fruits of righteousness.” They were “a noble army of confessors,” educated in the school of patience, purified in the furnace of affliction, and, finding no rest at home, fought an asylum abroad, and were directed by that “wisdom, which is first pure, then peaceable,” to this “land, which God had espied for them.” They were Abrahams, the friends of God, and their lot in life, in many particulars, bore a striking resemblance to his. The kindred and countrymen of this father of the faithful were given up to idolatry and superstition. Their example was contagious. The pure worship of God could not in safety be maintained. Liberty of conscience was denied. The true religion could be preserved only by emigration of the few, who remained uncorrupted, into a foreign country. Under these circumstances God called Abraham “to go out into a place, which he should after receive for an inheritance,” there to establish and maintain in its purity the worship of the true God. By faith he obeyed the call, and “took Sarai his wife, and Lot his brother’s son, and all the substance, that he had gathered, and the souls, that they had gotten in Haran, and went forth,” ignorant of the way, “to go into the land of Canaan,” an unknown country; but confiding in God, as their guide, they persevered, and “into the land of Canaan they came.” Almost literally the same may be said of our progenitors. Indeed, “if there has been any people in the world, whose general history runs parallel with that” of the descendants of Abraham, “it is the people of New England.” 4

Such were our ancestors; and such the circumstances, under which they commenced the settlement of this portion of the globe.

A country like New England rough, healthful, pleasant, calling for that portion of labour and industry, which conduces in the highest degree to soundness of body and purity of mind, abounding in all the comforts of life, planted under the special auspices of heaven, and by such men, we should naturally conclude, would become a second Canaan, a favored land. From feed so pure, we should expect a fair and abundant harvest of good fruits. Accordingly in no inconsiderable degree have the following promises, made to Abraham, been fulfilled to the founders of New England: “I will make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy name great, and thou shalt be a blessing; and I will bless them, that bless thee; and curse him that curseth thee.”

The little company who first went out like Abraham and his family “not knowing whither they went,” has increased into a very numerous people. Hardships incredible they were indeed called to endure in the infancy of the colony; but God had compassion on them, for his covenant’s sake, and permitted not the sword of the wilderness to devour, nor cold, nor famine to destroy, nor fatal sickness to make the land desolate. In all their afflictions he was afflicted, and the angel of his presence saved them. In his love and his pity he redeemed them , and he bare them, and carried them all the days of old. The righteous saw it, and were glad. Iniquity stopped her mouth; or her curse was turned into a blessing. The wrath of man praised God; the remainder thereof he restrained. The Lord was their strength, their fortress, their high tower, and deliverer; their shield, in whom they trusted. He taught their hands to war and their fingers to fight, and gave them victory over their enemies. The beauty of the Lord was upon his people, and he established and prospered the work of their hands. He blessed them in the city and in the field. Zebulon rejoiced in his going out, and Issachar in his tents.

As the righteous Governor of the world ever accomplishes all events by the fittest means; it may be profitable here to inquire, by what means New England rose in opposition to obstacles so formidable, as were opposed in her way, from small beginnings to so high a degree of respectability and prosperity. What causes have operated to secure for her inhabitants so singular a portion of the blessings of heaven?

Doubtless the early and continued increase and prosperity of the people of New England must be considered, as the gracious reward of their singular piety and wisdom; and the precious fruit of those excellent religious, civil, literary, and military institutions, which their piety and wisdom prompted and enabled them early to establish, and afterward to maintain.

The first planters of New England, it has been remarked, were not like the Israelites, who went up out of Egypt, a mixed multitude, “a promiscuous assemblage; they were in general of uniform character, agreeing in the most excellent qualities and principles. They were Christians very much of the primitive stamp.” There was nothing indeed in the nature and object of the enterprise, in which they engaged, to tempt men of a different character to quit their native country, and to brave the dangers of crossing a wide ocean, and the hardships of settling a wilderness. It promised to honors to the ambitious, to pleasures to the voluptuary , no gain to the avaricious. It opened no field of action to wicked men of any class. The main object of the hazardous enterprise being to establish and enjoy the pure religion of the gospel, the great body of those, who engaged in it, were men, “who felt the power of that faith, which worketh by love, which overcometh the world, and is the substance of things hoped for, and the evidence of things not seen.” The few, who mingled with them from sinister motives, or “came hither upon sudden and undigested grounds,” soon returned disheartened and in disgust to their native country, leaving behind them “a shining collection of sincere professors, who enlivened and animated each other in following after holiness by the reciprocal influences of an alluring example.” 5

Anxious to perpetuate for themselves and their posterity the liberty and privileges, both religious and civil, which they enjoyed, they fought, and received direction from heaven concerning the best means for this end. In every plantation their first care was to establish a church, and settle a minister, that the worship of God might be regularly and decently performed, and the people instructed in the doctrines and duties of the Christian religion. Knowing that the declension of piety and the corruption of morals are invariable consequences of neglect and profanation of the Christian Sabbath, they regarded, and by laws protected, this sacred day with uncommon strictness.

When the churches were multiplied and scattered over a considerable extent of country, in order to preserve unity and purity of faith in the bonds of love and peace, they assembled in Synod by their delegates, and framed and adopted a “Platform of church discipline.” From this instrument of union, which long continued to regulate all ecclesiastical proceedings, and which even now is appealed to, as an authority of weight, great good has resulted to the Newengland churches. We should readily suppose this from the characters, which formed it. According to the joint and dying testimony of the venerable and aged Higginson and Hubbard, who in the year 1701, had lived, one of them sixty, the other seventy years in Newengland, the framers of this platform “were men of great renown in the nation, whence the Laudean persecution exiled them. Their learning, their holiness, their gravity struck all men, that knew them, with admiration. They were Timothies in their houses, Chrysostoms in their pulpits, Augustines in disputation. The prayers, the studies, the humble inquiries, with which they fought after the mind of God, were as likely to prosper, as any men’s upon earth. And the sufferings wherein they were confessors for the name and truth of the Lord Jesus Christ, add to the arguments which would persuade us that our gracious Lord would reward and honor them with communicating much of his truth to them. The famous Brightman had foretold, Clariorem lucem adhuc solitude dabit; “God would yet reveal more of the true church state to some of his faithful servants, whom he would send into a wilderness, that he might there have communion with them.” And it was eminently accomplished in what was done for and by the men of God, who first erected churches for him in this American wilderness.” 6

Aware of the necessity of civil government to secure the welfare of the infant colony, the first adventurers, before they landed at Plymouth, formed themselves into a body politic, under a solemn covenant, which they made the basis of their government. By this civil compact they were empowered to “enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time as might be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony.” The foundation of their civil polity being thus laid, they religiously selected their wisest and best men to erect the superstructure. 7 Believing that “he, who ruleth over men must be just, ruling in the fear of God,” a hater of covetousness, a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well, “they promoted none, but men of this character, to manage the affairs of government. To infidel despisers of religion and its ordinances, to unprincipled demagogues, to sycophantic declaimers, and office seekers, to men in general of corrupt principles and morals, they gave no countenance. They considered and treated the few of this class, who ventured into New England, as the bane of the commonwealth. Abundant testimony of the truth of what I have now stated might be adduced from our history; you will be satisfied, I presume, with that of the venerable Mitchel, Oaks, Prince, and Shepard, in their Election Sermons. In 1667 Mr. Mitchel observes, “This is the 37th year current with the Massachusetts colony, that God hath given them godly magistrate.” He adds, “The sun does not shine on a happier people, than they are in regard of his mercy.”

Six years after this Mr. Oaks testifies, as follows, “Many and wonderful are the favors and privileges, which the Lord your God hath conferred upon you. As to your civil government you have had Moses, men I mean of the same spirit, to lead and go before you. The Lord hath not given children to be your leaders, but pious, faithful, prudent magistrates, men in wisdom and understanding; men of Nehemiah’s spirit, that fought not themselves, but sincerely designed the good, and consulted the welfare and prosperity of these plantations. Good magistrates, good laws, and the vigorous execution of them, have been the privilege and glory of New England, wherein you have been advanced above most of the nations of the earth.”

In 1730 Mr. Prince confirmed the testimony of his predecessors: Speaking of the civil fathers of New England, who had gone before them, he says, 8 “They were mostly men of good estates and families, of liberal education, and of large experience; but they chiefly excelled in piety to God, in zeal for the purity of his worship, reverence for his glorious name and strict observance of his holy Sabbaths; in their respect and maintenance of an unblemished ministry; the spread of knowledge, learning, good order, and quiet through the land, a reign of righteousness, and the welfare of this people; and the making and executing wholesome laws for all these blessed ends.”

At that pure and pious period of our commonwealth there was a happy concurrence between civil and ecclesiastical leaders in promoting religion. “Then” (says Mr. Shepard, 9 one of my worthy predecessors,” “might be seen magistrates and magistrates upon the seat of justice, cemented together for the advancement of the kingdom of Christ in this wilderness. Then might be seen magistrates and ministers together in way of advice: ministers and ministers cleaving together in way of communion: ministers and their respective congregations together in way of prayer and holy worship: churches and churches together in way of consultation, by greater and lesser synods; magistrates and ministers and their people together, uniting hands and hearts in the common cause, breathing a public spirit, and conspiring with holy zeal and vigor, to advance the kingdom of Christ.” The excellent rulers of that day “united with their pastors in consultations and endeavors for the advancement and preservation of religion, and the privileges, peace, and order of the churches. By their grave and prudent carriage they happily preserved a veneration for their persons and authority among the people; and yet carefully protected them in the full enjoyment of their precious liberties.” 10

Blessed be the God of our fathers, who hath not forsaken us. Such characters, as we have now described, men of like excellent spirit, still govern in our favored New England. They are consoling evidences of our remaining health, previous guardians of our dearest privileges, the salt of the earth; pledges of the continued favor and protection of heaven. For such rulers we most fervently wish long life, increasing influence, and the blessing of God Almighty.

The doctrines, that “ignorance is the mother of devotion,” that human learning is not a requisite qualification in the ministers of religion, nor yet in those, who govern, and legislate for the commonwealth, were not the doctrines of our fathers. They had no belief, that the fear of God could be preserved, or that the rights of citizens would be secure, should the lowest of the people be advanced to the priesthood, or promoted to make and execute the laws of the commonwealth. They considered learning, as the handmaid of true religion and rational liberty; and that neither could flourish, or long exist, without her aid. Accordingly, prompted by their piety, and directed by their superior wisdom, they established schools on a plan new, liberal, and useful, far beyond any before or since invented; a plan, which, providing equally for the poor and the rich, who mingled in the same school, was admirably calculated to draw into notice and use, genius and worth, which, but for this device, might have been forever concealed in the obscure abodes of poverty. By means of this excellent institution of free schools, sufficient of itself to immortalize the memories of our sage progenitors, thousands have been advanced from the humblest sphere of life, and introduced upon the public stage, where they have acted parts in behalf of the state, and of the church, highly honorable to themselves and useful to their fellow citizens.

Sixteen years 11 only after the first landing of our fathers at Plymouth, and within less than eight after the first planting of the Massachusetts colony, while they were yet without wealth, in a wilderness, surrounded by a savage and faithless race, they laid the foundation of Harvard College. So highly did they value the advantages of liberal education. This seminary, nurtured by the prayers of its pious founders and friends, and the liberal benefactions of the legislature and of private individuals, greatly flourished, and diffused its benign influence through New England. From this ancient institution, respectable and pleasant in our eyes, early established “to enlighten and rejoice our land,” have proceeded some of the most brilliant and useful ornaments of New England, both in church and state. Shall not the example of those excellent men, who established, and fostered, and prayed for this institution; shall not the rich harvest of blessings, which it has yielded to our country, secure for it still the affection and patronage of our civil fathers? So shall it continue first, as she is the eldest, among her sisters, the beauty of New England, and the mother of illustrious worthies for ages and ages to come.

On all the glory of New England God was pleased to create a defense by inspiring the people in general with a brave, intrepid spirit, suited to their perilous circumstances, and particularly by leading them early to establish that very useful and honorable military association, whose anniversary we now religiously celebrate in the house of God; to whose history, agreeably to their request, I shall now invite your attention.

Our sagacious forefathers laid deep and broad foundations for the happiness of their posterity. They seem to have left nothing undone, which they could do, to secure the grand object of their migration to this country. Pacific and inoffensive as they were in their principles and conduct; fair and honorable as were their treaties and traffic with their Indian neighbors; they were still exposed to their insidious and hostile attacks. To their religious, civil, and literary institutions, it therefore seemed necessary to add one of a military kind, which might serve, as a school, in which the knowledge of this important art might be advantageously cultivated, and as a nursery for the formation of officers and soldiers for the defense of their country.

It appears from a paragraph in Governor Winthrop’s Journal, 12 that as early as December 1637, a number of respectable gentlemen, with others, had associated in a military company, and requested to be made a corporation. “But the council, considering from the example of the Praetorian band, among the Romans, and the Templars 13 in Europe, how dangerous it might be to erect a standing authority of military men, which might easily, in time, overthrow the civil power,” thought fit to decline granting their request. However, on the 24th of April following the Governor and Council established the Company by the name of “THE MILITARY COMPANY OF THE MASSACHUSETTS;” but they expressly provided that nothing, contained in their charter, should “extend to free the said company, or any of them, their persons or estates, from the civil government and jurisdiction” of the commonwealth.

This association, as we are informed in the preamble or their charter, originated from a concern in its members for “the public weal and safety; and to promote these, by the advancement of the military art and exercise of arms.” The situation of New England, at this period, was peculiarly calculated to inspire a disposition to promote military discipline. A long, distressing, and very bloody war, the first which had happened between the English and the Indians, in which the Pequod nation were utterly exterminated, had just closed. 14 Although the success of this war on the part of the English was so signal and complete, as to refrain the surrounding Indian tribes from waging open war for nearly forty years after; 15 yet, as this effect could not be foreseen, all felt the necessity of being armed, disciplined, and prepared for any emergency. Hence too the disposition in the government to patronize and distinguish it with peculiar privileges.

Its original charter, 16 grants liberty to choose its own officers, the two first in grade to be always such, as the Court or Council shall approve. Members of this company, (officers of other trained bands excepted,) were excused from ordinary trainings. The first Monday in every month was appointed for their meeting and exercise; and that they might not be interrupted, all other trainings, and particular town meetings, were prohibited on these days. They were also empowered to make, and by fines to enforce, such regulations for the management of their military affairs, as they might think expedient, which should be of force, when allowed by the Court. They had liberty to meet for military exercises in any town within the jurisdiction. And to assist them in defraying expenses, incident to their extraordinary exertions for promoting military discipline, the Court granted them first one thousand, and afterward in addition five hundred acres of land, for their use and that of their successors for ever. If we except the Roman, Praetorian band, no military association perhaps was ever distinguished by government, with similar privileges. The Council, by subjecting the association to the civil authority, while at the same time they extended to it liberal patronage, manifested great discernment and prudence, as they effectually secured all the advantages, while they avoided the dangers of the Praetorian band.

It appears, that the company at its commencement was composed in part at least, of some of the first men in the colony. Men of like character have ever since been ranked among its members. Before the close of a century from its establishment, the association, from the high respectability of its members, and from its extensive and acknowledged usefulness, received the name of “THE ANCIENT AND HONORABLE ARTILLERY COMPANY OF MASSACHUSETTS,” which name it still merits and retains.

The best institutions have their seasons of decline. Such a season, it appears this company experienced previously to the year 1700. A long time it had continued “a nursery for training up soldiers in military discipline, and who had been prepared for, and employed in, the service of their king and country.” 17 From various causes, not recorded, it had been for several years “under some decay.” Anxious to preserve the reputation, honor, and good influence of their institution, the company, in September 1700, met, and revised their former grants and orders, and considered what part of them might with propriety be annulled, and what additions made, to meet the increase and improved state of the country. The result was that the three, instead of the two first officers of the company, should be allowed by the Governor; that they should have liberty to meet for military exercises, not in “any town within the jurisdiction,” but, “in any neighbouring town at their discretion;” that instead of the first Monday in every month, training days should in future be the Election day, being the first Monday in June, annually, and the first Mondays in September, October, April, and May; that out of the several companies in Boston there may be enlisted 40 soldiers and no more; that upon the reasonable request of any member of the company they may have their dismission granted: The names of such are enrolled on an honorary list, kept for the purpose. 18

Though the great changes in the state of the country rendered it less necessary for the company to claim rigid respect to some of their peculiar privileges; yet as late as April 1st, 1748, one of the training days of the company, a town meeting called in Boston on this day, was declared illegal, null, and void, because contrary to their charter. 19 At a recent period also, I have been informed, a commanding officer of another military company, having inadvertently ordered out his soldiers on one of the training days of the honorable artillery company, very politely countermanded the order, as an infringement of their ancient rights.

This company, from the beginning, has shared the countenance and patronage of the public. No other company has succeeded in procuring like privileges. Its funds are exempted from taxes; its anniversaries have ever been celebrated by religious solemnities, as well as by military exhibitions, and honored with the presence of the civil fathers of the commonwealth, of numbers of the clergy, and of many other respectable members of the community.

Care is taken in the choice of members, to preserve the reputation of the company. None are admitted, but by a concurrence of three quarters of the votes; and sureties are required for their good behavior. Upward of fourteen hundred persons have been members of this association since its establishment.

Previous to the year 1767, owing in part to the extraordinary expenses, necessarily incurred by the officers, the association experienced another decline. Timely and effectual exertions however were made, to revive it again.

In 1772 the threatening aspect of public affairs awakened the attention of this company. Elevated by their profession and privileges, as centinels to watch the movements of those, who meditated evil against the commonwealth, it became them to take the lead in military preparations for the last resort. They were not ignorant of their duties, nor unfaithful in performing them. They resolved to adopt a uniform dress, to be very particular in the selection of their members, and strict and punctual in observing the rules of their institution. These and other vigorous measures were adopted with a view to inspire a military spirit into their own body, and to diffuse it among their fellow citizens. These exertions were continued with no inconsiderable effect, we may presume to say, upon the interesting transactions of that portentous period, till the opening of the revolutionary war in April 1775. In this war many of the members of this company engaged, and some, whose names adorn their records, acted very distinguished parts, both in the field and in the cabinet; whose names will with honor descend to posterity on the pages of history.

From April 1775 to August 1786, the company for obvious reasons intermitted their regular meetings. At the period, last mentioned, they reassembled, and organized themselves under their last elected officers. This was another period of danger, and these patriots and veterans were prompt in their preparations to meet it. A formidable insurrection, which for some time had been generating from a combination of causes, in the subsequent autumn burst forth in the western parts of this commonwealth, under the direction of Daniel Shays, and others, which threatened the most serious consequences, not to this state only, but to our whole country. At this anxious period, when all the blessings, purchased by the blood and treasure of our citizens, was put to the most imminent hazard, this patriot band, descrying the danger, and animated with noble ardor to repel it, at the call of the commander in chief declared, immediately and unanimously, “their readiness (these are their own words) to exert themselves in every thing in their power to support the government of the commonwealth, and to hold themselves in readiness, on the shortest notice, to turn out in defense of the same.” Accordingly they appeared foremost in discharging the duties of this momentous crisis. Considering their character as men, as patriots, and as soldiers, their example must have had a commanding influence upon others; and at so critical a moment, when many hesitated on which side to engage, when a short delay, a little less resolution and spirit manifested, would have turned the scale in favor of anarchy, it is probably doing but justice, to say that this ancient and honorable company, under Providence, contributed much, very much to the salvation of this state, of our country, and of all in this world, that our hearts hold dear.

Since this period under the smiles of heaven, our country has enjoyed peace and prosperity, and of course the history of this institution has been marked with no prominent event. Its time of action is, when the interests of our country are put to the hazard by invading foes. Its post of honor is the post of danger. It is sufficient, that in times of peace its members hold themselves prepared for war.

A remarkable feature of this honorable association must not escape our notice. On the day of election new officers are always chosen, and those of the preceding year return to the ranks, and continue to perform the duties of privates, till again promoted at some future election. This is done with appropriate ceremonies on the public common, in presence of the Governor and Council, surrounded with a crowd of spectators. “This is the very marrow and pith of republicanism.

A military association, founded in the purest age of New England, at once subject to, and nurtured by the government, highly republican in its principles, embracing, as it has done, in successive periods, so many characters of distinction and worth, reverencing the religious institutions of their country, must have diffused a salutary influence over the commonwealth. Placed, as a city on a hill, distinguished by their privileges, sensible that to whom much is given of them much is required, they must have felt a peculiar responsibility, and taken unusual pains to perfect themselves in the art military. They must have been, more especially in the infancy of the country, an example, which other military companies would aspire to imitate. The members, not belonging to a single town, but dispersed over the commonwealth, carried home with them a military spirit, and the knowledge of correct discipline, and spread them among their neighbors. When they emigrated into the surrounding provinces, thither also they conveyed their disciplinary and tactical improvements. This company, no doubt, has had large influence directly and remotely, in raising the military character of New England. Like leaven, it has operated in leavening the whole lump.

It is presumed, that nothing, which has now been said of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery, will be so construed, as to detract in any degree from the merit of our respectable militia, or from the high reputation of the many volunteer companies, formed in various parts of the commonwealth, several of which, in point of skill and exactness in military maneuvers and discipline, vie with the parent institution. As to the militia it is enough, that their Commander in Chief has said that, their body, “was never perhaps in a more respectable condition, than at present.” 20

My subject, I fear has led me to trespass already too long upon your patience. I must ask your indulgence, however, a few minutes longer, while I apply my discourse, first to the Ancient and Honorable Company, whose anniversary we this day celebrate; then to the audience at large.

Brethren, of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company.

Agreeably to a wish, expressed to me by your respected officers, I have attempted a summary history of your venerable institution. You cannot contemplate its origin, its uniform respectability, and extensive usefulness, without mingled emotions of devout gratitude, and virtuous emulation. Your Association was formed in perilous times by Christian patriots, trained up in scenes adapted to try their souls. It did not originate in ambition to create a military influence, to overawe the civil authority, and prostrate at its feet the liberties of the people; but in a just and pious concern for “the public weal and safety;” in a desire to co-operate in the military department with the legislative and executive authority, with the ministers of religion, and the cultivators and friends of science and literature, in laying deep, and broad, and secure, the foundations of the future peace, prosperity, and glory of New England. The piety and wisdom of our fathers led them to combine all their means and efforts, to produce the greatest possible good. We trust, brethren, that it will be your aim to keep in view the original design, of your association. It will be your study, how you shall most effectually preserve its high reputation, and render it most useful to the community. Should foreign foes again dare to invade our country’s rights, or anarchy to raise her hydra head in our own bosom, which may heaven forbid, you will be alert at the post of danger, and by your example inspire others to unite in repelling the aggressions and preventing the havoc of the presumptuous enemy. It will be your glory, as it was that of your renowned predecessors, to co-operate, in your department with all other useful institutions in promoting the safety, honor, and independence of our country. To this end you will place continually before you the excellent example of those of your predecessors, whose names adorn the list of your members; you will imbibe their spirit, emulate their moral and civic as well, as military virtues. Above all you will aspire to imitate their piety toward God, their zeal for his honor, their reverence for his Sabbath and ordinances: You will, in a word, be Christian patriots, and good soldiers of Jesus Christ. “Watch ye, stand fast in the faith, quit you like men, be strong.” So shall your ancient company still remain honorable, preserve its high rank, its respectable patronage, and extensive influence; and you yourselves, my brethren, having followed your predecessors, who through faith and patience now inherit the promises; having, like those Christian heroes, fought the good fight, finished your course, and kept the faith, you will receive from the righteous Judge the crown of righteousness the laurel of victory, that fadeth not away.

The view we have taken of the settlement of Newengland, and of the character and institutions of our venerable ancestors, furnishes to us all abundant matter for useful reflection. The hand of God was very visible in planting this country, in sustaining, protecting, and prospering its first Christian inhabitants. They were a chosen generation, and received wisdom from above to enact laws, and establish institutions, surpassing in excellence and utility those of perhaps any other nation under heaven. It is our honor and our privilege to have descended from such progenitors, to live under such laws, to enjoy the benefits of such institutions. Amid dangers, and trials, and hardships of which we can have but a faint idea, our fathers planted, God in his abundant goodness watered, and we are reaping, in manifold blessings, a large increase. Seeing these things are so, what manner of persons ought we to be in all holy conversation and godliness? How fervent should be our gratitude to God; how warm and enlightened our zeal for his honor; how cheerful and perfect our obedience to all his holy laws and institutions?

It is said of Rome, that “in her youth and manhood she was the seat of piety, of the purest patriotism, simplicity of manners, justice, honor, temperance, frugality, and splendid poverty.” Among all the heathen nations none perhaps ever enjoyed more light, advantages, and blessings, than the Romans, till the introduction of luxury; when money became the sole object of pursuit, and all veneration for religion, oaths, justice, and modesty, was by degrees annihilated. Their punishment was proportioned to the privileges and blessings, which they had enjoyed, and to the sins by which they had forfeited them. Tacitus thus describes their degenerate state. “Most hideous were the ravages of cruelty at Rome: for there it was treasonable to be noble; capital to be rich; criminal to have sustained honors; criminal to have declined them; and the reward of worth was quick and inevitable destruction. There the baneful villanies of informers were not more shocking, than their mighty and distinguishing rewards,” (for on them were conferred the most honorable and lucrative offices of the empire,) while “every station, exerting all their terrors, and pursuing their hate, they controlled and confounded all things; slaves were suborned to accuse their masters; freedmen their patrons; and such as had no enemies, were betrayed and undone by their friends.”

The Jews furnish an example still more in point. They were God’s peculiar people, on whom he bestowed his richest favors. He dealt so with no other nation. When they were but few in number, yea a very few and strangers; when they went from one nation to another, from one kingdom to another people, he suffered no man to do them wrong: Yea he reproved kings for their sakes. He increased his people greatly, and made them stronger, than their enemies. He sent Moses his servant, and Aaron, whom he had chosen, to lead them forth by a right way; and gave them the land of the heathen, that they might observe his statutes and keep his laws. Jacob was the lot of his inheritance; he instructed him, he kept him, as the apple of his eye. He made him to eat of the increase of the fields, and to suck honey and oil out of the rock. Butter of kine, did he give them, and milk of sheep, with fat of lambs, and kidneys of wheat, and they drank of the pure blood of the grape. This happy state of things continued so long as this people remained faithful in the service of the God of their fathers. “But Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked; and forsook God, who made him, and lightly esteemed the rock of his salvation. And, when the Lord saw it, he abhorred them, because of the provoking of his sons and his daughters.” The scene was reversed. Their blessing was turned into a curse; and their condition became as deplorable, as it was before prosperous. All this evil came upon them, because they had “forsaken the Lord God of their fathers, and served other gods.”

If then, like the ancient Romans, we lose our veneration for religion and its sacred institutions, our regard to justice and modesty, with our love of country; if we suffer luxury to destroy our simplicity of manners, and to create artificial wants, and money to become the chief object of our pursuit; if by any means we become so politically depraved, as that vice shall triumph and “impious men bear sway,” and the honorable man shall be found only in the private walks of life. Or, if, like Jeshurun, we wax fat and wanton in our prosperity, and depart from the old paths and the good way, and forsake the God of our fathers, the Rock of our salvation, then we may be assured, our destruction draweth nigh. And, when God shall enter into judgment with New England, it will be a day of his fiercest wrath. The plagues and miseries, inflicted by Jehovah on ancient Rome, on modern France, or even those poured out on his chosen people, are more tolerable, than those in store for us, if under our superior privileges, and more solemn warnings, we follow the example of these apostate nations. And are there not already upon us many symptoms of decline? Let us compare the modern with the primitive state of this part our country, and mark the difference. Oh that we were wise, that we understood this, that we would consider our latter end, and know the things, that belong to our peace, before they be hidden from our eyes!

Suffer me, in this connection, to address you in the solemn words of the excellent Gov. Stoughton: “Consider, and remember always, that the books, that shall be opened at the last day, will contain genealogies in them. There shall then be brought forth a register of the genealogies of New England’s sons and daughters. How shall we, many of us, hold up our faces then, when there shall be a solemn rehearsal of our descent, as well, as of our degeneracies! To have it published, whose child thou art, will be cutting to thy soul as well, as to have the crimes reckoned up, of which thou art guilty.” 21

But, though we have much to fear from our degeneracies, we have, through the mercy of our God, many things to encourage our hopes. Numerous and animating are the tokens of the favor of heaven, still visible among us, when we look into the state of our churches, of our colleges and schools, of our political, and military affairs. The institutions of our fathers still yield to us their increase, though the harvest is diminished and marred by our degeneracies. Shall we not then take courage, awake, unite, and strengthen the things which remain?

To this end let us “consider the days of old, the years of ancient times,” and reflect often on our descent, more highly to be valued, than that of kings and nobles. Let us venerate and by all means preserve uncorrupted, those institutions, which our fathers planted in their wisdom and piety, watered and cherished with their tears and their prayers, and defended with their blood; which have borne for their posterity so fair and plentiful a harvest of blessings. We cannot leave to our posterity a richer inheritance, than these institutions, in their primitive purity.

Let us guard against the insidious encroachments of innovation, that evil and beguiling spirit which is now stalking to and fro through the earth, seeking whom he may destroy. His business is to take off all salutary restraints upon the passions of men, to annihilate the force of law, to unkennel vice, to uncivilized man and reduce him to a state of nature. His path may be descried by the tears and groans of his seduced followers. It leads through the noisy, and bloody abodes of anarchy and wild misrule to the dreary, cheerless regions of despotism.

As we value our liberties and happiness, let us reject the visionary schemes of modern reformers; be contented with experimental knowledge; adhere unwaveringly to “the old paths and the good way,” in which our fathers walked, and found rest to their souls; cherish those found political and religious principles, and “steady habits,” which in this stormy period, will guide us safely, between Scylla and Charybdis, anarchy and despotism. Let those men, and those only, share the honors and offices of government, who are just, and will rule in the fear of God. If we see men anxious and intriguing for posts of trust and profit, uttering groundless clamors against those in office, claiming to be the exclusive friends of the people; calumniating the religion and the ministers of the gospel, and habitually neglecting its holy ordinances; indulging the lusts of the flesh, despising dominion, and speaking evil of dignities; we may be assured, such men are false hearted patriots; they are not to be trusted. “Clouds they are without water, carried about of winds; trees, whose fruit withereth; without fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots. Raging waves of the sea; foaming out their own shame; wandering stars, to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever.”

While we diligently promote sound principles in religion, in politics, and science; while we study those things which make for peace; such are the hostile dispositions and attitudes of the nations of the earth; such our commercial connections with them, that it is necessary we be prepared for war. The example of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah, merits, in this connection, our notice and imitation. His kingdom was surrounded with enemies. He therefore wisely “strengthened himself against them; placed forces in all the fenced cities of Judah, and in the cities of Ephraim.” With these preparations for war he connected instruction in righteousness. “In the third year of his reign he sent of his princes to teach in the cities of Judah, and with them he sent Levites and priests. And they taught in Judah, and had the book of the law of the Lord with them, and went out through all the cities of Judah, and taught the people.” Mark the consequence of these combined efforts for the safety of the nation: “And the fear of the Lord fell upon all the kingdoms of the lands, that were round about Judah, so that they made no war against Jehoshaphat.”

Sound policy surely dictates to us the same means of national defense. We are taught by high authority, which will not be controverted, that “it will always be necessary to cultivate the military art, not to enable us to commit outrages with impunity, but to defend ourselves against the attempts of unprincipled and ambitious men, who consider all means, as lawful, that promote their ends; who make their glory consist in spreading misery through the world.” 22

A general knowledge of the art of war among a people, a manly attitude, preparations to meet meddlesome invaders, are necessary preservatives of honorable peace. Depraved and unprincipled men will be restrained only by fear. The wicked prey upon the defenseless. Pusillanimity ever invites insult and outrage. But, though ships and fortresses, the sword, the spear, and weapons of war, are good and necessary means of defense; yet the protection of God is far better; and without this they can avail us nothing. “Righteousness exalteth a nation to an honorable alliance with heaven, and sheltereth it behind the shield of omnipotence. Whatever, therefore, promotes righteousness, must be regarded by every man, who believes a Providence as a part of the national defense.” 23

Even the first Consul of the French nation, of whose military and political talents we have a higher opinion, than of the piety of his heart or the morality of his life, convinced, probably by the dreadful effects of abolishing Christianity in the nation which he now rules with a despotic arm, of the necessity of religion, is constrained to give it his sanction. “The principles of an enlightened religion, (he says) produce union in societies, and the happiest effect on public morals. From their consequence childhood is more docile to the instructions of parents, and youths more submissive to the authority of magistrates. 24

Finally, considering our honorable descent, our distinguished privileges, our consequent high obligations, what we owe to our God, and to our country, to ourselves and our posterity; let us all, magistrates and ministers, men of science and men of war, all of every occupation, and rank, and sex in the community, each in his lot, combine our efforts, to reform or exterminate every thing which mars or endangers our general happiness; and to cherish and invigorate all those things, which tend to promote and secure its continuance.

And now, in language, uttered by king David to an assembled princes, captains, and officers of his kingdom, with the mighty men and all the valiant men, permit me, as an ambassador of Christ, in the fight of this congregation, and in the audience of God, to charge you; “Seek for and keep, all the commandments of the Lord your God; that ye may possess this good land, and leave it for an inheritance to your children after you for ever.” 25

AMEN.
If of an enemy, and he be supposed to advocate religion because he may think it necessary to support a military despotism, while he acknowledges its high importance, and great effect, he utterly mistakes its true design and tendency. For “an enlightened religion,” if we understand by it true religion, is hostile to every species of despotism, and friendly only to just and equal government. If of a friend, and he be supposed to speak the language of conviction and sincerity, his talents, discernment and situation, render him a very competent witness; and his authority should have weight with those infidel, visionary theorists, who wish to see tried the experiment of a government administered without the aid of any religion.

NOTE [A].
Having mentioned the “Platform of church discipline,” upon which the congregational churches in New England were established, and, which, to the great detriment of the purity, order and harmony of our churches has been for many years passing gradually into neglect and disuse, it may be useful to direct the attention of those who have the interests of evangelical truth at heart, to this subject. In connection with the foregoing quotation from Messrs. Higginson and Hubbard, the pious and learned Mr. Prince of Boston, makes the following observations, which are submitted to the serious attention of the civil fathers, and to the congregational ministers and churches of New England.

“The inspired scripture is our only authoritative rule of faith and worship; and our Platform is no other than the declared judgment of the sense of scripture in matters of church order, discipline and worship which our ancient ministers and others, 26 with abundant prayers and humble, free and diligent inquiries and conferences, almost unanimously came into. But then as no other people in these later ages have been favored with such advantages as the founders of these churches, to search into, discover and put in practice the Christian way of church order, discipline and worship described in the word of God; they being entirely men of piety, knowledge, judgment, the most about the middle age of life, who had made the bible their familiar study, many of them persons of superior learning, and all free from any influence of human powers and constitutions in religious matters; they wholly relinquished all devised schemes of men, and set themselves to consult the sacred scriptures only, that they might happily see what these directed, and submit thereto; and having renounced all prospects of worldly riches, powers and dignities, for this very end. They were on these accounts most likely to find out the truth in those affairs. And though our faith is not to be subjected to their judgment, but we should also humbly, sincerely and carefully search the scriptures, and try these things by them, and see whether they are conformable to those oracles of God or no, as the noble Bereans did when even the apostles taught them; yet the result of their united, pious, anxious and laborious inquiries, under such advantages, demands a very extraordinary veneration from all impartial men, and especially from us their dear posterity.

“And can we do any thing better, both for the advantage of our ministry, the satisfaction of our people, and the quiet of our churches, than to go on upon the scriptural foundations these excellent men have already laid? Not to set aside or build anew, but to go on further as the light of scripture leads us, for our common peace and edification. And I know of nothing of greater moment, than to advise to methods about calling councils in a fairer, more peaceable, equal and harmonious manner, than we are now unhappily liable to; that so this sacred ordinance may not be so subject to be frustrated by the dark intrigues of crafty men, nor anti-councils raised to support contending parties to the great dishonor of Christ, the grief of all good men, and the inflammation and continuance of hatred and divisions.

“And how happy for these churches, and for all this country both to this and future generations, as I would with submission hope, if with the countenance and invitation of our civil fathers, we might have a synod in due time convened; not to make the least injunctions upon any, which is contrary to our known principles, but only to advise and propose those methods which may conduce to the promoting piety, peace and good order in our own churches; but left to every one to receive or not, as they think best. Two such happy synods we had in the reign of king Charles I. and two more in the reign of king Charles II. Without offence; invited by the civil rulers who also sat among them as chosen representatives of our churches, and as grave advisors with the rest, but all without the least coercive power. Our New England synods are not like those of other countries, who make decrees or canons, but for counsel only, for the peace and order of the churches who send their pastors and other delegates to consult together and give their rulers by deriving any power to such a synod, or in inviting the churches to them, the churches being always left at liberty whether to fend or no, to comply or no; there can be no invasion on any power in such a free invitation; it being impossible as I humbly apprehended, there should be any power invaded, where there is none assumed.”

NOTE [B].
The Praetorian band was a body of guards amounting to about 15,000 men, distinguished by double pay, and by privileges superior to the soldiers of the legions. This band was formed by Augustus, who stationed three cohorts, consisting of about 1500 men, in the capital during his reign. Tiberius afterwards assembled the whole corps at Rome, and there established them in a permanent camp, advantageously situated, and well fortified. In the year of our Lord 192, Pertinax was declared Emperor, and to him the Praetorian band took the oath of allegiance. Eighty seven days after, several hundreds of their number, at noon day, marched toward the imperial palace, where their companions upon guard, immediately threw open the gates, and joined them in assassinating their virtuous and excellent Prince, whose head, after dispatching him with many wounds, they cut off, fixed upon a lance, and carried in triumph to their camp. In those moments of horror, Sulpicianus, father in law of the murdered Pertinax, dead to all honor and public virtue, began to treat with these murderers for the throne. Thinking that a higher price might be obtained by exposing it to a public sale, than by private contract, they ran to the ramparts, and with a loud voice, proclaimed that the Roman world was to be sold at public auction, to the highest bidder. Julianus outbid Sulpicianus. The former promised each soldier 6250 drachms, equal to about 867 dollars, the latter 5000 drachms, equal to about 710 dollars. Accordingly, to Julianus they immediately threw open the gates of the camp, and declared him Emperor, took the oath of allegiance to him, placed him in the centre of their ranks, surrounded him on every side with their shields, and proceeded with him through the deserted streets of Rome, to the Senate, who dared not resist, but pretended great satisfaction at the happy revolution, and acknowledged him Emperor. 27 With this example before them, the fathers of New England would not have acted with their usual wisdom, had they laid the foundation of so fatal a military despotism in their government.

The Templars were a religious order, instituted at Jerusalem, in the beginning of the 12th century, for the defense of the holy sepulcher and the protection of Christian pilgrims. In every nation they had a particular governor, called Master of the Temple, or of the Militia of the Temple. The grand master had his residence at Paris. The order flourished for some time, acquired immense riches, and great military renown. As their prosperity increased, however, their vices multiplied, and their arrogance, luxury and cruelty rose at last to such a monstrous height, that their privileges were revoked, and their order suppressed, with the most terrible circumstances of infamy and severity. Encyclopedia Art. Templars.

 


Endnotes

1. Bennet’s Historical Account of the several attempts for a further reformation. Also, Foxcroft’s Sermon on the Beginning of Newengland; preached August, 1730.

2. Stoughton’s Election Sermon, April 29, 1668.

3. Foxcroft, page 22.

4. Foxcroft, page 19, Note.

5. Foxcroft, page 25.

6. Quoted in Prince’s Election Sermon, of 1730, p. 41, 42.

7. See Note [A].

8. Election Sermon, page 39.

9. In his Election Sermon.

10. Prince, page 39.

11. 1636. It received the name of Harvard College in 1638.

12. Page 147.

13. See Note [B].

14. See Hutchinson, vol. I. p. 80. Winthrop’s Journal, p. 142 to 147.

15. Hutchinson, vol. I. page 80.

16. See the Records of the Company.

17. Records, page 3.

18. Records, page 3.

19. See Records of this date.

20. See his Excellency’s Speech to the Legislature, May 1803.

21. Election Sermon.

22. Governor Strong’s Speech, May 1803.

23. Ferrier’s Sermon.

24. See a state paper entitled “A view of the state of the French republic, sent by Bonaparte to the legislative body on the 22d Feb. 1803, translated in the Centinel of May 25.
Whatever motives may have prompted Bonaparte to pronounce this eulogy upon religion, it must be received as his testimony in its favor. Of the credibility of this witness each reader will form his own opinion. If it be received as the testimony of an enemy or a friend, in either case it has weight.

25. I Chron. 28, 1 8.

26. “I say others, because it has been a fundamental principle with us, that as churches are composed both of ministers and brethren, and ecclesiastical councils or synods are proper representatives of churches; that therefore there should set in all such assemblies, not only ministers, but also others chosen by the churches to represent them; that they may not be merely clerical, or synods of the clergy, but ecclesiastical, or synods of the churches. And such have been all our Newengland synods and councils from the first; agreeable to that famous precedent in Acts XV.”

27. Gibbon’s Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.

Sermon – Election – 1803, Massachusetts


Reuben Puffer (1756-1829) graduated from Harvard in 1778. He was pastor of the Congregational church in Berlin, Mass. from 1781 until his death. He was awarded his Doctor of Divinity degree in 1810 by Harvard. This election sermon was preached by Rev. Puffer in Boston on May 25, 1803.


sermon-election-1803-massachusetts

A

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE HIS EXCELLENCY

CALEB STRONG, ESQ. GOVERNOUR,

HIS HONOUR

EDWARD H. ROBBINS, ESQ. LT. GOV.

THE HONOURABLE THE

COUNCIL, SENATE,

AND

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

OF THE

Commonwealth of Massachusetts,

May 25, 1803,

BEING THE DAY OF GENERAL ELECTION.

BY REUBEN PUFFER,
PASTOR OF THE CHURCH AT BERLIN.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY YOUNG AND MINNS.
MDCCCIII.

 

COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS.

 

In Senate, May 25, 1803.
 

ORDERED, That the Hon. Daniel Bigelow, Elijah Brigham and Jonathan Mason, Esquires, be a committee to wait on the Rev. Reuben Puffer, and, in the name of the Senate, to thank him for the Sermon he delivered this day before His Excellency the Governour, His Honour the Lieutenant Governour, the Honourable the Council, and the two Branches of the Legislature, and to request of him a copy for the press.

WENDELL DAVIS, Clerk.
 

Election Sermon.

LUKE XIX. 44.

Because thou knewest not the time of thy visitation.

The origin, progress, decline, and final subversion of civil states, yield a most interesting subject of contemplation. Beheld through the medium of history, they attract the notice, and command the attention of mankind. They are to be regarded as so many monuments erected by the hand of heaven for the benefit of succeeding ages. They point to the causes, by the joint operation of which nations rose and fell. They lay open the sources both of human felicity and misery. And they admonish the world to avail itself of the means, by which the latter may be escaped, and the former secured. The history of no nation is more replete with instruction, than that of the Jews; nor can any portion of their national existence be surveyed to greater advantage, than the one under review.

The dispensations of heaven towards this people, connected with their perverse conduct, form a striking contrast. On the one hand, we behold with astonishment the patience and forbearance of Deity; with scarcely less astonishment we view, on the other, a train of provocation, which admits of no parallel. At the time of which we are speaking, principles of a dangerous nature and tendency were adopted; a most pernicious fanaticism was prevailing; and such was the prostration of morals, such the unbelief, obstinacy, impiety, and abuse of things civil and sacred, as indicated the approach of some dangerous crisis.

This is a just account of the moral state of the nation at the time of our Saviour’s advent.

The outrage and violence, experienced by this Divine Teacher, are well known. It was in the foresight of his own death, and of the consequent judgments of heaven, that he uttered the pathetic lamentation, of which the text is the conclusion.

He was now on his last journey to Jerusalem. When that celebrated city opened to his view, which had long enjoyed, and long resisted the efforts of divine goodness and grace; where prophets and righteous men, sent to reclaim them, had cruelly and unjustly suffered; where he himself was shortly to be added to the number of these victims of popular prejudice, it affected him in the most sensible manner. A mingled tide of grief, compassion, and regret rushed upon his mind, and found vent in a flood of tears. “He beheld the city, and wept over it, saying; if thou hadst known, even thou, at least, in this thy day, the things which belong to thy peace; but now they are hid from thine eyes. For the days shall come upon thee, that thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee, and compass thee round, and keep thee in on every side, and shall lay thee even with the ground, and thy children within thee; and they shall not leave in thee one stone upon another; because thou knewest not the time of thy visitation.”

These last words assign the reason of that unequalled calamity, which shortly befell this devoted nation. While they lead us to explore the situation occupied by ourselves, they likewise bring into view those principles and habits, which are connected with our safety and happiness.

If we carefully search the records of divine providence, we shall be led to believe that nations, as well as individuals, have their seasons of visitation, when heaven is propitious; when the opportunity and means of happiness are afforded; and when it is in their power, by availing themselves of these advantages, to lay a foundation of solid and lasting prosperity. The entire history of God’s ancient people is an illustration of this remark. We scruple not to affirm, that proofs of it exist among all nations. They certainly exist in our own, and claim the attentive consideration of all.

Here it may be pertinently asked, when a people may be said to know the time of their visitation? They know this, when they duly consider the “signs of the times,” the character and aspect of divine providence towards them. They know this, when they appreciate present advantages and blessings, and do not hazard the loss of them in the delusive pursuit of a splendid phantom, of romantic schemes of liberty and equality, which can never be realized. Especially, they know this, when they eagerly seize, and diligently improve, the only safe and proper means for establishing national glory and tranquility.

There is a strong resemblance betwixt the character and state of nations, and of individuals. By prudent attention to their affairs, some, among the latter, acquire property, and rise into respectability, while others fall the untimely victims of profligacy. Is there not something resembling this visible among nations? Pursuing similar courses, they flourish or decline, ascend the heights of prosperity, or rush to the loss of freedom, of independence, and of all those political, civil, moral, and religious blessings, of which they once had the quiet and peaceable enjoyment.

Casting our eyes over those regions celebrated in ancient story, and what is discoverable, but a vast field of human misery and woe, where lie scattered round the broken remains of national greatness, policy, and power? Leaving these dreary realms, the prospect varies; brighter scenes, and more pleasing objects surround us. But concealed beneath the specious surface, principles are in operation, which tend to reproduce like disorders and calamities. Names and nations have changed; but their errors remain. New forms of government have arisen; but the evils which proved fatal to the old were not eradicated. Modern history with respect to ancient, is but a later edition of the wars and revolutions of nations; of struggles for freedom rarely crowned with success; or if in a few instances successful, the objects of which have speedily vanished, and left the people in less eligible circumstances than before. Thousands perish; but nothing worthy the sacrifice is gained to the sum of human happiness. Are we at a loss to account for these things? The solution is to be found in the text, “They knew not the times of their visitation.”

Rescued from foreign dominion by the outstretched arm of Omnipotence, and recently admitted to the honour of an independent existence, the United States now come forward to enjoy their day. Their political probation has commenced. The trial is progressing, and the decision impending, which shall make known, whether they are to be confirmed in the possession and enjoyment of the blessings of a free people, or be deprived of them.

How important is this period! How extensive the benefits, or the evils, that shall eventually flow from it! Posterity, distant generations, the race of man, are deeply concerned in the transactions of this time. These will reflect a bright ray, or cast a dark shade on ages to come.

No man liveth to himself. We live, we act for those who shall come after us. The customs, the manners, the habits, the national character now forming, will probably affect posterity of many generations. Their condition will take its complexion from this age. Their rights must descend to them through our hands. If by any neglect or misconduct on our part, these rights, of which we are the trustees and guardians, shall be forfeited and lost, they are forfeited and lost not to ourselves only, but to our descendants, who, in this respect, will suffer the consequences of their fathers’ sins.

Comparing our own with other countries, who can forbear to exclaim; “The lines are fallen to us in pleasant places; yea, we have a goodly heritage! Happy art thou, O Israel; who is like to thee, O people saved by the Lord!” saved “from the lion’s mouth, and from the horns of the unicorns.” It is not pride, it is pious gratitude, to say, that the blessings of freedom are enjoyed to as high perfection by us, as by any people on the face of the earth; perhaps to as high perfection, as will consist with the security of those blessings. They are not the exclusive privilege of a few: like the light and rain of heaven, they are a common gift, extending their salutary influence to the most distant part, and to the meanest individual. A situation so highly favoured, few nations have known. But are we secure of its continuance? Stands our mountain so strong, that it cannot be removed? Far otherwise. Whenever there shall be a general departure from the principles, which give support and permanency to our national institutions, they will then crumble to atoms.

It seems to be a maxim in the divine government, that when a people are no longer worthy of freedom, they shall cease to be free; that when they deserve to be slaves, they shall not long remain without their desert.

If such shall be the righteous doom of our country, which heaven avert! Then will this our day, wherein God hath “visited and redeemed his people,” rise, and witness against us. Then, with what anguish will posterity reflect on this period! In what accents of grief lament the mistakes, the errors, the faults, and the crimes, which combined to rob them of their rich inheritance, and left them poor indeed!

Admitting for a moment the painful supposition, and methinks I hear some future historian, after contrasting the happiness of our time with the wretchedness of his own, closing his remarks with these poignant reflections.

Happy America, hadst thou known, in the day of thy visitation, the things which belonged to thy peace! But these were hidden from thine eyes. Agitated by party, and rent by internal dissensions, thy true interests were neglected. Disagreeing about the best means of promoting the public good, the favourable opportunity for effecting this object was suffered to escape unimproved. Now, how art thou fallen! The days of darkness are come upon thee. The glory is departed. Lost is that freedom, which cost thee so dear. Perished are those liberties left in thy possession, and with paternal solicitude recommended to thy care, by the first of patriots and the best of men.

To proceed. The human race claims a share in the events of this day.

America arrests the attention of all nations. “We are made a spectacle to the world, and to angels, and to men.” The experiment is here making, whether, human guilt and depravity considered, mankind are capable of preserving the spirit, and supporting the form of a free, republican government. God forbid! that the negative should receive its last and decisive proof in us. If, indeed, our opinion were to be formed on past success, we should have reason to tremble for the result. In every instance that can be named, the trial has disappointed the hope of mankind. The singular advantages possessed by us, afford the prospect of a more favorable issue. Remote from other nations, there is less danger of falling under their influence, or of being involved in their endless disputes. A people dwelling alone, to use the expressive language of scripture, occupy a place of safety unknown to those, whose motions are perpetually disturbed by the proximity, and consequent powerful attraction of larger bodies. Add to this, we have the experience of past ages to guide our inquiries; to disclose hidden dangers; to develop the causes of failure in other instances; to acquaint us with the most probable methods of success; and to point out the course which ought to be pursued.

If with all these advantages the experiment should fail; should America follow the course of former republics, and exhibit only a transient view of liberty, glittering like a meteor for awhile, and then totally disappearing, what a dark aspect must it needs have on the common cause of mankind! Would the attempt to establish free governments again be made? Could it again be made on fairer grounds, and with better prospects? Must not the object, for which we have successfully contended be given up, on that contingency, as untenable? However reluctantly, must not the idea of equal liberty be thence-forward relinquished? With the freedom of America, will perish the world’s last, best hope; and ages will probably pass away ere mankind will have the courage to make a similar effort.

Contemplating the great things God hath done for this land, it imparts a hope that he will not destroy the work of his hands, and that future time shall perfect that which is begun in our day. But we have also our fears.

Will it be said that these fears exist only in a gloomy imagination? That they are visionary and groundless? Would to heaven they were! But if like causes must have like effects; if the eternal creator has so adjusted the relations of things in our world, that, in their general operation, virtue and piety lead to happiness, vice and irreligion terminate in misery; if, under his government, relaxation of moral principle is a prelude to the desolating judgments of heaven; then say, have we not some reason to apprehend that the day will come, (O that it might be a distant day!) which, concerning this noble structure of civil and religious freedom, shall verify our Saviour’s prediction; “There shall not be left in thee one stone upon another, that shall not be thrown down?”

Solemn words! Who can read or hear them without emotion? Who can think of their past, and not anticipate a future accomplishment? We are as yet upon our probation. The irreversible decree is not yet gone forth. The season of heaven’s merciful visitation continues. But if it be suffered to depart unimproved, it departs to return no more.

Let us look on other nations, and receive instruction. Let those which have fallen from distinguished heights of preeminence, be our monitors. Let us hearken to that voice, with which from the depth of their ruins they cry aloud to us, Beware of the errours, that proved our destruction!

Never, it is believed, since the days of the jewish theocracy, has an equal opportunity for laying a foundation of lasting national happiness been afforded; and never, perhaps, if we except that nation, will another be found so despicable as our own, should we fail to do it. Raised to a high point of elevation, it remains, under providence, with ourselves, whether we shall maintain our allotted station in the political hemisphere; or like a star fallen from its orb, sink to blackness of darkness forever.

The principals and habits connected with national safety and welfare, come next to be considered.

Among the things that should engage the earliest attention, is correct information, or enlightened views of their state and circumstances.

Knowledge is to a people what the light of the sun is to the world. The general diffusion of accurate sentiments must lead them to a true understanding of the nature, use, and value of their rights; of the dangers that threaten their existence; of the enemies by whom, and the part on which they will most likely be assailed; and of the means necessary to their preservation.

It is by successfully playing off among them the arts of deception; by giving a wrong and perverted turn to public opinion; by begetting in the minds of the people a jealousy of their best friends, and persuading them to place unbounded confidence in those who have an interest in deceiving them, that their liberties have been usually wrested out of their hands. Here the work of mischief begins; hence originates that rage for innovation, which like a resistless torrent, sweeps away all the defences of public liberty erected by wisdom and foresight, and in its course demolishes the stablest pillars of social order and happiness.

To ensure safety, and to disappoint the views of disorganizers, a people must keep a steady eye upon their true interests. Cool and dispassionate, yet watchful and circumspect, they must pursue that line of conduct, which, after the best information to be obtained, appears most conducive to the general benefit. Vigilance is the guardian angel of freedom; if that be lulled asleep, this falls an easy prey to the first bold invader.

A patriotic spirit is intimately connected with the happiness of a people.

This is a branch of the great principle of benevolence; the love of our neighbour extended on the broad scale of the community. It consists not in empty professions, but in actual services. It leads a man to promote the good of the public, by a faithful discharge of the duties of his particular rank and station in society.

What a bright example of genuine patriotism was exhibited in the life of Jesus Christ? He gave the best evidence of love to his country, by his incessant labours for its good. The lost sheep of the house of Israel had the benefit of his instruction, of his miraculous operations, and of his prayers. He lamented their infidelity, and wept at the foresight of their impending fate. Though unjustly condemned by an act of public authority, it did not extinguish this patriotic flame. He died, not imprecating vengeance, but interceding heaven for his implacable persecutors. When, after his resurrection, his disciples were sent forth to proclaim the glad tidings of salvation in all the world, he expressly commanded the first offer to be made to his own nation; “beginning at Jerusalem.” How unlike was he to some modern patriots, who, amidst the warmest professions of attachment to their country, are industriously aiming at personal emolument? How unlike the spirit manifested by him is that spurious passion which, usurping the name of patriotism, kindles the torch of war, and spreads desolation over the face of the earth?

So far as love of country is a real virtue, it is recommended by the spirit of the gospel, and sanctioned by the example of the benevolent Saviour.

This is an instructive lesson to rulers. With what ardour should they copy the amiable original! To all around, their practice should hold this language; “If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth.”

That a people may flourish, they must cultivate industry, frugality, and temperance; and discourage the opposite vices.

Luxury and dissipation, idleness and intemperance, are the well known enemies of freedom. By rendering men unworthy, they make them incapable of this blessing. By debasing their sentiments, and corrupting their principles, they convert them into the instruments of their own degradation.

This remark receives a striking illustration in the Asiatic countries, where sloth and effeminacy have done that, which, without the aid of such auxiliaries, tyrants could never have effected; where the wretched inhabitants, long degraded to the lowest state of vassalage, have lost the hope, and almost the desire of meliorating their condition.

The liberties of a people will flourish or decline, in proportion as the virtues in question are cherished or forsaken. They impart health to the body, and energy to the mind. They are the pillars of national glory and strength, no less than of individual prosperity.

As the means of gratification multiply with our increasing wealth, it should induce a caution, how we depart too far from the simplicity of former times, the happy age of our fathers; left, with the loss of their domestic virtues, we lose also that independent spirit, the very soul of freedom, which those virtues have bequeathed us.

The manners of men in elevated stations will have a commanding effect. May the speaker therefore be permitted to solicit the influence of their example in aid of those social virtues, which coexist with the prosperity of a people, and the progress of whose ruin will be marked with their decline.

Union and harmony are the safeguard of a people; disunion and animosity a source of danger.

Amidst the prevalence of party, the common good too often ceases to be an object. In the heat of altercation, men forget they have a country; forget they have liberties, which must be secured and defended by union. More intent upon carrying some favourite point, or in mortifying an opponent, than in doing what the substantial interests of the community render necessary, they seem not to reflect how much those interests, which all profess to have at heart, are weakened and exposed.

Should jealousy and discord prevail to that degree in these states, as to blind their eyes to the common advantage, and lead them in pursuit of separate objects, the connecting bond, which now unites them into one people, will be quickly dissevered. Whenever that event shall take place, instead of being a respectable nation, we shall be broken into a number of unconnected parts, among which a destructive rivalship of interfering interests will continue to exist, until someone popular leader, more successful than his competitors, shall make himself master of the whole. Thus ended the quarrels between the Grecian States, in the dominion of a Philips, and of an Alexander.

To what is the instability of free governments owing? And by what means have they usually been subverted? By ambitious men fomenting jealousies, and sowing the seeds of disunion among the people, until, availing themselves of the scenes of confusion that ensued, they found means to seize on their liberties, and left them nothing to contend about. By arts like these, after long and violent convulsions, the enormous fabric of the Roman Commonwealth sunk at length into one universal, unqualified despotism.

Much does it concern every true friend of his country, and of man, to guard against this pernicious evil; to repress the virulence of party; to shun irritation; and to promote, to the utmost, union, harmony, and a mutual good understanding. Embarked in the common cause of freedom, how criminal shall we be to endanger it by our dissensions? Members of the same body, how unnatural our conduct, when actuated by disuniting, dissocial passions? “If ye bite and devour one another, take heed that ye be not consumed one of another.” Act rather by this rule, “As free, yet not using your liberty for a cloak of maliciousness, but as the servants of God.”

The choice of rulers is another thing, which nearly affects the well being of a state.

The right of suffrage is one of the most important exercised by a free people. Language must fail to express the ill effects of a negligent, careless use of this privilege. If many forbear to act, if many more act without a due regard to the characters and principles of candidates, public stations will be filled by men who do not merit the distinction. It will be still worse, if the exercise of this privilege shall fall under the influence of intrigue and management. For then there will exist in fact a secret, invisible power in the bosom of the state; an active principle, the effects of which bid defiance to calculation; the germ of revolution; the source of those numberless mischiefs, by which free governments are disturbed, convulsed, and overthrown. Our liberties will perish, they will then perish, when elections shall be conducted on principles, and be influenced by motives foreign to the public welfare.

A wise, upright, energetic administration, is essential to the honour, safety, and happiness of a people. While it commands respect abroad, it will secure internal peace, order, and tranquility. But when weakness, timidity, and irresolution hold, with a palsied hand, the reins of government, the evil affects the entire system, and is felt in the remotest extremities. Public proceedings bear evident marks of languor, indecision, want of consistent plan, and neglect to seize the advantage of existing circumstances. In this state of things there is much to fear, nothing to hope. The general tendency is to anarchy and dissolution. Patriotism weeps over the declining glories of her country, and with keen sensations of grief realizes her exposure to foreign insult, and to unrestrained domestic disorders.

This view of a feeble administration must evince the importance of raising to office, those who possess energy and strength of mind to support the dignity of government, and to protect the rights of the people.

If it be demanded, what the qualifications of good rulers are; and how the people are to be directed in the choice of such? Let inspired scripture give the answer. “Thou shalt provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over them.”

That rulers must be “able men,” possessing a competency of natural and acquired accomplishments, is universally agreed. The necessity of religious principle has been contested. But if it be this, which gives direction and force to other principles; which adds dignity and worth to character; which lifts men to noble heights of virtue, to look with disdain on every mean artifice, on every base, dishonest, immoral practice; then, if this be set aside, no sufficient security remains for the fidelity of rulers; and there is reason to apprehend the abuse of power, and breach of public trust, so oft as the prospect of personal advantage, aided by the belief of concealment, or the hope of impunity, shall present the temptation. Allow to other principles all that can be justly said on their behalf; still this will have a preponderating influence, over which no sinister motive can prevail. Bearing in mind the tribunal of the Supreme Judge, before which rulers great men must stand, as well as those of meaner rank, awed and impressed with the solemn thought, they will aim to be “the ministers of God for good;” and to answer the design of their elevation, in being “a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well.”

None but characters of this description merit the suffrages of a free, enlightened public.

In hereditary governments, a people are not answerable for the character and qualifications of the civil magistrate. It is not their fault, but their misfortune, when high stations are not filled with the best men. In elective republics it is otherwise. Where power emanates from the immediate act of the people, it is both their sin and their punishment, when it falls on improper and unqualified subjects.

Consonant to this remark is the following passage from a sermon, delivered nearly forty years since, on an occasion similar to the present; 1 which I the rather beg leave to introduce, as displaying, in a lively manner, the sentiment and spirit of our fathers. “When,” says the preacher, “a people immediately appoint their own rulers, they are to the last degree infatuated , if they fix on those, who are not capable of seeing with their own eyes, but are obliged to move by the direction of others, or who get into power to gratify their vanity, their luxury, or their avarice; and it requires no spirit of prophecy to foresee, that a community who are so lost to public virtue, are nigh to destruction. A people may be deceived, they may be betrayed, by men in whom they put confidence. But they deserve to be abandoned by providence, if they trust their interest with men, whom they know to be either weak or wicked.”

The last thing to be noticed, as connected with national safety and happiness, is the regard paid to the obligations and institutions of religion.

It is not thought necessary to enter into a formal proof of the beneficial influence of religion upon the peace and the order, the security and the welfare of society. This has been often done in the most satisfactory manner. Let it be simply asked: If the responsibility of human conduct be denied, what remains to deter men from atrocious criminality? If the restraints which religion imposes be taken off, will not evil men wax worse and worse? Will principles, which confound the distinctions of right and wrong, virtue and vice, conduct their votaries in the paths of integrity and honour? Or will a man be more temperate, more just, more attentive to his duty, and better serve his generation, the less he believes in the moral government of Deity, and a future state of retribution? Whatever may have been advanced to the contrary, if you remove religious principle, no sufficient base will be left for the support of moral and social duty. If you take the fear of God away, and the expectation of a judgment to come, you loosen those cords, you burst asunder those bands, by which men are held to be good men, good neighbours, good citizens, good subjects, and good rulers. In a word, religion is the palladium of social order and happiness; and those, who are striving to break down its altars, and to overthrow its institutions, are to be regarded as in a state of hostility to the dearest interests of man.

The love of our country, the memory of our pious ancestors, the happiness of unborn millions, and our own eternal salvation, all conspire to exact it of us as a duty, to cherish the principles, adhere to the institutions, cultivate the virtues, and imitate the examples of our holy religion. Whenever we shall degenerate from the piety of our forefathers to that degree, that the house of God shall be forsaken; the ministers of religion be cast off as a useless encumbrance; and our Sabbath’s sacred to devotion, be converted into days of amusement and pleasure; then shall we have abandoned the ark of our safety; then shall we find ourselves, without chart or compass, afloat on the troubled sea of revolution, liable to be swallowed up by every swelling surge, and exposed to perish in the storm, which our own vices have contributed to raise.

Deeply impressed with the importance of religion to the happiness of a state, it greatly adds to the joy of this anniversary, and must be esteemed a token for good, that we see repeatedly placed at the head of the commonwealth, by the increasing suffrages of his fellow-citizens, a chief magistrate, who is not ashamed of the gospel of Christ; and in whose character are united the accomplished statesman, and the devout Christian. Bound by the strongest and most endearing ties to the civil and religious institutions of his country, these, we doubt not, will have his decided support. Under an administration combining dignity with mildness, energy with moderation, and rectitude of measures with a liberal regard to the sentiments and feelings of the community, we promise ourselves great quietness. It shall be our fervent prayer for his Excellency, that he may continue to “see the desire of his heart, and peace upon Israel.” At some far distant period, having served his generation according to the will of God, may he quit the labours of a mortal, to receive the crown of an immortal life.

The gentleman re-elected to the second office in government, will accept our cordial congratulation. While this affords a pleasing testimony of the public approbation of his past services, it yields likewise a stimulus to further claims upon it. Convinced of His Honour’s zeal and abilities, we anticipate with pleasure the fruits of their exertion for the good of the Commonwealth.

In our divided state of public opinion, it much concerns the legislative branches of government to have “understanding in the times, to know what Israel ought to do.” The people hope for, and permit me to say, they have a right to expect in their rulers, a firm adherence to those principles and measures, which have raised us to a state of prosperity unequalled in the history of civil society. From such principles and measures, what discerning friend of his country will wish for a departure? Rapidly advancing in the road of improvement, what may we promise ourselves from a change? In your wisdom and integrity, respected rulers, do we confide, that the powers, constitutionally vested in you, will be uniformly employed in checking a progress of innovation; in preserving the union of the states under the general government; and in maintaining the strength and proportions of that goodly edifice, which deservedly attracts the admiration of the world.

May divine wisdom guide, and divine goodness crown your deliberations with success! Under your auspices, may the principles of freedom be well understood; genuine patriotism increase; the social and moral virtues prevail; and the uncorrupt religion of the gospel attain an influence unknown to former time! May this age, in which you are called to act a part so conspicuous, hereafter arise and shine with bright characters of distinction! And at the day of final audit, may you receive the rewards allotted to the friends and benefactors of mankind!

Men and Brethren of this numerous assembly.

We all profess to have the same object in view, the good of our common country. Whatever want of agreement there may be among us in other respects, let us at least unite in supplicating the God of our mercies, that he will be pleased to enlighten the guides of our nation with wisdom from above; that he will lead them in the paths of understanding, and make darkness light before them; that he will direct to the adoption of wise, safe, and judicious measures; and that he will preserve from dangerous errours and mistakes.

Amidst the fluctuation of human events, one point of comfort eternally remains, that the Lord reigneth. Defeat may attend the best concerted schemes of mortals; but his counsel shall stand. The wrath, the follies, and even the impieties of men shall praise him. Through all obstructions, the purposes of heaven shall hold an uninterrupted course, till they issue at length in the glorious discoveries of the perfect day.

Taking the prophetic writings for our guide, we are led to expect, that great events are yet to be unfolded. In them a period is clearly foretold, when wars shall cease; war, that scourge of nations, that indelible stigma on human nature! When the blessings of equal liberty, rarely known on earth, shall become the inheritance of all men; when civil and religious institutions, no more at variance, shall combine their influence to produce the greatest good; and when Christianity shall triumph over all that is corrupt and vicious in the human heart and manners.

Then shall commence the genuine age of reason, and perfectability of man; of which certain blind philosophers, in language stolen from prophetic inspiration, have spoken, but like Caiaphus, known not they were uttering a prophecy. Not, however, in the manner predicted by them; not by “throwing Christianity into the background,” and advancing infidelity and atheism in its place, shall this event happen; but by the universal spread of the gospel, and the prevalence of its sacred principles.

None can be ignorant of the attempts to discredit the authority, and to abolish the influence of divine revelation. To what lengths these may yet be carried, or with what degree of success they may for a time be attended, cannot be foreseen. But, eventually, the truth as it is in Jesus shall prevail. The enlightened eye of faith, through all the surrounding darkness, descries the triumphs of the cross, the bright glories of the Redeemer’s reign. Of those triumphs, of these glories, our country shall one day partake. For so runs the decree of the Almighty; “I will give thee the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession.” And though mercenary Balaams should come from afar; though they should ascend every high place, and from every point of observation utter their blasphemies “against the Lord, and against his anointed;” yet, so far from defeating, they shall be made, contrary to their intention, to subserve “the purpose of him, who worketh all things after the counsel of his own will.”

In the mean time, let us be guarded against every insidious attempt to corrupt our principles, or misguide our practice. It concerns us to beware, that no man spoil us through philosophy and vain deceit that we forsake not the old paths, which righteous men have trodden, for the unsafe ones of later inventions; and that we hearken not to the plausible, but ill grounded schemes of modern theorists, having for their object the demolition of all that the wisdom of ages, of all that divine wisdom has reared up; and which, if they meet with no check, if they proceed with their refinements, will erelong refine us out of the blessings of a free people, leaving us only the shadow of liberty, and perhaps not even so much as that. Let us aim to have just views of the situation, interests, and welfare of our country, and strive to promote these important objects. Particularly, let us cultivate in our own hearts, and recommend by our example to others, the social, moral, and Christian duties. Laying aside all bitterness and wrath, and evil speaking, let us seek the things that make for peace. Let us conduct our elections, both as respects the general and state governments, with due caution. Aware of its importance, let us cherish an attachment to the national constitution, the cement of our union, the ground and pillar of our political hopes. Whatever be the station in society we fill, whether dignified or humble, let us discharge the duties of it with all good fidelity. Let us, in fine, “exemplify in ourselves, maintain in our families, diffuse among our acquaintance, and transmit to succeeding generations, the sentiments and manners of confederate republicans, and sincere christians.”

On a due attention to these things, our national safety and glory depend. We shall stand or fall, rise to distinguished eminence, or sink to contempt and misery, by the character we establish for virtue or vice, religion or infidelity. If we know and improve the time of our visitation, then from us shall blessings flow down to posterity, and to mankind at large. Neglecting this, the loss of American liberty will furnish to future ages and generations one proof more of the truth of this moral aphorism, that “sin is the reproach and the ruin of any people.” “O that we were wise, that we understood this, that we would consider our latter end! O that there were such an heart in us, that we would fear the Lord, and keep all his commandments always, that it might be well with us and with our children forever!”

END.

 

1.Rev. Dr. Eliot, 1765.

Sermon – Election – 1803, Connecticut

sermon-election-1803-connecticut


An

Election Sermon,

Preached at

Hartford,

On the Day of the

Anniversary Election,

May 12, 1803.

By Matthias Burnet, D.D.

Pastor of the First Church in Norwalk.

Psalm, xi. 3.

If the foundations be destroyed what can the righteous do?

This animated interrogatory exhibits in strong and expressive language, the deplorable state of the good man, when those only sure foundations of order, peace and security in
society, religion and government, are undermined and destroyed- For though these are not expressly named, yet I think it evident from the context, that they are the foundations referred to by the Psalmist, when he represents the righteous as reduced to such a perplexed; and wretched condition by their destruction. And indeed, what condition on earth can be imagined more wretched than this? If those only sure foundations of order; peace and security in society are destroyed, what can the righteous do? or where can they fly for protection and comfort?

The pillars on which their safety rested being taken away, they are of all men the most miserable. Their conscience will not allow them to resort to those measures, to which the wicked without scruple do, and they are exposed to the persecution, the rapine and plunder of all who hate their persons or covet their property, without hope of relief. If government is destroyed, every human barrier to the corrupt lusts and passions of men is broken down, and we have no security for any thing we possess. The hand of every man will be against the hand of every man, and the stronger will oppress the weak.

This doctrine, I am sensible, is contrary to that of some minute philosophers of the present day, who say, that man needs no external law or government to regulate his conduct, but that reason which was given him for his guide, united with opinion and sentiment, or the moral sense, as they call it, is amply sufficient to render him a law to himself and to answer all the purposes of society, without any written law or coercive power. But the falsity of this assertion is demonstrated by the whole history of man, and the great prevalence of vice, in every age and country, in opposition to reason, sentiment and law. Corrupt as the world is, the general sentiment of mankind is against vice and iniquity; the course of education in all schools and public instructions is to discountenance it, and the express design of all law and government is to restrain and repress it. Yet over all these barriers how often do the corrupt lusts and passions of men break?

How often are men found hardy enough to commit crimes which their own conscience and the judgment of all mankind condemn. They burst the law’s enclosure, rob the widow and the orphan, and riot in the spoil of innocence. They perpetrate treason, murder, and other atrocious deeds that strike the soul with horror but to name them.- And if such enormities are often committed in opposition not only to reason and the general sense of mankind, but to the restraints of law and government, how much more frequent would they be, and to how much greater height would they rise, if this fence was broken down, and this restraint taken off? Would not the lawless passions of men rage without control, and spread desolation far and wide? They surely would.

On this account therefore, in order to bridle the lusts, to curb the violence of men, and protect the person and property of one man from the invasion of another, all nations have of necessity, as well as of choice, submitted to some form of government, declared and established by written laws or common consent, to be administered and executed by the one, the few, or the many. A monarch, a body of nobles, or representatives and magistrates chosen by the people, for the terror and punishment of evil doers, and the encouragement and protection of them that do well. This is, or should be, the end and design of all government; and to this end when rightly framed and administered, it doth indeed greatly conduce.

But still excellent and beneficial as this institution is, feeble in many instances would be the best form of government, and ineffectual the most wise and salutary laws, and the greatest
fidelity in the execution of them, without a sense of religion and the terrors of the world to come. The great and the mighty are often, so exalted by their wealth and their power, as to be above the fear of the penalties of the law, and the censures of men for the breach of them; and the poor sometimes, view themselves as already sunk so low in the public estimation, that they have little concern about sinking lower, and they are so wretched in their circumstances that they cannot be reduced to much worse in this world, and are therefore under little restraint from what men think of or can do to them, and thus without fear or shame commit any crimes to which inclination or opportunity prompts.

But even where men dread the penalties of the law and the censures of the public, there are ten thousand instances in which they may elude them both. In which men of all ranks may commit a multitude of crimes, under the covert of such darkness and concealment as no human eye can penetrate, nor any finite arm lay hold on them.- If then there be no sense of religion on the mind, nor any fear of God before their eyes, what will restrain them from any deed however atrocious, to which profit or pleasure tempts them? Will the man who disregards the authority of that Being who is every where present, and to whose all piercing eye all things are open and naked, regard the authority of one whom he may deceive every moment? Will the man who has persuaded himself, if such a persuasion there can be, that there is no God, or if there is, that this life is the whole of his existence and that he shall never be called to an account in a future state, for any of his conduct in this; will he abstain from any crime to which his inclination leads, where concealment can shield him from the reproach, or power protect him from the vengeance of the public? Under such circumstances will he hesitate to defraud his neighbor, to betray or assassinate his friend, or fell his country, if he can make a profitable or even a saving bargain to himself? He surely will not.

But honor, honesty, gratitude and friendship, will in this case be all sacrificed at the shrine of interest, pleasure or ambition. In a word, banish a sense of religion and the terrors of the world to come from society, and you at once dissolve the sacred obligations of conscience and leave every man to do that which is right in his own eyes; you let mankind 1oose like so many beasts of prey, to roam at large, to deceive, destroy and devour all whom fraud or force may put in their power. Whoever therefore regards his own interest or that of the public, must be a friend to religion as the surest bond of propriety in all private dealings, and as the best preservative of national peace and welfare. If then religion and government are thus fundamental and important, to the order, peace and security of society, it will be natural to ask, how these foundations may be best laid and perpetuated? and to this question I answer,

I. By a right and virtuous education of the children and youth of the country. Train up a child in the way in which he should go, was the advice and command of a great ruler and very wise man; and the benefit of it he assures you will be, that when he is old he will not depart from it, and it is an advice most worthy of attention and regard as being founded in fact and experience. Tis education forms the mind and directs the habits.

Without education, and that knowledge which is the effect of it, men are ever liable to be imposed upon and led astray. Ignorant of the true nature of things they are degraded and depressed by the grossest superstition, or blown up by the wildest enthusiasm. They are duped and lead blindfold by every designing demagogue, or tamely crouch down under every lordly despot: but when men are well educated and rightly informed, they will shake off those fetters of the mind and affect the true rights and dignities of man. Instructed in the arts and sciences, in the laws and customs of nations, in their own rights and those of others, they will be more likely to defend the one and to abstain from infringing the other.

Trained up in the knowledge and in the habit of performing the duties they owe to God, their neighbor and themselves, they will be less likely to depart from or break the order and peace of society by any improper conduct. It is in this view that all civilized nations have considered the education of children and youth as a matter of the greatest importance. The ancient Greeks and Romans paid a very particular attention to this subject.

They early taught their children to fear the gods, to obey their parents, teachers and rulers, and to love their country. They instructed them in their rights, and inspired them with spirit and courage to defend them. They brought them up in the habits of industry, temperance and justice. They inured them to hardships by labor and exercises suited to their age. They simulated them to virtuous and heroic deeds by motives of glory and honor, and deterred them from vice and iniquity by disgrace and punishment.

Hence arose poets and orators, patriots and heroes, that have eternized the names of these republics. And would arrive to like fame, and hand down posterity unimpaired the happy constitution under which we live, and the divine religion which we enjoy, with a reasonable hope that they will be preserved in our land, it must be as one mean, by attending to the education of the rising generation. The happiness or misery of a nation like ours must greatly depend upon the knowledge or ignorance of the great body of the people.

2. In this view also, the public worship of God, the assembling ourselves together for prayer, praise, and religious instruction, on the Lord’s day, is a matter of the greatest moment. This is the most excellent method, to communicate, spread and perpetuate the knowledge of God and religion in the world, that ever hath been, or can be devised. Indeed it is the only method that can maintain a public regard to religion, which without it would be quickly lost and forgotten.

Were the preaching of the word and the administration of the sacraments of baptism and the Lord’s supper generally neglected or discontinued, men would soon relapse into the same darkness and idolatry which so universally prevailed before the appearance of the great sun of righteousness, and as universally reigns now in those parts of the earth where the gospel hath never come or been received. For this reason Julian the apostate, when he attempted to overthrow and destruction of the Christian religion, prohibited the public assembling of the Christians for public worship and religious instruction, well knowing that if he could succeed in this, he could the more effectually accomplish his design; and if ever the Christian religion is extirpated, it must be by bringing its institutions into disrepute, and causing them to be neglected. And therefore to demolish these is the great aim of its enemies.

But not only is public worship or an attendance upon the institutions of religion, important, as it is adapted to communicate, diffuse and perpetuate the knowledge of the doctrines and principles of Christianity, but as it has a most happy tendency to give them a deeper, and more lasting impression on the mind, to render men not only wiser but better, to rectify the temper and regulate the conduct. The hearing the virtues, of piety, justice, temperance, purity and charity or love from Sabbath to Sabbath explained and inculcated, and the opposite vices of impiety, injustice, intemperance, impurity, enmity, variance and contention, stigmatized and condemned, and all enforced, with the solemn consideration of a judgment to come, when the secrets of all hearts shall be revealed, and the deeds done in the body be rewarded or punished, according to their nature and desert, has a natural tendency to lead to the practice of the former, and to check and restrain from the commission of the latter.

In this way the public worship of God has a most salutary influence not only to promote the best good of individuals, but the order, peace, and harmony of families, societies, states and empires. To make good husbands and wives, good parents and children, good masters and servants, good rulers and subjects- To make rulers rule in the fear of God, and the ruled submit and pay all proper obedience, not only for wrath, but for conscience sake. Yea the very meeting together of numbers in one place, from Sabbath to Sabbath, as the children of one God and Father, to offer up their prayers and praises to him the Father of mercies and the fountain of all good, is adapted to conciliate their minds to each other, and make them more loving and friendly than they otherwise would be.

On the contrary were the public institutions of religion generally neglected and disused, gross ignorance in divine things, and great corruption in morals would soon ensue. This I think may be fairly concluded from the difference there is, between the knowledge and the morals of the mass of the people, in those places in our land, where the institution of the Sabbath, and the preaching of the gospel are regularly observed, and where they are not. In the latter the people grow up in ignorance of these things, quite rude and uncivilized in their manners. The Sabbath being considered as a day of rest, is spent in idleness, drinking, gaming, and other vices which corrupt the mind, and introduce penury and want, misery and wretchedness into the abodes of men. So that as one strongly but truly expresses it, if our churches were generally shut up and the public institutions of religion thrown aside, according to the infidel’s wish, the civil magistrate, if he consulted the good of society, would soon force them open in order to reclaim the criminals that would otherwise be let loose upon the world.

3. Another thing, upon which the welfare and stability of government much depends, is the choice of wise and worth men, men of sound heads, honest hearts, and exemplary lives to fill the legislative, judicial and executive departments of state. This in a republican or free government is a matter of most serious concern, what are the characteristics and qualifications of the persons you elect to office, and too much attention cannot be paid to it, by all who wish well to their county; because, if the men who, are raised by the people to legislate, judge of, or execute the laws for them, are weak and ignorant, the laws they frame must partake of the same qualities; or if they be corrupt in their principles, and dissolute and immoral in their lives, they will have a motive in their own breast and conduct to be remiss in the execution of the laws, however wise and good they maybe. Yea they become themselves examples and encouragers of vice to others, and thus contribute to weaken and destroy the very government they are sworn to maintain. On which account, the ancient Greeks in the time of the greatest purity and perfection of their government, would admit no person to office among them who lived a dissolute and immoral life, judging him unworthy of public trust who could not, or would not govern himself by the rules of prudence, sobriety and justice. And upon the same principle no doubt it was that Jethro the father in law of Moses, gave that excellent advice to him, with respect to the qualifications of the judges he should choose to assist him in the government of the people Israel.

That they should be able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness. That is, as the words plainly import, that they should be men of good natural understanding and competent acquired knowledge. Men acting under the belief and awe of God as their inspector and judge, to whom they consider themselves accountable for their conduct and whom they fear to offend. Men truly honest and upright in their principles and views, not actuated and governed by he sordid motives of self interest and aggrandizement in their desire and execution of office, but by a sincere regard to the public good. And sure better advice than this, could not be given, nor more important qualifications directed to in the choice of rulers.

Yet I am well aware that one of these qualifications, viz. the fear of God, is by numbers, thought to be of very little consequence, and some there are, who even deride the very idea of paying any attention to it all, declaring our dearest interests to be as safe in the hands even of an atheist, as any other man. But with that great patriot and statesman the late governor Livingston of New Jersey, I must yet think that this is a qualification of very great importance in a ruler. And that the father in law of Moses gave him very good advice, when he directed him to pay particular attention to it in those whom he should appoint to be judges and rulers over the people Israel.

For if God be such a being, as both reason and revelation declare him to be, an omniscient, holy, just and all- powerful being, whose eyes are in every place, beholding the evil and the good, to punish the one and reward the other according to their character and deeds, then certainly, the fear and awe of him must operate as the greatest restraint from that which is evil, and the most powerful incentive to that which is good, and he who is truly actuated by this principle, will never give his voice or influence to pervert justice or support iniquity. But the man who does not believe in the being and providence of God, or is not actuated by the fear and awe of him, has in many cases no bond or restraint upon his conduct, and therefore is not fit to be trusted with a nation√s weal, which he will not scruple, whenever he can with impunity, to sacrifice to his lust or ambition.

4. Another thing highly worthy the attention of all who wish to promote the order, peace and stability of government is, that as much as in them lies, they cherish and cultivate a spirit of unity and concord, and avoid and discourage that unreasonable jealousy, and party zeal, which throws the members of the State, into different factions, pursuing different interests of their own, and often both of them very different from that of the public. So much political jealousy as leads men to watch over their rights and liberties with care, that they be not infringed, is proper and laudable, yea, is an indispensable duty: But when men enlist themselves in parties and range themselves under particular leaders, they too often lose sight of the public good and yield themselves up implicitly to their directions, whom like a band of dragoons they follow wherever they lead.

They consider not the truth, the reasonableness, or the justice of the cause, but what will promote the views and interests of the party to which they attach themselves. This casts a mist before their eyes and sanctifies every mean, however base and iniquitous, that will contribute to the particular designs of the party. Hence slander, misrepresentation, the grossest falsehoods and even violence when the end cannot be obtained without it, are the common resort of men actuated by this spirit. When it rises to any considerable height, it engenders the most virulent factions and deadly animosities in neighborhoods, societies and states, which are often perpetuated from generation to generation and sometimes work the overthrow and ruin of the community or state where they prevail.

It was this spirit of party, which hastened the downfall of ancient Rome, once the wonder and mistress of the world. The powerful parties of Caesar and Pompey kept the state a long time in convulsions, till the victory of Caesar over Pompey gave it a master, and instead of a government managed by freemen, subjected the property, the liberty, and lives of the citizens of Rome, to the will of a tyrant. And Josephus, the Jewish historian, informs us, that to the party factions and intestine divisions that rent and convulsed the Jews among themselves, their destruction as more owing, than to the conquering arms of the Romans. This same spirit also contributed to reduce Holland and Switzerland to their present degraded and humiliating condition, to have their rulers, government and laws dictated and controlled by a foreign power.

Should not then the fate of these and other nations famed in story, be a solemn memento and warning to the people of this land, to check and cast out that demon of party, which hath risen among us, engendering enmity, strife and contention, and inciting to the vilest slander, misrepresentation and falsehood, that alas! men of different parties in the violence of their zeal, can scarce think or say a good thing of each other; and of consequence, while this disposition reigns, will never unite in measures for the public good, but even against the plainest dictates of reason and common sense will forever use all their efforts to perplex and counteract each other.

5. Once more, permit me to observe, that in order to the stability of a free government it is necessary that the great body of the people be, and continue virtuous, sober, industrious and lovers of order. So long as this is the case, there will be little to be feared. All things will go well. Liberty, peace and prosperity, will dwell with such a people, at least there will be nothing among themselves, to interrupt or banish these blessed inhabitants from their residence with them.

But whenever there shall be a general corruption among the great body of the people, when pride, selfishness and ambition, or an insatiable thirst for power, shall pervade and actuate the higher orders; when vice, licentiousness and opposition to all just rule and restraint shall characterize the lower ranks of men; when rulers govern and people obey, when ministers counsel and soldiers fight, when judges preside over the laws and jurors bear testimony, not from any regard to the principles of conscience, the fear of the Lord or the public good, but their own private interests and aggrandizement, then it is easy to see, that a government thus administered is without any solid support within or without, and thus distempered in all its members, it must gradually decline and waste away, or fall a prey to the first acute disorder that attacks it.

This the Roman historians inform us, was the fatal progress of corruption and vice in that famed republic and once free state of ancient Rome. While a patriot ardor glowed in the breasts of her senators, judges and generals, while temperance, frugality and industry, submission to order and just government, patience and resolution, to do and to suffer all things for the security, reputation, liberty and glory of their country characterized her citizens, peace and prosperity reigned at home, fame, conquest and empire crowned their arms abroad; but when a selfish ambition took place of love of their country; and zeal for the public was extinguished by party rage, when the riches of the east and the spoils of conquered provinces, had introduced indolence, sloth, luxury and avarice, and all the arts and follies of a corrupted state, and above all, when the principles of Epicurus had banished religion, the only effectual restraint upon human conduct, from the state, and left every man to do what was right in his own eyes, then as a nervous writer very justly describes her fate, like the Israelites of old, when they had renounced the government of their God and the protection of his providence, they were given up to ruin.

Unnerved and inseminated by luxury and excess, they were exposed to insults from abroad, and to intestine broils and civil wars at home. A succession of tyrants, monsters of impiety, debauchery and cruelty, was permitted to lash the Romans into virtue, or correct and punish their vices, under whom the state languished, rather than lived under a complication of disorders, till Rome, imperial, immortal, eternal Rome, the mistress of the world, the strong and spreading oak, that covered all the beasts of the earth, having filled her measure of wickedness and accomplished her fate, the fate of nations, expires, or rather dwindles away, a poor and shriveled plant, deprived of its native virtue and the benign influences of heaven, and is scattered, the sport of winds, into the common mass of universal matter. An awful monument and solemn warning to the world, that while righteousness exalteth a nation, vice is the reproach and ruin of a people.-

And now to bring this already long discourse to a close, what are the lessons which it inculcates and the improvement which is proper to be made of it, by this numerous and august assembly?

To your Excellency the Governor- to your Honor the Lieutenant Governor, and to you Gentlemen the Legislators and Representatives of this State, doth it not strongly suggest, the high importance of giving all possible encouragement and support to the means of education, common schools and public seminaries, those fountains of useful knowledge to our youth, whence streams may continually flow to water and refresh our land, or to vary the figure, whence our children and youth may be trained up to usefulness and honor, and be as pillars in church and state? Again, do not the above considerations, also strongly declare the propriety and importance of giving countenance and support to the public worship of God, and its necessary institutions.

I know it is the opinion of some, and it is to be feared, that with the fool, who hath said in his heart, there is no God, it is the wish of more, that government should take no notice, nor by any laws enacted for that purpose, give any countenance or support to religion, but leave God and religion, entirely unnoticed, as much as if there was no such being or thing in existence. For a nation or government of atheists, if such a government ever did or can exist, I acknowledge such a conduct would be proper and in character; but for a nation of theists, and especially of Christian theists, who profess to believe in the being of a God, and that the worship of him is a duty, and of public and general utility to a people, I say for such a nation
or government to be silent on this head, would certainly be very improper, if not an impious and unpardonable neglect; for if there be a God, if the public worship of him be a duty and of great use to the virtue and morals of men, to check, restrain and repress, the overflowings of ungodliness, to engage men to live in peace and love with each other, to submit to order and good government, and above all to dispose and prepare them for a future and more happy state of existence, then certainly it must be a matter highly worthy the attention of every government to give countenance and support to the institutions of religion- nor can magistrates and rulers, according to scripture prophecy, be nursing fathers to the church, if they do not.

Far be it from me to wish to see, and God forbid we ever should see, any government in this country, enacting laws to dictate what articles of faith men shall believe, what mode of worship they shall adopt, or to raise and establish one mode of worship or denomination of Christians above or in preference to another. No, let the human mind be left perfectly free, in all these particulars, to chose and adopt, such modes as it pleases, and let all denominations have equal countenance and support of government; and while ye venerable fathers of your country, to whose care we commit our most valuable rights, civil and religious, while ye thus support the external institutions of religion, by wise and liberal laws and provisions, framed for that purpose, and thus become nursing, protecting fathers to the church, may we not rationally conclude, that while agreeable to the command of Moses to the tribes of Zebulon and Isachar, ye call the people to the mountain, the temple or house of God, there to offer the sacrifices of righteousness; you will sanction and give force to your laws, by your own example going before and leading them thither, and in all things being patterns to them, in piety, virtue and every good work. Thus will you most effectually give energy to your laws, and order, peace and permanency to government.

To you, my Reverend Fathers and Brethren in the gospel ministry, this discourse may with peculiar propriety be addressed.

It is your appropriate and honorable work to dissipate the clouds of ignorance and error, to enlighten and irradiate the human mind with knowledge, and by every mean to strive to make men wiser and better, to inculcate upon them principles of love and peace, with each other, of order and subjection to government, human and divine, and by instruction and example to lead their views to a future and better world. Let this then be the grand object of our aim.

Being by our station and office appointed and designed to reflect the rays of light from the great sun of righteousness, let our light so shine before men, that they seeing the light of our good works, may be led to glorify our Father, the Father of lights, who is in heaven. Considering ourselves as a city set on a hill that can not be hid, that all our actions and conduct is observed and critically scanned, and by many with the worst intent, that they may gain an advantage against us, and through our sides, wound and destroy the cause of our blessed Redeemer, let us agreeable to the command and direction of our Lord and his apostles, be wise as serpents and harmless as doves. Let us walk circumspectly, with prudence, honesty and uprightness, in all our intercourse with the world, being examples to the flock and to the world, in faith, in purity, in word, in doctrine and every good work. Thus let us put to silence and shame, the slanders and revilings of libertine and ungodly men, who are ever ready, and often do say all manner of evil of us.

But let us not be dismayed or disheartened, by their revilings, to give up the truth or desert the cause of our divine Master; but let us contend earnestly for the faith once delivered to the saints, when opposed, not with the virulence of bigots but with meekness, candor, and sound speech, that cannot be gainsayed. Let us go on, in the noble and pleasing work of diffusing knowledge, human and divine, of inculcating upon men the principles of virtue, peace and order, of training them up for, and leading them to heaven and happiness above.

And ye fathers and mothers in this our American Israel, will you not unite your efforts with ours in this benevolent work? Much depends upon you in training up the rising generation to be worthy and useful members of society here, or suitable inhabitants of a better world hereafter; and especially upon you, ye venerable and respected matrons, who have the care of the tenderest years of your children, to sow the seeds of virtue, which are afterwards to be matured by the fostering hand of the father. The impressions first made are often most lasting, and numbers of great and good men have declared themselves more indebted to the tender and pious instructions of their mothers in childhood, that they were kept from vice, and became virtuous members of society, than all after means.

Very honorable is the mention which St. Paul makes of the mother and grand mother of Timothy, and which St. Austin makes of his mother Monica in this view, that the religious instructions which she gave him when a child made such impressions on his mind as were never obliterated, but remained with him through the dangerous season of youth, and by the blessing of God, preserved him from many a vice and folly.

Early then ye parents begin this benevolent, this pleasing work of seasoning the minds of your children with sentiments of virtue; teach them their duty to God and man- acquaint them with their rights, as men and citizens; inspire them with a love of their country, and a zeal to promote and defend its interests; educate them in the habits of industry, temperance, frugality, peaceableness, order and subjection to government- instruct them in the nature of the worship of God, and lead them to the performance of it, in your families and in the church; bring these lambs of the flock and present them before your heavenly Father, the great Shepherd and Bishop of souls, for his blessing; and thus habituate them to, and prepare them for the sublime employments of his holy temple above.

And ye blooming youth of both sexes, who are rising to succeed your parents, in whose hands the country and church will soon be deposited, will ye not listen to the counsels, and follow the example of your pious and revered parents, ministers and friends. With pleasing hope we anticipate the day when you shall come forward an ornament and blessing to your country, to direct her counsels, and defend her rights, or polish the manners and sooth the manners of her sons. That this may be the case, furnish your minds while young with useful knowledge, search for it as for hid treasure, qualify yourselves to act your part with ability on the great theatre of life, to serve your country and your God, whether in a humbler or higher department of the various stations, posts and offices to which you may be destined and called.

Cease from the- instructions of them who would cause you to err from the word of knowledge. Guard against the poisonous- the wide spreading and soul destroying principles of infidelity and libertinism- listen not to the siren song of pleasure, nor to the seductions of evil company, whose evil communications corrupt good manners. Be companions of the wise and the good, the friends of order, religion and virtue, by whom your minds may be informed, and your morals refined. Above all things let me enjoin it upon you, to remember your Creator in the days of your youth, before the evil days come on in which ye shall say, ye have no pleasure. Impress your minds with the solemn awe of the dread majesty of heaven and earth, and this will preserve you from many a sin, and from many a bitter pang. Seek that wisdom which is from above, and it will regulate all your steps; prescribe the proper rule of your conduct, and show you what is due from you to yourselves, your neighbor, and your God.

Finally, ye Freemen, all of every class whose high prerogative it is, to raise up, or pull down, to invest with office and authority, or to withhold them, and in whose power it is to save or destroy your country, consider well the important trust and distinguishing privileges which God and nature have put into your hands. To God and posterity you are accountable for them. See that you preserve them inviolate and transmit them to posterity unimpaired. Let not your children have reason to curse you for giving up those rights, and prostrating those institutions which our fathers delivered to you as a sacred palladium, and which by the blessing of God have been peculiarly beneficial to the order, peace and prosperity of this State, amid all the vicissitudes and convulsions of other states and kingdoms round. And that this happy state of things may continue, look well to the characters and qualifications of those you elect and raise to office and places of trust.

In this momentous concern, let the wise counsel of Jethro, tho a priest, be your guide. Choose ye out from among you able men, such as fear God, men of truth and hating covetousness and set them to rule over you. Think not that your interests will be safe in the hands of the weak and ignorant or faithfully managed by the impious, the dissolute and the immoral. Think not that men who acknowledge not the providence of God nor regard his laws, will be uncorrupt in office, firm in defense of the righteous cause against the oppressor, or resolutely oppose the torrent of iniquity. Their own emolument, ease or pleasure, will at any time induce them to connive at injustice and iniquity, or join with the oppressor. Watch over your liberties and privileges civil and religious with a careful eye.

In defense of these be zealous, resolute and intrepid. They demand it of you and are worthy of it, even tho your lives were to be sacrificed. But indulge not an unreasonable jealousy, nor a captious spirit of caviling with, or faulting the conduct of those you entrust with power- nor a fondness for perpetual and unnecessary change of men or measures. Remember it is always safer and better for a people, to commit their interests to the care of those whose ability, fidelity and patriotism they have tried and found equal to their trust, than to those whom they have not, even though they may be supposed to be perfectly equal in all these particulars.

Banish party factions from among you- let the general good take place of contracted selfishness, and the public welfare triumph over private animosity. Discountenance vice, and be patterns and promoters of virtue and good morals as the only security for the support and prosperity of a republican government.

Revere, imbibe and practice that holy heaven- born religion, which is first pure, then peaceable gentle, easy to be entreated, and full of good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy. In a word, let the love of God, your country, and mankind rule your hearts and actuate your conduct; and let this be manifested by that which is the only true proof of it- obedience to his laws, a patriot soul and a public spirit.-

Then may you hope that order, peace and harmony- honor and prosperity will dwell with us, and God himself be our shield and defense-

AMEN

Sermon – Society in Saybrook – 1803


Jonathan Bird gave this sermon on April 11, 1803. Bird uses 1 Peter 2:13 and Romans 13:1 as the basis for this sermon.


sermon-society-in-saybrook-1803

A

DISCOURSE

DELIVERED TO THE FREEMEN

COLLECTED

IN THE SECOND SOCIETY IN SAYBROOK, APRIL 11th,

A.D. 1803.

By JONATHAN BIRD, A.M.

When the righteous are in authority the people rejoice; but when the wicked beareth rule the people mourn.

If a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked. Solomon.

 

A DISCOURSE, &C.
I Pet. II. 13.Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man, for the Lord’s sake.

Rom. XIII. 1. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God: the powers that be, are ordained of God.

When we see the restless pursuits of the world; good order disregarded; laws, human and divine, trampled on; religion derided; and its professors made the scoff of the profane – When vice of every kind is rampant, its votaries applauded, and advanced to lucrative and honorable stations, then, we justly fear for the safety of our civil and religious liberty.

It is needless to turn your thoughts to the wars and open attacks, on civil and religious liberty, which have convulsed and torn to pieces the European governments. Sufficient, and more than sufficient, has America drank of the lethiferous [lethal] streams of European politics, and of their demoralizing systems, which have poisoned our civil and religious liberty. (2. 3.)

In vain shall we look to the boasted empire of reason, and the philosophism of the present day to remedy the evil: for the most part, it has arisen from this very source. And, though the precepts of the gospel will do much to promote virtue, peace and good order, among those who believe in revelation and are civilly disposed, yet, with others, such as have dipped into the demoralizing principles of vain philosophy, they will have little or no influence: under God, we must depend, principally, on the civil arm. Good laws, upright judges, and a prompt execution are the main anchor of hope. (4. 7.).

It is of high importance, my hearers, that as individuals, and as members of society, we use our influence to establish and maintain civil government. This is not merely the voice of reason, it is the voice of God: “Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, the powers that be are ordained of God.” The civil constitution and laws of a state are, strictly, the civil power, by which, both rulers and subjects are bound. But, as laws are nothing without an executive, the apostle speaks of them as one: and calls the present rulers, the powers that be, on the supposition they adhere to the laws, or, are ministers of God for good: and, as such, affirms they are ordained of God.

The nature of civil government – how far it is an ordinance of God – and our obligation of obedience, thereto, now call for our attention.

“Government is the exertion or display of lawful powers, for the attainment of good and proper ends.” In all government, whether family, ecclesiastical or political, good and proper ends should be the first ingredients. Civil government proposes a fourfold good, viz. Natural good, the preservation of our lives and properties: Moral good, the promotion of virtue, and suppression of vice and immorality: Civil good, the support of justice, truth and honesty among all degrees of men: Religious good, friendship, protection and maintenance of the religion of our Lord Jesus Christ; thy kings shall be nursing fathers, and thy queens nursing mothers, saith the Lord. Had such ends always been kept in view, by those who enact and execute laws, this world would have been a Paradise of God, in comparison with what it now is: But, alas! Long experience hath taught, that when pride, ambition, avarice, and other vices obtain the chair of state, or sword of civil power, then tyranny or anarchy prevail, liberty bleeds, and the people mourn.

But let it be noticed again, that as there are good ends in civil government; so there must be a power vested, somewhere, sufficient for the attainment, or for the ordering of things and persons for the attainment of such ends. Government, without this, would be a mere air built castle, a name without a substance. Men may propose good ends, talk and make a bustle about government; but it is all nonsense, while they have neither power nor influence to effect, or order things and persons for effecting such ends. A power here must be, and sufficient power too, or government will become nerveless, sink into contempt, and do no good. (5) – Whether this power be vested in one, two, or more, is non-essential, so it be for the best good of the community; and without this, it can in no form, be an ordinance of God for good.

It is necessary, that power be exerted. Power, while dormant, is the same as no power. Laws, not executed, are the same as no laws. There must be a display of power for the attainment of good ends. The laws must be put promptly in execution to render government energetic, a praise to them that do well, and a terror to the evil. This is the sum of civil government. Good ends; power to effect these ends; and this power actually exerted, completes the system. It contains a legislative, and an executive body, each tending, ultimately, to promote the glory of God through the best good of the community, and as such, constitutes them an ordinance of God, and entitles them to this glorious character — Ministers of God for good.

Let us in the next place inquire, wherein civil government is an ordinance of God, and, in what respects it is an ordinance of man. The apostle says, “The powers that be, are ordained of God.” Civil government, therefore, is of divine authority. It is God’s ordinance for the well-being of society: not a necessary evil, as some wild visionaries have asserted, for the humbling of the soul, and a scourge to sin. It was appointed for the natural, moral, civil and religious good of society. And, though the law was made for the unholy and disobedient, yet, it tends to God’s glory through the greatest good of the community, and as such, is a glorious ordinance of God. Civil government is an abstract of the divine government, influencing us to an imitation of the perfections of the Deity — “What, O man, doth he require of thee, but to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly before God?” This requirement was worthy of Jehovah; and it is our glory to obey it.

This passage contains the whole of civil government, as an ordinance of God, but says nothing of laws, modes and forms. It only requires such a system of moral and civil walking, as will maintain justice, truth and mercy; and promote mutual subjection and subordination among men. Such a requirement is the unalienable prerogative of Deity, and the language of sound reason; and teaches us, that every government, whoever are its ministers, or whatever is its form, if calculated to answer the above mentioned purposes, is an ordinance of God, resembling his own divine government, and answering his demands of righteousness, truth and mercy in the land. (1. 2.).

Civil government, in every other respect, is left to human prudence and discretion: agreeably to which, St. Peter in our text, calls it an ordinance of man. – This grant to man, is highly fit and infinitely kind, in this changeable state of things; because, no mode of government will suit all communities — different circumstances, require different laws and procedures. Hence arises a necessity, that every state or corporate body should form such a constitution, and enact such laws as they find most conducive to general good. (3).

This right and privilege may be used personally or representatively, as shall be most convenient, and best subserve [to be helpful in promoting] the public weal. The ordinance of God, however, will in this circumscribe our liberty; and restrain our choice to those men who fear God and work righteousness. As God does not permit us to live without government; so neither does he allow us to chose fools and knaves for legislators, and executive officers: the one cannot, and the other will not subserve his glory and the general good. Men, who act on narrow, selfish principles and from sinister views — men, who maintain demoralizing tenets and practices, or countenance and connive at those who do – men, who wish and endeavor to cut, or weaken the sinew2s of energetic government, are a curse to the community (5)—“The best of them is as a briar, and the most upright is sharper than a thorn hedge.” Such men have no just title to the suffrages of freemen, for they are not, and will not be ministers of God for good.

This restraint in the ordinance of God, is compatible with the highest degrees of reasonable civil liberty; and extends to the greatest good of the community. As it rejects the vicious and ignorant, and promotes the wise and virtuous; (2) so it require that these be taken from among ourselves, not strangers and foreigners, but men, who are intimately connected, and well acquainted with the interest of the community, that when they enact and execute laws, they may feel for their brethren as for themselves. Agreeably to which, God said unto his people Israel, “One from among thy brethren, shalt thou set over thee: thou sayest not set a stranger over thee, who is not thy brother.” And, that he might feel his dependence on God, and his connection with the people, he was required to keep a copy of the law by him, and to read in it all the days of his life, that he might learn to fear the Lord — that his heart might not be lifted up above his brethren — and that he turn not aside from the commandment to the right hand or to the left.

Hence we see in what respects civil government is an ordinance of God, and wherein it is an ordinance of man. The constitution, and choice of all persons to be invested with power, are left to the discretion and wisdom of the people: God only requires that his glory be consulted, in every part, through the best good of the community. (2) Our best interest and highest reasonable liberty is consulted, in this ordinance of God. It is truly a popular government, for “the voice of the people is the voice of God:” that which best subserves the good of the community, best subserves his glory, therefore, is his ordinance for good.

Our obligation of obedience to such a government, is too obvious to need any labored proof. Is civil government for the benefit of society, then, common sense teaches the duty of obedience: nor can we withhold our obedience, and not injure ourselves, hurt the public, and dishonor God; hence the apostle said, “He that resisteth shall receive to himself damnation.” They who conscientiously obey the good laws of the state, cannot be unhappy in a civil sense: it is their disobedience to good laws, or submission to bad ones, which render them unhappy, and urges them to disorder and insurrection. (4)

The apostle presses his arguments, pointedly, for obedience to the powers that be, from the consideration, that they were not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Would we discourage vice and promote virtue — would we live in peace and safety — would we enjoy our own, and let our neighbor enjoy his, we must yield a prompt obedience to the powers ordained of God. No other course will insure these blessings.

And, as this is the dictate of found reason, so it has the sanction of heaven: Submit yourselves for the Lord’s sake. Let every soul be subject to the higher powers, for they are ordained of God. God has, doubtless, a right to command even unconditional obedience; but in this case, of civil government, he has in an high degree, connected our interest and happiness with obedience: His command is, therefore, enforced with double energy. We must submit not only for wrath, but for conscience sake — not merely for fear of punishment, but from a spirit of love and obedience; and, thus keep a good conscience towards God and man. Yea, gratitude and justice are not silent on this point: gratitude to God for this civil ordinance; and respect, honor and justice to his ministers who faithfully rule. Accordingly we read, “For, for this cause pay ye tribute also; for they are God’s ministers, attending continually on this very thing,” the good of the people; therefore, render to all their dues: tribute, to whom tribute is due; custom, to whom custom; fear, to whom fear; honor, to whom honor. Thus, God and reason require, that the Minister of God for good shall receive a reward for his service; and honor, respect and obedience for the sake of the ordinance.

You will observe, that I have not been pleading the cause of passive obedience and non resistance; but have urged my arguments for obedience, solely on the ground, that civil government is an ordinance of God for good. (5) That the executive officer, and the people in their representative and legislative capacity may do wrong, will not admit of a doubt. But whether they do wrong, will not admit of a doubt. But whether they can, or do; or wherein they cease to be an ordinance of God: or whether the people can, or wherein they may have just cause of resistance, are points on which I have neither time nor inclination to enter. — Many political retailers have made a noise, and done mischief on these points. Would such men take less pains to pull down and destroy, and make complaint of government: and, would they take more pains to fill the legislative and executive departments of government, with men of sound heads, and of honest devout hearts, they might be an honor to themselves, and greatly subserve the peace and well being of society. (3)

It is, indeed, a melancholy truth, that political heresies, disorganizing and demoralizing principles abound in the Union. Some states are in absolute confusion. 1 And, so confident of success are the authors and promoters of this baneful system, that they boast in the very face of day.

In justice, however, it must be acknowledged the people of this State have, for a long time, enjoyed a larger share of civil and religious liberty and happiness, than most of the other States; and are still, as a body, warm friends to good order in church and state. Some instances to the contrary, doubtless, there are, which call for attention and vigilance from the friends of government.

And, happy am I to congratulate you, my hearers, on this annual return of the day of liberty and freedom, a day, on which, we have opportunity to testify to the world, our abhorrence of men and measures which, tend to deprive us of the civil and religious liberty, handed down from our ancestors. – According to the civil constitution of this State, which, we believe, is an ordinance of God, we have both right and opportunity to chose the Executive and Legislative branches of our government. This liberty is a great and high privilege: may we honor God, and act worthy of our freedom.

Government, as we have heard, is an ordinance of God, and tends to promote the natural, moral, civil and religious good of the community. Under an energetic government, life and property are safe – vice hides her head – virtue triumphs – justice and honesty are maintained, and the religion of Jesus Christ is befriended. Thus, peace and good order are supported, religion flourishes, heaven smiles, and we are blessed. (5) How important then is it, that we use our liberty this day, in appointing and choosing such men to the civil department, as fear God and work righteousness?

It is not a matter of indifference, what characters we choose to office: all will not make Ministers of God for good. – Let it be remembered, that there are but two leading principles in the universe, godliness, and selfishness. The former, is universal benevolence; the latter, is universal malevolence: they are diametrically opposite to each other. Would we have a good and peaceable government, we must have godly men at the helm: (2) men that fear God and love the public good. Selfish men are no friends to God, nor to their fellow creatures: self, like the rave, swallows up everything. The nearest relations – the dearest connections – and the greatest public good are as stubble, when they stand in competition with self. So speaks Dr. Watts:

O cursed idol self!
The wretch that worships the would dare to tread
To ‘scape a rising wave when seas the land invade.
To gain the safety of some higher ground,
He’d trample down the dikes that fence his country round
Amid’st a general flood, and leave a nation drown’d.

In perfect agreement with this sentiment, and with common experience is St. Paul’s observation to Timothy – Know this also, that in the last days perilous times shall come: for men shall be lovers of their own selves. This, the Apostle said would be the character of these last days – men would be lovers of their own selves – destitute of love to God, and of benevolence toward man. All public spirit would be lost in the insatiable abyss of self. Hence the times would be perilous; men would not know whom to trust; and were sure to be ruined, if power should get into the hands of such characters. This is evident from his description of these selfish men. They would be covetous, boasters, proud, blasphemers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, unholy, without natural affection, trucebrakers, i.e. no bonds, covenants or agreements would hold them against self-interest, false accusers, the original is devils like satan, they would accuse and distress the righteous; incontinent, i.e. intemperate; fierce dispisers, i.e. haters of them that are good, traitors, heady, high minded, i.e. inflated, blown up like empty bladders; lovers of pleasures more than lovers of God. As the apostle expressed all these descriptions of selfish men, by the term, lovers of their own selves: so he summed up their practices, as covered with hypocrisy – having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof. Such characters will put on a form – an outward show of religion to deceive people, and hoist themselves into office, and places of honor, trust and profit; and then, kick down the ladder by which they had risen. From such turn away, have nothing to do with them.

Do we desire a government that God will own and bless, we must make choice of rulers, that are friends to him and his cause. Has God a church on earth, and will he take his church to heaven; then such as ridicule religion, and scoff at professors – such as oppose church discipline and order, endeavoring to sink the church into the state governments, and to put down pulpits and ministers, are no friends to God and his cause — they are lovers of their own selves. (3) They will never serve the public good, any further, than self-interest shall compel them: and will always lie open to bribery, corruption and venality. Remember, my fellow citizens, the schemes and plans of selfish men, are the ways of wicked and evil men: avoid them, pass not by them, turn from them, and pass away. (2)

That there are such base characters in the union, is too evident: but I hope, and believe, that in Connecticut, they do not greatly abound; and am happy to understand, that in this town, it is by no means a general thing — as yet, you are strongly attached to your steady habits. Some good and worthy men, doubtless, are deluded and deceived by the vailed measures of selfish men. — What I have said is not to reflect on any; but to excite all to stand on their guard against designing men, and honestly, to support the cause of religion, morals and good government.

At a time like the present, when many are casting off moral and civil restraint, it peculiarly concerns the friends of good order to come forward, in their several stations, and maintain that civil liberty, which is God’s ordinance for good. If the friends of good order, neglect their feats and duty; depend on it, the enemies of government will be there and fill the offices with their own creatures. (2 3.) If we neglect the right of choosing our representatives and civil officers we dishonor God, and despise our civil birthright; and may thank ourselves for bad laws, or, at least, for the want of good ones, and good government.

And as we may not neglect, so neither may we misuse our liberty. It is not sufficient that we choose men to fill the civil departments, but we must be careful to choose men fit to be there; men, who have both will and ability to be Ministers of God for good.

As we must avoid the vain, the simple, and the ignorant; so must we reject impious, immoral, selfish, intriguing, party-making, honor-hunting, double-faced, and double-tongued men: the former cannot, and the latter will not honor their office, glorify God, and benefit the public.

Let us remember my fellow citizens, that we are accountable to God, to the present and future generations, for the use of our liberty this day. God’s glory, public good, and private happiness are depending on the choice of officers we shall make. And, to press our duty still closer on our consciences, let us remember the solemn oath we have taken in the presence of God, and of each other, that to the best of our ability, we will use our liberty, as not abusing it. With these impressions on our minds, let us apply to the throne of grace for necessary light and assistance; and so enter on the duties before us. And may God grant, that we shall honestly give our votes for such men, as in our consciences, we believe will best subserve God’s glory, and the public good. Amen. (7)

 

AN APPENDIX
Containing several extracts, verbatim, from Gen. William Hart’s Letter to the Rev. Richard Ely, with reference to the foregoing sermon — Dated 12th April, 1803.

(1) The sermon or rather declamation may be termed, from the bitterness and virulence it contained, a violent philippie and a libel on the administration of your country.

(2) What was the evident drift and design of this party-colored sermon? If those who heard it may judge, it was calculated to undermine our national government and administration, by weakening the confidence of the people in it; and that the Freemen must not choose such men to office as were professedly its supporters.

(3) It was calculated to hurt the reputations and wound the feelings of all those who wished to aid and assist in the support of our executive government, and who are all firm and tried friends to this State in which we live, — by imputing to them the worst principles, and the vilest motives; those of a design to pull down and destroy both church and state, and fill the earth with general confusion and anarchy.

(4) The text chosen contained inunctions of obedience to rulers and to the constituted authorities, and yet he scandalized our national rulers, by indirectly imputing to them a vain philosophy and demoralizing principles, overlooking at same time that obedience to rulers which is their due.

(5) What did he think of his hearers when he was enforcing the principles of an energetic and arbitrary government? Did he suppose them to be as ignorant and stupid as himself? Observe his word, “that men opposed to an energetic government are a curse to community” — I believe that no intelligent man could form any other idea from it, than a dislike to our republican government and wish to introduce an aristocracy or a monarchy.

(6) Observe his words as he goes on, when alluding to republicanism, “that where it had prevailed in any of the Stats, confusion had succeeded, and that in one of the States, they are in total confusion.” This is without foundation and not true. We know of no State in the union, where confusion either totally or partially prevails.

(7) In short, sir, we consider this attack on our characters and political sentiments and privileges, as a flagrant insult on our understandings and feelings as men, as Christians and as members of society.

 


Endnotes

1 The author purposed to have omitted this sentence in the delivery; but happening to fall upon it before he recollected himself, he thought fit to let it pass. – This whole paragraph is verbatim as it was delivered. (6)

Sermon – Sabbath Day – 1803

Joseph Lathrop (1731-1820) Biography:

Lathrop was born in Norwich, Connecticut. After graduating from Yale, he took a teaching position at a grammar school in Springfield, Massachusetts, where he also began studying theology. Two years after leaving Yale, he was ordained as the pastor of the Congregational Church in West Springfield, Massachusetts. He remained there until his death in 1820, in the 65th year of his ministry. During his career, he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity from both Yale and Harvard. He was even offered the Professorship of Divinity at Yale, but he declined the offer. Many of his sermons were published in a seven-volume set over the course of twenty-five years.

Following are two sermons preached by Lathrop on two separate Sabbath days. Both of these sermons were based on Revelation 1:10.


sermon-sabbath-day-1803

T
TWO
SERMONS,

On The

Christian Sabbath,

For Distribution

In The New Settlements

Of The

UNITED STATES.

By JOSEPH LATHROP, D. D.
Pastor of the first Church in West-Springfield.

ON THE CHRISTIAN SABBATH.SERMON I.
Revelation I. 10.
I was in the Spirit on the Lord’s Day.

The Apostle John was one of those, who by their doctrine and works bare testimony to the resurrection and divinity of Jesus Christ. For this testimony, he was banished by the Roman Emperor to an island called Patmos, a dreary, uninhabited island in the Archipelago, which is a part of the Mediterranean sea.

As his crime was preaching the gospel of Christ, his persecutor chose to send him into a solitary and desolate place, where he would have no opportunity to propagate his religion. But no solitude could exclude him from communion with God—no artifice of man could defeat the purpose of heaven. Here was communicated to him, in vision, that wonderful revelation, which contains a prophetic series of events, from that time to the end of the world, and which, in every age, is a standing demonstration of the truth of the glorious gospel of Christ. ‘The testimony of Jesus is the Spirit of prophecy.’

John makes particular mention of the day, on which he received the divine communication. ‘I was in the Spirit on the Lord’s Day.’

The churches, to whom he wrote, knew and observed this day. He named it to them to shew, that their Lord had put a distinguished honor upon it, and that they were bound to keep it holy in honor and obedience to him. On this day John was in the Spirit. Being engaged in the exercises of piety and devotion, he enjoyed that high communion with God, which, at other times, he had seldom known. By a pious observance of God’s consecrated day he could have communion with him in a wilderness.

We will here consider the day, which is distinguished by the name of the Lord’s day—the manner in which the holy apostle was employed on this day—and the advantage, which he found in his employment.

We will then attend to the instructions, which may be collected from our subject.

I. We observe, first, that the apostle speaks of a certain day, distinguished from all others by the name of the Lord’s day.

As he was writing to Christian churches, and expressly to the churches in Asia, he undoubtedly called the day by a name, which was then common and familiar among Christians. We may therefore conclude, that there was a certain day, which, in the apostles’ times, was known and observed in all the churches, as eminently and peculiarly the Lord’s day. And this must be the first day of the week, the day on which the Lord arose from the dead; for no other day is mentioned in the New Testament, as in any respect distinguished among Christians from other days, or as entitled to the peculiar honor of being called by this name.

As the sacrament of the supper, which was instituted in remembrance of Christ’s death, is called the Lord’s Supper; so the day on which he arose from the dead is called the Lord’s day. As the supper is distinguished from all other festivals by the express institution of Christ, and by his express command to observe it in remembrance of his death; so the day of his resurrection is distinguished from all other days by this great and important event, and sequestered by his authority as a day of religious worship among Christians, that this interesting event might the better be kept in remembrance. There is the same reason, why Christians should have a standing memorial of his resurrection as of his death. The supper is the memorial of the one; the Christian Sabbath is the memorial of the other. And this is called the Lord’s day, for the same reason, as that is called the Lord’s Supper.

The name seems to be taken from the 24th verse of the 188th Psalm, where David, speaking prophetically of Christ’s resurrection, says, ‘I will praise thee, for thou art become my salvation. The stone, which the builders refused, is become the head of the corner. This is the Lord’s doing, and it is marvelous in our eyes. This is the day, which the Lord hath made; we will rejoice in it, and be glad.’ Here is a plain intimation, that the day, on which the marvelous work of Christ’s resurrection should be accomplished—the day, when the stone rejected by the builders should be made the head of the corner, would be consecrated for, and observed by the church, as eminently the Lord’s day—the day which he had made in a peculiar sense—had dignified by his resurrection, and appointed by his authority for religious worship.

And we find in fact, that this day, immediately and constantly, after our Lord’s resurrection, was observed among his disciples as a day sacred to piety and devotion. And the observance of it was doubtless in compliance with the previous instructions of him, who is Lord of the Sabbath; otherwise we can hardly suppose, it would have begun so soon, and prevailed so generally, as it appears to have done.

The apostle John, in his gospel, tells us, that Jesus rose from the dead early on the first day of the week. ‘And the same day, at evening, being the first day of the week, when the disciples were assembled together, came Jesus and stood in the midst of them, and said, Peace be unto you.’ And on the eighth day after this, when the disciples were again assembled together, came Jesus, as before, and stood in the midst of them.

There is certainly some reason, why these circumstances are so particularly remarked, once and again. And what could it be, but because this day was, in future, to be distinguished by the religious assemblies, of Christians, and the gracious presence of Christ in them?

We are told, in the history of the acts, that ‘when Paul and his company came to Troas,’ where was a Christian church, ‘they tarried there seven days; and on the first day of the week, when the disciples came together to break bread, Paul preached unto them, ready to depart on the morrow.’ And because this was the day, on which Christians statedly assembled for religious worship, Paul gives instructions to the churches of Corinth and Galatia, that, in order to prepare a collection for the suffering saints in Jerusalem, ‘every one, on the first day of the week, should lay by him in store, as God had prospered him.

This day was honored by the first remarkable effusion of the divine Spirit on the apostles of Christ, and the preachers of his Gospel; and by the first signal instance of the success of their preaching. ‘When the day of Pentecost was fully come, the disciples were all together with one accord.’ This is the same festival, which, in the law of Moses, is called the feast of weeks; i.e. of seven weeks, or one week multiplied into another, which make forty nine days. It was forty nine days after the second day of the Passover. Pentecost signifies the fiftieth. It is so called, because it was celebrated on the fiftieth day from the first day of the Passover. The first day of the Passover was the Jewish Sabbath; the fiftieth day from thence would be the first day of the week. On this day the disciples were all together. On this day Christ fulfilled the promise, which, before his ascension, he made to his disciples, that ‘they should be baptized with the Holy Ghost not many days hence.’ On this day Peter preached to the assembled Jews; and the word came with power and with the Holy Ghost. Multitudes were awakened and converted, and the same day there were added to the church three thousand souls.

In this chapter, which contains our text, we have another example to our purpose. John, in his vision, beheld the churches in Asia assembled, on the Lord’s day, for religious worship, and the Lord Jesus walking among them, to observe their order, to assist their pastors, and to impart his grace. He says, ‘I was in the spirit on the Lord’s day. And I heard behind me a great voice, saying, I am the First, and the Last. And what thou seest write in a book, and send to the seven churches which are in Asia. And being turned, I saw seven golden candlesticks, and in the midst of them one like the son of man—his eyes were as a flame of fire—and he had in his right hand seven stars.—The seven stars are the angels of the seven churches, and the seven candlesticks are the seven churches.’ This vision plainly instructs us, that the Lord’s day was the time, when the churches assembled for hearing the word—that on this day, their respective angels or pastors attended to preach the word to them—and that the Lord Jesus, in a peculiar manner, honoured this day by his gracious presence with his worshipping assemblies, & ministering servants.

These examples sufficiently demonstrate, that the churches, from the time of Christ’s resurrection, and during the life of the apostles, met for social devotion on the first day of the week, and that they did this with the approbation of him, who is Lord of the Sabbath, and in consequence of his institution.

We find, indeed, that Paul often went into synagogues to preach on the Jewish sabbath, or the seventh day of the week; for as this was the day, on which the Jews assembled for worship, it was the most favorable opportunity to preach the gospel to them. But wherever Christian churches were established the first day of the week was invariably observed as sacred time. This was the day on which they met together to hear the word, break bread, and unite in prayer and praise.

That a seventh part of time should be sequestered for the purposes of piety and devotion was a law as early as the creation of man. ‘On the seventh day God ended his work, which he had made; and he blessed the seventh day and sanctified it.’ This law is not only recorded by Moses for the Jews, but seems to have been conveyed to other nations, by tradition. How else should it be, that nations, which had no knowledge of, or paid no respect to the mosaic law, should think of dividing their time into periods of seven days? Periods of years are naturally marked by the declinations of the sun: periods of months are also marked by the changes of the moon: periods of days are marked by the vicissitudes of light and darkness. We easily see, how mankind came to agree in these divisions of time. But how came they to think of these septenary [seven] periods of days? Doubtless they were taught, from the beginning, to reverence one day in seven as consecrated to God.

The sons of Adam had their stated seasons of worship. These were probably at the end of the days appointed for labor. ‘Abel was a keeper of sheep, and Cain was a tiller of the ground.’ They both were employed in secular occupations. ‘And in process of time;’ or, as the margin reads, agreeably to the original, ‘at the end of the days, they brought the one of the fruit of his ground, and the other of the firstlings of his flock, an offering unto the Lord.’

Noah, after the ark had rested, constantly observed periods of seven days in sending forth his doves, to discover whether the waters of the flood were abated.

The Jews, in the wilderness, before the law was given from Sinai, observed one day in seven, as a holy Sabbath; and God, by withholding the manna on a certain day, pointed out this, as the day of rest. Moses, by God’s direction, says to the people on the sixth day, ‘Tomorrow is the rest of the holy Sabbath. Six days ye shall gather the manna; but on the seventh, which is the Sabbath, there shall be none.’

When the law was given, there was placed among the moral precepts, a command to observe a seventh part of time as holy to God. This with the others, was spoken by the voice of God to the people, and written with the finger of God on a table of stone, and deposited by the order of God in the ark of the covenant. These circumstances plainly indicate its moral and perpetual obligation.

The contempt of the Sabbath is in scripture ranked with idolatry, and other gross corruptions and immoralities; for it always was followed with a general depravation of sentiments and manners. One reason, why the Jews were to observe the Sabbath, was that they might not be seduced to idolatry: And one reason, why Christians are not to forsake the assembling of themselves together on the Lord’s day is, that they may hold fast the profession of their faith.

The prophets, in their reproofs and exhortations to the Jews, lay particular weight on the religious observance of the Sabbath, and distinguish this from all ceremonial observances. This they urge, in degenerate times, as the first step to a reformation, and a principal mean of national virtue, security and happiness: And the judgments which befell that nation are oftener ascribed to their profanation of God’s holy day, than to any other particular crime; for this was the source of all crimes.

If we believe, that there is one supreme God, who exercises a moral government in the world, we must believe, that we are bound to worship him. And if we believe, that we are made to subsist in a social connection, and to serve one another in the exercise of mutual benevolence; and that God extends his government to societies, as well as to individuals, then we must believe, that social worship is a moral duty. If we are to worship God in a social manner, there must be some fixed and known season for this purpose. And as mankind would not be likely to agree on the time, it is reasonable to expect, that God, in a revelation given to men, would appoint the time for them. Thus far the observance of a Sabbath is matter of moral obligation, as really as prayer, or praise, or any exercise of piety, justice or benevolence.

A seventh part of time seems to be a reasonable proportion for sacred use. Too frequent a return of holy time would exclude the necessary occupations of the world. Too long intervals would leave the pious sentiments awakened in our devout exercises to languish and expire. Tho’ we cannot say, that this is the only proportion, which would answer the purposes of piety, without intruding on the duties of common life, yet experience teaches us, that it is justly and wisely chosen. Which of the seven days should be consecrated to religion, in preference to the others, reason could form no judgment. This depends on positive institution, and belongs not at all to the morality of the command. And therefore, tho’ the Sabbath cannot be abolished, yet the day may be changed. From the time of the creation, there was a natural propriety in resting from the labors of life, on the day, on which the work of creation ceased, because this would aptly bring to mind that vast and stupendous work.

The deliverance of the Jews from the bondage of Egypt, was an event, in which that nation were deeply interested, and which, in all generations, they ought thankfully to commemorate. Therefore the renovation of the ancient institution, so far as it peculiarly respected them, had a special reference to this deliverance; and their observance of the Sabbath is urged by this, in addition to other arguments. ‘Keep the Sabbath day, and sanctify it, as the Lord hath commanded thee—Remember, that thou waft a bondman in the land of Egypt, and that the Lord brought thee out thence with a mighty hand; therefore he commanded thee to keep the Sabbath day.’

The Jewish Sabbath was appointed to be on the day of this deliverance. Thus it would be a mere pertinent commemoration of it. The resurrection of Christ, by which he finished the work of our redemption, was an event far more grand, interesting and glorious. Hence there was a manifest propriety in setting apart that day of the week, on which he arose, to be observed in perpetual remembrance of this event. This was eminently the Lord’s day; and as such it was revered and observed in all churches of the saints.

We proposed to shew,

II. How John was employed on this sacred day. It appears from the text, and the words connected with it, that he spent this, and doubtless other Lord’s days, in the exercises of religious worship.

As he was confined to a place uninhabited, he had no opportunity to join in those social devotions, which were a usual part of the business of the Lord’s day among the early Christians. But he did not forget the day, when it returned. He remembered it in distinction from all other days, and spent it, as far as he was able, in conformity to the sacred design of its institution. He did not give himself to indolence and slumber, as if there were nothing to be done; but implied in the expression, I was in the Spirit. He had a vision of the assembled churches, and of Jesus walking in the midst of them. He attended to the instructions given him by Christ relative to the work which he had to perform, particularly to the admonitions, which he was to send to the churches in Asia. Not able to go and preach to them in person, he employed the day in writing letters of reproof, instruction, and consolation, that they might know what the Spirit said to them.

It was by humble prayer, that the prophets of old were prepared to receive the visions of God. Daniel, before he was made acquainted with the great designs of providence concerning the church, set himself to search the word of God, and to seek light and direction from him by earnest supplication. The visions, which he has recorded, were made to him in consequence of fasting and prayer and reading the books of former prophets. In like manner John was prepared for the discoveries made to him. He remembered the Lord’s day. He gave himself to meditation and prayer, and doubtless also to reading the prophets; for from them he has taken many of the expressions, and most of the figurative descriptions, which we find in this book. While he was seeking divine grace, light and comfort in these devout exercises of the Lord’s day, the heavenly communications were made to him.

This leads us to consider.

III. The benefit, which the apostle found, in attending on the duties of the Lord’s day.

He says, I was in the Spirit. This phrase especially intends the communication of the Spirit of prophecy, as appears from the following description of the vision presented to him. The phrase is again used in the same manner in the 4th chapter. The expression, in this high sense, is applicable only to the prophets of God. But there is a sense in which it may be applied to every pious and humble Christian. As there was an extraordinary operation of the Spirit, peculiar to the prophetic and apostolic ages, so there is an ordinary influence, common to all ages of the church.

The Spirit of God is represented as dwelling in the hearts of true believers, to sanctify them more and more from sin, to assist them in prayer, to strengthen them in duty, to comfort them in trouble, to succor them in temptations, and to seal them unto the day of redemption. And in regard of these gracious influences, they are said to be in the Spirit. The apostle says to the Romans, ‘ye are not in the flesh, but in the Spirit, if so be that the Spirit of God dwell in you. If any man have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his.’

The Lord’s day is the time, when Christians most eminently experience the communication of the Spirit; for the word and ordinances administered on this day, are the means by which God imparts his grace to humble souls; and it is in a diligent attendance on these means, that they are to hope for his grace.

God promised of old, ‘In every place, where I record my name, I will come unto you and bless you.’ Similar to this is the promise of our Savior; ‘Where two or three are gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them.’ It is by an attendance on the instituted duties of the sanctuary, that Christians increase in knowledge and holiness, have their doubts removed and their darkness dispelled, and feel their virtuous resolutions animated and confirmed. Christ gave pastors and teachers for the edifying of his body, that all might come to perfect men in him.

We may add farther: The conviction and conversion of sinners are, in scripture, ascribed to the Spirit of God. The preaching of the word is the ordinary mean of conversion: but it is by concurrent divine influence, that the word becomes effectual to this end. The sinner, therefore, awakened to a sense of sin, convinced of his danger, and ‘framing his ways to turn unto God,’ may be said to be in the Spirit—to be a subject of divine operation. As God is pleased ordinarily to grant his spirit in the use of those means, which are to be statedly enjoyed on the Lord’s day, so this is the season, when sinners have most reason to hope for the effectual working of God’s power in their souls. Lydia’s heart was opened, while she was hearing the word. It was on the day of Pentecost, while Peter was preaching, that the multitude were pricked in their hearts. It was when this apostle was speaking the word to Cornelius and his friends, that the Holy Ghost fell on them. The Galations received the spirit in the hearing of faith. As the word of God is the appointed mean of obtaining the Spirit, and as the Lord’s day is the appointed season of hearing the word, so this is the time, when we are most likely to receive the heavenly gift. Therefore seek the Lord, while he may be found; call upon him when he is near. Ask and ye shall receive; for he gives his Spirit to them who ask him.

 

center>SERMON II.

Revelation I. 10.
I was in the Spirit on the Lord’s Day.

The Christian Sabbath, or the first day of the week, is here called, the Lord’s day; it being the day, on which he arose from the dead, and which he appointed to be observed among Christians, as a season of religious worship.

On this day John was employed in such exercises of piety and devotion, as were suited to his solitary condition, and to the general state of the church, whose prosperity lay with weight on his mind.

Being thus employed, he received some special communications of the divine Spirit. He had a view of the blessed Jesus in his exalted glory—a view of resembling, but far surpassing that which he formerly had, when he was with him on the mount. And he had also a discovery of the great designs of providence with regard to the church, from that time to the end of the world. The Spirit of revelation and prophecy, which John enjoyed on the Lord’s day, was peculiar to the times of inspiration. But there is an influence of the Spirit common to all ages. And this we may hope to obtain by our attendance on the institutions of the gospel on the appointed day. Christians on this day may receive the sanctifying and comforting presence of the Spirit; and sinners may hope to become the subjects of his convincing and converting power.

On these thoughts we enlarged in our preceding discourse.

I shall now call your attention to the reflections and inferences, which naturally result from our subject.

I. As a day has been set apart by divine authority for the commemoration of Christ’s death and resurrection; we may hence conclude, that these were events vastly important to mankind, and worthy to be remembered in all ages of the world. If Jesus had been only a common man, and his death and resurrection uninteresting occurrences, a day would not have been sequestered to perpetuate the remembrance of them.

Moses, the great lawgiver of the Jewish nation, was deservedly held in high estimation among them for his institutions and miracles, virtues and self denials. But lest a superstitious veneration should be paid to him, his burial was so ordered in providence, that the place of it was utterly unknown.

Next to Moses, Elijah was a man of most distinguished eminence among the Jews. He restored to its primitive purity the divine law, which had been corrupted by the intermixture of pagan rites. He performed many surprising miracles. He acted in the cause of religion, with a warm and animated zeal. He encountered opposition, and endured affliction, with singular fortitude and patience. To reward his great piety and patriotism, and to prevent a superstitious remembrance of him, he was translated to heaven, and exempted from death.

No day was sequestered, nor form of worship instituted in memory of these high and distinguished characters; but, on the contrary, particular care was taken, that nothing like religious veneration should be paid to their names. A grateful remembrance is due to publick benefactors; but no festivals have ever been divinely instituted in honor of their persons, or in memory of their services. Certainly then we must conclude, that Jesus Christ is a character superior to all human characters; and that his death and resurrection are events, in which mankind are more interested, than in any other event, which has taken place in the world.

A day was set apart in commemoration of the creation. An additional reason for the religious observance of a Sabbath among the Jews, was their glorious deliverance from the bondage of Egypt. The former was a work worthy to be commemorated by all mankind. The latter was an event peculiarly deserving of a grateful remembrance among the Jews. But when the Redeemer died on the cross, and rose again from the dead, another day was appointed, instead of the former, to celebrate the wonders of his redemption. We may then conclude, that redemption is a work more worthy of our remembrance, than creation itself. Creation has given us a rational existence: Redemption has procured for us a happy immortality. If positive happiness is of more value, than bare existence, we are more indebted to divine goodness for the work of redemption, than for that of creation.

The superstition of heathens has deified certain heroes and conquerors; and the superstition of some nominal Christians has canonized particular saints, and appointed days for the celebration of their virtues and works; but divine institution has honored with this distinction none but our glorious Redeemer, the Lord Jesus Christ. To him, in the religious observance of his day, let us devoutly pay the honor due to his merits.

II. Our subject teaches us, that it is the indispensible duty of all Christians, living within a convenient vicinity, to associate for the maintenance of, and an attendance upon the instituted worship of God. The appointment of a particular day for this object bespeaks its solemn importance.

The Jews, on their Sabbath, were to have a holy convocation. The early Christians, on the Lord’s day, came together to break bread, hear the word, and unite in prayers and praises. The believers in Corinth are said to have met together in one place. The Hebrew Christians are cautioned, not to forsake their religious assemblies. In the several provinces of Asia, there were distinct churches, and each church had its fixed pastor. To the pastors John directs his epistles, to be by them communicated to the people of their respective charges. Wherever the apostles found a number of believers, so situated that they could assemble together, they collected them into a church; and in every church they ordained an elder. They never allowed Christians to live in a disconnected state, nor churches to continue without a pastor.

Their example teaches Christians their duty in all ages. They are bound to associate for the maintenance of divine worship, and to procure them pious and able ministers, who may statedly preside in their religious solemnities. And every Christian, as he has opportunity, is bound to join himself to some such society, for his own and the common edification. No man has a right to live unconnected with the church; and no church has a right to continue destitute of a pastor. These are not matters of human option, but divine injunction. As Christ has purchased the church with his blood, instituted social worship in it, given pastors and teachers for its edification, and appointed a day, in which it shall statedly assemble, they who voluntarily, or negligently continue without a minister, without stated worship, and without the observance of the Lord’s day, live in plain disobedience to his authority, and in open contempt of his grace and love.

We see, then that they who change the place of their worldly habitation, should keep in view the worship of God. Men have a right to alter their situation, when they think they can mend it; to sell one inheritance and purchase another, when they reasonably expect to meliorate their condition. But in all their removes they should preserve a regard to divine worship, should either go to places where it is enjoyed, or speedily seek the enjoyment of it where they go. This was the temper of the Psalmist; ‘God shall choose our inheritance for us, even the excellency of Jacob, which he loved.’ This excellency or glory of Jacob, was the sanctuary, which God had ordained, and the worship, which he had instituted. The Psalmist refers it to Providence to choose for him his earthly inheritance; but with this humble and pious reserve, that it might be in a place, where God was known and worshipped. ‘This one thing he desired of the Lord, and this he sought after, that he might dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of his life, to behold the beauty of the Lord, and to enquire at his temple.’ This privilege, has so near a connection with the existence of religion, and with the hope of Salvation, that a pious man, sooner than part with it, will forego every worldly interest.

III. Our subject teaches us the importance of attending on divine institutions. It is thus that we are to obtain the Spirit.

We are dependent on God in the concerns of religion, as well as in those of common life. Of ourselves, without the grace of God, we are no more sufficient to effect our preparation for heaven, than, without the blessing of his providence, we are sufficient to procure our daily bread. But his grace no more supersedes our labors in the former case, than his providence excludes our diligence in the latter. To obtain the blessing of his providence on our husbandry, we must apply the means which nature and experience point out. To obtain the influence of his Spirit in the work of our Salvation, we must apply the means, which his word prescribes. The Sabbath, the preaching of the gospel, joint prayer, and social worship are institutions of God; and, while we enjoy them, we are to expect his blessing only in the use of them.

God doubtless could grant his Spirit independently of these means; nor will we presume to say, how far his grace may interpose in behalf of some, to whom these means are denied. But we, who enjoy them, cannot expect his blessing in the neglect of them. God could reveal to every mortal the gospel scheme, as easily as he revealed it to the apostles; and he could form men’s hearts to embrace it by his immediate energy, as well as by the intervention of external means. But this is not the way in which he has chosen to deal with us. He has given us a written revelation—he has appointed teachers to open the doctrines, and inculcate the precepts contained in this revelation. And he grants his Spirit in the hearing of faith. ‘Faith comes by hearing, and hearing by the word of God.’

God will not do that for men immediately, which they are capable of obtaining in the use of the means which he has given them.

When there was no written revelation, God often communicated his will to men in an immediate way. As the written revelation began to appear, these immediate communications became less frequent. And when revelation was complete, they wholly ceased.

When Saul of Tarsus, who made havock of the church, was on his way to Damascus, with a commission to destroy the Christians there, Jesus, that he might bring the persecutor to a conviction of his madness, spake to him by a voice from heaven, and made himself known to him as the Savior whom he was persecuting. Saul now enquired, ‘Lord, what will thou have me to do?’ Jesus could as easily have instructed him in his future duty, as have spoken what he had already. But that was not necessary. There were other means of information within Saul’s reach. Jesus therefore says to him, ‘Go into the city, and it shall be told thee what thou must do!’ He obeyed; and Ananias was sent to instruct him.

When the devout Gentile Cornelius prayed in his house, his prayer rose up before God, and an angel was sent to tell him, where he might find an apostle, who could instruct him in the way of salvation. God could as easily have taught Cornelius by inspiration, as have taught the apostles. And the angel, if such had been his orders, might as well have given him instruction on this subject, as have directed him to send for Peter. But God will have his institutions honored. He would not by inspiration, or by a message from heaven, teach this Gentile the things, which he could learn by applying to a minister of Christ. Cornelius could not, by his own reason, investigate the way of salvation. But he could send for Peter; hear the apostle when he came; and understand what he said. Had he refused to apply to Peter, or to hear him preach, his inability to find out the way of salvation, would have been no excuse for his ignorance.

Farther: The gospel teaches us, that we are saved, not of ourselves, but by the grace of God. A doctrine worthy of all acceptation; but no way tending to encourage indolence.

Salvation is the purchase of Christ. In this view it is wholly his own work, we have nothing to do in it. It is the gift of God: We can do no more to deserve it for ourselves, than we have done to purchase it for the world. The gospel teaches us the way of salvation: Had we not been taught the way, we never could have found it. Repentance is the condition of pardon; and to this divine grace is necessary. Thus all things are of God.

But then we are rational beings—there are means put into our hands—and with the means God often gives some attendant influence of his Spirit; for the gospel is called a ministration of the Spirit. The means afforded us we must apply to the purpose for which they were appointed. Thus we are to hope for God’s blessing. ‘To him who hath, shall more be given.’ If we neglect the plain institutions of God, despise his word and worship, and profane his day, there is no ground to expect, that his spirit will be given us; for there is no encouragement in scripture, that it will be given us; for there is no encouragement in scripture, that it will be given in this way.

IV. Our subject farther teaches us, that the Lord’s day is a season peculiarly favorable to the purpose of religion.

On this day John was in the spirit. He certainly had some good reason for informing the churches of this circumstance. And what could it be, but to recommend to them the religious observance of the day, as a mean of obtaining the spirit.

The churches, to whom he wrote, were generally fallen from their first purity. The purport of his letters was to reprove them for their declensions, and exhort them to repentance. He tells them that what he wrote was dictated by the spirit of Christ, and that he received the spirit on the Lord’s day—that on this day Christ walks in the midst of his churches, and that if they would receive his spirit, they must meet him in his sanctuary, where he walks.

Here is a plain intimation, that the declension of religion among them had been owing to a neglect of the Christian Sabbath; and that the revival of religion would depend on a more strict observance of that day.

It appears from John’s letters to some of these churches, that their declension had been caused, in a great measure, by the influence of certain irregular teachers, who, under false pretensions, had gained admission among them, disturbed their order, and corrupted their sentiments. It is common, that such teachers divert men from the stated worship of the Lord’s day, by substituting other times of worship in its place. John would have Christians strictly attend to the instituted worship of the holy Sabbath. He suggests to them, that the day of the Lord was the season, and his ordinances were the means of obtaining his grace. Christians must be builded together for an habitation of God thro’ the spirit, and by peace and union in sacred duties grow into an holy temple in the Lord.

Other days, besides the Sabbath, are sometimes pointed out in providence, and may be usefully employed for the purpose of social worship. But occasional seasons must never supplement the Lord’s day. When this is the case, they rather obstruct, than promote religion. An attendance on occasional worship is a matter of Christian prudence; an attendance on the stated worship of the Sabbath is matter of divine requirement and moral obligation. Paul, when necessity required, taught out of season, as well as in season; and from house to house, as well as publickly. Thus he did in Ephesus, when the gospel was first introduced there. But seasonable and publick teaching he preferred. At Troas he waited seven days for the return of the Lord’s day, when the disciples would of course come together. Other seasons, prudently chosen, may be useful; but on this day we have most reason to expect God’s blessing. If we wish for the power of religion in our own hearts, and the promotion of it among others, we must honor this day.

V. We are taught, that, under ordinary circumstances, we cannot be excused from the duties of the Sabbath. John, even in a state of banishment and solitude, found something to do.

As social worship is an institution of God, every one, as there is opportunity, is bound to attend upon it. This however, is not the only duty of the Lord’s day. There are other more private exercises, which belong to it. It is to be ‘a Sabbath to the Lord in our dwellings.’ We are to ‘call the holy of the Lord honorable, and to honor him, not doing our own ways, nor finding our own pleasure, nor speaking our own words.’ We are to withdraw ourselves from the cares and occupations of the world, and employ our private hours in meditation, self examination and prayer, and in profitable conversation and reading—in exercises adapted to promote personal piety, and in instructions suited to advance family religion.

VI. We are here farther instructed, that we ought to improve the Lord’s day with an aim and desire to obtain the Spirit in those gracious influences, which are suited to our condition and character. We should come to God’s house hoping that we may receive a word in season, and that the word may be attended with the holy Ghost and with power.

Sinners should desire the convincing and converting influences of the Spirit. In hearing the word, the Jews, at the feast of Pentecost, were pricked in the heart. The Lord’s day is the time in which, and the preached word is the mean by which the Spirit usually convinces sinners, and begins a good work in them. The stated exercises of the Sabbath are indeed sometimes the means of conviction to those, who had no such aim in attending on them. The Jews, on the day of Pentecost, received lasting benefit from a gospel sermon, which they had no previous intention or desire to hear. But where any serious disposition already exists, there is still greater hope of spiritual benefit. If then you view yourselves as being in a state of unpardoned guilt, and feel any solicitude to be delivered from this state, attend on the publick solemnities of the sanctuary, give earnest heed to the things which you hear, apply to yourselves what is pertinent to your case, and pray for the Spirit to impress it deeply on your hearts. And let the serious sentiments, awakened in hearing the word, accompany you in the ordinary business of life. Take heed, that the affairs of the world extinguish not your Sabbath feelings; but let your better frames govern you in your worldly labors, and restrain your worldly affections.

If you are in affliction, go to God’s house with a desire to hear some instructive and consoling truths adapted to your case, and with these to receive the guiding and supporting influences of that Spirit, who is called the comforter. David, in the house of his pilgrimage, made God’s statutes his song. He confessed that, unless God’s law had been his delight, he should have perished in his affliction.’ Asaph in his perplexities went to God’s sanctuary, and there found relief. Hannah, in the bitterness of her spirit, repaired to the temple of God, and there poured out her soul before him. ‘And she went her way, and her countenance was no more sad.’

If you view yourselves as saints, so improve the Lord’s day, that it may be a mean of rendering you more holy and heavenly. Seek a greater measure of the Spirit’s sanctifying influence.

To be in the Spirit, is to possess and exercise that temper which is the fruit of the Spirit. ‘This is in all goodness, righteousness and truth.’ We are in the Spirit, when the Spirit awakens into exercise those pious and benevolent dispositions, in which the religion of the gospel consists.

We are especially required to exercise these graces in the publick solemnities of the Lord’s day, prayer, praise, and hearing the word. Al these things are to be done with charity, meekness and humility. When we stand praying, we are to forgive, if we have ought against any man. We are to sing praises with grace in our hearts, with thankfulness to God, and peaceableness and benevolence to men. In hearing the word we are to lay aside all malice, envy, guile and hypocrisy, and receive with meekness the engrafted word, that it may save our souls. When we thus worship God on the Lord’s day, we may be said, to be in the Spirit, for we have those tempers, which are the fruits of the Spirit.

But let us not imagine, that these goodly frames are required only on the Lord’s day—that if we are serious, grave and devout then, we may indulge our passions, and live to the world every day besides. The religious exercises of the Lord’s day are instituted to make us constantly and habitually pious and holy.

We are to be in the spirit on this day, that we may walk in the spirit every day. We are to forgive, when we stand praying—to have the peace of God in our hearts, when we are singing—to put on humility and meekness, when we are hearing, that we may be always of a meek, humble, peaceable and forgiving temper. If such a temper is right in the duties of devotion, it is right also in the duties of common life. In vain we pretend, that we are in the spirit of Christ on his day, if we are in the spirit of the world on all other days. Let us, therefore, at all times, put on humbleness of mind, meekness, goodness and love, which are the fruits of the spirit. Thus it will appear, that we have not received the spirit of the world, but the spirit, which is of God, and tht we know the things, which are freely given us of God.

CONCLUSION.
Our subject may with great propriety, be applied to the people dispersed in the wilderness, and in the new settlements, for whose benefit the publication of it is principally intended.

To you, our friends and brethren, we address our affectionate advice.

In regard to your own, and your children’s worldly interest, you have removed to a distance from us. But we hope, you have carried with you those sentiments of regard for the gospel and the day of our Lord, which you entertained while you were among us. And we entreat you not to forget them, nor suffer them to languish in your hearts.

Pay an early attention to the enjoyment of the gospel ministry in the places where you are. Let not the paucity of your numbers, or the poverty of your condition plead for too long a delay, lest your children, growing up unaccustomed to this divine institution should contract an indifference to it; and even some, who are older, should, by long disuse, sink into habitual carelessness; and thus your difficulties, instead of being diminished by an increase of wealth and numbers, should be increased by the diminution of virtue and piety. For your encouragement, think of the example of the fathers of our country. In all their new plantations, one of the first objects was the enjoyment of gospel ordinances, and the settlement of an able minister. In their zeal they found ability; and God prospered them. For our present national happiness we are much indebted to their social spirit, love or order, attention to family education, and reverence for divine institutions.

Look to the example of the holy patriarchs. They were pilgrims in the world. But in all their peregrinations they shewed a governing regard to God and his worship. And wherever they made a stand, their first work was to erect an altar to God, at which they, and all, who accompanied them, might attend for social devotion. Thus they preserved religion in their own hearts, maintained it in their households; and recommended it to the people among whom they sojourned; and thus they obtained the promise of God’s blessing on their posterity.

As you have come from different parts to settle on the same ground, it is natural to expect, that there should be some diversity in your sentiments and usages. But let not this diversity obstruct your measures for obtaining religious order and a stated ministry. Avoid vain jangling and perverse disputing, and exercise yourselves to godliness. Distinguish between things essential, and things circumstantial in religion. A proper zeal for the former will always be accompanied with condescention in the latter. Exercise the same charity, humility and forbearance, which saint Paul inculcated, in his day, on the Jewish, and the Gentile believers; and you may, as they did, unite in the same church, and under the same ministry; for we trust, your differences are, in few instances, greater than were theirs. The rule which this apostle gives you is, that ‘you reject not those, whom God receives.’ This rule, well observed, will have a happy tendency to unite you.

While you are destitute of a stated ministry improve the means, which you have.

Attend on the missionaries, whom we send among you. We shall fend only such as can be well recommended—men duly authorized, and competently furnished for their mission—men of ability, learning and piety—men of pacific, candid and conciliating dispositions—men who will study to edify you in love, not to sow discord, and cause divisions among you.

If you have not a minister, yet forsake not the assembling of yourselves together. Statedly meet on the Lord’s day, join together in prayer, and let there be a portion of scripture, or some pious book read in your assemblies. Thus you will proote brotherly peace and love; thus you will cherish in youthful minds sentiments of reverence for religion, for the gospel, and for the Lord’s day.

On this day, forbear all unnecessary secular labor and worldly discourse, and restrain your children from diversion and amusement, and every thing inconsistent with its sacred design. Remember, how John kept the day in a wilderness. Let it be a Sabbath to God in your hearts, and in your dwellings.

Maintain daily religion in your families. Let your houses be houses of prayer. Let the Holy Scriptures be read in them. Train up your youth in the nurture and admonition of the Lord. Walk before them in a perfect way. Thus let there be a little church in every house; and soon there will be a house for God in every plantation, and his house will be filled.

Cultivate the spirit of religion in your hearts, and exhibit the virtues of it in your lives. Consider one another to provoke unto love and good works, and be fellow-workers to the kingdom of God.

We wish you health and prosperity; and, above all, that your souls may be in health and prosper. Great will be our joy, if we hear, that you and your children walk in the truth, the order and purity of the gospel.

How transporting to John, in the wilderness, must have been that vision, in which he saw, on the Lord’s day, the churches of the Redeemer assembled in their respective temples, to mingle hearts and voices, to offer joint prayers and praises, and to hear the glorious doctrine of salvation; and, at the same time, beheld the Lord Jesus, dressed in his robes of majesty and grace, walking among them to observe their order, diffuse his influence, bless his ordinances, and offer incense with the prayers of his saints? This nearly resembled his subsequent vision, in which he saw a door opened in heaven, a throne there placed, and saints and angels surrounding it with harps and songs, and giving glory and honor and thanks to him who sat upon it, and who lives for ever and ever.

A sight like this was enough to turn his wilderness into paradise—his Isle of Patmos into the Garden of Eden.

Could we see you, our brethren, who are scattered in the wilderness, every where gathering into churches, erecting sanctuaries for God, assembling in them on the Lord’s day, calling ministers of Christ to preside in your solemnities, walking together in purity, peace and love, and thus exhibiting a proof that the Lord is among you of a truth, we should feel a joy approaching toward that, which saint John must have felt; and our joy would be the joy of you all. May God pour down his spirit and blessing upon you from on high, and comfort all your desolate places; may he soon make your wilderness as Eden, and your desert as the garden of the Lord: may joy and gladness be found therein, thanksgiving and the voice of melody.

F I N I S.